---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 28 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 28. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 28. Book XXVI · chapters 11–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28/#p-N

[¶0] 11.13. only difference is whether he came to the city by that route, or returned by it from the city into Campania.

> Latin: 11.13. ceterum non quantum Romanis pertinaciae ad premendam obsidione Capuam fuit, tantum ad defendendam Hannibali.

[¶1] 12.2. the Romans' persistence in pressing the siege of Capua was not matched by that of Hannibal in defending it. through Samnium and Apulia and Lucania he hastened into the Bruttian region, to the strait and Regium, at such a pace as almost to overwhelm them unawares by arriving suddenly.

> Latin: 12.2. namque <per Samnium Apuliamque> et Lucanos in Bruttium agrum ad fretum ac Regium eo cursu contendit ut prope repentino aduentu incautos oppresserit.

[¶2] 12.3. Capua, although during that time it had been besieged with no less spirit, nevertheless was aware of the coming of Flaccus, and began to wonder that Hannibal had not returned at the same time.

> Latin: 12.3. Capua etsi nihilo segnius obsessa per eos dies fuerat, tamen aduentum Flacci sensit, et admiratio orta est non simul regressum Hannibalem.

[¶3] 12.4. by conversing with the enemy they learned that they had been deserted and abandoned, and that the hope of retaining Capua had been given up by the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 12.4. inde per conloquia intellexerunt relictos se desertosque et spem Capuae retinendae deploratam apud Poenos esse.

[¶4] 12.5. was also an edict of the proconsuls, posted and published among the enemy in accordance with a decree of the senate, that any Capuan citizen who changed sides before a certain date should suffer no penalty.

> Latin: 12.5. accessit edictum proconsulum ex senatus consulto propositum uolgatumque apud hostes ut qui ciuis Campanus ante certam diem transisset sine fraude esset.

[¶5] 12.6. yet there was no changing of sides, for fear restrained them more than honour, because in their revolt they had committed offences too serious to be pardoned. just as no one of his own motion went over to the enemy, so they made no promising plans for the common interest.

> Latin: 12.6. nec ulla facta est transitio, metu magis eos quam fide continente quia maiora in defectione deliquerant quam quibus ignosci posset.

[¶6] 12.7. nobility had deserted the state and could not be brought together in the senate.

> Latin: 12.7. ceterum quemadmodum nemo priuato consilio ad hostem transibat, ita nihil salutare in medium consulebatur.

[¶7] 12.8. the office of magistrate was a man who had not gained additional honour for himself, but by his own unworthiness had taken away power and authority from the office which he was holding. longer did any one of the foremost citizens show himself even in the forum or any public place.

> Latin: 12.8. nobilitas rem publicam deseruerat, neque in senatum cogi poterant; in magistratu erat qui non sibi honorem adiecisset, sed indignitate sua uim ac ius magistratui quem gerebat dempsisset.

[¶8] 12.9. up in their houses they were awaiting from day to day the fall of their native city and their own destruction.

> Latin: 12.9. iam ne in foro quidem aut publico loco principum quisquam apparebat; domibus inclusi patriae occasum cum suo exitio in dies expectabant.

[¶9] 12.10. chief responsibility had fallen wholly to Bostar and Hanno, commanders of the Carthaginian garrison, and they were concerned only for their own danger, not that of their allies.

> Latin: 12.10. summa curae omnis in Bostarem Hannonemque, praefectos praesidii Punici, uersa erat, suo non sociorum periculo sollicitos.

[¶10] 12.11. wrote a letter to Hannibal in terms not only outspoken, but also bitter, in which they charged that it was not Capua alone that had been delivered into the hands of the enemy, but that they themselves also and the garrison had been abandoned to every kind of torture; that he had gone away to the land of the Bruttii, as though turning his back so that Capua should not be captured before his eyes.

> Latin: 12.11. ii conscriptis ad Hannibalem litteris non libere modo, sed etiam aspere, quibus non Capuam solam traditam in manum hostibus, sed se quoque et praesidium in omnes cruciatus proditos incusabant:

[¶11] 12.12. assuredly, they said, the Romans could not be drawn away from besieging Capua even by an assault upon the city of Rome; so much more steadfast was the Roman as an enemy than the Carthaginian as a friend.

> Latin: 12.12. abisse eum in Bruttios uelut auertentem sese ne Capua in oculis eius caperetur. at hercule Romanos ne oppugnatione quidem urbis Romanae abstrahi a Capua obsidenda potuisse;

[¶12] 12.13. he should return to Capua and there concentrate the whole war, they and the Capuans likewise would be ready for a sally.

> Latin: 12.13. tanto constantiorem inimicum Romanum quam amicum Poenum esse. si redeat Capuam bellumque omne eo uertat, et se et Campanos paratos eruptioni fore.

[¶13] 12.14. was not to wage war with the people of Regium and Tarentum that they had crossed the Alps. the Roman legions were, there ought the Carthaginian armies also to be. Thus at Cannae, thus at Trasumennus, by coming to grips and pitching camp near the enemy, by trying their luck they had met with success.

> Latin: 12.14. non cum Reginis neque Tarentinis bellum gesturos transisse Alpes: ubi Romanae legiones sint, ibi et Carthaginiensium exercitus debere esse. sic ad Cannas, sic ad Trasumennum rem bene gestam, coeundo conferundoque cum hoste castra, fortunam temptando.

[¶14] 12.15. letter to this effect was given to Numidians who with a reward set before them promised to perform that service. as deserters they had come before Flaccus in his camp, with the intention of choosing the right moment and then departing —and the famine which had lasted so long at Capua gave every man a plausible reason for deserting —when suddenly a Campanian woman, mistress of one of the deserters, came into the camp and informed the Roman general that the Numidians by agreement had pretended to change sides and were bearing a letter to Hannibal: that she was prepared to prove that charge against one of their number who had revealed the matter to her.

> Latin: 12.15. in hanc sententiam litterae conscriptae Numidis, proposita mercede eam professis operam, dantur. ii specie transfugarum cum ad Flaccum in castra uenissent ut inde tempore capto abirent, famesque quae tam diu Capuae erat nulli non probabilem causam transitionis faceret, mulier repente Campana in castra uenit, scortum transfugarum unius, indicatque imperatori Romano Numidas fraude composita transisse litterasque ad Hannibalem ferre:

[¶15] 12.17. being produced, he at first quite firmly pretended that he did not know the woman. by degrees he was overpowered by the facts, and seeing that they were demanding and preparing torture, he admitted that it was true, and the letter was produced.

> Latin: 12.17. id unum ex iis qui sibi rem aperuisset arguere sese paratam esse. productus primo satis constanter ignorare se mulierem simulabat: paulatim dein conuictus ueris cum tormenta posci et parari uideret, fassus id ita esse litteraeque prolatae.

[¶16] 12.18. added to her information what they were trying to conceal, namely, that other Numidians also were abroad in the Roman camp playing the part of deserters.

> Latin: 12.18. additum etiam indicio quod celabatur et alios specie transfugarum Numidas uagari in castris Romanis.

[¶17] 12.19. seventy of them were arrested, and together with the new deserters they were scourged with rods, and after their hands had been cut off they were sent back to Capua. sight of so merciless a punishment broke the spirit of the Capuans. gathering of the people before the Senate House compelled Loesius to summon the senate. they openly threatened the leading citizens, who for a long time had been absent from public deliberations, that if they did not come into the senate, they would make the rounds of their homes and forcibly bring them all out into the streets. fear of that gave the magistrate a full session of the senate., while all the rest were speaking of sending legates to the Roman generals, Vibius Virrius, who had proposed rebellion from Rome, on being asked for his opinion, said that the men who were speaking of embassies and of peace and surrender did not recall either what they would have done, if they had had the Romans in their power, or what they themselves must suffer.

> Latin: 12.19. ii supra septuaginta comprensi et cum transfugis nouis mulcati uirgis manibusque praecisis Capuam rediguntur. conspectum tam triste supplicium fregit animos Campanorum. concursus ad curiam populi factus coegit Loesium senatum uocare; et primoribus qui iam diu publicis consiliis aberant propalam minabantur nisi uenirent in senatum circa domos eorum ituros se et in publicum omnes ui extracturos esse. is timor frequentem senatum magistratui praebuit. ibi cum ceteri de legatis mittendis ad imperatores Romanos agerent, Uibius Uirrius, qui defectionis auctor ab Romanis fuerat, interrogatus sententiam, negat eos qui de legatis et de pace ac deditione loquantur meminisse nec quid facturi fuerint si Romanos in potestate habuissent nec quid ipsis patiendum sit.

[¶18] 13.4. “me,” he said, “do you suppose it will be the same kind of surrender as that under which we once gave up ourselves and all our possessions to the Romans, that we might obtain their aid against the Samnites?”

> Latin: 13.4. 'quid? uos' inquit 'eam deditionem fore censetis qua quondam, ut aduersus Samnites auxilium impetraremus, nos nostraque omnia Romanis dedidimus?

[¶19] 13.5. “you already forgotten in what a critical moment and in what a situation for the Roman people we have revolted from them? you already forgotten how at the time of our revolt we with torture and as an insult put to death a garrison which we might have let go?”

> Latin: 13.5. iam e memoria excessit, quo tempore et in qua fortuna a populo Romano defecerimus? iam, quemadmodum in defectione praesidium, quod poterat emitti, per cruciatum et ad contumeliam necarimus?

[¶20] 13.6. “or how often and with what bitterness we have made a sally against the besiegers, have beset their camps, have called in Hannibal to overpower them?”

> Latin: 13.6. quotiens in obsidentes, quam inimice eruperimus, castra oppugnarimus, Hannibalem uocauerimus ad opprimendos eos? hoc quod recentissimum est, ad oppugnandam Romam hinc eum miserimus?

[¶21] 13.7. “or how —this the most recent occurrence —we have sent him away to lay siege to Rome? now for the other side, recall what have been their acts of hostility towards us, that by so doing you may know what you have to expect. a foreign enemy —was in Italy, and that enemy Hannibal, and when everywhere were the flames of war, neglecting everything, neglecting even Hannibal, they sent both consuls and two consular armies to besiege Capua.”

> Latin: 13.7. age contra, quae illi infeste in nos fecerint repetite, ut ex eo quid speretis habeatis. cum hostis alienigena in Italia esset et Hannibal hostis et cuncta bello arderent, omissis omnibus, omisso ipso Hannibale, ambo consules et duo consulares exercitus ad Capuam oppugnandam miserunt.

[¶22] 13.8. “for the second year they are wasting us away by starvation, shut up inside their contravallation, while they too like ourselves have endured the utmost dangers and most serious hardships, have been slain, many of them, about their earthworks and trenches, and have at last had their camp almost taken.”

> Latin: 13.8. alterum annum circumuallatos inclusosque nos fame macerant, et ipsi nobiscum ultima pericula et grauissimos labores perpessi, circa uallum ac fossas saepe trucidati ac prope ad extremum castris exuti.

[¶23] 13.9. “I pass over these things; to suffer hardships and dangers in besieging a city of the enemy is an old and familiar story. proceed to proof of anger and hatred that are unspeakable.”

> Latin: 13.9. sed omitto haec—uetus atque usitata res est in oppugnanda hostium urbe labores ac pericula pati—: illud irae atque odii <inexpiabilis> exsecrabilisque indicium est. Hannibal ingentibus copiis peditum equitumque castra oppugnauit et ex parte cepit:

[¶24] 13.10. “Hannibal with immense forces of infantry and cavalry besieged and partly captured their camp: by such danger they were not moved at all to give up the siege.”

> Latin: 13.10. tanto periculo nihil moti sunt ab obsidione. profectus trans Uolturnum perussit Calenum agrum:

[¶25] 13.11. “out across the Volturnus he ravaged the territory of Cales with fire: by such a disaster to allies they were in no wise called away. ordered his hostile standards to be carried to the city of Rome itself: that impending storm also they scorned. the Anio he pitched camp three miles from the city, finally came close to the very walls and gates, showed that unless they should leave Capua he would take Rome away from them: they did not leave Capua. beasts, though excited by blind impulse and fury, can be diverted to bring help to their young, if one goes towards their lairs and their whelps.”

> Latin: 13.11. nihil tanta sociorum clade auocati sunt. ad ipsam urbem Romam infesta signa ferri iussit: eam quoque tempestatem imminentem spreuerunt. transgressus Anienem tria milia passuum ab urbe castra posuit, postremo ad moenia ipsa et ad portas accessit; Romam se adempturum eis, nisi omitterent Capuam, ostendit: non omiserunt. feras bestias caeco impetu ac rabie concitatas, si ad cubilia et catulos earum ire pergas, ad opem suis ferendam auertas:

[¶26] 13.12. “for the Romans, the siege of Rome, their wives and children, whose wailing could almost be heard from here, their altars and hearths, the shrines of their gods, the desecrated and profaned tombs of their ancestors did not divert them from Capua.”

> Latin: 13.12. Romanos Roma circumsessa coniuges, liberi, quorum ploratus hinc prope exaudiebantur, arae foci deum delubra sepulcra maiorum temerata ac uiolata a Capua non auerterunt;

[¶27] 13.13. “is their ardour in demanding punishment, such their thirst to drink our blood.”

> Latin: 13.13. tanta auiditas supplicii expetendi, tanta sanguinis nostri hauriendi est sitis.

[¶28] 13.14. “perhaps not without reason; we too should have done the same, had the chance been given us. since the immortal gods have made a contrary decision, inasmuch as I ought under no circumstances to refuse death, I, while free and my own master, can escape tortures and insults which the enemy is preparing, by a death which is not only honourable, but also gentle.”

> Latin: 13.14. nec iniuria forsitan; nos quoque idem fecissemus, si data fortuna esset. itaque quoniam aliter dis immortalibus est uisum, cum mortem ne recusare quidem debeam, cruciatus contumeliasque quas parat hostis dum liber, dum mei potens sum, effugere morte praeterquam honesta, etiam leni possum.

[¶29] 13.15. “shall not see Appius Claudius and Quintus Fulvius, emboldened by their insolent victory, nor shall I be dragged in chains through the city of Rome as a spectacle in a triumph, so that I may then breathe my last in the prison, or else, bound to a stake, with my back mangled by rods, may submit my neck to the Roman axe. shall I see my native city destroyed and burned, nor Capuan matrons and maidens and free —born boys carried off to be dishonoured.”

> Latin: 13.15. non uidebo Ap. Claudium et Q. Fuluium uictoria insolenti subnixos, neque uinctus per urbem Romanam triumphi spectaculum trahar, ut deinde †in carcerem† aut ad palum deligatus, lacerato uirgis tergo, ceruicem securi Romanae subiciam; nec dirui incendique patriam uidebo, nec rapi ad stuprum matres Campanas uirginesque et ingenuos pueros.

[¶30] 13.16. “Alba, from which they had themselves sprung, they levelled with its foundations, that their stock, that the memory of their origin, might not survive; much less am I to believe that they will spare Capua, to which they are more hostile than to Carthage.”

> Latin: 13.16. Albam unde ipsi oriundi erant a fundamentis proruerunt, ne stirpis, ne memoria originum suarum exstaret: nedum eos Capuae parsuros credam, cui infestiores quam Carthagini sunt.

[¶31] 13.17. “, as many of you as are minded to yield to fate before they see all these sights that are so bitter, for such in my house a feast is spread and in readiness today.”

> Latin: 13.17. itaque quibus uestrum ante fato cedere quam haec tot tam acerba uideant in animo est, iis apud me hodie epulae instructae parataeque sunt.

[¶32] 13.18. “we have had our fill of wine and food, the same cup which has been served to me shall be carried round. draught will defend the body from torture, the mind from insults, eyes and ears from seeing and hearing all the bitter and unseemly things which await the vanquished. will be ready to light a great pyre in the court of the house and throw our lifeless bodies upon it.”

> Latin: 13.18. satiatis uino ciboque poculum idem quod mihi datum fuerit circumferetur; ea potio corpus a cruciatu, animum a contumeliis, oculos aures a uidendis audiendisque omnibus acerbis indignisque quae manent uictos uindicabit. parati erunt qui magno rogo in propatulo aedium accenso corpora exanima iniciant.

[¶33] 13.19. “is the one way, at once honourable and independent, that leads to death. our enemies will admire our courage, and Hannibal will also know that they were brave allies whom he has abandoned and betrayed.”

> Latin: 13.19. haec una uia et honesta et libera ad mortem. et ipsi uirtutem mirabuntur hostes et Hannibal fortes socios sciet ab se desertos ac proditos esse.' hanc orationem Uirri plures cum adsensu audierunt quam forti animo id quod probabant exsequi potuerunt.

[¶34] 14.2. speech of Virrius more men heard with approval than had the courage to carry out what they commended. majority of the senate, not doubting that the clemency of the Roman people, known to them frequently in many wars, would be forgiving to them also, voted and sent legates to surrender Capua to the Romans.

> Latin: 14.2. maior pars senatus, multis saepe bellis expertam populi Romani clementiam haud diffidentes sibi quoque placabilem fore, legatos ad dedendam Romanis Capuam decreuerunt miseruntque.

[¶35] 14.3. twenty —seven senators followed Vibius Virrius home; and after they had feasted with him, and so far as possible had deadened their minds with wine to the sense of impending misfortune, they all took the poison.

> Latin: 14.3. Uibium Uirrium septem et uiginti ferme senatores domum secuti sunt, epulatique cum eo et quantum facere potuerant alienatis mentibus uino ab imminentis sensu mali, uenenum omnes sumpserunt;

[¶36] 14.4. at the end of the feast they gave each other the right hand and a last embrace, and weeping for their own fate and that of their native city, some remained, that they might be cremated on the same pyre, the rest left for their several homes.

> Latin: 14.4. inde misso conuiuio dextris inter se datis ultimoque complexu conlacrimantes suum patriaeque casum, alii ut eodem rogo cremarentur manserunt, alii domos digressi sunt.

[¶37] 14.5. with food and wine, their veins made the poison less effectual in hastening death. so, although most of them were in the throes through the whole of the night and part of the following day, all of them, however, died before the gates were opened to the enemy.

> Latin: 14.5. impletae cibis uinoque uenae minus efficacem in maturanda morte uim ueneni fecerunt; itaque noctem totam plerique eorum et diei insequentis partem cum animam egissent, omnes tamen prius quam aperirentur hostibus portae exspirarunt.

[¶38] 14.6. the next day the Jupiter Gate, which faced the Roman camp, was opened by order of the proconsuls. that gate one legion was admitted and two alae with Gaius Fulvius, the lieutenant.

> Latin: 14.6. postero die porta Iouis, quae aduersus castra Romana erat, iussu proconsulum aperta est. ea intromissa legio una et duae alae cum C. Fuluio legato.

[¶39] 14.7. first of all saw to it that the arms and weapons that were in Capua should be brought to him; then posting sentinels at all the gates, that no one might be able to go out or be sent out, he seized the Carthaginian garrison, and ordered the Capuan senate to go to the Roman generals in the camp.

> Latin: 14.7. is cum omnium primum arma telaque quae Capuae erant ad se conferenda curasset, custodiis ad omnes portas dispositis ne quis exire aut emitti posset, praesidium Punicum comprehendit, senatum Campanum ire in castra ad imperatores Romanos iussit.

[¶40] 14.8. there, they were all put in chains and bidden to bring to the quaestors what gold and silver they had. amount of gold was two thousand and seventy pounds, of silver thirty —one thousand two hundred pounds.

> Latin: 14.8. quo cum uenissent, extemplo iis omnibus catenae iniectae, iussique ad quaestores deferre quod auri atque argenti haberent. auri pondo duo milia septuaginta fuit, argenti triginta milia pondo et mille ducenta.

[¶41] 14.9. the senators known to have especially promoted revolt from the Romans twenty —five were sent to Cales to be imprisoned, twenty —eight to Teanum. the punishment of the Capuan senators there was no kind of agreement between Fulvius and Claudius. to hear a plea for pardon was Claudius; more inflexible was Fulvius' opinion. Appius was inclined to refer the entire decision of the case to the senate at Rome.

> Latin: 14.9. senatores quinque et uiginti Cales in custodiam, duodetriginta Teanum missi, quorum de sententia maxime descitum ab Romanis constabat. de supplicio Campani senatus haudquaquam inter Fuluium Claudiumque conueniebat. facilis impetrandae ueniae Claudius, Fului durior sententia erat. itaque Appius Romam ad senatum arbitrium eius rei totum reiciebat:

[¶42] 15.3. he thought it right that the fathers should be given authority to enquire of these men whether they had shared their plans with some of the Latin allies, and whether they had been helped by them in the war.

> Latin: 15.3. percontandi etiam aequum esse potestatem fieri patribus, num communicassent consilia cum aliquis sociorum Latini nominis [municipiorum] et num ope eorum in bello forent adiuti.

[¶43] 15.4. Fulvius said that they must on no account run the risk of troubling the feelings of faithful allies by unsubstantiated charges and of exposing them to informers, who never had had any scruple as to what they were saying or what they were doing; hence he would quash and suppress that investigation.

> Latin: 15.4. id uero minime committendum esse Fuluius dicere ut sollicitarentur criminibus dubiis sociorum fidelium animi, et subicerentur indicibus quis neque <quid dicerent neque> quid facerent quicquam unquam pensi fuisset; itaque se eam quaestionem oppressurum exstincturumque.

[¶44] 15.5. they had separated directly after this speech, Appius had no doubt that his colleague, in spite of his fierce words, would wait, however, for a letter from Rome on a matter of such importance. Fulvius for fear that very thing might hinder his project, dismissed the council, and ordered the tribunes of the soldiers and the prefects of allies to instruct two thousand picked cavalry —to be ready at the bugle —call of the third watch. out by night for Teanum with this cavalry, he entered the gate at dawn and proceeded to the forum.

> Latin: 15.5. ab hoc sermone cum digressi essent, et Appius quamuis ferociter loquentem collegam non dubitaret tamen litteras super tanta re ab Roma exspectaturum, Fuluius, ne id ipsum impedimentum incepto foret, dimittens praetorium tribunis militum ac praefectis socium imperauit uti duobus milibus equitum delectis denuntiarent ut ad tertiam bucinam praesto essent. cum hoc equitatu nocte Teanum profectus, prima luce portam intrauit atque in forum perrexit;

[¶45] 15.7. the first entry of the horsemen a crowd gathered, and he bade that the Sidicinian magistrate be summoned, and ordered him to bring out the Capuans whom he had under arrest.

> Latin: 15.7. concursuque ad primum equitum ingressum facto magistratum Sidicinum citari iussit imperauitque ut produceret Campanos quos in custodia haberet.

[¶46] 15.8. were brought out, scourged with rods and beheaded. he hastened at full speed to Cales., after he had taken his seat on the tribunal and the Capuans were brought out and were being bound to stakes, came a horseman post haste from Rome and handed to Fulvius a letter from Gaius Calpurnius, the praetor, and a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 15.8. producti omnes uirgisque caesi ac securi percussi. inde citato equo Cales percurrit; ubi cum in tribunali consedisset productique Campani deligarentur ad palum, eques citus ab Roma uenit litterasque a C. Calpurnio praetore Fuluio et senatus consultum tradit.

[¶47] 15.9. at the tribunal a rumour spread through the whole assembly that the case of the Capuans was reserved for decision by the senators. Fulvius also thought that was the case, took the letter, but without breaking the seal, and having placed it in his bosom, commanded a herald to order the lictor to carry out the legal punishment. Thus was punishment visited upon those also who were at Cales.

> Latin: 15.9. murmur ab tribunali totam contionem peruasit differri rem integram ad patres de Campanis; et Fuluius, id ita esse ratus acceptas litteras neque resolutas cum in gremio reposuisset, praeconi imperauit ut lictorem lege agere iuberet. ita de iis quoque qui Calibus erant sumptum supplicium.

[¶48] 15.10. the letter was read and the decree of the senate, too late to prevent an action which had been hastened by every means, that prevention might be impossible.

> Latin: 15.10. tum litterae lectae senatusque consultum, serum ad impediendam rem actam quae summa ope approperata erat ne impediri posset.

[¶49] 15.11. as Fulvius was rising from his seat, Taurea Vibellius the Capuan, striding through the middle of the crowd, called him by name, and when Flaccus, wondering what he wished of him, had sat down again, Vibellius said “me also to be slain, that you may be able to boast that a much braver man than you are yourself has been slain by you.”

> Latin: 15.11. consurgentem iam Fuluium Taurea Uibellius Campanus per mediam uadens turbam nomine inclamauit, et cum mirabundus quidnam sese uellet resedisset Flaccus, 'me quoque' inquit 'iube occidi ut gloriari possis multo fortiorem quam ipse es uirum abs te occisum esse.'

[¶50] 15.13. Flaccus said that the man was doubtless of unsound mind, and then added that, if he wished to do so, he was forbidden by the decree of the senate, thereupon Vibellius said “indeed, although my native city has been taken, my relatives and friends lost, and ” “with my own hand I have killed my wife and children, that they might suffer no indignity, for myself there is not the same possibility even to die that these my fellow —citizens have had, let courage give me a release from this odious life.”

> Latin: 15.13. cum Flaccus negaret profecto satis compotem mentis esse, modo prohiberi etiam se si id uellet senatus consulto diceret, tum Uibellius 'quando quidem' inquit 'capta patria propinquis amicisque amissis, cum ipse manu mea coniugem liberosque interfecerim ne quid indigni paterentur, mihi ne mortis quidem copia eadem est quae his ciuibus meis, petatur a uirtute inuisae huius uitae uindicta.'

[¶51] 15.15. so with a sword which he had concealed under his clothing he ran himself directly through the breast and fell dying at the feet of the general. all that had to do with the punishment of the Capuans and many other things were done by the decision of Flaccus alone, some relate that Appius Claudius died just before the surrender of Capua., they say that Taurea himself did not voluntarily come to Cales, and was not slain by his own hand, but that while he was being bound along with the rest to a stake, because what he was shouting could not be heard clearly for the noise, Flaccus ordered silence;

> Latin: 15.15. atque ita gladio quem ueste texerat per aduersum pectus transfixus, ante pedes imperatoris moribundus procubuit. quia et quod ad supplicium attinet Campanorum et pleraque alia de Flacci unius sententia acta erant, mortuum Ap. Claudium sub deditionem Capuae quidam tradunt; hunc quoque ipsum Tauream neque sua sponte uenisse Cales neque sua manu interfectum, sed dum inter ceteros ad palum deligatur, quia parum inter strepitus exaudiri possent quae uociferaretur silentium fieri Flaccum iussisse;

[¶52] 16.3. that then Taurea, as has been stated above, said that he, the bravest of men, was being killed by one who was in no way his equal in courage; that after these words the herald by order of the proconsul proclaimed “, give the brave man a beating; on him first the legal penalty!”

> Latin: 16.3. tum Tauream illa quae ante memorata sunt dixisse, uirum se fortissimum ab nequaquam pari ad uirtutem occidi; sub haec dicta iussu proconsulis praeconem ita pronuntiasse: 'lictor, uiro forti adde uirgas et in eum primum lege age.'

[¶53] 16.4. authorities say that the decree of the senate also was read before he beheaded them; but that, because in the decree of the senateit was added that, if he saw fit, he should refer the decision to the verdict of the senate, he interpreted it that they allowed him to decide which course he thought more to the interest of the state. Cales they returned to Capua, and the surrender of Atella and Calatia was received.

> Latin: 16.4. lectum quoque senatus consultum priusquam securi feriret quidam auctores sunt, sed quia adscriptum in senatus consulto fuerit si ei uideretur integram rem ad senatum reiceret, interpretatum esse quid magis e re publica duceret aestimationem sibi permissam. Capuam a Calibus reditum est, Atellaque et Calatia in deditionem acceptae;

[¶54] 16.5. also punishment was inflicted on the responsible leaders.

> Latin: 16.5. ibi quoque in eos qui capita rerum erant animaduersum.

[¶55] 16.6. Thus about seventy prominent senators were put to death; some three hundred noble Campanians who were put in prison, and others who were distributed among cities of Latin allies to be guarded, met death in different ways. remaining mass of Campanian citizens were sold.

> Latin: 16.6. ita ad septuaginta principes senatus interfecti, trecenti ferme nobiles Campani in carcerem conditi, alii per sociorum Latini nominis urbes in custodias dati, uariis casibus interierunt: multitudo alia ciuium Campanorum uenum data.

[¶56] 16.7. regard to the city and its territory discussion continued, inasmuch as some thought a city very powerful, near, and unfriendly should be destroyed. immediate advantage prevailed. on account of the territory, which was well known to be foremost in Italy in all that the fertile soil produced, the city was preserved, that the tillers of the land might have some abode.

> Latin: 16.7. de urbe agroque reliqua consultatio fuit, quibusdam delendam censentibus urbem praeualidam propinquam inimicam. ceterum praesens utilitas uicit; nam propter agrum, quem omni fertilitate terrae satis constabat primum in Italia esse, urbs seruata est ut esset aliqua aratorum sedes.

[¶57] 16.8. people the city the multitude of resident aliens and freedmen and petty tradesmen and artisans was retained. whole territory and the buildings became public property of the Roman people.

> Latin: 16.8. urbi frequentandae multitudo incolarum libertinorumque et institorum opificumque retenta: ager omnis et tecta publica populi Romani facta.

[¶58] 16.9. it was decided that Capua, as a nominal city, should merely be a dwelling —place and a centre of population, but should have no political body nor senate nor council of the plebs nor magistrates.

> Latin: 16.9. ceterum habitari tantum tamquam urbem Capuam frequentarique placuit, corpus nullum ciuitatis nec senatum nec plebis concilium nec magistratus esse:

[¶59] 16.10. thought that the multitude, without a public council, without military authority, having nothing in common amongst them, would be incapable of agreement; the Romans would send out every year a prefect to administer justice.

> Latin: 16.10. sine consilio publico, sine imperio multitudinem nullius rei inter se sociam ad consensum inhabilem fore; praefectum ad iura reddenda ab Roma quotannis missuros.

[¶60] 16.11. Thus matters concerning Capua were settled according to a plan that was in every respect praiseworthy. and prompt was the punishment of the most guilty; the mass of citizens were scattered with no hope of a return; no rage was vented upon innocent buildings and city —walls by burning and demolition.

> Latin: 16.11. ita ad Capuam res compositae consilio ab omni parte laudabili. seuere et celeriter in maxime noxios animaduersum; multitudo ciuium dissipata in nullam spem reditus;

[¶61] 16.12. along with profit they sought a reputation among the allies as well for clemency, by saving a very important and very rich city, over whose ruins all Campania, all the neighbouring peoples on every side of Campania, would have mourned.

> Latin: 16.12. non saeuitum incendiis ruinisque in tecta innoxia murosque, et cum emolumento quaesita etiam apud socios lenitatis species incolumitate urbis nobilissimae opulentissimaeque, cuius ruinis omnis Campania, omnes qui Campaniam circa accolunt populi ingemuissent;

[¶62] 16.13. enemy were forced to acknowledge what power the Romans possessed to exact punishment from faithless allies, and how helpless Hannibal was to defend those whom he had taken under his protection. Rome the senate, having discharged its responsibilities so far as concerned Capua, voted to assign to Gaius Nero six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry of his own choosing, from the two legions which he had had before Capua, and from the Latin allies the same number of infantry and eight hundred cavalry. army Nero embarked at Puteoli and transported to Spain. at Tarraco by sea, he there disembarked his troops, beached the ships, and armed even the crews, to increase his numbers. setting out for the river Ebro, he took over the army from Tiberius Fonteius and Lucius Marcius.

> Latin: 16.13. confessio expressa hosti quanta uis in Romanis ad expetendas poenas ab infidelibus sociis et quam nihil in Hannibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Romani patres perfuncti quod ad Capuam attinebat cura, C. Neroni ex iis duabus legionibus quas ad Capuam habuerat sex milia peditum et trecentos equites quos ipse legisset et socium Latini nominis peditum numerum parem et octingentos equites decernunt. eum exercitum Puteolis in naues impositum Nero in Hispaniam transportauit. cum Tarraconem nauibus uenisset, expositisque ibi copiis et nauibus subductis socios quoque nauales multitudinis augendae causa armasset, profectus ad Hiberum flumen exercitum ab Ti.

[¶63] 17.3. thereupon proceeded against the enemy. Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, was encamped at the Black Rocks. place is in the country of the Ausetani, between the towns of Iliturgis and Mentissa.

> Latin: 17.3. Fonteio et L. Marcio accepit. inde pergit ad hostes ire. Hasdrubal Hamilcaris ad Lapides Atros castra habebat;

[¶64] 17.4. Nero occupied the entrance to this pass. Hasdrubal, to avoid being entrapped, sent a herald to promise that if he should be allowed to get away, he would transport his entire army out of Spain.

> Latin: 17.4. in Ausetanis is locus est inter oppida Iliturgim et Mentissam. huius saltus fauces Nero occupauit.

[¶65] 17.5. Roman accepted the proposal with joy, and Hasdrubal asked for the next day for a conference, that in person they might draw up the terms for the surrender of the citadels of cities and fix a date before which the garrisons were to be evacuated, and the Carthaginians might remove all their property without molestation.

> Latin: 17.5. Hasdrubal, ne in arto res esset, caduceatorem misit qui promitteret si inde missus foret se omnem exercitum ex Hispania deportaturum. quam rem cum laeto animo Romanus accepisset, diem posterum Hasdrubal conloquio petiuit ut coram leges conscriberentur de tradendis arcibus urbium dieque statuenda ad quam praesidia deducerentur suaque omnia sine fraude Poeni deportarent.

[¶66] 17.7. gained that request, Hasdrubal at once gave orders that at dusk and then all through the night the heaviest troops should escape from the pass by any possible way.

> Latin: 17.7. quod ubi impetrauit, extemplo primis tenebris atque inde tota nocte quod grauissimum exercitus erat Hasdrubal quacunque posset euadere e saltu iussit.

[¶67] 17.8. Great pains were taken not to have many leave that night, that even their small numbers might be better suited both to escaping the enemy's notice by silence and to making their way out by narrow and difficult paths.

> Latin: 17.8. data sedulo opera est ne multi ea nocte exirent, ut ipsa paucitas cum ad hostem silentio fallendum aptior, tum ad euadendum per artas semitas ac difficiles esset.

[¶68] 17.9. day they came to the conference; but by speaking at unnecessary length and by purposely writing what was not to the point the day was spent, and postponement taken to the next day. addition of the following night gave them time to send out others as well;

> Latin: 17.9. uentum insequenti die ad conloquium est; sed loquendo plura scribendoque dedita opera quae in rem non essent die consumpto, in posterum dilatum est.

[¶69] 17.10. and on the following day the business did not reach an end.

> Latin: 17.10. addita insequens nox spatium dedit et alios emittendi;

[¶70] 17.11. Thus several days were spent in arguing openly about terms, and several nights in secretly sending Carthaginians away from the camp. after the larger part of the army had been sent away, they ceased any longer to stand by even what they had been the first to propose. there was less and less agreement, as honesty declined along with fear.

> Latin: 17.11. nec postero die res finem inuenit. ita aliquot dies disceptando palam de legibus noctesque emittendis clam e castris Carthaginiensibus absumptae. et postquam pars maior emissa exercitus erat, iam ne iis quidem quae ultro dicta erant stabatur;

[¶71] 17.12. this time nearly all the infantry forces had escaped from the pass when at daybreak a dense fog covered the whole pass and the adjacent plain. Hasdrubal on noticing that, sent a messenger to Nero, to postpone the conference until the next day: that day was banned among the Carthaginians, he said, for the doing of anything serious.

> Latin: 17.12. minusque ac minus, cum timore simul fide decrescente, conueniebat. iam ferme pedestres omnes copiae euaserant e saltu cum prima luce densa nebula saltum omnem camposque circa intexit. quod ubi sensit Hasdrubal, mittit ad Neronem qui in posterum diem conloquium differret: illum diem religiosum Carthaginiensibus ad agendum quicquam rei seriae esse.

[¶72] 17.13. even then fraud was not suspected, excuse for that day was granted, and forthwith Hasdrubal with his cavalry and elephants left camp, and without any noise escaped to a place of safety. about the fourth hour the burning away of the fog by the sun cleared the air, and the Romans caught sight of the empty camp of the enemy.

> Latin: 17.13. ne tum quidem suspecta fraus cum esset, data uenia eius diei, extemploque Hasdrubal cum equitatu elephantisque castris egressus sine ullo tumultu in tutum euasit.

[¶73] 17.14. Claudius, who until then did not recognize the Punic deception, perceived that he had been tricked, he pressed the pursuit of a departing enemy, he being all ready to engage in pitched battle.

> Latin: 17.14. hora ferme quarta dispulsa sole nebula aperuit diem, uacuaque hostium castra conspexerunt Romani tum demum Claudius Punicam fraudem adgnoscens ut se dolo captum sensit, proficiscentem institit sequi paratus confligere acie.

[¶74] 17.16. the enemy refused to fight. yet there were slight engagements between the rear of the Carthaginian column and the advance guard of the Romans.

> Latin: 17.16. sed hostis detractabat pugnam; leuia tamen proelia inter extremum Punicum agmen praecursoresque Romanorum fiebant. inter haec Hispaniae populi nec qui post cladem acceptam defecerant redibant ad Romanos, nec ulli noui deficiebant;

[¶75] 18.2. of the peoples of Spain none who had revolted after the disaster occurred were returning to the Romans, and at the same time no new nations were revolting. at Rome, after the recovery of Capua, senate and people were no longer more concerned about Italy than about Spain.

> Latin: 18.2. et Romae senatui populoque post receptam Capuam non Italiae iam maior quam Hispaniae cura erat. et exercitum augeri et imperatorem mitti placebat;

[¶76] 18.3. favoured an increase of the army and the sending of a commander —in —chief; nor were they so well agreed whom to send, as they were on this point, that, where two great commanders had fallen within thirty days, there a successor to both must be chosen with unusual care.

> Latin: 18.3. nec tam quem mitterent satis constabat quam illud, ubi duo summi imperatores intra dies triginta cecidissent, qui in locum duorum succederet extraordinaria cura deligendum esse.

[¶77] 18.4. some were naming one man, others another, finally they had recourse to the holding of an election to name a proconsul for Spain; and the consuls announced a date for the election.

> Latin: 18.4. cum alii alium nominarent, postremum eo decursum est ut proconsuli creando in Hispaniam comitia haberentur; diemque comitiis consules edixerunt.

[¶78] 18.5. first people had waited for those who thought themselves deserving of so important a command to hand in their names. that hope was disappointed, grief for the disaster they had suffered was renewed, and regret for the lost generals. so the citizens mourned, being almost devoid of any plan; nevertheless on the election day they went down into the Campus.

> Latin: 18.5. primo exspectauerant ut qui se tanto imperio dignos crederent nomina profiterentur; quae ut destituta exspectatio est, redintegratus luctus acceptae cladis desideriumque imperatorum amissorum. maesta itaque ciuitas prope inops consilii comitiorum die tamen in campum descendit;

[¶79] 18.6. turning towards the magistrates they scanned the faces of the leading men, who were looking at one and another of their number, and there were complaints that the situation was so desperate and hope for the state so given up that no man ventured to accept the command for Spain, when suddenly Publius Cornelius, son of that Publius Cornelius who had fallen in Spain, being about twenty —four years of age, declared that he was a candidate, and took his place on higher ground from which he could be

> Latin: 18.6. atque in magistratus uersi circumspectant ora principum aliorum alios intuentium fremuntque adeo perditas res desperatumque de re publica esse ut nemo audeat in Hispaniam imperium accipere, cum subito P. Cornelius <Publi filius eius> qui in Hispania ceciderat, [filius] quattuor et uiginti ferme annos natus, professus se petere, in superiore unde conspici posset loco constitit.

[¶80] 18.8. seen. faces were turned towards him, and then by their shouts of approval they at once predicted a fortunate and auspicious command., bidden to cast their votes, not only all the centuries, but also every single man voted that Publius Scipio should have the command in

> Latin: 18.8. in quem postquam omnium ora conuersa sunt, clamore ac fauore ominati extemplo sunt felix faustumque imperium. iussi deinde inire suffragium ad unum omnes non centuriae modo, sed etiam homines P. Scipioni imperium esse in Hispania iusserunt.

[¶81] 18.10. Spain. after the thing was done, now that impulsiveness and enthusiasm had subsided, there came a sudden silence and they thought to themselves, What had they done? not partiality outweighed reasoning? was his youth that they especially regretted.

> Latin: 18.10. ceterum post rem actam ut iam resederat impetus animorum ardorque, silentium subito ortum et tacita cogitatio quidnam egissent; nonne fauor plus ualuisset quam ratio.

[¶82] 18.11. also shrank from the destiny of the house, and from the name of one who was setting out from two afflicted families for provinces where his campaign must be about the tombs of his father and his uncle. he noticed this anxiety and concern, following an action taken with such impulsiveness, Scipio called an assembly, and discoursed with such elevation of spirit on his age and the command entrusted to him and the war to be waged, that he again awakened and revived the ardour which had cooled, and filled men with a more assured hope than belief in a man's promise or reasoning based upon confidence of his success usually inspires.

> Latin: 18.11. aetatis maxime paenitebat; quidam fortunam etiam domus horrebant nomenque ex funestis duabus familiis in eas prouincias ubi inter sepulcra patris patruique res gerendae essent proficiscentis. quam ubi ab re tanto impetu acta sollicitudinem curamque hominum animaduertit, aduocata contione ita de aetate sua imperioque mandato et bello quod gerundum esset magno elatoque animo disseruit, ut ardorem eum qui resederat excitaret rursus nouaretque et impleret homines certioris spei quam quantam fides promissi humani aut ratio ex fiducia rerum subicere solet.

[¶83] 19.3. Scipio was remarkable not only for his real abilities, but thanks to a certain skill also had from his youth adapted himself to their display, doing most of his actions before the public either as if they were prompted by visions in the night or inspired by the gods, whether because he also was possessed by a certain superstition, or in order that men might carry out without hesitation his commands and advice, as though emanating from an oracular response.

> Latin: 19.3. fuit enim Scipio non ueris tantum uirtutibus mirabilis, sed arte quoque quadam ab iuuenta in ostentationem earum compositus, pleraque apud multitudinem aut per nocturnas uisa species aut uelut diuinitus mente monita agens, siue et ipse capti quadam superstitione animi, siue ut imperia consiliaque uelut sorte oraculi missa sine cunctatione exsequerentur.

[¶84] 19.5. than that, preparing men's minds from the very beginning, from the time when he put on the manly gown, there was not a day on which he did any business public or private without going first to the Capitol, and after he had entered the temple, sitting down and usually passing the time there alone in seclusion. custom, which he maintained throughout his lifetime, confirmed in some men the belief, whether deliberately circulated or by chance, that he was a man of divine race.

> Latin: 19.5. ad hoc iam inde ab initio praeparans animos, ex quo togam uirilem sumpsit nullo die prius ullam publicam priuatamque rem egit quam in Capitolium iret ingressusque aedem consideret et plerumque solus in secreto ibi tempus tereret.

[¶85] 19.6. it revived the tale previously told of Alexander the Great and rivalling it as unfounded gossip, that his conception was due to an immense serpent, and that the form of the strange creature had very often been seen in his mother's chamber, and that, when persons came in, it had suddenly glided away and disappeared from sight. himself never made light of men's belief in these marvels; on the contrary it was rather promoted by a certain studied practice of neither denying such a thing nor openly asserting it.

> Latin: 19.6. hic mos per omnem uitam seruatus seu consulto seu temere uolgatae opinioni fidem apud quosdam fecit stirpis eum diuinae uirum esse, rettulitque famam in Alexandro magno prius uolgatam, et uanitate et fabula parem, anguis immanis concubitu conceptum, et in cubiculo matris eius uisam persaepe prodigii eius speciem interuentuque hominum euolutam repente atque ex oculis elapsam.

[¶86] 19.8. other things of the same sort, some true, some pretended, had passed the limits of admiration for a mere man in the case of this youth.

> Latin: 19.8. his miraculis nunquam ab ipso elusa fides est; quin potius aucta arte quadam nec abnuendi tale quicquam nec palam adfirmandi.

[¶87] 19.9. were the things on which the citizens relied when they then entrusted to an age far from mature the great responsibility of so important a command.

> Latin: 19.9. multa alia eiusdem generis, alia uera, alia adsimulata, admirationis humanae in eo iuuene excesserant modum; quibus freta tunc ciuitas aetati haudquaquam maturae tantam rerum molem tantumque imperium permisit.

[¶88] 19.10. the forces which Spain had from the old army, and those which had been transported under Gaius Nero from Puteoli, were added ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry. Marcus Iunius Silanus, the propraetor, was assigned to aid in the conduct of the war.

> Latin: 19.10. ad eas copias quas ex uetere exercitu Hispania habebat, quaeque a Puteolis cum C. Nerone traiectae erant, decem milia militum et mille equites adduntur, et M. Iunius Silanus propraetor adiutor ad res gerendas datus est.

[¶89] 19.11. with a fleet of thirty ships (and they were all quinqueremes ) Scipio set out from the mouth of the Tiber, sailed along the coast of the Tuscan Sea and past the Alps... and the Gallic Gulf, and then rounding the promontory of the Pyrenees, landed his troops at Emporiae, a Greek city, for they also are sprung from Phocaea.

> Latin: 19.11. ita cum triginta nauium classe—omnes autem quinqueremes erant—Ostiis Tiberinis profectus praeter oram Tusci maris, Alpesque et Gallicum sinum et deinde Pyrenaei circumuectus promuntorium, Emporiis urbe Graeca—oriundi et ipsi a Phocaea sunt—copias exposuit.

[¶90] 19.12. ordering the ships to follow, and proceeding by land to Tarraco, he held an assembly of all the allies; for on hearing of his coming embassies had poured out from the entire province. he ordered the ships to be beached, while he sent back four triremes of the Massilians which out of courtesy had escorted him from their home.

> Latin: 19.12. inde sequi nauibus iussis Tarraconem pedibus profectus conuentum omnium sociorum —etenim legationes ad famam eius ex omni se prouincia effuderant—habuit.

[¶91] 19.13. he began to give answers to the embassies which were in suspense owing to the repeated changes of fortune, and that with high spirit indeed, due to his great faith in his own abilities, yet so that no over —confident word slipped from his lips, and that in all he said there was not only great dignity but also great sincerity. out from Tarraco he visited cities of the allies and also winter quarters of the army, and warmly praised the soldiers because, after suffering two such disasters in succession, they had held the province, and not allowing the enemy to feel any benefit from their successes, had kept them out of the whole region this side of the Ebro, and had loyally protected the allies.

> Latin: 19.13. naues ibi subduci iussit, remissis quattuor triremibus Massiliensium quae officii causa ab domo prosecutae fuerant. responsa inde legationibus suspensis uarietate tot casuum dare coepit, ita elato ab ingenti uirtutum suarum fiducia animo ut nullum ferox uerbum excideret ingensque omnibus quae diceret cum maiestas inesset tum fides. profectus ab Tarracone et ciuitates sociorum et hiberna exercitus adiit, collaudauitque milites quod duabus tantis deinceps cladibus icti prouinciam obtinuissent, nec fructum secundarum rerum sentire hostes passi omni cis Hiberum agro eos arcuissent, sociosque cum fide tutati essent.

[¶92] 20.3. Marcius he kept by him in so much honour as to make it clear that he had not the least fear that anyone would stand in the way of his own fame.

> Latin: 20.3. Marcium secum habebat cum tanto honore, ut facile appareret nihil minus uereri quam ne quis obstaret gloriae suae.

[¶93] 20.4. Silanus succeeded Nero, and the new soldiers were led into winter quarters. Scipio, having promptly visited all the necessary places and having done all that was to be done, retired to Tarraco.

> Latin: 20.4. successit inde Neroni Silanus, et in hiberna milites noui deducti. Scipio omnibus quae adeunda agendaque erant mature aditis peractisque Tarraconem concessit.

[¶94] 20.5. a whit less was Scipio's fame among the enemy than among citizens and allies, and there was a certain presentiment of the future, inspiring the greater fear in proportion as they were the less able to account for their unreasoned apprehension.

> Latin: 20.5. nihilo minor fama apud hostes Scipionis erat quam apud ciues sociosque, et diuinatio quaedam futuri, quo minus ratio timoris reddi poterat oborti temere, maiorem inferens metum.

[¶95] 20.6. had withdrawn in different directions into winter quarters, Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, as far as the Ocean and Gades, Mago into the interior, especially beyond the Forest of Castulo. Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, was the nearest to the Ebro in his winter quarters near Saguntum.

> Latin: 20.6. in hiberna diuersi concesserant, Hasdrubal Gisgonis usque ad Oceanum et Gades, Mago in mediterranea maxime supra Castulonensem saltum; Hasdrubal Hamilcaris filius proximus Hibero circa Saguntum hibernauit.

[¶96] 20.7. the end of the summer in which Capua was taken and Scipio came to Spain a Carthaginian fleet was summoned from Sicily to Tarentum to cut off the supplies of the Roman garrison which was in the citadel of Tarentum, and it had indeed closed every approach to the citadel from the sea, but by lying there for a long time it was making the grain supply more limited for their allies than for the enemy.

> Latin: 20.7. aestatis eius extremo qua capta est Capua et Scipio in Hispaniam uenit, Punica classis ex Sicilia Tarentum accita ad arcendos commeatus praesidii Romani quod in arce Tarentina erat, clauserat quidem omnes ad arcem a mari aditus, sed adsidendo diutius artiorem annonam sociis quam hosti faciebat;

[¶97] 20.9. it was impossible for such a quantity of grain to be brought to the townspeople by way of the peaceful shores and open harbours, under the protection of the Carthaginian ships, as the fleet itself was consuming, with its swarming crews, including men of every race. result was that, while the garrison of the citadel, as being few in number, could be supported from previous stores without importation, for the Tarentines and the fleet even the imported grain was insufficient.

> Latin: 20.9. non enim tantum subuehi oppidanis per pacata litora apertosque portus praesidio nauium Punicarum poterat quantum frumenti classis ipsa turba nauali mixta ex omni genere hominum absumebat, ut arcis praesidium etiam sine inuecto quia pauci erant ex ante praeparato sustentari posset, Tarentinis classique ne inuectum quidem sufficeret.

[¶98] 20.11. the end the departure of the fleet was more welcome than had been its coming. scarcity had not been much relieved, because, with the removal of naval protection, grain could not be brought in.

> Latin: 20.11. tandem maiore gratia quam uenerat classis dimissa est; annona haud multum laxauerat quia remoto maritimo praesidio subuehi frumentum non poterat. eiusdem aestatis exitu M. Marcellus ex Sicilia prouincia cum ad urbem uenisset, a C. Calpurnio praetore senatus ei ad aedem Bellonae datus est.

[¶99] 21.2. the end of the same summer, upon the arrival of Marcus Marcellus at the city from his province of Sicily, a session of the senate in the Temple of Bellona was granted him by Gaius Calpurnius, the praetor. after speaking of his achievements he complained gently, not more on his own account than that of the soldiers, because even after completing his task in the province, he had not been permitted to bring home his army, and he demanded that he be permitted to enter the city in triumph.

> Latin: 21.2. ibi cum de rebus ab se gestis disseruisset, questus leniter non suam magis quam militum uicem quod prouincia confecta exercitum deportare non licuisset, postulauit ut triumphanti urbem inire liceret. id non impetrauit.

[¶100] 21.3. request was not granted. was first a wordy discussion whether it was more illogical that he in whose name, though absent, a thanksgiving for successes gained under his command had been decreed and honour rendered to the gods, should be denied a triumph when present, or on the other hand that he whom they had ordered to tum over his army to a successor —a vote which was not taken except when a war still remained in the province —should triumph just as though the war were finished, and in spite of the absence of the army to witness his triumph as deserved or undeserved.

> Latin: 21.3. cum multis uerbis actum esset utrum minus conueniret cuius nomine absentis ob res prospere ductu eius gestas supplicatio decreta foret et dis immortalibus habitus honos ei praesenti negare triumphum, an quem tradere exercitum successori iussissent—quod nisi manente in prouincia bello non decerneretur—eum quasi debellato triumphare cum exercitus testis meriti atque immeriti triumphi abesset, medium uisum ut ouans urbem iniret.