---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 26 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 26. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 26. Book XXV · chapters 34–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26/#p-N

[¶0] 34.13. But while, so far as bursting through the Numidians and the light-armed auxiliaries as well was concerned, flight was not difficult, yet it was hardly possible for them to escape such numbers of horsemen and infantry who by their speed kept up with the horses.

> Latin: 34.13. fuga confestim ex acie duce amisso fieri coepta est; ceterum ut ad erumpendum inter Numidas leuiumque armorum alia auxilia haud difficilis erat, ita effugere tantum equitum aequantiumque equos uelocitate peditum uix poterant caesique prope plures in fuga quam in pugna sunt;

[¶1] 34.14. And almost more were slain in flight than in battle, nor would anyone have survived but for the coming on of night, as the day was now rapidly drawing to a close.

> Latin: 34.14. nec superfuisset quisquam ni praecipiti iam ad uesperum die nox interuenisset.

[¶2] 35.1. Then the Carthaginian generals directly after the battle, making no indifferent use of their success, barely allowed their soldiers necessary rest, and rushed their column with all speed in the direction of Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, with the certain hope that, when they should unite with him, the war could be finished.

> Latin: 35.1. haud segniter inde duces Poeni fortuna usi confestim e proelio, uix necessaria quiete data militibus ad Hasdrubalem Hamilcaris citatum agmen rapiunt non dubia spe, <si> se coniunxissent, debellari posse.

[¶3] 35.2. Upon their arrival there was great congratulation between the armies and generals rejoicing in the recent victory, since so great a general and his entire army had been destroyed, and they were looking for just such another victory as beyond question.

> Latin: 35.2. quo ubi est uentum, inter exercitus ducesque uictoria recenti laetos gratulatio ingens facta, imperatore tanto cum omni exercitu deleto et alteram pro haud dubia parem uictoriam exspectantes.

[¶4] 35.3. As for the Romans, not yet indeed had a report of the great disaster reached them, but there was a gloomy silence and an unexpressed foreboding, such as is usually the forecast of impending misfortune when men already have presentiments.

> Latin: 35.3. ad Romanos nondum quidem fama tantae cladis peruenerat, sed maestum quoddam silentium erat et tacita diuinatio, qualis iam praesagientibus animis imminentis mali esse solet.

[¶5] 35.4. The general himself, in addition to the knowledge that he had been deserted by his allies and that the enemy's forces had been so greatly increased, was more inclined by logical inference to suspect that a disaster had occurred than to entertain any good hope.

> Latin: 35.4. imperator ipse, praeterquam quod ab sociis se desertum, hostium tantum auctas copias sentiebat, coniectura etiam et ratione ad suspicionem acceptae cladis quam ad ullam bonam spem pronior erat:

[¶6] 35.5. For how, he thought, could Hasdrubal and Mago, unless they had quite finished their own war, have been able to bring up their army without an engagement?

> Latin: 35.5. quonam modo enim Hasdrubalem ac Magonem, nisi defunctos suo bello, sine certamine adducere exercitus potuisse?

[¶7] 35.6. And how had his brother failed to confront them or to follow in their rear, so that, if unable to prevent the generals and armies of the enemy from uniting, he might himself at least combine his forces with those of his brother?

> Latin: 35.6. quomodo autem non obstitisse aut ab tergo secutum fratrem, ut, si prohibere quo minus in unum coirent et duces et exercitus hostium non posset, ipse certe cum fratre coniungeret copias?

[¶8] 35.7. Troubled by these anxieties, he believed that the one safe course at present was to retreat as faraway as possible. Then in one night, while the enemy were unaware of it and hence made no move, he marched a considerable distance.

> Latin: 35.7. his anxius curis id modo esse salutare in praesens credebat, cedere inde quantum posset; exinde una nocte ignaris hostibus et ob id quietis aliquantum emensus est iter.

[¶9] 35.8. In the morning the enemy, on discovering that they had gone, sent the Numidians in advance and began to follow them in a column at its utmost speed. Before night the Numidians had overtaken them, and charging now in the rear, now on the flanks, compelled them to halt and defend their column.

> Latin: 35.8. luce ut senserunt profectos, hostes praemissis Numidis quam poterant maxime citato agmine sequi coeperunt. ante noctem adsecuti Numidae, nunc ab tergo, nunc in latera incursantes, consistere coegerunt ac tutari agmen;

[¶10] 35.9. Scipio kept encouraging them to fight and advance at the same time, so far, that is, as they could do so with safety, before the infantry forces should overtake them.

> Latin: 35.9. quantum possent tamen tuto ut simul pugnarent procederentque, Scipio hortabatur, priusquam pedestres copiae adsequerentur.

[¶11] 36.1. But while he now urged his column forward, now ordered it to halt, for a long time little progress was being made and night was now at hand. Scipio therefore recalled his men from battle, concentrated them and led them up a hill that was not indeed quite safe, especially for a terrified column, but still was higher than the country around it.

> Latin: 36.1. ceterum nunc agendo, nunc sustinendo agmen cum aliquamdiu haud multum procederetur et nox iam instaret, reuocat e proelio suos Scipio et collectos in tumulum quendam non quidem satis tutum, praesertim agmini perculso, editiorem tamen quam cetera circa erant, subducit.

[¶12] 36.3. There the infantry, surrounding the baggage and cavalry placed in the centre, at first kept off the charges of the Numidians without difficulty.

> Latin: 36.3. ibi primo impedimentis et equitatu in medium receptis circumdati pedites haud difficulter impetus incursantium Numidarum arcebant;

[¶13] 36.4. Then, when three generals arrived in full force with three regular armies, and it was evident that they would be unable by arms to defend an unfortified position, the general began to cast about and consider whether he could in some way surround it with an earthwork..

> Latin: 36.4. dein, postquam toto agmine tres imperatores cum tribus iustis exercitibus aderant apparebatque, parum armis ad tuendum locum sine munimento ualituros esse, circumspectare atque agitare dux coepit si quo modo posset uallum circumicere.

[¶14] 36.5. But the hill was so bare and rocky that neither could thickets be found for the cutting of stakes nor ground such that they could get turf or carry a trench in it or any other earthwork. And yet no spot was naturally so elevated or rugged as to make approach or ascent difficult for the enemy.

> Latin: 36.5. sed erat adeo nudus tumulus et asperi soli, ut nec uirgulta uallo caedendo nec terra caespiti faciendo aut ducendae fossae aliiue ulli operi apta inueniri posset;

[¶15] 36.6. Everywhere the ground rose at a gentle slope. However, in order to interpose some semblance of an earthwork, they laid up, as it were, to the usual height all around them, pack-saddles still tied to their loads, while, wherever the pack-saddles failed to make a barricade, they piled on top lighter baggage of every kind.

> Latin: 36.6. nec natura quicquam satis arduum aut abscisum erat, quod hosti aditum adscensumue difficilem praeberet; omnia fastigio leni subuexa. ut tamen aliquam imaginem ualli obicerent, clitellas inligatas oneribus uelut struentes ad altitudinem solitam circumdabant, cumulo sarcinarum omnis generis obiecto, ubi ad moliendum clitellae defuerant. Punici exercitus postquam aduenere, in tumulum quidem perfacile agmen erexere;

[¶16] 36.8. The Carthaginian armies, on arriving, very easily marched in column up the hill; but the strange appearance of the defences at first checked them in a certain amazement, while their commanders kept shouting from all sides, asking why they stood still and did not pull apart and scatter that pretence, hardly strong enough to delay women or children. The enemy, they said, was held captive, lurking behind his baggage. Such were the scornful taunts of the commanders.

> Latin: 36.8. munitionis facies noua primo eos uelut miraculo quodam tenuit, cum duces undique uociferarentur quid starent et non ludibrium illud, uix feminis puerisue morandis satis ualidum, distraherent diriperentque?

[¶17] 36.9. But it was not easy to leap over or clear away the baggage in front of them, nor to cut apart the mass of pack-saddles, buried under the added loads.

> Latin: 36.9. captum hostem teneri, latentem post sarcinas. haec contemptim duces increpabant; ceterum neque transilire nec moliri onera obiecta nec caedere stipatas clitellas ipsisque obrutas sarcinis facile erat.

[¶18] 36.11. But after they had cleared away the baggage in front of them with hooked poles and made a way for the armed men, and the same thing was being done in different places, the camp had by this time been captured from all sides.

> Latin: 36.11. at trudibus cum amoliti obiecta onera armatis dedissent uiam pluribusque idem partibus fieret, capta iam undique castra erant.

[¶19] 36.12. Everywhere there was slaughter of the few by the many, of the panic-stricken by the victorious. A large part of the soldiers, however, after fleeing into the neighbouring forest, made their escape to Publius Scipio's camp, of which Tiberius Fonteius, his lieutenant, was commander.

> Latin: 36.12. pauci a multis perculsique a uictoribus passim caedebantur; magna pars tamen militum, cum in propinquas refugisset siluas, in castra P. Scipionis, quibus Ti. Fonteius legatus praeerat, perfugerunt.

[¶20] 36.13. As for Gnaeus Scipio, some relate that he was slain on the hill in the first onset of the enemy, others that with a few men he made his escape to a tower near the camp; that fire was lighted around this, and so, by burning the doors which they had been unable to force in any way, they captured the tower and all were slain in it along with the commander himself.

> Latin: 36.13. Cn. Scipionem alii in tumulo primo impetu hostium caesum tradunt, alii cum paucis in propinquam castris turrim perfugisse; hanc igni circumdatam atque ita exustis foribus, quas nulla moliri potuerant ui, captam omnesque intus cum ipso imperatore occisos.

[¶21] 36.14. In the eighth year after his arrival in Spain Gnaeus Scipio was killed, on the twenty-ninth day after the death of his brother.

> Latin: 36.14. anno octauo postquam in Hispaniam uenerat, Cn. Scipio undetricesimo die post fratris mortem est interfectus. luctus ex morte eorum non Romae maior quam per totam Hispaniam fuit;

[¶22] 36.15. Grief for their deaths was not greater in Rome than throughout Spain; in fact among the citizens the destruction of armies and the loss of a province and the national disaster claimed a part in their sorrow, while all Spain mourned for the generals themselves and missed them, Gnaeus more than Publius, because he had been longer in command and had earlier won their favour, and had given for the first time an example of Roman justice and self-control.

> Latin: 36.15. quin apud ciues partem doloris et exercitus amissi et alienata prouincia et publica trahebat clades; Hispaniae ipsos lugebant desiderabantque duces, Gnaeum magis, quod diutius praefuerat iis priorque et fauorem occupauerat et specimen iustitiae temperantiaeque Romanae primus dederat.

[¶23] 37.1. While it seemed that the armies had been wiped out and all Spain lost, a single man repaired their shattered fortunes.

> Latin: 37.1. cum deleti exercitus amissaeque Hispaniae uiderentur, uir unus res perditas restituit.

[¶24] 37.2. In the army was Lucius Marcius, son of Septimus, a Roman knight, an active young man of much more spirit and talent than was to be expected in the station in which he had been born.

> Latin: 37.2. erat in exercitu L. Marcius Septimi filius, eques Romanus, impiger iuuenis animique et ingenii aliquanto quam pro fortuna in qua erat natus maioris.

[¶25] 37.3. In addition to his high promise he had had the training of Gnaeus Scipio, in which during so many years he had mastered all the arts of the soldier.

> Latin: 37.3. ad summam indolem accesserat Cn. Scipionis disciplina, sub qua per tot annos omnes militiae artes edoctus fuerat.

[¶26] 37.4. This man had made an army that was not to be despised out of soldiers gathered up from the flight and in part withdrawn from garrison towns, and he had united it with that of Tiberius Fonteius, the lieutenant of Publius Scipio.

> Latin: 37.4. <is> et ex fuga collectis militibus et quibusdam de praesidiis deductis haud contemnendum exercitum fecerat iunxeratque cum Ti. Fonteio, P. Scipionis legato.

[¶27] 37.5. But so preeminent was a mere Roman knight in his personal influence with the soldiers and in the respect they paid him that, after they had fortified a camp on this side of the Hiberus and decided that a commander of the army should be chosen in an election by the soldiers, relieving each other as sentries on the wall and in outpost duty until all had cast their votes, they unanimously conferred the high command upon Lucius Marcius.

> Latin: 37.5. sed tantum praestitit eques Romanus auctoritate inter milites atque honore, ut castris citra Hiberum communitis cum ducem exercitus comitiis militaribus creari placuisset, subeuntes alii aliis in custodiam ualli stationesque, donec per omnes suffragium iret, ad L. Marcium cuncti summam imperii detulerint.

[¶28] 37.7. He then spent the whole time —and it was very short —in fortifying the camp and bringing up supplies. And the soldiers carried out all his commands, not only with energy, but also in no dejected spirit.

> Latin: 37.7. omne inde tempus—exiguum id fuit—muniendis castris conuehendisque commeatibus consumpsit, et omnia imperia milites cum impigre, tum haudquaquam abiecto animo exsequebantur.

[¶29] 37.8. But when the news came that Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo, on his way to wipe out the last remains of the war, had crossed the Hiberus and was approaching, and the soldiers saw the signal for battle raised by a new general, they remembered what commanders they had had a short time before, and upon what generals and forces they had usually relied as they went into battle. Suddenly they all were weeping and dashing their heads against obstacles; and some raised their hands to heaven, blaming the gods, others lying on the ground invoked their respective generals by name.

> Latin: 37.8. ceterum postquam Hasdrubalem Gisgonis uenientem ad reliquias belli delendas transisse Hiberum et adpropinquare adlatum est signumque pugnae propositum ab nouo duce milites uiderunt, recordati quos paulo ante imperatores habuissent quibusque et ducibus et copiis freti prodire in pugnam soliti essent, flere omnes repente et offensare capita et alii manus ad caelum tendere deos incusantes, alii strati humi suum quisque nominatim ducem implorare.

[¶30] 37.10. And the wailing could not be stilled, although the centurions tried to arouse the men of their maniples and Marcius himself to calm them and upbraided them for having given themselves up to womanish and useless weeping, instead of whetting their courage to defend themselves and with them the state, and begged them not to let their commanders lie unavenged, when suddenly —for the enemy were now near the earthwork —a shout and the sound of trumpets were heard.

> Latin: 37.10. neque sedari lamentatio poterat excitantibus centurionibus manipulares et ipso mulcente et increpante Marcio, quod in muliebres et inutiles se proiecissent fletus potius quam ad tutandos semet ipsos et rem publicam secum acuerent animos et ne inultos imperatores suos iacere sinerent;

[¶31] 37.11. Upon that, their grief instantly changing to anger, they scatter to arms, and as if fired by frenzy, to the different gates, and dash into the enemy coming on carelessly and in disorder.

> Latin: 37.11. cum subito clamor tubarumque sonus—iam enim prope uallum hostes erant—exauditur. inde uerso repente in iram luctu discurrunt ad arma ac uelut accensi rabie discurrunt ad portas et in hostem neglegenter atque incomposite uenientem incurrunt.

[¶32] 37.12. At once the unexpected act inspired alarm among the Carthaginians, and they wondered whence so many enemies had suddenly appeared after the army had been almost wiped out, whence came such boldness and self-confidence so great in men beaten and put to flight, what commander had arisen after the two Scipios had been slain, who was in command of the camp, who had given the signal for battle. In the face of all that —so many things so unexpected —they at first retreated, completely at a loss and dumbfounded; then beaten back by the strength of the attack they took to flight.

> Latin: 37.12. extemplo improuisa res pauorem incutit Poenis mirabundique unde tot hostes subito exorti prope deleto exercitu forent, unde tanta audacia, tanta fiducia sui uictis ac fugatis, quis imperator duobus Scipionibus caesis exstitisset, quis castris praeesset, quis signum dedisset pugnae—ad haec tot tam necopinata primo omnium incerti stupentesque referunt pedem, dein ualida impressione pulsi terga uertunt.

[¶33] 37.14. And there would have been either a terrible slaughter of the fleeing or a reckless and dangerous attack on the part of the pursuers, had not Marcius promptly given the signal for the recall and kept back his own excited line, facing his men in the front line and laying hold of some with his own hands. He then led them back to camp still thirsting for slaughter and bloodshed.

> Latin: 37.14. et aut fugientium caedes foeda fuisset aut temerarius periculosusque sequentium impetus, ni Marcius propere receptui dedisset signum obsistensque ad prima signa et quosdam ipse retinens concitatam repressisset aciem. inde in castra auidos adhuc caedisque et sanguinis reduxit.

[¶34] 37.15. The Carthaginians were at first forced away in confusion from the enemies' earthwork; then, when they saw that no one was pursuing, they thought they had halted for fear, and with fresh contempt and at a slow pace they retired to their camp.

> Latin: 37.15. Carthaginienses trepide primo ab hostium uallo acti, postquam neminem insequi uiderunt, metu substitisse rati, contemptim rursus et sedato gradu in castra abeunt. par neglegentia in castris custodiendis fuit;

[¶35] 37.16. There was just as much carelessness in guarding the camp. For, although the enemy was near, still they kept reflecting that it was only a remnant of the two armies wiped out a few days before.

> Latin: 37.16. nam etsi propinquus hostis erat, tamen reliquias eum esse duorum exercituum ante paucos dies deletorum succurrebat.

[¶36] 37.17. Since for this reason every precaution had been omitted on the enemy's side, Marcius, informed of the facts, turned his attention to a plan at first sight reckless rather than bold, actually to attack the camp of the enemy, in the belief that it was easier to storm the camp of Hasdrubal alone than to defend his own, if the three armies and three generals should again unite.

> Latin: 37.17. ob hoc cum omnia neglecta apud hostes essent, exploratis iis Marcius ad consilium prima specie temerarium magis quam audax animum adiecit ut ultro castra hostium oppugnaret, facilius esse ratus unius Hasdrubalis expugnari castra quam, si se rursus tres exercitus ac tres duces iunxissent, sua defendi;

[¶37] 37.19. At the same time he thought that, if his efforts should prove successful, he would relieve his critical situation or, even if defeated, by venturing to attack he would at least take away their contempt for himself.

> Latin: 37.19. simul aut, si successisset coeptis, erecturum se adflictas res aut, si pulsus esset, tamen ultro inferendo arma contemptum sui dempturum.

[¶38] 38.1. But for fear an unexpected action, and alarm in the night and a plan no longer in keeping with his present situation, might bring confusion, he thought he must address his soldiers and encourage them, called an assembly and spoke as follows:

> Latin: 38.1. ne tamen subita res et nocturnus terror et iam non suae fortunae consilium perturbaret, adloquendos adhortandosque sibi milites ratus, contione aduocata ita disseruit:

[¶39] 38.2. "Either my devotion to our commanders, living and dead, or the present situation of us all, soldiers, can convince any one that this high command, though a great honour as your tribute, is yet in fact a burden to me and an anxious care.

> Latin: 38.2. 'uel mea erga imperatores nostros uiuos mortuosque pietas uel praesens omnium nostrum, milites, fortuna fidem cuiuis facere potest mihi hoc imperium, ut amplum iudicio uestro, ita re ipsa graue ac sollicitum esse.

[¶40] 38.3. For at a time when, if fear did not paralyse grief, I should scarcely have such self-control as would enable me to find some comfort for distress of mind, I am compelled —a most difficult thing in sorrow —alone to plan for all of you.

> Latin: 38.3. quo enim tempore, nisi metus maerorem obstupefaceret, uix ita compos mei essem ut aliqua solacia inuenire aegro animo possem, cogor uestram omnium uicem, quod difficillimum in luctu est, unus consulere.

[¶41] 38.4. And even when I must consider how I may be able to save these remnants of two armies for our country, I may not turn my thoughts away from unremitting grief.

> Latin: 38.4. et ne tum quidem, ubi quonam modo has reliquias duorum exercituum patriae conseruare possim cogitandum est, auertere animum ab adsiduo maerore licet.

[¶42] 38.5. For a bitter memory is present with me, and both Scipios trouble me all day and all night with anxiety and loss of sleep, and often arouse me from slumber, bidding me not to allow either themselves or their soldiers, your comrades, undefeated in this land for eight years, or the state, to go unavenged. And they command me to follow their teachings and their methods, and, just as while they lived not a man was more obedient to their orders than I, so after their death to hold that to be the best course which in each case I am confident they would have done.

> Latin: 38.5. praesto est enim acerba memoria et Scipiones me ambo dies noctesque curis insomniisque agitant et excitant saepe somno, neu se neu inuictos per octo annos in his terris milites suos, commilitones uestros, neu rem publicam patiar inultam, et suam disciplinam suaque instituta sequi iubent et,

[¶43] 38.7. As for you, soldiers, I would have you also honour them, not with lamentations and tears as though dead.

> Latin: 38.7. ut imperiis uiuorum nemo oboedientior me uno fuerit, ita post mortem suam, quod quaque in re facturos illos fuisse maxime censeam, id optimum ducere.

[¶44] 38.8. They live and work by the glory of their achievements. But whenever you shall remember them, just as if you saw them encouraging you and giving the signal, —in that spirit would I have you go into battle.

> Latin: 38.8. uos quoque uelim, milites, non lamentis lacrimisque tamquam exstinctos prosequi—uiuunt uigentque fama rerum gestarum—sed, quotienscumque occurret memoria illorum, uelut si adhortantes signumque dantes uideatis eos, ita proelia inire.

[¶45] 38.9. It was surely no other image which presented itself yesterday to your eyes and minds and brought about that notable battle, by which you gave the enemy proof that the Roman name has not been extinguished with the Scipios, and that the people whose might and courage were not overwhelmed by the disaster at Cannae will surely survive any cruelty of Fortune.

> Latin: 38.9. nec alia profecto species hesterno die oblata oculis animisque uestris memorabile illud edidit proelium, quo documentum dedistis hostibus non cum Scipionibus exstinctum esse nomen Romanum et, cuius populi uis atque uirtus non obruta sit Cannensi clade, ex omni profecto saeuitia fortunae emersurum esse.

[¶46] 38.11. “At present, because you have of your own accord shown such daring, I should like to find how much you have when your general gives the command. For yesterday, when I sounded the recall, as you in disorder were pursuing the routed enemy, it was not my wish to crush your boldness, but to reserve it for higher fame and a more favourable situation, that later, being ” “well prepared and armed, you might be able, as opportunity offered, to attack the unprepared and unarmed, and even the sleeping.

> Latin: 38.11. nunc, quia tantum ausi estis sponte uestra, experiri libet quantum audeatis duce uestro auctore. non enim hesterno die, cum signum receptui dedi sequentibus effuse uobis turbatum hostem, frangere audaciam uestram sed differre in maiorem gloriam atque opportunitatem uolui, ut postmodo praeparati incautos, armati inermes atque etiam sopitos per occasionem adgredi possetis.

[¶47] 38.12. And not haphazard or at random do I cherish a hope of this opportunity, soldiers, but from the actual situation.”

> Latin: 38.12. nec huius occasionis spem, milites, forte temere sed ex re ipsa conceptam habeo.

[¶48] 38.13. “You too, if someone should ask how you, a few men, have defended your camp against many, the vanquished against the victors, would surely give no other answer than that, fearing just that, you had kept everything in a state of defence and also had been in readiness yourselves and inline.”

> Latin: 38.13. a uobis quoque profecto si quis quaerat quonam modo pauci a multis, uicti a uictoribus castra tutati sitis? nihil aliud respondeatis quam id ipsum timentes uos omnia et operibus firmata habuisse et ipsos paratos instructosque fuisse.

[¶49] 38.14. “And the fact is this: men are least protected against the thing which success leads them not to fear, since what one has made light of remains unguarded and uncovered.”

> Latin: 38.14. et ita se res habet: ad id quod ne timeatur fortuna facit minime tuti sunt homines, quia quod neglexeris incautum atque apertum habeas.

[¶50] 38.15. “There is nothing in the world which the enemy now fear less than that we, who have ourselves just been beset and attacked, may venture to attack their camp. Let us dare what it is incredible that we should dare; for the very reason that it appears most difficult it will be easier. In the third watch of the night I shall lead you in a silent column.”

> Latin: 38.15. nihil omnium nunc minus metuunt hostes quam ne, obsessi modo ipsi atque oppugnati, castra sua ultro oppugnemus. audeamus quod credi non potest ausuros nos; eo ipso quod difficillimum uidetur facilius erit. tertia uigilia noctis silenti agmine ducam uos.

[¶51] 38.16. “I am assured that there is no relieving of sentries, no regular outposts. The sound of a shout at the gate and a first assault will at once capture the camp.”

> Latin: 38.16. exploratum habeo non uigiliarum ordinem, non stationes iustas esse. clamor in portis auditus et primus impetus castra ceperit.

[¶52] 38.17. “Then, among men dazed with sleep and alarmed at the unexpected uproar and surprised unarmed in their beds, let there be the slaughter from which you were recalled yesterday under protest. I know it seems a bold plan. But in dangerous and desperate situations the bravest decisions are always the safest.”

> Latin: 38.17. tum inter torpidos somno pauentesque ad necopinatum tumultum et inermes in cubilibus suis oppressos illa caedes edatur a qua uos hesterno die reuocatos aegre ferebatis.

[¶53] 38.18. “For if at the opportune moment, whose advantage swiftly passes, one hesitates even a little, it is vain for one to look later for the neglected opportunity. One army is near, two not far away. If we attack now there is no little hope, and already you have tried your strength and theirs.”

> Latin: 38.18. scio audax uideri consilium; sed in rebus asperis et tenui spe fortissima quaeque consilia tutissima sunt, quia, si in occasionis momento cuius praeteruolat opportunitas cunctatus paulum fueris, nequiquam mox omissam quaeras.

[¶54] 38.19. “If we put off the day and owing to the report of yesterday's sally come to be no longer despised, there is danger that all the generals and all the forces may combine.”

> Latin: 38.19. unus exercitus in propinquo est, duo haud procul absunt. nunc adgredientibus spes aliqua est,—et iam temptastis uestras atque illorum uires:

[¶55] 38.20. “Shall we then withstand the enemy's three generals, three armies, which Gnaeus Scipio with his army still undiminished did not withstand? Just as through dividing their forces our generals perished, so the enemy, if divided and in different places, can be overpowered.”

> Latin: 38.20. si diem proferimus et hesternae eruptionis fama contemni desierimus, periculum est ne omnes duces, omnes copiae conueniant. tres deinde duces, tres exercitus sustinebimus hostium quos Cn. Scipio incolumi exercitu non sustinuit?

[¶56] 38.21. “There is no other way of conducting the war. Therefore let us wait for nothing beyond the favourable moment to-night.”

> Latin: 38.21. ut diuidendo copias periere duces nostri, ita separatim ac diuisi opprimi possunt hostes. alia belli gerendi uia nulla est. proinde nihil praeter noctis proximae opportunitatem exspectemus.

[¶57] 38.22. “Go with the kind aid of the gods, put yourselves in condition, that, sound and strong, you may burst into the camp of the enemy with the same spirit with which you defended yours.” With joy they heard of the new plan from their new commander, and the bolder it was the more it pleased them.

> Latin: 38.22. ite, deis bene iuuantibus, corpora curate, ut integri uigentesque eodem animo in castra hostium inrumpatis quo uestra tutati estis.'

[¶58] 38.23. The rest of the day was spent in putting their arms in order and themselves in condition; and the larger part of the night was given to rest. At the fourth watch they started.

> Latin: 38.23. laeti et audiere ab nouo duce nouum consilium et quo audacius erat magis placebat. reliquum diei expediendis armis et curatione corporum consumptum et maior pars noctis quieti data est.

[¶59] 39.1. Beyond the nearest camp and at a distance of six miles from it were other forces of the Carthaginians. Between them there was a deep valley, densely wooded. About the middle of this wood a Roman cohort and cavalry were concealed after the Punic method.

> Latin: 39.1. quarta uigilia mouere. erant ultra proxima castra sex milium interuallo distantes aliae copiae Poenorum. uallis caua intererat, condensa arboribus; in huius siluae medio ferme spatio cohors Romana arte Punica abditur et equites.

[¶60] 39.2. The road being thus cut off at the half-way, the rest of the forces were led in a silent column to the nearest enemy. And as there was no outpost before the gates nor sentinels on the earthwork, and no one anywhere opposed them, they made their way into the camp as if it were their own.

> Latin: 39.2. ita medio itinere intercepto ceterae copiae silenti agmine ad proximos hostes ductae et, cum statio nulla pro portis neque in uallo custodiae essent, uelut in sua castra nullo usquam obsistente penetrauere.

[¶61] 39.3. Then the trumpets sound and a shout is raised. Some slay the enemy half-asleep, some throw firebrands on the dry, thatched huts, some seize the gates, to block escape.

> Latin: 39.3. inde signa canunt et tollitur clamor. pars semisomnos hostes caedunt, pars ignes casis stramento arido tectis iniciunt, pars portas occupant ut fugam intercludant.

[¶62] 39.4. As for the enemy, fire, shouting and slaughter, all at once, make them virtually senseless and do not allow them to hear any orders or to look out for themselves. Unharmed they encounter bodies of armed men.

> Latin: 39.4. hostes simul ignis, clamor, caedes, uelut alienatos sensibus, nec audire nec prouidere quicquam sinunt. incidunt inermes inter cateruas armatorum.

[¶63] 39.5. Some rush to the gates, others, since the roads are blocked, leap over the earthwork. And everyone who escaped fled at once in the direction of the other camp; whereupon they were surrounded by the cohort and cavalry dashing out of their hiding place and were slain to the last man.

> Latin: 39.5. alii ruunt ad portas, alii obsaeptis itineribus super uallum saliunt et ut quisque euaserat protinus ad castra altera fugiunt, ubi ab cohorte et equitibus ex occulto procurrentibus circumuenti caesique ad unum omnes sunt;

[¶64] 39.7. Yet, even if a man had escaped from that slaughter, so swiftly did the Romans hasten from the captured nearer camp to the other camp that news of the disaster could not anticipate them.

> Latin: 39.7. quamquam, etiamsi quis ex ea caede effugisset, adeo raptim a captis propioribus castris in altera transcursum castra ab Romanis est, ut praeuenire nuntius cladis non posset.

[¶65] 39.8. But there, the farther it was from their enemy, and since some had scattered just before daylight to bring in fodder and firewood and booty, the more neglect and disorder did they find everywhere; only stacked arms at the outposts, the soldiers unarmed, either sitting and lying on the ground or strolling outside the wall and the gates. Against these men, so care-free and regardless of order, the Romans, who were still fired by their recent battle and made confident by victory, went into battle.

> Latin: 39.8. ibi uero, quo longius ab hoste aberant et quia sub lucem pabulatum lignatumque et praedatum quidam dilapsi fuerant, neglecta magis omnia ac soluta inuenere, arma tantum in stationibus posita, milites inermes aut humi sedentes accubantesque aut obambulantes ante uallum portasque.

[¶66] 39.9. And so no resistance whatever could be offered at the gates. Inside the gates there was a rush from every part of the camp at the first shouting and commotion, and a fierce battle began.

> Latin: 39.9. cum his tam securis solutisque Romani calentes adhuc ab recenti pugna ferocesque uictoria proelium ineunt. itaque nequaquam resisti in portis potuit; intra portas concursu ex totis castris ad primum clamorem et tumultum facto atrox proelium oritur;

[¶67] 39.10. It would have lasted long too, had not the sight of the Romans' bloody shields given the Carthaginians evidence of the other disaster and consequently inspired alarm. This terror made them all take to flight, and pouring out wherever a way could be found —except those overtaken by the sword —they lost possession of the camp.

> Latin: 39.10. diuque tenuisset, ni cruenta scuta Romanorum uisa indicium alterius cladis Poenis atque inde pauorem iniecissent.

[¶68] 39.11. Thus in a night and a day two camps of the enemy were taken by assault under the command of Lucius Marcius.

> Latin: 39.11. hic terror in fugam auertit omnes effusique qua iter est, nisi quos caedes oppressit, exuuntur castris. ita nocte ac die bina castra hostium oppugnata ductu L. Marcii.

[¶69] 39.12. That about thirty-seven thousand of the enemy were slain is the statement of Claudius, who translated Acilius' annals out of Greek into the Latin language; that about one thousand eight hundred and thirty were captured and a vast amount of booty taken.

> Latin: 39.12. ad triginta septem milia hostium caesa auctor est Claudius, qui annales Acilianos ex Graeco in Latinum sermonem uertit;

[¶70] 39.13. And in this he says that there was a silver shield weighing a hundred and thirty-seven pounds, bearing the likeness of Hasdrubal Barca.

> Latin: 39.13. captos ad mille octingentos triginta, praedam ingentem partam; in ea fuisse clipeum argenteum pondo centum triginta septem cum imagine Barcini Hasdrubalis.

[¶71] 39.14. Valerius of Antium relates that one camp was captured, that of Mago, and seven thousand of the enemy slain; that in a second battle they sallied out and fought with Hasdrubal; that ten thousand were slain, four thousand three hundred and thirty captured.

> Latin: 39.14. Ualerius Antias una castra Magonis capta tradit, septem milia caesa hostium; altero proelio eruptione pugnatum cum Hasdrubale, decem milia occisa, quattuor milia trecentos triginta captos.

[¶72] 39.15. Piso states that five thousand men were slain from an ambush, while Mago was pursuing in disorder our retreating men.

> Latin: 39.15. Piso quinque milia hominum, cum Mago cedentes nostros effuse sequeretur, caesa ex insidiis scribit.

[¶73] 39.16. In all of them great is the name of Marcius the general. And to his real fame they add even marvels: that as he was speaking a flame burst from his head without his knowledge, causing great alarm among the soldiers who stood around him.

> Latin: 39.16. apud omnes magnum nomen Marcii ducis est; et uerae gloriae eius etiam miracula addunt flammam ei contionanti fusam e capite sine ipsius sensu cum magno pauore circumstantium militum;

[¶74] 39.17. They say that as a memorial of his victory over the Carthaginians, down to the burning of the Capitol there was in the temple a shield called the Marcian, bearing a likeness of Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 39.17. monumentumque uictoriae eius de Poenis usque ad incensum Capitolium fuisse in templo clipeum, Marcium appellatum, cum imagine Hasdrubalis.

[¶75] 39.18. —Thereafter the situation in Spain was quiet for a long time, since both sides, after receiving and inflicting such losses upon each other, hesitated to risk a decisive engagement.

> Latin: 39.18. —quietae deinde aliquamdiu in Hispania res fuere, utrisque post tantas in uicem acceptas inlatasque clades cunctantibus periculum summae rerum facere.

[¶76] 40.1. While these things were being done in Spain, it is true that Marcellus, after the capture of Syracuse, had settled matters in general in Sicily with such conscientiousness and honesty that he added not only to his own fame, but also to the dignity of the Roman people. But as regards the adornments of the city, the statues and paintings which Syracuse possessed in abundance, he carried them away to Rome.

> Latin: 40.1. dum haec in Hispania geruntur, Marcellus captis Syracusis, cum cetera in Sicilia tanta fide atque integritate composuisset ut non modo suam gloriam sed etiam maiestatem populi Romani augeret, ornamenta urbis, signa tabulasque quibus abundabant Syracusae, Romam deuexit, hostium quidem illa spolia et parta belli iure;

[¶77] 40.2. They were spoils of the enemy, to be sure, and acquired by right of war. Yet from that came the very beginning of enthusiasm for Greek works of art and consequently of this general licence to despoil all kinds of buildings, sacred and profane, a licence which finally turned against Roman gods, and first of all against the very temple which was magnificently adorned by Marcellus.

> Latin: 40.2. ceterum inde primum initium mirandi Graecarum artium opera licentiaeque hinc sacra profanaque omnia uolgo spoliandi factum est, quae postremo in Romanos deos, templum id ipsum primum quod a Marcello eximie ornatum est, uertit.

[¶78] 40.3. For temples dedicated by Marcus Marcellus near the Porta Capena used to be visited by foreigners on account of their remarkable adornments of that kind; but of these a very small part is still to be seen.

> Latin: 40.3. uisebantur enim ab externis ad portam Capenam dedicata a M. Marcello templa propter excellentia eius generis ornamenta, quorum perexigua pars comparet.

[¶79] 40.4. Embassies from nearly all the states in Sicily kept coming to him. As their pleas were different, so was their status. Those who before the capture of Syracuse either had not rebelled or had returned to friendly relations were admitted and honoured as faithful allies. Those whom fear had led to surrender after the capture of Syracuse, as vanquished received terms from the victor.

> Latin: 40.4. legationes omnium ferme ciuitatium Siciliae ad eum conueniebant. dispar ut causa earum, ita condicio erat. qui ante captas Syracusas aut non desciuerant aut redierant in amicitiam ut socii fideles accepti cultique; quos metus post captas Syracusas dediderat ut uicti a uictore leges acceperunt.

[¶80] 40.5. There was left to the Romans, however, no small remainder of the war around Agrigentum, namely, Epicydes and Hanno, the surviving commanders in the previous war, and a third new general sent by Hannibal in place of Hippocrates. He was of Libyphoenician race, from Hippacra, and called Muttines by his countrymen, a man of energy who under Hannibal's teaching had mastered all the arts of war.

> Latin: 40.5. erant tamen haud paruae reliquiae belli circa Agrigentum Romanis, Epicydes et Hanno, duces reliqui prioris belli, et tertius nouus ab Hannibale in locum Hippocratis missus, Libyphoenicum generis Hippacritanus—Muttinen populares uocabant—, uir impiger et sub Hannibale magistro omnes belli artes edoctus.

[¶81] 40.6. He was furnished by Epicydes and Hanno with Numidian auxiliaries, with which he so thoroughly scoured the enemy's lands and sought out allies, in order to retain their loyalty by lending aid to each man at the right moment, that in a short time he filled all Sicily with his name and was the highest hope of those supporting the Carthaginian cause.

> Latin: 40.6. huic ab Epicyde et Hannone Numidae dati auxiliares, cum quibus ita peruagatus est hostium agros, ita socios ad retinendos in fide animos eorum ferendo in tempore cuique auxilium adiit, ut breui tempore totam Siciliam impleret nominis sui nec spes alia maior apud fauentes rebus Carthaginiensium esset.

[¶82] 40.8. And so, after being confined until then within the walls of Agrigentum, the Carthaginian general and the Syracusan, emboldened not more by the advice of Muttines than by their confidence in him to go outside the walls, pitched their camp by the river Himera.

> Latin: 40.8. itaque inclusi ad <id> tempus moenibus Agrigenti dux Poenus Syracusanusque, non consilio Muttinis quam fiducia magis ausi egredi extra muros ad Himeram amnem posuerunt castra.

[¶83] 40.9. When news of this reached Marcellus, he at once set his troops in motion and established himself at a distance of about four miles from the enemy, to wait and see what they were doing or intending.

> Latin: 40.9. quod ubi perlatum ad Marcellum est, extemplo copias mouit et ab hoste quattuor ferme milium interuallo consedit, quid agerent pararentue exspectaturus.

[¶84] 40.10. But Muttines gave no occasion or time for hesitation, or for a plan of action; for he crossed the river and attacked the outposts of the enemy, causing great alarm and confusion.

> Latin: 40.10. sed nullum neque locum neque tempus cunctationi consilioue dedit Muttines, transgressus amnem ac stationibus hostium cum ingenti terrore ac tumultu inuectus.

[¶85] 40.11. The next day by an engagement almost in regular form he drove the enemy inside their fortifications. Then he was recalled by a mutiny of the Numidians breaking out in the camp, after about three hundred of them had retired to Heraclea Minoa. On leaving, to pacify and recall these men, he is said to have expressly warned the generals not to engage the enemy in his absence.

> Latin: 40.11. postero die prope iusto proelio compulit hostes intra munimenta. inde reuocatus seditione Numidarum in castris facta, cum trecenti ferme eorum Heracleam Minoam concessissent, ad mitigandos reuocandosque eos profectus magno opere monuisse duces dicitur ne absente se cum hoste manus consererent.

[¶86] 40.12. At that both generals were indignant, especially Hanno, already uneasy because of the man's fame. To think that Muttines, a degenerate African, should set a limit for him, a Carthaginian commander, sent by senate and people!

> Latin: 40.12. id ambo aegre passi duces, magis Hanno, iam ante anxius gloria eius: Muttinem sibi modum facere, degenerem Afrum imperatori Carthaginiensi misso ab senatu populoque?

[¶87] 40.13. He prevailed upon the hesitating Epicydes to cross the river and form their battle-line. For if they should wait for Muttines and the fortune of battle should favour, the glory, he said, would unquestionably fall to Muttines.

> Latin: 40.13. is perpulit cunctantem Epicyden ut transgressi flumen in aciem exirent: nam si Muttinem opperirentur et secunda pugnae fortuna euenisset, haud dubie Muttinis gloriam fore.

[¶88] 41.1. Marcellus, thinking it was a veritable outrage for him, a man who had driven Hannibal, backed by his victory at Cannae, from Nola, to yield to these enemies whom he had himself defeated on land and sea, ordered his soldiers to take up their arms in haste and the standard-bearers to set out.

> Latin: 41.1. enimuero indignum ratus Marcellus se, qui Hannibalem subnixum uictoria Cannensi ab Nola reppulisset, his terra marique uictis ab se hostibus cedere, arma propere capere milites et efferri signa iubet.

[¶89] 41.2. As he was drawing up his army, ten Numidians rode out of the enemy's ranks and at full speed up to him, reporting that their countrymen were aroused, first by the mutiny in which three hundred of their number had retired to Heraclea, and then by seeing their commander sent away just on the eve of battle by generals who belittled his reputation, and that in the fight they would remain inactive.

> Latin: 41.2. instruenti exercitum decem effusis equis aduolant ex hostium acie Numidae nuntiantes populares suos, primum ea seditione motos qua trecenti ex numero suo concesserint Heracleam, dein quod praefectum suum ab obtrectantibus ducibus gloriae eius sub ipsam certaminis diem ablegatum uideant, quieturos in pugna. gens fallax promissi fidem praestitit.

[¶90] 41.4. A deceitful race kept its promise faithfully. And so the Romans' spirits rose when the message was sent swiftly through the ranks that the enemy had been deserted by his cavalry, which they had particularly dreaded; at the same time the enemy were terrified not only because they were having no help from the largest part of their forces, but also by the fear thus aroused that they might themselves be attacked by their own cavalry.

> Latin: 41.4. itaque et Romanis creuit animus nuntio celeri per ordines misso destitutum ab equite hostem esse quem maxime timuerant, et territi hostes, praeterquam quod maxima parte uirium suarum non iuuabantur, timore etiam incusso ne ab suomet ipsi equite oppugnarentur.

[¶91] 41.6. Accordingly it was no great struggle; the first shout, the first onset, decided the matter. The Numidians, having remained motionless on the wings at the beginning of the battle, seeing their men retreating, shared only the flight with them for a short time. When they saw them all making for Agrigentum in a panic-stricken column, they themselves scattered in every direction to the neighbouring cities, fearing a siege. Many thousand men were slain... thousand captured, also eight elephants. This was Marcellus' last battle in Sicily; from it he returned as victor to Syracuse.

> Latin: 41.6. itaque haud magni certaminis fuit; primus clamor atque impetus rem decreuit. Numidae cum in concursu quieti stetissent in cornibus, ut terga dantes suos uiderunt, fugae tantum parumper comites facti, postquam omnes Agrigentum trepido agmine petentes uiderunt, ipsi metu obsidionis passim in ciuitates proximas dilapsi. multa milia hominum caesa; capta <sex milia> et octo elephanti. haec ultima in Sicilia Marcelli pugna fuit; uictor inde Syracusas rediit. iam ferme in exitu annus erat;

[¶92] 41.8. By this time the year was nearly at an end. Accordingly the senate at Rome decreed that Publius Cornelius, the praetor, should send a letter to the consuls at Capua, saying that, while Hannibal was far away and there was no decisive action around Capua, one of them, if they thought it best, should come to Rome for the replacement of magistrates.

> Latin: 41.8. itaque senatus Romae decreuit ut P. Cornelius praetor litteras Capuam ad consules mitteret, dum Hannibal procul abesset nec ulla magni discriminis res ad Capuam gereretur, alter eorum, si ita uideretur, ad magistratus subrogandos Romam ueniret.

[¶93] 41.10. On receiving the letter the consuls arranged between them that Claudius should conduct the elections, and Fulvius remain near Capua.

> Latin: 41.10. litteris acceptis inter se consules compararunt ut Claudius comitia perficeret, Fuluius ad Capuam maneret.

[¶94] 41.11. For the consulship Claudius announced the election of Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus and Publius Sulpicius Galba, son of Servius, although he had previously held no curule office.

> Latin: 41.11. consules Claudius creauit Cn. Fuluium Centumalum et P. Sulpicium Serui filium Galbam, qui nullum antea curulem magistratum gessisset.

[¶95] 41.12. As praetors the following were then elected: Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Gaius Sulpicius, Gaius Calpurnius Piso.

> Latin: 41.12. praetores deinde creati < L. Cornelius Lentulus M.> Cornelius Cethegus C. Sulpicius < C. Calpurnius > Piso.

[¶96] 41.13. The duties of the city praetor fell to Piso, Sicily to Sulpicius, Apulia to Cethegus, Sardinia to Lentulus. As for the consuls, their military authority was continued for one year. GNAEUS FULVIUS CENTUMALUS and Publius Sulpicius Galba, the consuls, having entered upon office on the Ides of March, summoned the senate to the Capitol and consulted the fathers in regard to the state, the conduct of the war, and the provinces and armies. military authority of Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls of the previous year, was continued, and the armies which they had were assigned to them, with orders in addition that they were not to withdraw from Capua, which they were besieging, until they had taken the city. affair claimed the closest attention of the Romans at the time, not so much because of anger, which has never been more justified against any state, as because a city so important and powerful, which by its revolt had drawn with it a number of communities, in like manner, if recovered, might tum the scale to respect, so it seemed, for the old authority.

> Latin: 41.13. Pisoni iurisdictio urbana, Sulpicio Sicilia, Cethego Apulia Lentulo Sardinia euenit. consulibus prorogatum in annum imperium est. Cn. Fuluius Centumalus P. Sulpicius Galba consules cum idibus Martiis magistratum inissent, senatu in Capitolium uocato, de re publica, de administratione belli, de prouinciis exercitibusque patres consuluerunt. Q. Fuluio Ap. Claudio, prioris anni consulibus, prorogatum imperium est atque exercitus quos habebant decreti, adiectumque ne a Capua quam obsidebant abscederent priusquam expugnassent. ea tum cura maxime intentos habebat Romanos, non ab ira tantum, quae in nullam unquam ciuitatem iustior fuit, quam quod urbs tam nobilis ac potens, sicut defectione sua traxerat aliquot populos, ita recepta inclinatura rursus animos uidebatur ad ueteris imperii respectum.