SCRIPTURA

Livy · History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · 3 of 50

Book XXI · chapters 28–40

Translated by Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore

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28.1. The Gauls rushed to meet them on the bank, with all sorts of yells and their customary songs, clashing their shields together above their heads and brandishing darts in their right hands, despite the menace of so great a multitude of vessels coming against them and the loud roaring of the river and the confused hallooing of the boatmen and the sailors, as they strove to force their way athwart the current or shouted encouragement to their fellows from the further bank.

28.1. Galli occursant in ripa cum uariis ululatibus cantuque moris sui, quatientes scuta super capita uibrantesque dextris tela, quamquam et ex aduerso terrebat tanta uis nauium cum ingenti sono fluminis et clamore uario nautarum militumque, et qui nitebantur perrumpere impetum fluminis et qui ex altera ripa traicientes suos hortabantur.

28.3. But the tribesmen were already somewhat daunted by the tumult which confronted them, when a still more appalling clamour arose in the rear, where Hanno had captured their camp. He was soon on the scene himself, and a twofold terror hemmed them in, as that mighty force of armed men came out upon the shore and the unlooked-for line of battle closed in from behind.

28.3. iam satis pauentes aduerso tumultu terribilior ab tergo adortus clamor, castris ab Hannone captis. mox et ipse aderat ancepsque terror circumstabat, et e nauibus tanta ui armatorum in terram euadente et ab tergo improuisa premente acie.

28.4. When the Gauls had attempted charges in both directions and found themselves repulsed, they broke through where the way seemed least beset, and fled in confusion to their several villages. Hannibal brought over at leisure the rest of his forces, and giving himself no more concern over Gallic outbreaks, pitched his camp. I believe that there were various plans for transporting the elephants; at all events the tradition varies as to how it was accomplished.

28.4. Galli postquam utroque uim facere conati pellebantur, qua patere uisum maxime iter perrumpunt trepidique in uicos passim suos diffugiunt. Hannibal ceteris copiis per otium traiectis spernens iam Gallicos tumultus castra locat. elephantorum traiciendorum uaria consilia fuisse credo;

28.5. Some say that the elephants were first assembled on the bank, and then the keeper of the fiercest of them provoked the beast and fled into the water; as he swam off, the elephant pursued him and drew the herd in his train; and though they were afraid of the deep water, yet as soon as each of them got out of his depth, the current itself swept him over to the other bank.

28.5. certe uariata memoria actae rei. quidam congregatis ad ripam elephantis tradunt ferocissimum ex iis inritatum ab rectore suo, cum refugientem in aquam nantem sequeretur, traxisse gregem, ut quemque timentem altitudinem destitueret uadum, impetu ipso fluminis in alteram ripam rapiente.

28.6. It is, however, more generally believed that they were carried across on rafts; this method, as it would be the safer, if the thing were to be done, so, in view of its accomplishment, is more probably the one employed.

28.6. ceterum magis constat ratibus traiectos; id ut tutius consilium ante rem foret, ita acta re ad fidem pronius est.

28.7. A raft, two hundred feet long and fifty feet wide, was thrust out from the shore into the stream, and, after being moored to the bank above by a number of stout hawsers, so as not to be carried down the current, was covered with earth, like a bridge, in order that the beasts might boldly venture upon it, as on solid ground.

28.7. ratem unam ducentos longam pedes, quinquaginta latam a terra in amnem porrexerunt, quam, ne secunda aqua deferretur, pluribus ualidis retinaculis parte superiore ripae religatam pontis in modum humo iniecta constrauerunt ut beluae audacter uelut per solum ingrederentur.

28.8. A second raft, of equal width and a hundred feet long, and fit for crossing the river, was coupled to the first. Then the elephants, with the females leading, were driven out over the stationary raft, as over a road; and after they had passed on to the smaller raft adjoining it, the ropes by which this had been loosely attached were cast off and it was towed across by some rowboats to the eastern bank.

28.8. altera ratis aeque lata, longa pedes centum, ad traiciendum flumen apta, huic copulata est; tres tum elephanti per stabilem ratem tamquam uiam praegredientibus feminis acti ubi in minorem adplicatam transgressi sunt, extemplo resolutis quibus leuiter adnexa erat uinculis, ab actuariis aliquot nauibus ad alteram ripam pertrahitur;

28.9. After landing the first contingent in this fashion, they returned and fetched the others over.

28.9. ita primis expositis, alii deinde repetiti ac traiecti sunt.

28.10. The elephants exhibited no signs of fear so long as they were being driven along as though on a connected bridge; they first became frightened when the raft was cast loose from the other and was carried out into mid-channel.

28.10. nihil sane trepidabant, donec continenti uelut ponte agerentur; primus erat pauor cum soluta ab ceteris rate in altum raperentur.

28.11. The crowding together which resulted, as those on the outside shrank back from the water, gave rise to a slight panic, till terror itself, as they looked at the water all about them, made them quiet.

28.11. ibi urgentes inter se, cedentibus extremis ab aqua, trepidationis aliquantum edebant donec quietem ipse timor circumspectantibus aquam fecisset.

28.12. Some, in their frenzy, even fell overboard; but, steadied by their very weight, threw off their riders, and feeling their way to the shallow places, got out upon the land.

28.12. excidere etiam saeuientes quidam in flumen; sed pondere ipso stabiles, deiectis rectoribus, quaerendis pedetemptim uadis in terram euasere.

29.1. Whilst the elephants were being got across, Hannibal had dispatched five hundred Numidian horsemen in the direction of the Roman camp, to find out where the enemy were and in what force, and what they meant to do.

29.1. dum elephanti traiciuntur, interim Hannibal Numidas equites quingentos ad castra Romana miserat speculatum ubi et quantae copiae essent et quid pararent.

29.2. This body fell in with the three hundred Roman horsemen, sent out, as was mentioned before, from the mouth of the Rhone.

29.2. huic alae equitum missi, ut ante dictum est, ab ostio Rhodani trecenti Romanorum equites occurrunt. proelium atrocius quam pro numero pugnantium editur;

29.3. The battle that followed was more hotly fought than the size of the contending forces would suggest, for besides the many who were wounded, the numbers of the slain were about equal on both sides, and only the dismay and panic of the Numidians gave the victory to the Romans, who were by that time fairly exhausted. The victors lost about a hundred and forty, not all Romans but some of them Gauls; the vanquished about two hundred.

29.3. nam praeter multa uolnera caedes etiam prope par utrimque fuit, fugaque et pauor Numidarum Romanis iam admodum fessis uictoriam dedit. uictores ad centum sexaginta, nec omnes Romani sed pars Gallorum, uicti amplius ducenti ceciderunt.

29.4. This was at once the beginning of the war and an omen that promised the Romans success in the final outcome, though their victory would be by no means without bloodshed and would only come after a doubtful struggle.

29.4. hoc principium simul omenque belli ut summae rerum prosperum euentum, ita haud sane incruentam ancipitisque certaminis uictoriam Romanis portendit.

29.5. When the participants in this affair had returned to their respective generals, it was impossible for Scipio to adopt any settled plan, except to frame his own measures to meet the strategy and movements of the enemy; while Hannibal, uncertain whether to march on, as he had begun, to Italy, or give battle to the first Roman army that had come in his way, was diverted from an immediate trial of strength by the arrival of Boian envoys, with their chief Magalus. These assured him that they would guide his march and share its perils, and urged him to avoid a battle and to keep his forces whole and unimpaired for the invasion of Italy.

29.5. ut re ita gesta ad utrumque ducem sui redierunt, nec Scipioni stare sententia poterat nisi ut ex consiliis coeptisque hostis et ipse conatus caperet, et Hannibalem, incertum utrum coeptum in Italiam intenderet iter an cum eo qui primus se obtulisset Romanus exercitus manus consereret, auertit a praesenti certamine Boiorum legatorum regulique Magali aduentus, qui se duces itinerum, socios periculi fore adfirmantes, integro bello nusquam ante libatis uiribus Italiam adgrediendam censent.

29.7. The rank and file were fearful of the enemy —for their memory of the former war was not yet erased —but more fearful of the interminable march over the Alps, an undertaking which rumour made appalling, at any rate to the inexperienced.

29.7. multitudo timebat quidem hostem nondum oblitterata memoria superioris belli; sed magis iter immensum Alpesque, rem fama utique inexpertis horrendam, metuebat.

30.1. Accordingly Hannibal, having settled in his own mind to go forward and advance on Italy, called the soldiers together and worked on their feelings with alternate chiding and encouragement.

30.1. itaque Hannibal, postquam ipsi sententia stetit pergere ire atque Italiam petere, aduocata contione uarie militum uersat animos castigando adhortandoque:

30.2. He marvelled, he said, what sudden terror had invaded breasts that had ever been dauntless. For these many years they had been victorious in war, nor had they quitted Spain until all the tribes and territories which lay between two distant seas were in the power of the Carthaginians.

30.2. mirari se quinam pectora semper impauida repens terror inuaserit. per tot annos uincentes eos stipendia facere neque ante Hispania excessisse quam omnes gentesque et terrae quas duo diuersa maria amplectantur Carthaginiensium essent.

30.3. Then, indignant that the Roman People should demand that whoever had laid siege to Saguntum be surrendered up to them, as though to expiate a felony, they had crossed the Ebro, in order to wipe out the Roman name and liberate the world.

30.3. indignatos deinde quod quicumque Saguntum obsedissent uelut ob noxam sibi dedi postularet populus Romanus, Hiberum traiecisse ad delendum nomen Romanorum liberandumque orbem terrarum.

30.4. The march had not then seemed long to any of them, though they meant to advance from the setting to the rising sun;

30.4. tum nemini uisum id longum, cum ab occasu solis ad exortus intenderent iter:

30.5. but now, when they could see that they had measured off the greater part of it; when they had made their way, through the fiercest tribes, over the Pyrenees; when they had crossed the Rhone —that mighty river —in the teeth of so many thousand Gauls, overcoming, too, the violence of the stream itself; when the Alps, the other side of which was in Italy, were in full sight; —were they halting now, as though exhausted, at the very gates of their enemies?

30.5. nunc, postquam multo maiorem partem itineris emensam cernant, Pyrenaeum saltum inter ferocissimas gentes superatum, Rhodanum, tantum amnem, tot milibus Gallorum prohibentibus, domita etiam ipsius fluminis ui traiectum, in conspectu Alpes habeant quarum alterum latus Italiae sit, in ipsis portis hostium fatigatos subsistere, quid Alpes aliud esse credentes quam montium altitudines?

30.7. What else did they think that the Alps were but high mountains? They might fancy them higher than the ranges of the Pyrenees; but surely no lands touched the skies or were impassable to man. The Alps indeed were inhabited, were tilled, produced and supported living beings; their defiles were practicable for armies.

30.7. fingerent altiores Pyrenaei iugis: nullas profecto terras caelum contingere nec inexsuperabiles humano generi esse. Alpes quidem habitari, coli, gignere atque alere animantes; peruias paucis esse, esse et exercitibus.

30.8. Those very ambassadors whom they beheld had not crossed the Alps in the air on wings. Even the ancestors of these men had not been natives of Italy, but had lived there as foreign settlers, and had often crossed these very Alps in great companies, with their children and their wives, in the manner of emigrants.

30.8. eos ipsos quos cernant legatos non pinnis sublime elatos Alpes transgressos. ne maiores quidem eorum indigenas sed aduenas Italiae cultores has ipsas Alpes ingentibus saepe agminibus cum liberis ac coniugibus migrantium modo tuto transmisisse.

30.9. For armed soldiers, taking nothing with them but the instruments of war, what could be impassable or insurmountable? To capture Saguntum, what dangers or what hardships had they not endured for eight long months?

30.9. militi quidem armato nihil secum praeter instrumenta belli portanti quid inuium aut inexsuperabile esse? Saguntum ut caperetur, quid per octo menses periculi, quid laboris exhaustum esse?

30.10. Now that Rome, the capital of the world, was their objective, could anything seem so painful or so difficult as to delay their enterprise?

30.10. Romam, caput orbis terrarum, petentibus quicquam adeo asperum atque arduum uideri quod inceptum moretur?

30.11. Had Gauls once captured that which the Phoenician despaired of approaching? Then let them yield in spirit and manhood to a race which they had so often vanquished in the course of the last few days, or look to end their march in the field that lay between the Tiber and the walls of Rome.

30.11. cepisse quondam Gallos ea quae adiri posse Poenus desperet; proinde aut cederent animo atque uirtute genti per eos dies totiens ab se uictae aut itineris finem sperent campum interiacentem Tiberi ac moenibus Romanis.

31.1. After encouraging them with this exhortation, he bade them refresh themselves and make ready for the march.

31.1. his adhortationibus incitatos corpora curare atque ad iter se parare iubet.

31.2. Setting out the following day he advanced up the Rhone towards the interior of Gaul, not that it was the more direct way to the Alps, but believing that the farther he retired from the sea, the less likely he was to fall in with the Romans, with whom he had no mind to fight a battle until he should arrive in Italy. The fourth day's march brought him to the Island.

31.2. postero die profectus aduersa ripa Rhodani mediterranea Galliae petit, non quia rectior ad Alpes uia esset, sed quantum a mari recessisset minus obuium fore Romanum credens, cum quo priusquam in Italiam uentum foret non erat in animo manus conserere.

31.4. There the rivers Isara and Rhone, rushing down from different Alps, unite their waters, after enclosing a considerable territory, and the Island is the name which has been given to the plains lying between them.

31.4. quartis castris ad Insulam peruenit. ibi †Sarar† Rhodanusque amnis diuersis ex Alpibus decurrentes, agri aliquantum amplexi confluunt in unum in mediis campis; Insulae nomen inditum.

31.5. Near by is the country of the Allobroges, a tribe, even at that early day, inferior to no Gallic tribe in wealth or reputation. Just then it was a prey to discord.

31.5. incolunt prope Allobroges, gens iam inde nulla Gallica gente opibus aut fama inferior. tum discors erat.

31.6. Two brothers were disputing the sovereignty. The elder, Braneus by name, who had held sway before, was being driven out by a faction of juniors headed by the younger brother, whose right was less but his might greater.

31.6. regni certamine ambigebant fratres; maior et qui prius imperitarat, Braneus nomine, minore a fratre et coetu iuniorum qui iure minus, ui plus poterant, pellebatur.

31.7. This quarrel having very opportunely been referred to Hannibal for settlement, who thus became arbiter of the kingdom, he espoused the sentiments of the senate and the leading men and restored the sovereign power to the elder.

31.7. huius seditionis peropportuna disceptatio cum ad Hannibalem delata esset, arbiter regni factus, quod ea senatus principumque sententia fuerat, imperium maiori restituit.

31.8. In requital of this service he was assisted with provisions and supplies of every sort, particularly clothing, which the notorious cold of the Alps made it necessary to provide.

31.8. ob id meritum commeatu copiaque rerum omnium, maxime uestis, est adiutus, quam infames frigoribus Alpes praeparari cogebant.

31.9. Having settled the contentions of the Allobroges, Hannibal was now ready for the Alps; but instead of marching directly towards them, he turned to the left, to the country of the Tricastini, and thence proceeded through the outer borders of the territory of the Vocontii to the Tricorii, by a road which nowhere presented any difficulties, until he came to the Druentia. This, too, is an Alpine river and by far the most difficult of all the rivers of Gaul to cross; for, though it brings down a vast volume of water, it does not admit of navigation, since, not being confined within any banks, but flowing at once in several channels, not always the same, it is ever forming new shallows and new pools —a fact which makes it dangerous for foot-passengers as well —besides which it rolls down jagged stones and affords no sure or stable footing to one who

31.9. sedatis certaminibus Allobrogum cum iam Alpes peteret, non recta regione iter instituit sed ad laeuam in Tricastinos flexit; inde per extremam oram Uocontiorum agri tendit in Trigorios, haud usquam impedita uia priusquam ad Druentiam flumen peruenit. is et ipse Alpinus amnis longe omnium Galliae fluminum difficillimus transitu est; nam cum aquae uim uehat ingentem, non tamen nauium patiens est, quia nullis coercitus ripis, pluribus simul neque iisdem alueis fluens, noua semper <per> uada nouosque gurgites—et ob eadem pediti quoque incerta uia est—ad hoc saxa glareosa uoluens, nihil stabile nec tutum ingredienti praebet;

31.11. enters it. And at that time, as it happened, it was swollen with rains, and the crossing took place amidst the wildest tumult, for the men —besides their other difficulties —were confused by their own excitement and bewildered outcries.

31.11. et tum forte imbribus auctus ingentem transgredientibus tumultum fecit, cum super cetera trepidatione ipsi sua atque incertis clamoribus turbarentur.

32.1. Publius Cornelius the consul, some three days after Hannibal had left the bank of the Rhone, marched in fighting order to the enemy's camp, intending to offer battle without delay.

32.1. P. Cornelius consul, triduo fere postquam Hannibal a ripa Rhodani mouit, quadrato agmine ad castra hostium uenerat, nullam dimicandi moram facturus;

32.2. But finding the works deserted, and perceiving that he could not readily overtake the enemy, who had got so long a start of him, he returned to the sea, where he had left his ships, thinking that he would thus be more safely and easily enabled to confront Hannibal as he descended from the Alps.

32.2. ceterum ubi deserta munimenta nec facile se tantum praegressos adsecuturum uidet, ad mare ac naues rediit, tutius faciliusque ita descendenti ab Alpibus Hannibali occursurus.

32.3. Still, that he might not leave Spain stripped of Roman defenders —for the lot had assigned it to him as his province —he sent Gnaeus Scipio, his brother, with the chief part of his troops, to deal with Hasdrubal, with the object not merely of protecting the allies and of winning over new ones, but also of driving Hasdrubal out of Spain.

32.3. ne tamen nuda auxiliis Romanis Hispania esset, quam prouinciam sortitus erat, Cn. Scipionem fratrem cum maxima parte copiarum aduersus Hasdrubalem misit, non ad tuendos tantummodo ueteres socios conciliandosque nouos sed etiam ad pellendum Hispania Hasdrubalem.

32.5. He himself, with extremely scanty forces, sailed back to Genoa, proposing to safeguard Italy with the army which lay in the valley of the Po.

32.5. ipse cum admodum exiguis copiis Genuam repetit, eo qui circa Padum erat exercitu Italiam defensurus.

32.6. Hannibal, leaving the Druentia, and advancing for the most part through a champaign country, reached the Alps without being molested by the Gauls who inhabited those regions.

32.6. Hannibal ab Druentia campestri maxime itinere ad Alpes cum bona pace incolentium ea loca Gallorum peruenit.

32.7. Then, though report, which is wont to exaggerate uncertain dangers, had already taught them what to expect, still, the near view of the lofty mountains, with their snows almost merging in the sky; the shapeless hovels perched on crags; the frost-bitten flocks and beasts of burden; the shaggy, unkempt men; animals and inanimate objects alike stiff with cold, and all more dreadful to look upon than words can tell, renewed their consternation.

32.7. tum, quamquam fama prius, qua incerta in maius uero ferri solent, praecepta res erat, tamen ex propinquo uisa montium altitudo niuesque caelo prope immixtae, tecta informia imposita rupibus, pecora iumentaque torrida frigore, homines intonsi et inculti, animalia inanimaque omnia rigentia gelu, cetera uisu quam dictu foediora terrorem renouarunt.

32.8. As their column began to mount the first slopes, mountaineers were discovered posted on the heights above, who, had they lain concealed in hidden valleys, might have sprung out suddenly and attacked them with great rout and slaughter. Hannibal gave the command to halt, and sent forward some Gauls to reconnoitre.

32.8. erigentibus in primos agmen cliuos apparuerunt imminentes tumulos insidentes montani, qui, si ualles occultiores insedissent, coorti ad pugnam repente ingentem fugam stragemque dedissent.

32.9. When informed by them that there was no getting by that way, he encamped in the most extensive valley to be found in a wilderness of rocks and precipices.

32.9. Hannibal consistere signa iussit; Gallisque ad uisenda loca praemissis, postquam comperit transitum ea non esse, castra inter confragosa omnia praeruptaque quam extentissima potest ualle locat.

32.10. He then employed these same Gauls, whose speech and customs did not differ greatly from those of the mountaineers, to mingle in their councils, and in this way learned that his enemies guarded the pass only by day, and at night dispersed, every man to his own home. As soon as it was light, he advanced up the hills, as though lie hoped to rush the defile by an open attack in the daytime.

32.10. tum per eosdem Gallos, haud sane multum lingua moribusque abhorrentes, cum se immiscuissent conloquiis montanorum, edoctus interdiu tantum obsideri saltum, nocte in sua quemque dilabi tecta, luce prima subiit tumulos, ut ex aperto atque interdiu uim per angustias facturus.

32.11. Then having spent the day in feigning a purpose other than his real one, he entrenched a camp on the spot where he had halted. But no sooner did he perceive that the mountaineers had dispersed from the heights and relaxed their vigilance, than, leaving for show more fires than the numbers of those who remained in camp demanded; leaving, too, the baggage and the cavalry and a great part of the infantry, he put himself at the head of some light-armed soldiers —all his bravest men —and, marching swiftly to the head of the defile, occupied those very heights which the enemy had held.

32.11. die deinde simulando aliud quam quod parabatur consumpto, cum eodem quo constiterant loco castra communissent, ubi primum degressos tumulis montanos laxatasque sensit custodias, pluribus ignibus quam pro numero manentium in speciem factis impedimentisque cum equite relictis et maxima parte peditum, ipse cum expeditis, acerrimo quoque uiro, raptim angustias euadit iisque ipsis tumulis quos hostes tenuerant consedit.

33.1. With the ensuing dawn the Carthaginians broke camp and the remainder of their army began to move.

33.1. prima deinde luce castra mota et agmen reliquum incedere coepit.

33.2. The natives, on a signal being given, were already coming in from their fastnesses to occupy their customary post, when they suddenly perceived that some of their enemies were in possession of the heights and threatened them from above, and that others were marching through the pass.

33.2. iam montani signo dato ex castellis ad stationem solitam conueniebant, cum repente conspiciunt alios arce occupata sua super caput imminentes, alios uia transire hostes.

33.3. Both facts presenting themselves at the same time to their eyes and minds kept them for a moment rooted to the spot. Then, when they saw the helter-skelter in the pass and the column becoming embarrassed by its own confusion, the horses especially being frightened and unmanageable, they thought that whatever they could add themselves to the consternation of the troops would be sufficient to destroy them, and rushed down from the cliffs on either side, over trails and trackless ground alike, with all the ease of habit.

33.3. utraque simul obiecta res oculis animisque immobiles parumper eos defixit; deinde, ut trepidationem in angustiis suoque ipsum tumultu misceri agmen uidere, equis maxime consternatis, quidquid adiecissent ipsi terroris satis ad perniciem fore rati, peruersis rupibus iuxta, inuia ac deuia adsueti decurrunt.

33.5. Then indeed the Phoenicians had to contend at one and the same time against their foes and the difficulties of the ground, and the struggle amongst themselves, as each endeavoured to outstrip the rest in escaping from the danger, was greater than the struggle with the enemy.

33.5. tum uero simul ab hostibus, simul ab iniquitate locorum Poeni oppugnabantur plusque inter ipsos, sibi quoque tendente ut periculo primus euaderet, quam cum hostibus certaminis erat.

33.6. The horses occasioned the greatest peril to the column. Terrified by the discordant yells, which the woods and ravines redoubled with their echoes, they quaked with fear; and if they happened to be hit or wounded, were so maddened that they made enormous havoc not only of men but of every sort of baggage.

33.6. et equi maxime infestum agmen faciebant, qui et clamoribus dissonis quos nemora etiam repercussaeque ualles augebant territi trepidabant, et icti forte aut uolnerati adeo consternabantur, ut stragem ingentem simul hominum ac sarcinarum omnis generis facerent;

33.7. Indeed the crowding in the pass, which was steep and precipitous on both sides, caused many —some of them armed men —to be flung down to a great depth; but when beasts of burden with their packs went hurtling down, it was just like the crash of falling walls.

33.7. multosque turba, cum praecipites deruptaeque utrimque angustiae essent, in immensum altitudinis deiecit, quosdam et armatos; et ruinae maxime modo iumenta cum oneribus deuoluebantur.

33.8. Dreadful as these sights were, still Hannibal halted for a little while and held back his men, so as not to augment the terror and confusion.

33.8. quae quamquam foeda uisu erant, stetit parumper tamen Hannibal ac suos continuit, ne tumultum ac trepidationem augeret;

33.9. Then, when he saw that the column was being broken in two, and there was danger lest he might have got his army over to no avail, if it were stripped of its baggage, he charged down from the higher ground and routed the enemy by the very impetus of the attack, though he added to the disorder amongst his own troops.

33.9. deinde, postquam interrumpi agmen uidit periculumque esse, ne exutum impedimentis exercitum nequiquam incolumem traduxisset, decurrit ex superiore loco et, cum impetu ipso fudisset hostem, suis quoque tumultum auxit.

33.10. But the flurry thus occasioned quickly subsided, as soon as the roads were cleared by the flight of the mountaineers; and the whole army was presently brought over the pass, not only without molestation but almost in silence.

33.10. sed is tumultus momento temporis, postquam liberata itinera fuga montanorum erant, sedatur, nec per otium modo sed prope silentio mox omnes traducti.

33.11. Hannibal then seized a stronghold which was the chief place in that region, together with the outlying hamlets, and with the captured food and flocks supported his troops for three days. And in those three days, being hindered neither by the natives, who had been utterly cowed at the outset, nor very greatly by the nature of the country, he covered a good deal of ground.

33.11. castellum inde, quod caput eius regionis erat, uiculosque circumiectos capit et capt<o c>ibo ac pecoribus per triduum exercitum aluit; et, quia nec montanis primo perculsis nec loco magno opere impediebantur, aliquantum eo triduo uiae confecit.

34.1. They came next to another canton, thickly settled for a mountain district. There, not by open fighting, but by his own devices, trickery and deception, Hannibal was all but circumvented.

34.1. peruentum inde ad frequentem cultoribus alium, ut inter montanos, populum. ibi non bello aperto sed suis artibus, fraude et insidiis, est prope circumuentus.

34.2. The elder headmen of the strongholds waited on him, as a deputation, and said that, taught by other men's misfortunes —a useful warning —they preferred to experience the friendship of the Phoenicians rather than their might;

34.2. magno natu principes castellorum oratores ad Poenum ueniunt, alienis malis, utili exemplo, doctos memorantes amicitiam malle quam uim experiri Poenorum;

34.3. they were ready, therefore, to carry out his orders, and they requested him to accept provisions and guides and also hostages as a guarantee of good faith.

34.3. itaque oboedienter imperata facturos; commeatum itinerisque duces et ad fidem promissorum obsides acciperet.

34.4. Hannibal, neither blindly trusting nor yet repulsing them, lest, being spurned, they might become openly hostile, returned a friendly answer, accepted the proffered hostages, and used the supplies, which they had brought down, themselves, to the road. But he drew up his column, before following their guides, by no means as though for a march through a friendly country.

34.4. Hannibal nec temere credendum nec †asperandos† <ratus>, ne repudiati aperte hostes fierent, benigne cum respondisset, obsidibus quos dabant acceptis et commeatu quem in uiam ipsi detulerant usus, nequaquam ut inter pacatos composito agmine duces eorum sequitur. primum agmen elephanti et equites erant;

34.5. The van was made up of elephants and cavalry; he himself, with the main strength of the infantry, came next, looking warily about him and watching everything.

34.5. ipse post cum robore peditum circumspectans sollicitus omnia incedebat.

34.6. When they had got to a narrow place, which was overhung on one side by a ridge, the tribesmen rose up on every quarter from their ambush and assailed them, front and rear, fighting hand to hand and at long range, and rolling down huge boulders on the marching troops.

34.6. ubi in angustiorem uiam et ex parte altera subiectam iugo insuper imminenti uentum est, undique ex insidiis barbari a fronte ab tergo coorti, comminus eminus petunt, saxa ingentia in agmen deuoluunt.

34.7. The rear-guard bore the brunt of the attack, and as the infantry faced about to meet it, it was very evident that if the column had not been strengthened at that point, it must have suffered a great disaster in this pass.

34.7. maxima ab tergo uis hominum urgebat. in eos uersa peditum acies haud dubium fecit quin, nisi firmata extrema agminis fuissent, ingens in eo saltu accipienda clades fuerit.

34.8. Even so, they were in the utmost peril and came near destruction. For while Hannibal was hesitating to send his division down into the defile, since he had no troops left to secure the rear of the infantry, as he himself secured that of the horse, the mountaineers rushed in on his flank, and breaking through the column, established themselves in the road, so that Hannibal spent one night without cavalry or baggage.

34.8. tunc quoque ad extremum periculi ac prope perniciem uentum est; nam dum cunctatur Hannibal demittere agmen in angustias, quia non, ut ipse equitibus praesidio erat, ita peditibus quicquam ab tergo auxilii reliquerat, occursantes per obliqua montani interrupto medio agmine uiam insedere, noxque una Hannibali sine equitibus atque impedimentis acta est.

35.1. On the following day, since by now the barbarians were attacking with less vigour, his forces were re-united and surmounted the pass; and though they suffered some casualties, still they lost more baggage animals than men.

35.1. postero die iam segnius intercursantibus barbaris iunctae copiae saltusque haud sine clade, maiore tamen iumentorum quam hominum pernicie, superatus.

35.2. From this point on the mountaineers appeared in smaller numbers, and, more in the manner of brigandage than warfare, attacked sometimes the van, sometimes the rear, whenever the ground afforded an advantage, or the invaders, pushing on too far ahead or lagging behind, gave opportunity.

35.2. inde montani pauciores iam et latrocinii magis quam belli more concursabant modo in primum, modo in nouissimum agmen, utcumque aut locus opportunitatem daret aut progressi moratiue aliquam occasionem fecissent.

35.3. The elephants could be induced to move but very slowly along the steep and narrow trails; but wherever they went they made the column safe from its enemies, who were unaccustomed to the beasts and afraid of venturing too near them.

35.3. elephanti sicut per artas [praecipites] uias magna mora agebantur, ita tutum ab hostibus quacumque incederent, quia insuetis adeundi propius metus erat, agmen praebebant.

35.4. On the ninth day they arrived at the summit of the Alps, having come for the most part over trackless wastes and by roundabout routes, owing either to the dishonesty of their guides, or —when they would not trust the guides —to their blindly entering some valley, guessing at the way. For two days they lay encamped on the summit.

35.4. nono die in iugum Alpium peruentum est per inuia pleraque et errores, quos aut ducentium fraus aut, ubi fides iis non esset, temere initae ualles a coniectantibus iter faciebant. biduum in iugo statiua habita fessisque labore ac pugnando quies data militibus;

35.5. The soldiers, worn with toil and fighting, were permitted to rest; and a number of baggage animals which had fallen among the rocks made their way to the camp by following the tracks of the army.

35.5. iumentaque aliquot, quae prolapsa in rupibus erant, sequendo uestigia agminis in castra peruenere.

35.6. Exhausted and discouraged as the soldiers were by many hardships, a snow-storm —for the constellation of the Pleiades was now setting —threw them into a great fear.

35.6. fessis taedio tot malorum niuis etiam casus, occidente iam sidere Uergiliarum, ingentem terrorem adiecit.

35.7. The ground was everywhere covered deep with snow when at dawn they began to march, and as the column moved slowly on, dejection and despair were to be read in every countenance. Then Hannibal, who had gone on before the standards, made the army halt on a certain promontory which commanded an extensive prospect, and pointing out Italy to them, and just under the Alps the plains about the Po, he told them that they were now scaling the ramparts not only of Italy, but of Rome itself; the rest of the way would be level or downhill;

35.7. per omnia niue oppleta cum signis prima luce motis segniter agmen incederet pigritiaque et desperatio in omnium uoltu emineret, praegressus signa Hannibal in promunturio quodam, unde longe ac late prospectus erat, consistere iussis militibus Italiam ostentat subiectosque Alpinis montibus Circumpadanos campos, moeniaque eos tum transcendere non Italiae modo sed etiam urbis Romanae;

35.9. and after one, or, at the most, two battles, they would have in their hands and in their power the citadel and capital of Italy.

35.9. cetera plana, procliuia fore; uno aut summum altero proelio arcem et caput Italiae in manu ac potestate habituros.

35.10. The column now began to make some progress, and even the enemy had ceased to annoy them, except to make a stealthy raid, as occasion offered. But the way was much more difficult than the ascent had been, as indeed the slope of the Alps on the Italian side is in general more precipitous in proportion as it is shorter. For practically every road was steep, narrow, and treacherous, so that neither could they keep from slipping, nor could those who had been thrown a little off their balance retain their footing, but came down, one on top of the other, and the beasts on top of the men.

35.10. procedere inde agmen coepit iam nihil ne hostibus quidem praeter parua furta per occasionem temptantibus. ceterum iter multo quam in adscensu fuerat—ut pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut breuiora ita arrectiora sunt—difficilius fuit; omnis enim ferme uia praeceps, angusta, lubrica erat, ut neque sustinere se ab lapsu possent nec qui paulum titubassent haerere adflicti uestigio suo, aliique super alios et iumenta in homines occiderent.

36.1. They then came to a much narrower cliff, and with rocks so perpendicular that it was difficult for an unencumbered soldier to manage the descent, though he felt his way and clung with his hands to the bushes and roots that projected here and there.

36.1. uentum deinde ad multo angustiorem rupem atque ita rectis saxis ut aegre expeditus miles temptabundus manibusque retinens uirgulta ac stirpes circa eminentes demittere sese posset.

36.2. The place had been precipitous before, and a recent landslip had carried it away to the depth of a good thousand feet.

36.2. natura locus iam ante praeceps recenti lapsu terrae in pedum mille admodum altitudinem abruptus erat.

36.3. There the cavalry came to a halt, as though they had reached the end of the road, and as Hannibal was wondering what it could be that held the column back, word was brought to him that the cliff was impassable.

36.3. ibi cum uelut ad finem uiae equites constitissent, miranti Hannibali quae res moraretur agmen nuntiatur rupem inuiam esse. digressus deinde ipse ad locum uisendum.

36.4. Going then to inspect the place himself, he thought that there was nothing for it but to lead the army round, over trackless and untrodden steeps, however circuitous the detour might be.

36.4. haud dubia res uisa quin per inuia circa nec trita antea, quamuis longo ambitu, circumduceret agmen.

36.5. But that way proved to be insuperable; for above the old, untouched snow lay a fresh deposit of moderate depth, through which, as it was soft and not very deep, the men in front found it easy to advance;

36.5. ea uero uia insuperabilis fuit; nam cum super ueterem niuem intactam noua modicae altitudinis esset, molli nec praealtae facile pedes ingredientium insistebant;

36.6. but when it had been trampled down by the feet of so many men and beasts, the rest had to make their way over the bare ice beneath and the slush of the melting snow.

36.6. ut uero tot hominum iumentorumque incessu dilapsa est, per nudam infra glaciem fluentemque tabem liquescentis niuis ingrediebantur.

36.7. Then came a terrible struggle on the slippery surface, for it afforded them no foothold, while the downward slope made their feet the more quickly slide from under them; so that whether they tried to pull themselves up with their hands, or used their knees, these supports themselves would slip, and down they would come again! Neither were there any stems or roots about, by which a man could pull himself up with foot or hand —only smooth ice and thawing snow, on which they were continually rolling.

36.7. taetra ibi luctatio erat, [ut a lubrica] glacie non recipiente uestigium et in prono citius pedes fallente, ut, seu manibus in adsurgendo seu genu se adiuuissent, ipsis adminiculis prolapsis iterum corruerent; nec stirpes circa radicesue ad quas pede aut manu quisquam eniti posset erant; ita in leui tantum glacie tabidaque niue uolutabantur.

36.8. But the baggage animals, as they went over the snow, would sometimes even cut into the lowest crust, and pitching forward and striking out with their hoofs, as they struggled to rise, would break clean through it, so that numbers of them were caught fast, as if entrapped, in the hard, deep-frozen snow.

36.8. iumenta secabant interdum etiam infimam ingredientia niuem et prolapsa iactandis grauius in conitendo ungulis penitus perfringebant, ut pleraque uelut pedica capta haererent in dura et alta concreta glacie.

37.1. At last, when men and beasts had been worn out to no avail, they encamped upon the ridge, after having, with the utmost difficulty, cleared enough ground even for this purpose, so much snow were they obliged to dig out and remove.

37.1. tandem nequiquam iumentis atque hominibus fatigatis castra in iugo posita, aegerrime ad id ipsum loco purgato; tantum niuis fodiendum atque egerendum fuit.

37.2. The soldiers were then set to work to construct a road across the cliff-their only possible way. Since they had to cut through the rock, they felled some huge trees that grew near at hand, and lopping off their branches, made an enormous pile of logs. This they set on fire, as soon as the wind blew fresh enough to make it burn, and pouring vinegar over the glowing rocks, caused them to crumble.

37.2. inde ad rupem muniendam per quam unam uia esse poterat milites ducti, cum caedendum esset saxum, arboribus circa immanibus deiectis detruncatisque struem ingentem lignorum faciunt eamque, cum et uis uenti apta faciendo igni coorta esset, succendunt ardentiaque saxa infuso aceto putrefaciunt.

37.3. After thus heating the crag with fire, they opened a way in it with iron tools, and relieved the steepness of the slope with zigzags of an easy gradient, so that not only the baggage animals but even the elephants could be led down.

37.3. ita torridam incendio rupem ferro pandunt molliuntque anfractibus modicis cliuos ut non iumenta solum sed elephanti etiam deduci possent.

37.4. Four days were consumed at the cliff, and the animals nearly perished of starvation; for the mountain tops are all practically bare, and such grass as does grow is buried under snow.

37.4. quadriduum circa rupem consumptum, iumentis prope fame absumptis; nuda enim fere cacumina sunt et, si quid est pabuli, obruunt niues.

37.5. Lower down one comes to valleys and sunny slopes and rivulets, and near them woods, and places that begin to be fitter for man's habitation.

37.5. inferiora uallis apricos quosdam colles habent riuosque prope siluas et iam humano cultu digniora loca.

37.6. There the beasts were turned out to graze, and the men, exhausted with toiling at the road, were allowed to rest. Thence they descended in three days' time into the plain, through a region now that was less forbidding, as was the character of its inhabitants.

37.6. ibi iumenta in pabulum missa et quies muniendo fessis hominibus data. triduo inde ad planum descensum et iam locis mollioribus et accolarum ingeniis.

38.1. Such were the chief features of the march to Italy, which they accomplished five months after leaving New Carthage —as certain authorities state —having crossed the Alps in fifteen days.

38.1. hoc maxime modo in Italiam peruentum est quinto mense a Carthagine Noua, ut quidam auctores sunt, quinto decimo die Alpibus superatis.

38.2. The strength of Hannibal's forces on his entering Italy is a point on which historians are by no means agreed. Those who put the figures highest give him a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse; the lowest estimate is twenty thousand foot and six thousand horse.

38.2. quantae copiae transgresso in Italiam Hannibali fuerint nequaquam inter auctores constat. qui plurimum, centum milia peditum, uiginti equitum fuisse scribunt; qui minimum, uiginti milia peditum, sex equitum.

38.3. Lucius Cincius Alimentus, who says that he was taken prisoner by Hannibal, would be our weightiest authority, did he not confuse the reckoning by adding in Gauls and Ligurians: including these, he says that Hannibal brought eighty thousand foot and ten thousand horse —but it is more probable, and certain historians so hold, that these people joined his standard in Italy; he says, moreover, that he had learned from Hannibal's own lips that after crossing the Rhone he lost thirty-six thousand men and a vast number of horses and other animals.

38.3. L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum se ab Hannibale scribit, maxime auctor moueret, nisi confunderet numerum Gallis Liguribusque additis; cum his octoginta milia peditum, decem equitum adducta;—in Italia magis adfluxisse ueri simile est et ita quidam auctores sunt;

38.5. The Taurine Gauls were the first people he encountered on descending into Italy. Since all are agreed on this point, I am the more astonished at the difference of opinion in regard to his route over the Alps, and that it should be commonly held that he crossed by the Poenine Pass and that from this circumstance that ridge of the Alps derived its name —and that Coelius should state that he crossed by the ridge of Cremo; for both these passes would have brought him down, not amongst the Taurini but through the Salassi Montani to the Libuan Gauls.

38.5. —ex ipso autem audisse Hannibale, postquam Rhodanum transierit triginta sex milia hominum ingentemque numerum equorum et aliorum iumentorum amisisse. Taurini Semigalli proxima gens erat in Italiam degresso. id cum inter omnes constet, eo magis miror ambigi quanam Alpes transierit et uolgo credere Poenino—atque inde nomen ei iugo Alpium inditum—transgressum, Coelium per Cremonis iugum dicere transisse; qui ambo saltus eum non in Taurinos sed per Salassos montanos ad Libuos Gallos deduxerint.

38.8. Neither is it probable that these routes to Gaul were open at that time; those leading to the Poenine Pass, at any rate, would have been blocked by tribes of half-German stock.

38.8. nec ueri simile est ea tum ad Galliam patuisse itinera; utique quae ad Poeninum ferunt obsaepta gentibus semigermanis fuissent.

38.9. Nor for that matter —if anyone happens to consider this point of consequence —do the Seduni Veragri, who inhabit those mountains, know of their having been named from any passage of the Phoenicians (or Poeni) but from that deity whose sanctuary is established on their very summit and whom the mountaineers call Poeninus.

38.9. neque hercule <nomen> montibus his, si quem forte id mouet, ab transitu Poenorum ullo Sedunoueragri, incolae iugi eius, norint inditum sed ab eo quem in summo sacratum uertice Poeninum montani appellant.

39.1. Quite opportunely for the opening of the campaign, the Taurini, the nearest tribe, had begun a war against the Insubres. But Hannibal was unable to put an army in the field to aid the Insubres, as the soldiers while convalescing felt more keenly than ever the distress arising from the hardships they had undergone;

39.1. peropportune ad principia rerum Taurinis, proximae genti, aduersus Insubres motum bellum erat. sed armare exercitum Hannibal ut parti alteri auxilio esset, in reficiendo maxime sentientem contracta ante mala, non poterat;

39.2. for rest coming after toil, plenty after want, comfort after filth and wet, produced all manner of disorders in their squalid and well-nigh brutalized bodies.

39.2. otium enim ex labore, copia ex inopia, cultus ex inluuie tabeque squalida et prope efferata corpora uarie mouebat.

39.3. This was the reason why the consul Publius Cornelius, who had come by sea to Pisa, though the army which he received from Manlius and Atilius was made up of raw recruits, still quaking from their recent defeats, yet marched in all haste towards the Po, that he might join battle with an enemy not yet restored to vigour.

39.3. ea P. Cornelio consuli causa fuit, cum Pisas nauibus uenisset, exercitu a Manlio Atilioque accepto tirone et in nouis ignominiis trepido ad Padum festinandi ut cum hoste nondum refecto manus consereret.

39.4. But when the consul reached Placentia, Hannibal had already broken camp and taken the capital city of the Taurini by assault, because they would not freely come into his friendship.

39.4. sed cum Placentiam consul uenit, iam ex statiuis mouerat Hannibal Taurinorumque unam urbem, caput gentis eius, quia uolentes in amicitiam non ueniebant, ui expugnarat;

39.5. On the other hand, he would have brought the Gauls who dwell along the Po to join him, not alone from fear but even of their own free choice, had not the consul taken them by surprise, appearing unexpectedly whilst they were looking about them for a pretext to revolt.

39.5. iunxissetque sibi non metu solum sed etiam uoluntate Gallos accolas Padi, ni eos circumspectantes defectionis tempus subito aduentu consul oppressisset.

39.6. Hannibal, too, moved forward from the Taurini, being persuaded that the Gauls, uncertain which side they had best adhere to, would attach themselves to those who were on the spot.

39.6. et Hannibal mouit ex Taurinis, incertos quae pars sequenda esset Gallos praesentem secuturos esse ratus.

39.7. The armies were now almost within sight of each other, and the opposing generals, though as yet they did not know one another well, had yet each been imbued with a kind of admiration for his antagonist.

39.7. iam prope in conspectu erant exercitus conuenerantque duces sicuti inter se nondum satis noti, ita iam imbutus uterque quadam admiratione alterius.

39.8. For Hannibal's name had been very renowned amongst the Romans, even before the destruction of Saguntum, and Scipio was a man of mark in the eyes of Hannibal, from the mere fact of his having been selected, in preference to any other, to command against himself.

39.8. nam Hannibalis et apud Romanos iam ante Sagunti excidium celeberrimum nomen erat, et Scipionem Hannibal eo ipso quod aduersus se dux potissimum lectus esset praestantem uirum credebat;

39.9. Each had increased the other's good opinion —Scipio, because, though left behind in Gaul, he had confronted Hannibal at his crossing over into Italy; Hannibal by the audacity with which he had conceived and executed his passage of the Alps.

39.9. et auxerant inter se opinionem, Scipio, quod relictus in Gallia obuius fuerat in Italiam transgresso Hannibali, Hannibal et conatu tam audaci traiciendarum Alpium et effectu.

39.10. Scipio, however, was the first to cross the Po. He brought his army up to the river Ticinus, and in order to put heart into the men before leading them out to fight, harangued them after the following fashion:

39.10. occupauit tamen Scipio Padum traicere et ad Ticinum amnem motis castris, priusquam educeret in aciem, adhortandorum militum causa talem orationem est exorsus.

40.1. "Soldiers, if I were leading into battle the army that I had under me in Gaul, I should have deemed it unnecessary to address you.

40.1. 'si eum exercitum, milites, educerem in aciem quem in Gallia mecum habui, supersedissem loqui apud uos;

40.2. For what point would there have been in exhorting either those horsemen who at the river Rhone had signally defeated the horsemen of the enemy, or those legions with which I pursued this very enemy in his flight, and by the confession implied in his withdrawal and avoidance of a battle, gained a virtual victory?

40.2. quid enim adhortari referret aut eos equites qui equitatum hostium ad Rhodanum flumen egregie uicissent, aut eas legiones cum quibus fugientem hunc ipsum hostem secutus confessionem cedentis ac detractantis certamen pro uictoria habui?

40.3. As it is, since that army, enrolled for service in Spain, is campaigning there under my auspices with my brother Gnaeus Scipio, where the senate and the Roman People desired that it should serve, and I myself, that you might have a consul for your leader against Hannibal and the Phoenicians, have of my own choice undertaken the present conflict, it is right that your new commander should say a word or two to his new soldiers.

40.3. nunc quia ille exercitus, Hispaniae prouinciae scriptus, ibi cum fratre Cn. Scipione meis auspiciis rem gerit ubi eum gerere senatus populusque Romanus uoluit, ego, ut consulem ducem aduersus Hannibalem ac Poenos haberetis, ipse me huic uoluntario certamini obtuli, nouo imperatori apud nouos milites pauca uerba facienda sunt.

40.5. "That you may not be ignorant what manner of war it is, or what your enemies are, you are to fight, my men, with those whom you defeated in the former war, on land and sea; with those from whom you exacted tribute for twenty years; with those from whom you wrested Sicily and Sardinia, which you now hold as the spoils of war.

40.5. ne genus belli neue hostem ignoretis, cum iis est uobis, milites, pugnandum quos terra marique priore bello uicistis, a quibus stipendium per uiginti annos exegistis, a quibus capta belli praemia Siciliam ac Sardiniam habetis.

40.6. You and they will therefore enter the present struggle with such spirits as usually attend the victors and the vanquished. Nor are they now going to fight because they dare, but because they must;

40.6. erit igitur in hoc certamine is uobis illisque animus qui uictoribus et uictis esse solet. nec nunc illi quia audent sed quia necesse est pugnaturi sunt, qui plures paene perierint quam supersint;

40.7. unless you think that those who avoided battle when their strength was unimpaired would, now that they have lost two-thirds of their infantry and cavalry in the passage of the Alps, have become more hopeful!

40.7. nisi creditis, qui exercitu incolumi pugnam detractauere, eos duabus partibus peditum equitumque in transitu Alpium amissis plus spei nactos esse.

40.8. But, you will say, their numbers indeed are small, but their courage and vigour are so great that scarce any force could withstand their might and power. Nay, not so!

40.8. at enim pauci quidem sunt sed uigentes animis corporibusque, quorum robora ac uires uix sustinere uis ulla possit.

40.9. They are but the semblance, the shadows of men, wasted away with hunger and cold, with filth and squalor; bruised and crippled amongst the rocks and cliffs; moreover, their limbs are frost-bitten, their muscles stiffened by the snow, their bodies numb with cold, their arms shattered and broken, their horses lame and feeble.

40.9. effigies immo, umbrae hominum, fame, frigore, inluuie, squalore enecti, contusi ac debilitati inter saxa rupesque; ad hoc praeusti artus, niue rigentes nerui, membra torrida gelu, quassata fractaque arma, claudi ac debiles equi.