21.5. they adopted a compromise, that he should enter the city in an ovation.
21.5. tribuni plebis ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt ut M. Marcello quo die urbem ouans iniret imperium esset.
21.6. tribune of the plebs on the authority of the senate brought before the people the proposal that Marcus Marcellus should have full military power on the day on which he entered the city in an ovation.
21.6. pridie quam urbem iniret in monte Albano triumphauit; inde ouans multam prae se praedam in urbem intulit.
21.7. the day before his entry into the city he triumphed on the Alban Mount. in his ovation he caused a great amount of booty to be carried before him into the city. with a representation of captured Syracuse were carried catapults and ballistae and all the other engines of war, and the adornments of a long peace and of royal wealth, a quantity of silverware and bronze —ware, other furnishings and costly fabrics, and many notable statues, with which Syracuse had been adorned more highly than most cities of Greece.
21.7. cum simulacro captarum Syracusarum catapultae ballistaeque et alia omnia instrumenta belli lata et pacis diuturnae regiaeque opulentiae ornamenta, argenti aerisque fabrefacti uis, alia supellex pretiosaque uestis et multa nobilia signa, quibus inter primas Graeciae urbes Syracusae ornatae fuerant.
21.9. a sign of triumph over Carthaginians as well, eight elephants were in the procession. not the least spectacle, in advance of the general and wearing golden wreaths, were Sosis of Syracuse and Moericus the Spaniard.
21.9. Punicae quoque uictoriae signum octo ducti elephanti, et non minimum fuere spectaculum cum coronis aureis praecedentes Sosis Syracusanus et Moericus Hispanus, quorum altero duce nocturno Syracusas introitum erat, alter Nassum quodque ibi praesidii erat prodiderat.
21.11. one of them as guide at night Syracuse had been entered; the other had betrayed Nasus and the garrison there. both of these citizenship was granted and five hundred iugera of land; to Sosis, in the territory of Syracuse, land which had either belonged to the king or to enemies of the Roman people, and a house at Syracuse, to be chosen by him from those owned by men whom they had punished by the law of war.
21.11. his ambobus ciuitas data et quingena iugera agri, Sosidi in agro Syracusano qui aut regius aut hostium populi Romani fuisset et aedes Syracusis cuius uellet eorum in quos belli iure animaduersum esset, Moerico Hispanisque qui cum eo transierant urbs agerque in Sicilia ex iis qui a populo Romano defecissent, iussa dari.
21.13. Moericus and the Spaniards who had changed sides with him a city and land in Sicily were ordered to be given, chosen from among those who had revolted from the Roman people. were given to Marcus Cornelius to assign them a city and land wherever he saw fit.
21.13. id M. Cornelio mandatum ut ubi ei uideretur urbem agrumque eis adsignaret. in eodem agro Belligeni, per quem inlectus ad transitionem Moericus erat, quadringenta iugera agri decreta.
21.14. the same region four hundred iugera of land were voted to Belligenes, by whom Moericus had been induced to change sides. Marcellus' departure from Sicily a Carthaginian fleet landed eight thousand infantry and three thousand Numidian cavalry. them the cities of Murgentia and Ergetium revolted.
21.14. post profectionem ex Sicilia Marcelli Punica classis octo milia peditum, tria Numidarum equitum exposuit. ad eos Murgentia et Er<getium urbes defece>re. secutae defectionem earum Hybla et Macella et ignobiliores quaedam aliae;
21.15. rebellion was followed by that of Hybla and Macella and some others of less importance. the Numidians, roaming everywhere in Sicily under their prefect Muttines, burned over lands of allies of the Roman people.
21.15. et Numidae praefecto Muttine uagi per totam Siciliam sociorum populi Romani agros urebant.
21.16. addition the Roman army, being indignant, partly because it had not been transported out of the province along with its commander, and partly because they had been forbidden to winter in towns, was serving without spirit. what they lacked for a mutiny was a leader rather than the inclination.
21.16. super haec exercitus Romanus iratus, partim quod cum imperatore non deuectus ex prouincia esset, partim quod in oppidis hibernare uetiti erant, segni fungebantur militia, magisque eis auctor ad seditionem quam animus deerat.
21.17. the midst of these difficulties Marcus Cornelius, the praetor, quieted the soldiers' excitement, now by consoling, now by censuring them; likewise he reduced to subjection all the city —states which had revolted. of these he assigned Murgentia to the Spaniards to whom a city with its territory was due in conformity with a decree of the senate.
21.17. inter has difficultates M. Cornelius praetor et militum animos nunc consolando nunc castigando sedauit, et ciuitates omnes quae defecerant in dicionem redegit; atque ex iis Murgentiam Hispanis quibus urbs agerque debebatur ex senatus consulto attribuit. consules cum ambo Apuliam prouinciam haberent, minusque iam terroris a Poenis et Hannibale esset, sortiri iussi Apuliam Macedoniamque prouincias. Sulpicio Macedonia euenit isque Laeuino successit.
22.2. both consuls had Apulia as their province, and there was now less alarm from the Carthaginians and Hannibal, they were ordered to cast lots for Apulia and Macedonia as their provinces. Macedonia fell to Sulpicius, and he succeeded Laevinus. Fulvius was summoned to Rome for the election, and while he was conducting the election for the choice of consuls, the century of the younger men of the Voturia tribe, having the right to vote first, declared in favour of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Titus Otacilius as consuls, the latter being absent. a crowd gathered before Manlius, who was present, in order to congratulate him, and the approval of the people was unquestioned, surrounded by a great crowd he came to the tribunal of the consul, begged him to hear a few words from him, and bade him recall the century which had cast its vote.
22.2. Fuluius Romam comitiorum causa arcessitus cum comitia consulibus rogandis haberet, praerogatiua Uoturia iuniorum T. Manlium Torquatum et T. Otacilium <consules dixit. cum ad Manlium>, qui praesens erat, gratulandi causa turba coiret, nec dubius esset consensus populi, magna circumfusus turba ad tribunal consulis uenit, petitque ut pauca sua uerba audiret centuriamque quae tulisset suffragium reuocari iuberet.
22.5. all were in suspense, waiting to know what he was going to demand, he gave the condition of his eyes as an excuse.
22.5. erectis omnibus exspectatione quidnam postulaturus esset, oculorum ualetudinem excusauit:
22.6. , he said, was a pilot and a general too, who, though he must use other men's eyes for everything he did, demanded that the lives and fortunes of others be entrusted to him.
22.6. impudentem et gubernatorem et imperatorem esse qui, cum alienis oculis ei omnia agenda sint, postulet sibi aliorum capita ac fortunas committi;
22.7. , if Fulvius approved, let him order the Voturia century of the younger men to vote again, and in electing consuls to remember the war that was in Italy and the critical times for the state.
22.7. proinde si uideretur ei, redire in suffragium Uoturiam iuniorum iuberet et meminisse in consulibus creandis belli quod in Italia sit temporumque rei publicae;
22.8. ears had hardly yet had a respite from the noise and uproar of the enemy when the city of Rome had been all but ablaze a few months before. these words the whole century cried out that they refused to make any change in opinion, and would vote for the same men as consuls.
22.8. uixdum requiesse aures a strepitu et tumultu hostili, quo paucos ante menses cesserint prope moenia Romana. post haec cum centuria frequens succlamasset nihil se mutare sententiae eosdemque consules dicturos esse, tum Torquatus 'neque ego uestros' inquit 'mores consul ferre potero neque uos imperium meum.
22.9. Torquatus said: “shall I as consul be able to put up with your manners, nor will you with my authority. again, and reflect that a Punic war is in Italy and the commander of the enemy Hannibal.”
22.9. redite in suffragium et cogitate bellum Punicum in Italia et hostium ducem Hannibalem esse.'
22.10. the century, moved by the prestige of the man and the expressions of admiration on all sides, begged the consul to summon the Voturia century of the older men. wished, they said, to confer with their elders and on their authority to name consuls.
22.10. tum centuria et auctoritate mota uiri et admirantium circa fremitu, petiit a consule ut Uoturiam seniorum citaret:
22.11. the older men of the Voturia had been summoned, time for a secret conference with them was granted in the Sheepfold.
22.11. uelle sese cum maioribus natu conloqui et ex auctoritate eorum consules dicere. citatis Uoturiae senioribus, datum secreto in Ouili cum iis conloquendi tempus.
22.12. elders said that they must deliberate in regard to three men, two of them already full of honours, Quintus Fabius and Marcus Marcellus, and if they were quite decided to elect some new man as consul to face the Carthaginians, Marcus Valerius Laevinus; that he had carried on the war brilliantly against King Philip on land and sea. after deliberation in regard to the three men had been allowed, the elders were sent away, and the younger men cast their vote.
22.12. seniores de tribus consulendum dixerunt esse, duobus plenis iam honorum, Q. Fabio et M. Marcello, et si utique nouum aliquem aduersus Poenos consulem creari uellent, M. Ualerio Laeuino; egregie aduersus Philippum regem terra marique rem gessisse.
22.13. voted for Marcus Claudius, at that time resplendent in the light of his conquest of Sicily, and Marcus Valerius as consuls, both being absent. authority of the leading century was followed by all the rest. men now make sport of those who admire what is old.
22.13. ita de tribus consultatione data, senioribus dimissis iuniores suffragium ineunt. M. Claudium, fulgentem tum Sicilia domita, et M. Ualerium absentes consules dixerunt. auctoritatem praerogatiuae omnes centuriae secutae sunt.
22.14. my part, if there should be a city —state of sages, such as philosophers imagine rather than actually know, I am inclined to think that neither could leading men possibly be of more solid worth and more self —controlled as regards the lust for power, nor could the populace show a higher character.
22.14. eludant nunc antiqua mirantes: non equidem, si qua sit sapientium ciuitas quam docti fingunt magis quam norunt, aut principes grauiores temperantioresque a cupidine imperii aut multitudinem melius moratam censeam fieri posse.
22.15. that a century of the younger men wished to confer with their elders on the question to which persons they should, by their vote, entrust a high command, should seem to us scarcely credible —this is due to the cheapened and diminished authority even of parents over their children in our day.
22.15. centuriam uero iuniorum seniores consulere uoluisse quibus imperium suffragio mandaret, uix ut ueri simile sit parentium quoque hoc saeculo uilis leuisque apud liberos auctoritas fecit. praetoria inde comitia habita. P. Manlius Uolso et L. Manlius Acidinus et C. Laetorius et L. Cincius Alimentus creati sunt.
23.2. an election for the praetorships was held. Publius Manlius Volso and Lucius Manlius Acidinus and Gaius Laetorius and Lucius Cincius Alimentus were elected. was after the election, as it happened, that news came of the death in Sicily of Titus Otacilius, whom the people in his absence would, it seemed, have given as a colleague to Titus Manlius, if the course of the election had not been interrupted.
23.2. forte ita incidit ut comitiis perfectis nuntiaretur T. Otacilium, quem T. Manlio nisi interpellatus ordo comitiorum esset collegam absentem daturus fuisse uidebatur populus, mortuum in Sicilia esse.
23.3. festival of Apollo had been observed in the previous year, and in order that it might be observed in this year also, the senate, on motion of Calpurnius, the praetor, decreed that it be vowed as a permanency.
23.3. ludi Apollinares et priore anno fuerant et eo anno ut fierent referente Calpurnio praetore senatus decreuit ut in perpetuum uouerentur.
23.4. the same year a number of prodigies were seen and reported. the Temple of Concord a Victory which stood on the pediment was struck by lightning, and being dislodged, it caught upon the Victories which were among the antefixes and did not fall farther.
23.4. eodem anno prodigia aliquot uisa nuntiataque sunt. in aede Concordiae Uictoria quae in culmine erat fulmine icta decussaque ad Uictorias quae in antefixis erant haesit neque inde procidit;
23.5. at Anagnia and at Fregellae the wall and gates were reported to have been struck by lightning; and that at Forum Subertanum there had been streams of blood for a whole day; and that at Eretum there was a shower of stones; and that at Reate a mule had foaled.
23.5. et Anagniae et Fregellis nuntiatum est murum portasque de caelo tacta, et in foro Subertano sanguinis riuos per diem totum fluxisse, et Ereti lapidibus pluuisse, et Reate mulam peperisse.
23.6. prodigies were atoned for with full —grown victims, and a single day of prayer was proclaimed to the people and nine days of ceremonies.
23.6. ea prodigia hostiis maioribus sunt procurata et obsecratio in unum diem populo indicta et nouendiale sacrum.
23.7. number of public priests died that year, and new priests were appointed; in place of Manius Aemilius Numida, a decemvir in charge of rites, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was appointed, in place of Marcus Pomponius Matho, a pontifex, Gaius Livius, in place of Spurius Carvilius Maximus, an augur, Marcus Servilius.
23.7. sacerdotes publici aliquot eo anno demortui sunt nouique suffecti: in locum M'. Aemili Numidae decemuiri sacrorum M. Aemilius Lepidus, in locum M. Pomponi Mathonis pontificis C. Liuius, in locum Sp. Caruili Maximi auguris M. Seruilius.
23.8. Titus Otacilius Crassus, a pontifex, had died at the end of the year, no one was named to take his place. Gaius Claudius, flamen of Jupiter, abdicated his office because of an error in his placing the entrails.
23.8. T. Otacilius Crassus pontifex quia exacto anno mortuus erat, ideo nominatio in locum eius non est facta. C. Claudius flamen Dialis quod exta perperam dederat flamonio abiit. per idem tempus M. Ualerius Laeuinus temptatis prius per secreta conloquia principum animis ad indictum ante ad id ipsum concilium Aetolorum classe expedita uenit.
24.2. the same time Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had previously sounded the leading men in secret conferences, came on a swift sailing fleet to a council of the Aetolians already appointed for that very purpose. he first set before them the capture of Syracuse and Capua, to convince them of success in Italy and Sicily, and in addition referred to the customary good treatment of allies as handed down to the Romans by their ancestors. of the allies, he said, they had admitted to citizenship and to the same rights as themselves, others they kept in so favoured a situation that they preferred to be allies rather than citizens;
24.2. ubi cum Syracusas Capuamque captas in fidem in Italia <Sicilia>- que rerum secundarum ostentasset, adiecissetque iam inde a maioribus traditum morem Romanis colendi socios, ex quibus alios in ciuitatem atque aequum secum ius accepissent, alios in ea fortuna haberent ut socii esse quam ciues mallent:
24.3. the Aetolians would be held in all the higher honour inasmuch as they had been the first of the peoples across the sea to enter their friendship; Philip and the Macedonians were their oppressive neighbours, whose might and over —confidence he had already broken and would further reduce to such a pass that they would not only retire from the cities which they had forcibly taken from the Aetolians, but also would find Macedonia itself continually endangered.
24.3. Aetolos eo in maiore futuros honore quod gentium transmarinarum in amicitiam primi uenissent; Philippum eis et Macedonas graues accolas esse, quorum se uim ac spiritus et iam fregisse et eo redacturum esse ut non iis modo urbibus quas per uim ademisset Aetolis excedant, sed ipsam Macedoniam infestam habeant; et Acarnanas quos aegre ferrent Aetoli a corpore suo diremptos restituturum se in antiquam formulam iurisque ac dicionis eorum;
24.6. as for the Acarnanians, whose forcible separation from their federation the Aetolians resented, he said he would restore them to the old written basis, establishing both the rights and the supremacy of the Aetolians.
24.6. —haec dicta promissaque a Romano imperatore Scopas, qui tum praetor gentis erat, et Dorimachus princeps Aetolorum adfirmauerunt auctoritate sua, minore cum uerecundia et maiore cum fide uim maiestatemque populi Romani extollentes. maxime tamen spes potiundae mouebat Acarnaniae.
24.7. statements and promises by the Roman general were confirmed by the authority of Scopas, then magistrate of the tribe, and of Dorimachus, a leading man of the Aetolians; while extolling the might and majesty of the Roman people they used less restraint and brought more conviction. most effective was the hope of - getting possession of Acarnania. the terms were written down under which they should enter friendship and alliance with the Roman people; furthermore that, if so disposed and willing, the Eleans and Lacedaemonians and Attalus and Pleuratus and Scerdilaedus should have the same rights of friendship, Attalus being king of Asia and the last mentioned kings of the Thracians and Illyrians; that the Aetolians should at once wage war against Philip by land; that the Roman should assist with a fleet having not less than twenty —five
24.7. igitur conscriptae condiciones quibus in amicitiam societatemque populi Romani uenirent; additumque ut, si placeret uellentque, eodem iure amicitiae Elei Lacedaemoniique et Attalus et Pleuratus et Scerdilaedus essent, Asiae Attalus, hi Thracum et Illyriorum reges; bellum ut extemplo Aetoli cum Philippo terra gererent; nauibus ne minus uiginti quinque quinqueremibus adiuuaret Romanus;
24.10. quinqueremes; that, of the cities between the Aetolian border and Corcyra the soil and buildings and city —walls, together with their territory, should belong to the Aetolians, all the rest of the booty to the Roman people; and that the Romans were to see to it that the Aetolians should have Acarnania.
24.10. urbium Corcyrae tenus ab Aetolia incipienti solum tectaque et muri cum agris Aetolorum, alia omnis praeda populi Romani esset, darentque operam Romani ut Acarnaniam Aetoli haberent; si Aetoli pacem cum Philippo facerent, foederi adscriberent ita ratam fore pacem si Philippus arma ab Romanis sociisque quique eorum dicionis essent abstinuisset;
24.12. the Aetolians should make peace with Philip they were to append to the treaty that the peace would be valid only in case Philip should refrain from war with the Romans and their allies and those who were subject to the latter.
24.12. item si populus Romanus foedere iungeretur regi, ut caueret ne ius ei belli inferendi Aetolis sociisque eorum esset.
24.13. like manner, if the Roman people should make a treaty with the king, they should take care that he have no right to invade the land of the Aetolians and their allies.
24.13. haec conuenerunt, conscriptaque biennio post Olympiae ab Aetolis, in Capitolio ab Romanis, ut testata sacratis monumentis essent sunt posita.
24.14. terms were agreed upon, and not until two years later were the texts set up, at Olympia by the Aetolians, on the Capitol by the Romans, that they might be attested by consecrated records. reason for the delay had been the retention of the Aetolian envoys for a long time at Rome. yet that did not hinder active measures. the one hand the Aetolians at once began the war against Philip, on the other Laevinus captured Zacynthus. is a small island, near Aetolia, and has one city of the same name as the island itself; that city he took by storm, except for its citadel. after capturing Oeniadae and Nasus, belonging to the Acarnanians, he annexed them to Aetolia. that Philip also was sufficiently involved in a war with neighbours to prevent him from having any possible thought of Italy and the Carthaginians and treaties with Hannibal, he himself retired to Corcyra.
24.14. morae causa fuerant retenti Romae diutius legati Aetolorum; nec tamen impedimento id rebus gerendis fuit. et Aetoli extemplo mouerunt aduersus Philippum bellum, et Laeuinus Zacynthum—parua insula est propinqua Aetoliae; urbem unam eodem quo ipsa est nomine habet; eam praeter arcem ui cepit—et Oeniadas Nassumque Acarnanum captas Aetolis contribuit; Philippum quoque satis implicatum bello finitimo ratus ne Italiam Poenosque et pacta cum Hannibale posset respicere, Corcyram ipse se recepit. Philippo Aetolorum defectio Pellae hibernanti allata est.
25.2. Philip was wintering at Pella, the estrangement of the Aetolians was reported to him., because he intended at the beginning of spring to move his army into Greece, in order that Macedonia should keep the Illyrians in her rear and the cities near them intimidated, he made a sudden incursion into the territories of Oricum and Apollonia, and when the Apollonians came out of their city, he drove them inside their walls, causing great panic and alarm.
25.2. itaque quia primo uere moturus exercitum in Graeciam erat, Illyrios finitimasque eis urbes ab tergo metu quietas ut Macedonia haberet, expeditionem subitam in Oricinorum atque Apolloniatium fines fecit, egressosque Apolloniatas cum magno terrore ac pauore compulit intra muros.
25.3. ravaging the nearest parts of Illyricum, he changed the direction of his march with the same speed into Pelagonia.
25.3. uastatis proximis Illyrici in Pelagoniam eadem celeritate uertit iter; inde Dardanorum urbem Sintiam, in Macedoniam transitum Dardanis facturam, cepit.
25.4. he captured a city of the Dardanians, Sintia, as likely to afford a passage for the Dardanians into Macedonia. much having been done in haste, mindful of the Aetolian war and the Roman war combined with it, he came down through Pelagonia and Lyncus and Bottiaea into Thessaly, believing that men could be aroused to join him in undertaking a war against the Aetolians, and leaving Perseus at the pass into Thessaly with four thousand armed men, to prevent the Aetolians from entering, he led his army, before he should be engaged in more important matters, into Macedonia and thence into Thrace and against the Maedi.
25.4. his raptim actis, memor Aetolici iunctique cum eo Romani belli per Pelagoniam et Lyncum et Bottiaeam in Thessaliam descendit—ad bellum secum aduersus Aetolos capessendum incitari posse homines credebat—et relicto ad fauces Thessaliae Perseo cum quattuor milibus armatorum ad arcendos aditu Aetolos, ipse priusquam maioribus occuparetur rebus in Macedoniam atque inde in Thraciam exercitum ac Maedos duxit.
25.7. tribe had been in the habit of making raids into Macedonia, whenever it knew that the king was engaged in a foreign war and the kingdom unprotected.
25.7. incurrere ea gens in Macedoniam solita erat, ubi regem occupatum externo bello ac sine praesidio esse regnum sensisset.
25.8. to break its power he began at the same time to lay waste the country and to besiege the city of Iamphorynna, the capital and citadel of Maedica.
25.8. ad frangendas igitur <uires gentis simul> uastare agros et urbem Iamphorynnam, caput arcemque Maedicae, oppugnare coepit.
25.9. Scopas, on learning that the king had gone into Thrace and was there occupied with a war, armed all the young men among the Aetolians and prepared to invade Acarnania.
25.9. Scopas ubi profectum in Thraciam regem occupatumque ibi bello audiuit, armata omni iuuentute Aetolorum bellum inferre Acarnaniae parat.
25.10. these the Acarnanian tribe, inferior in strength, and at the same time seeing Oeniadae and Nasus lost and a war with Rome impending in addition, prepared for war out of resentment rather than calculation.
25.10. aduersus quos Acarnanum gens, et uiribus impar et iam Oeniadas Nassumque amissa cernens Romanaque insuper arma ingruere, ira magis instruit quam consilio bellum.
25.11. away wives and children and the older men above sixty years to the nearest part of Epirus, from fifteen years of age up to sixty they took an oath that they would not return except as victors;
25.11. coniugibus liberisque et senioribus super sexaginta annos in propinquam Epirum missis, ab quindecim ad sexaginta annos coniurant nisi uictores se non redituros;
25.12. should any man come out of the battle defeated, they drew up a dreadful curse upon their countrymen, a most solemn adjuration addressed to their hosts: that no one should receive that man into the city, into his house, to his table, to his hearth.
25.12. qui uictus acie excessisset, eum ne quis urbe tecto mensa lare reciperet, diram exsecrationem in populares, obtestationem quam sanctissimam potuerunt aduersus hospites composuerunt;
25.13. at the same time they besought the Epirotes to cover under one mound all of their men who were to fall in battle, and to set up this inscription for those they had buried: “lie the Acarnanians who, fighting for their country against the violence and injustice of the Aetolians, have met their death.”
25.13. precatique simul Epirotas sunt ut qui suorum in acie cecidissent eos uno tumulo contegerent, adicerentque humatis titulum: 'hic siti sunt Acarnanes, qui aduersus uim atque iniuriam Aetolorum pro patria pugnantes mortem occubuerunt.'
25.15. aroused their spirits by these means, they pitched camp facing the enemy at their very frontier. messengers to Philip to inform him how great was the danger, they compelled him to give up the war which he had on hand, after the surrender of Iamphorynna and in spite of his other successes.
25.15. per haec incitatis animis castra in extremis finibus suis obuia hosti posuerunt. nuntiis ad Philippum missis quanto res in discrimine esset, omittere Philippum id quod in manibus erat coegerunt bellum, Iamphorynna per deditionem recepta et prospero alio successu rerum.
25.16. Aetolians' attack was delayed at first by the report of the oath of the Acarnanians, and then news of Philip's approach forced them to retire far back into the interior.
25.16. Aetolorum impetum tardauerat primo coniurationis fama Acarnanicae; deinde auditus Philippi aduentus regredi etiam in intimos coegit fines.
25.17. Philip, although he had been making forced marches to prevent the Acarnanians from being overpowered, did not advance beyond Dium., on hearing that the Aetolians had returned from Acarnania, he too returned to Pella.
25.17. nec Philippus, quanquam ne opprimerentur Acarnanes itineribus magnis ierat, ultra Dium est progressus; inde cum audisset reditum Aetolorum ex Acarnania, et ipse Pellam rediit. Laeuinus ueris principio a Corcyra profectus nauibus superato Leucata promuntorio cum uenisset Naupactum, Anticyram inde se petiturum edixit ut praesto ibi Scopas Aetolique essent.
26.2. Laevinus at the beginning of spring set out by ship from Corcyra, rounded the promontory of Leucata, and on reaching Naupactus, made it known by an edict that he would proceed to Anticyra, and that Scopas and the Aetolians should meet him there. Anticyra is situated in Locris, on the left as one enters the Gulf of Corinth. is a short journey by land, a short sail thither from Naupactus. two days later the siege began from both sides. serious was the attack from the sea, because the artillery and engines of all kinds were on the ships, also because it was the Romans who were besieging from that side. -so within a few days the city surrendered and was turned over to the Aetolians, while the booty fell to the Romans in accordance with the agreement.
26.2. sita Anticyra est in Locride laeua parte sinum Corinthiacum intranti; breue terra iter eo, breuis nauigatio ab Naupacto est. tertio ferme post die utrimque oppugnari coepta est; grauior a mari oppugnatio erat quia et tormenta machinaeque omnis generis in nauibus erant et Romani inde oppugnabant. itaque intra paucos dies recepta urbs per deditionem Aetolis traditur: praeda ex pacto Romanis cessit.
26.4. letter was delivered meanwhile to Laevinus informing him that in his absence he had been declared consul, and that his successor, Publius Sulpicius, was on the way. contracting a long illness there, he came to Rome later than anyone had anticipated.
26.4. litterae Laeuino redditae consulem eum absentem declaratum et successorem uenire P. Sulpicium; ceterum diuturno ibi morbo implicitus serius spe omnium Romam uenit.
26.5. Marcus Marcellus, having entered upon his consulship on the Ides of March, held a session of the senate on that day merely as a matter of custom, declaring that in the absence of his colleague he would do nothing concerning either the state or the provinces.
26.5. M. Marcellus cum idibus Martiis consulatum inisset, senatum eo die moris modo causa habuit professus nihil se absente collega neque de re publica neque de prouinciis acturum:
26.6. knew, he said, that a large number of Sicilians were near the city at the country —places of his detractors; that so far was it from being true that these men were not permitted by him to noise abroad openly at Rome the charges emanating from his personal foes, that he would himself immediately have given them a hearing in the senate but for their pretending no little fear to speak of the consul in the absence of his colleague.
26.6. scire se frequentes Siculos prope urbem in uillis obtrectatorum suorum esse; quibus tantum abesse ut per se non liceat palam Romae crimina edita [ficta] ab inimicis uolgare, ut ni simularent aliquem sibi timorem absente collega dicendi de consule esse, ipse eis extemplo daturus senatum fuerit.
26.7. indeed his colleague should arrive, he said, he would not allow any business to be taken up prior to the question of bringing the Sicilians before the senate.
26.7. ubi quidem collega uenisset non passurum quicquam prius agi quam ut Siculi in senatum introducantur.
26.8. was almost a levy that Marcus Cornelius had conducted all over Sicily, in order that as many as possible might come to Rome to complain of himself. added that Cornelius had also filled the city with letters falsely stating that there was a war in Sicily, in order to detract from the praise of the speaker.
26.8. dilectum prope a M. Cornelio per totam Siciliam habitum ut quam plurimi questum de se Romam uenirent; eundem litteris falsis urbem implesse bellum in Sicilia esse ut suam laudem minuat.
26.9. winning a reputation for moderation on that day, the consul dismissed the senate. it seemed that public business would be almost at a standstill until the other consul should come to the city., as usual, stirred up talk among the common people.
26.9. moderati animi gloriam eo die adeptus consul senatum dimisit, ac prope iustitium omnium rerum futurum uidebatur donec alter consul ad urbem uenisset. otium, ut solet, excitauit plebis rumores.
26.10. kept complaining of the duration of the war and of the devastation of farms around the city, wherever Hannibal had passed with his hostile army; of the draining of Italy by levies, and of armies cut to pieces almost every year;
26.10. belli diuturnitatem et uastatos agros circa urbem, qua infesto agmine isset Hannibal, exhaustam dilectibus Italiam et prope quotannis caesos exercitus querebantur, et consules bellicosos ambo uiros acresque nimis et feroces creatos qui uel in pace tranquilla bellum excitare possent, nedum in bello respirare ciuitatem forent passuri.
26.11. and of the election to both consulships of men of war, with an excess of spirit and confidence, who even in unruffled peace were capable of stirring up war, and were still less likely in time of war to allow the state a breathing —spell.
26.11. interrupit hos sermones nocte quae pridie Quinquatrus fuit pluribus simul locis circa forum incendium ortum.
27.2. utterances were interrupted on the night before the Quinquatrus by a fire which broke out in several places at once about the Forum. the same time the seven shops which later were five, and the bankers' offices, now called Tabernae Novae, caught fire; then private houses took fire —for there were no basilicas then, —the quarter of the Quarries took fire, and the Fish Market and the Atrium Regium. Temple of Vesta was saved with difficulty chiefly by the aid of thirteen slaves, who were purchased by the state and manumitted.
27.2. eodem tempore septem tabernae quae postea quinque, et argentariae quae nunc nouae appellantur, arsere; comprehensa postea priuata aedificia—neque enim tum basilicae erant—comprehensae lautumiae forumque piscatorium et atrium regium;
27.4. fire held on night and day, and no one doubted that it was the work of incendiaries, since the flames had burst out in several places at once, and places not adjacent at that.
27.4. aedis Uestae uix defensa est tredecim maxime seruorum opera, qui in publicum redempti ac manu missi sunt.
27.5. the consul on the authority of the senate declared before an assembly that any man who made known through whose action the fire had been kindled should have, if a freeman, money as his reward, if a slave, his freedom.
27.5. nocte ac die continuatum incendium fuit, nec ulli dubium erat humana id fraude factum esse quod pluribus simul locis et iis diuersis ignes coorti essent.
27.6. by that reward a slave of the Capuan Calavii —his name was Manus —declared that his masters, and in addition five young men, Capuan nobles, whose fathers had been beheaded by Quintus Fulvius, had set that fire, and would set others everywhere if they were not arrested. were arrested, themselves and their slaves. at first they tried to discredit the informer and the information.
27.6. itaque consul ex auctoritate senatus pro contione edixit qui, quorum opera id conflatum incendium, profiteretur, praemium fore libero pecuniam, seruo libertatem.
27.7. was said that, having been punished by scourging the day before, he had left his masters; that owing to anger and worthless character he had made up a charge out of a chance occurrence.
27.7. eo praemio inductus Campanorum Calauiorum seruus—Manus ei nomen erat—indicauit dominos et quinque praeterea iuuenes nobiles Campanos quorum parentes a Q. Fuluio securi percussi erant id incendium fecisse, uolgoque facturos alia ni comprendantur. comprehensi ipsi familiaeque eorum.
27.8. when they were accused in the presence of the informer, and an examination of those who had served them in the crime began in the centre of the Forum, they all confessed, and punishment was visited upon the masters and their slave accomplices. informer was given his liberty and twenty thousand asses.
27.8. et primo eleuabatur index indiciumque: pridie eum uerberibus castigatum ab dominis discessisse; per iram ac leuitatem ex re fortuita crimen commentum.
27.9. the consul Laevinus was passing Capua, a multitude of Capuans flocked about him, begging him with tears to be permitted to go to the senate at Rome, to plead with them, if they could at last be touched by any sense of pity, not to proceed utterly to destroy them, and not to allow Quintus Flaccus to wipe out the Capuan people.
27.9. ceterum ut coram coarguebantur et quaestio ex ministris facinoris foro medio haberi coepta est, fassi omnes, atque in dominos seruosque conscios animaduersum est; indici libertas data et uiginti milia aeris.
27.10. Flaccus said that he had no personal quarrel with the Capuans; his enmity was national, and would be as long as he knew they were so disposed toward the Roman people. no nation, no people in the world was more hostile to the Roman people.
27.10. consuli Laeuino Capuam praetereunti circumfusa multitudo Campanorum est obsecrantium cum lacrimis ut sibi Romam ad senatum ire liceret oratum, si qua misericordia tandem flecti possent, ne se ad ultimum perditum irent nomenque Campanorum a Q. Flacco deleri sinerent.
27.11. was keeping them shut up inside the walls for the reason that, if any escaped in some way, they roamed like wild beasts over the country and mangled and slew all that met them. had deserted, he said, to Hannibal, others had gone to set Rome on fire.
27.11. Flaccus sibi priuatam simultatem cum Campanis negare ullam esse: publicas inimicitias †hostilis† et esse et futuras, quoad eo animo esse erga populum Romanum sciret;
27.12. the half —burned Forum the consul would find traces of the crime of the Capuans. Vesta 's temple had been the object of attack, and the eternal fires, and, hidden away in its holy place, the fateful pledge of Roman rule.
27.12. nullam enim in terris gentem esse, nullum infestiorem populum nomini Romano. ideo se moenibus inclusos tenere eos, quia si qui euasissent aliqua, uelut feras bestias per agros uagari et laniare et trucidare quodcunque obuium detur;
27.13. did not think it at all safe to give the Capuans permission to enter the walls of Rome.
27.13. alios ad Hannibalem transfugisse, alios ad Romam incendendam profectos. inuenturum in semusto foro consulem uestigia sceleris Campanorum;
27.14. Flaccus had required the Capuans to take an oath that they would return to Capua on the fifth day after they should receive the senate's answer, Laevinus bade them follow him to Rome.
27.14. Uestae aedem petitam et aeternos ignes et conditum in penetrali fatale pignus imperii Romani. se minime censere tutum esse Campanis potestatem intrandi Romana moenia fieri.
27.15. by this multitude, while at the same time the Sicilians came out to meet him and followed him into Rome, he bore the appearance of a man grieving for the destruction of two very famous cities, and bringing into the city the vanquished in war to be the accusers of men of the greatest eminence.
27.15. Laeuinus Campanos, iure iurando a Flacco adactos quinto die quam ab senatu responsum accepissent Capuam redituros, sequi se Romam iussit.
27.16. it was in regard to the state and the provinces that the two consuls first introduced business into the senate. Laevinus explained how matters stood with Macedonia and Greece, the Aetolians, Acarnanians and Locrians, and what had been his own achievements there by land and sea; that when Philip was on the point of invading Aetolia, he had driven him back into Macedonia, retiring into the very heart of his kingdom; and that the legion could be withdrawn from that country; that the fleet was enough to keep the king away from Italy.
27.16. hac circumfusus multitudine, simul Siculis obuiam egressis secutisque Romam, praebuit <dolentis speciem duarum> clarissimarum urbium excidio, ac celeberrimis uiris uictos bello accusatores in urbem adducentis. de re publica tamen primum ac de prouinciis ambo consules ad senatum rettulere. ibi Laeuinus, quo statu Macedonia et Graecia, Aetoli, Acarnanes Locrique essent, quasque ibi res ipse egisset terra marique, exposuit: Philippum inferentem bellum Aetolis in Macedoniam retro ab se compulsum ad intima penitus regni abisse, legionemque inde deduci posse; classem satis esse ad arcendum Italia regem.
28.3. much did the consul report in regard to himself and the province, his late command. they both brought up the question of the provinces. senate decreed that Italy and the war with Hannibal should be the province of one consul, that the other should have the fleet which Titus Otacilius had commanded and Sicily as his province, with Lucius Cincius, the praetor.
28.3. haec de se deque prouincia, cui praefuerat, consul: tum de prouinciis communis relatio fuit. decreuere patres ut alteri consulum Italia bellumque cum Hannibale prouincia esset, alter classem cui T. Otacilius praefuisset Siciliamque prouinciam cum L. Cincio praetore obtineret.
28.4. the consuls were assigned the two armies which were in Etruria and Gaul; these were four legions. two city legions of the previous year were to be sent into Etruria; the two which Sulpicius had commanded as consul, into Gaul.
28.4. exercitus eis duo decreti qui in Etruria Galliaque essent; eae quattuor erant legiones; urbanae duae superioris anni in Etruriam, duae quibus Sulpicius consul praefuisset in Galliam mitterentur.
28.5. Gaul and its legions were to be under the command of the man appointed by the consul whose province was Italy.
28.5. Galliae et legionibus praeesset quem consul cuius Italia prouincia esset praefecisset:
28.6. Gaius Calpurnius was sent into Etruria after his praetorship, with his command extended for a year. Capua was assigned as his province to Quintus Fulvius, his command also being extended for a year.
28.6. in Etruriam C. Calpurnius post praeturam prorogato in annum imperio missus. et Q. Fuluio Capua prouincia decreta prorogatumque in annum imperium;
28.7. reduction in the army of citizens and allies was ordered, so that out of two legions should be formed one, five thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen, while those who had the largest number of campaigns were discharged; and of the allies there should remain only seven thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen, with the same reckoning of campaigns in discharging old soldiers.
28.7. exercitus ciuium sociorumque minui iussus ut ex duabus legionibus una legio, quinque milia peditum et trecenti equites essent, dimissis qui plurima stipendia haberent, et sociorum septem milia peditum et trecenti equites relinquerentur, eadem ratione stipendiorum habita in ueteribus militibus dimittendis.
28.9. Gnaeus Fulvius, consul in the previous year, no change was made either in regard to his province of Apulia, or as to the army he had held; his command was merely extended for a year. Publius Sulpicius, his colleague, was bidden to discharge his entire army, except the marines.
28.9. Cn. Fuluio consuli superioris anni nec de prouincia Apulia nec de exercitu quem habuerat quicquam mutatum; tantum in annum prorogatum imperium est. P. Sulpicius collega eius omnem exercitum praeter socios nauales iussus dimittere est.
28.10. Sicily in the same way the army which Marcus Cornelius commanded was ordered to be discharged as soon as the consul should reach the province.
28.10. item ex Sicilia exercitus cui M. Cornelius praeesset ubi consul in prouinciam uenisset dimitti iussus.
28.11. order to hold Sicily the soldiers from Cannae, amounting to about two legions, were given to Lucius Cincius, the praetor.
28.11. L. Cincio praetori ad obtinendam Siciliam Cannenses milites dati, duarum instar legionum.
28.12. same number were assigned for Sardinia to Publius Manlius Volso, the praetor —legions which Lucius Cornelius had commanded in the same province the preceding year.
28.12. totidem legiones in Sardiniam P. Manlio Uolsoni praetori decretae, quibus L. Cornelius in eadem prouincia priore anno praefuerat.
28.13. for the city legions, the consuls were ordered to enrol them, with the restriction that they should not enlist any man who had been in the army of Marcus Claudius, Marcus Valerius, or Quintus Fulvius, and that there should not be in that year more than twenty —one Roman legions.
28.13. urbanas legiones ita scribere consules iussi ne quem militem facerent qui in exercitu M. Claudi M. Ualeri Q. Fului fuisset, neue eo anno plures quam una et uiginti Romanae legiones essent. his senatus consultis perfectis sortiti prouincias consules. Sicilia et classis Marcello, Italia cum bello aduersus Hannibalem Laeuino euenit.
29.2. these decrees of the senate were completed, the consuls cast lots for their provinces. Sicily and the fleet fell to Marcellus, Italy with the war against Hannibal to Laevinus. allotment, just as if Syracuse had again been captured, so badly frightened the Sicilians, who were standing before the eyes of the consuls while awaiting the result, that their lamentation and tearful voices at once attracted the eyes of men and later occasioned remark.
29.2. quae sors, uelut iterum captis Syracusis, ita exanimauit Siculos, exspectatione sortis in consulum conspectu stantes, ut comploratio eorum flebilesque uoces et extemplo oculos hominum conuerterint et postmodo sermones praebuerint.
29.3. they went the rounds of the senators' houses in mourning garb, asserting that they would not only leave, each group of them, their native city, but all Sicily, if Marcellus should return again in command.
29.3. circumibant enim senatorum <domos> cum ueste sordida, adfirmantes se non modo suam quosque patriam, sed totam Siciliam relicturos si eo Marcellus iterum cum imperio redisset.
29.4. no fault of theirs he had before been merciless to them; what would he do when angry, knowing that Sicilians had come to Rome to complain about himself? was better for that island to be overwhelmed by the fires of Aetna or sunk in the strait than to be handed over as it were to a personal foe for punishment.
29.4. nullo suo merito eum ante implacabilem in se fuisse: quid iratum quod Romam de se questum uenisse Siculos sciat facturum? obrui Aetnae ignibus aut mergi freto satius illi insulae esse quam uelut dedi noxae inimico.
29.5. complaints of the Sicilians, at first circulated in the homes of the nobles, and repeated in conversations inspired partly by pity for the Sicilians, partly by antagonism to Marcellus, even reached the senate. was demanded of the consuls that they raise in the senate the question of an exchange of provinces.
29.5. hae Siculorum querellae domos primum nobilium circumlatae celebrataeque sermonibus, quos partim misericordia Siculorum, partim inuidia Marcelli excitabat, in senatum etiam peruenerunt.
29.6. Marcellus said that, if the Sicilians had already been heard by the senate, his opinion would perhaps have been different.
29.6. postulatum a consulibus est ut de permutandis prouinciis senatum consulerent. Marcellus si iam auditi ab senatu Siculi essent aliam forsitan futuram fuisse sententiam suam dicere:
29.7. it was, to prevent any one from saying that they were restrained by fear from freely complaining about the man in whose power they would presently be, he was ready, if it was of no consequence to his colleague, to exchange his province.
29.7. nunc ne quis timore frenari eos dicere posset quo minus de eo libere querantur in cuius potestate mox futuri sint, si collegae nihil intersit mutare se prouinciam paratum esse, deprecari senatus praeiudicium;
29.8. deprecated, he said, a verdict from the senate in advance; for, granted that it would have been unfair for the choice of a province to be given to his colleague without casting lots, how much greater was the injustice, or rather the insult, if his own allotment should be transferred to that colleague? the senate adjourned, after showing what it favoured, but making no such decree.
29.8. nam cum extra sortem collegae optionem dari prouinciae iniquum fuerit, quanto maiorem iniuriam, immo contumeliam esse, sortem suam ad eum transferri?
29.9. themselves the consuls made an exchange of provinces, for Fate was sweeping Marcellus in the direction of Hannibal. result was that he who, after the greatest reverses, had been the first to win from Hannibal the glory of a battle that was not a reverse, added to his opponent's fame, being the last of the Roman commanders to fall, at the very moment of success in the war.
29.9. ita senatus cum quid placeret magis ostendisset quam decreuisset, dimittitur. inter ipsos consules permutatio prouinciarum rapiente fato Marcellum ad Hannibalem facta est, ut ex quo primus post <aduersissimas haud> aduersae pugnae gloriam ceperat, in eius laudem postremus Romanorum imperatorum prosperis tum maxime bellicis rebus caderet. permutatis prouinciis Siculi in senatum introducti multa de Hieronis regis fide perpetua erga populum Romanum uerba fecerunt, in gratiam publicam auertentes:
30.2. the exchange of provinces the Sicilians were introduced into the senate, and spoke at length on the invariable loyalty of King Hiero towards the Roman people, laying that to the credit of the state. for Hieronymus, and later, Hippocrates and Epicydes, the tyrants, they said they had themselves hated them for other reasons and especially because of their desertion from the Romans to Hannibal. that account Hieronymus had been slain by the foremost of the young men, almost as if by a verdict of the people. also to bring about the death of Epicydes and Hippocrates a conspiracy of seventy young men of the highest rank had been formed.
30.2. Hieronymum ac postea Hippocraten atque Epicyden tyrannos cum ob alia, tum propter defectionem ab Romanis ad Hannibalem inuisos fuisse sibi. ob eam causam et Hieronymum a principibus iuuentutis prope publico consilio interfectum, et in Epicydis Hippocratisque caedem septuaginta nobilissimorum iuuenum coniurationem factam;
30.3. men, they said, had been left in the lurch by the delay of Marcellus, in that he had not brought up his army to Syracuse at the time named in advance, and when an informer appeared, they had all been slain by the tyrants.
30.3. quos Marcelli mora destitutos quia ad praedictum tempus exercitum ad Syracusas non admouisset indicio facto omnes ab tyrannis interfectos.
30.4. tyranny also of Hippocrates and Epicydes had been provoked by Marcellus' cruel plundering of Leontini.
30.4. eam quoque Hippocratis et Epicydis tyrannidem Marcellum excitasse Leontinis crudeliter direptis.
30.5. that, they said, leading men among the Syracusans had never ceased going over to Marcellus and promising that, whenever he wished it, they would tum the city over to him;
30.5. nunquam deinde principes Syracusanorum desisse ad Marcellum transire pollicerique se urbem cum uellet ei tradituros; sed eum primo ui capere maluisse;
30.6. but that at first he had preferred to take it by force; then, when after all his efforts he had proved unable to do so either by land or by sea, he had preferred to have the coppersmith Sosis and the Spaniard Moericus advocating the surrender of Syracuse, rather than the leading Syracusans, although these volunteered again and again to do so, but to no purpose. motive, of course, was to have the more reasonable excuse for slaughtering and plundering the oldest allies of the Roman people.
30.6. dein cum id neque terra neque mari omnia expertus potuisset, auctores traditarum Syracusarum fabrum aerarium Sosim et Moericum Hispanum quam principes Syracusanorum habere, totiens id nequiquam ultro offerentes, praeoptasse, quo scilicet iustiore de causa uetustissimos socios populi Romani trucidaret ac diriperet.
30.7. it had been not Hieronymus that went over to Hannibal, but the Syracusan people and senate, if it had been the Syracusans that by an act of the state closed the gates to Marcellus, and not rather their tyrants, Hippocrates and Epicydes, after overpowering the Syracusans, if with the animus of Carthaginians they had waged war against the Roman people, what hostile deed could Marcellus have done beyond what he did do, unless it be to destroy Syracuse?
30.7. si non Hieronymus ad Hannibalem defecisset, sed populus Syracusanus et senatus, si portas Marcello Syracusani publice et non oppressis Syracusanis tyranni eorum Hippocrates et Epicydes clausissent, si Carthaginiensium animis bellum cum populo Romano gessissent, quid ultra quam quod fecerit nisi ut deleret Syracusas facere hostiliter Marcellum potuisse?
30.9. apart from the city —walls and the emptied houses and the sanctuaries of the gods, broken open and despoiled by removal of the statues of the gods themselves and their adornments, nothing had been left at Syracuse.
30.9. certe praeter moenia et tecta exhausta urbis ac refracta ac spoliata deum delubra dis ipsis ornamentisque eorum ablatis nihil relictum Syracusis esse.
30.10. landed property also had been taken away from many, so that they could not support themselves and their families, even on the bare soil, with the help of what was left of their plundered possessions. implored the conscript fathers, they said, if it was impossible for them to restore everything, to order that at least what was visible and could be identified be returned to the owners.
30.10. bona quoque multis adempta ita ut ne nudo quidem solo reliquiis direptae fortunae alere sese ac suos possent. orare se patres conscriptos ut si nequeant omnia, saltem quae compareant cognoscique possint restitui dominis iubeant.
30.11. they had uttered such complaints and Laevinus had ordered them to leave the temple, that the fathers might be able to deliberate in regard to their demands, “, no,” said Marcellus, “let them wait, that I may answer them to their faces, since such are the terms on which we wage war in your behalf, conscript fathers, that we have men vanquished by our arms as accusers, and of the two cities captured this year Capua has Fulvius as its defendant, Syracuse has Marcellus.”
30.11. talia conquestos cum excedere ex templo ut de postulatis eorum patres consuli possent Laeuinus iussisset, 'maneant immo' inquit Marcellus, 'ut coram iis respondeam, quando ea condicione pro uobis, patres conscripti, bella gerimus ut uictos armis accusatores habeamus duae- <que> captae hoc anno urbes Capua Fuluium reum, Marcellum Syracusae habeant.' reductis in curiam legatis tum consul 'non adeo maiestatis' inquit 'populi Romani imperiique huius oblitus sum, patres conscripti, ut, si de meo crimine ambigeretur, consul dicturus causam accusantibus Graecis fuerim;
31.2. the legates had been led back into the Senate House, the consul said: “so forgetful have I been of the majesty of the Roman people and of this authority of mine, conscript fathers, that if it were a question of a charge brought against me, I as consul would have pleaded my case with Greeks as my accusers.” “it is not what I have done that is to be inquired into —for whatever I did in the case of enemies is defended by the law of war —but what they deserved to suffer. they have not been enemies, it makes no difference whether it was recently or in the time of Hiero that I desolated Syracuse.”
31.2. sed non quid ego fecerim in disquisitionem uenit, quem quidquid in hostibus feci ius belli defendit, sed quid isti pati debuerint. qui si non fuerunt hostes, nihil interest nunc an uiuo Hierone Syracusas uiolauerim;
31.3. “if they rebelled against the Roman people, if they attacked our ambassadors with sword and arms, closed their city and walls, defended them against us with an army of Carthaginians, who is indignant because they suffered hostile acts, when they have committed them?”
31.3. sin autem desciuerunt a populo Romano, si legatos nostros ferro atque armis petierunt, urbem ac moenia clauserunt exercituque Carthaginiensium aduersus nos tutati sunt, quis passos esse hostilia cum fecerint indignatur?
31.4. “leading men among the Syracusans tried to surrender the city, I rejected them; I preferred Sosis and Moericus the Spaniard as the men to whom I should entrust so important a matter.”
31.4. tradentes urbem principes Syracusanorum auersatus sum; Sosim et Moericum Hispanum quibus tantam crederem rem potiores habui. non estis extremi Syracusanorum, quippe qui aliis humilitatem obiciatis:
31.5. “are not Syracusans of the lowest rank, inasmuch as you reproach others with their humble station. is there among you who promised that he would open the gates to me, that he would admit my soldiers under arms into the city? hate and curse those who did so, and even here you do not refrain from uttering insults against them. far is it from the truth that you also would have done anything of the sort.”
31.5. quis est uestrum qui se mihi portas aperturum, qui armatos milites meos in urbem accepturum promiserit? odistis et exsecramini eos qui fecerunt, et ne hic quidem contumeliis in eos dicendis parcitis; tantum abest ut et ipsi tale quicquam facturi fueritis.