---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 30 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 30. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 30. Book XXVI · chapters 31–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30/#p-N

[¶0] 31.6. “humble rank, conscript fathers, of which those men make a reproach, is itself the strongest proof that I did not tum my back upon any man who wished to serve our state.”

> Latin: 31.6. ipsa humilitas eorum, patres conscripti, quam isti obiciunt maximo argumento est me neminem qui nauatam operam rei publicae nostrae uellet auersatum esse.

[¶1] 31.7. “I laid siege to Syracuse, I endeavoured, now by sending embassies, now by going to a conference, to secure peace; again, it was not until after they showed no shame in injuring ambassadors, and no answer was given even to myself, when I met with their leading men at the gates, that, having endured many hardships on land and sea, I at last captured Syracuse by force of arms.”

> Latin: 31.7. et antequam obsiderem Syracusas, nunc legatis mittendis, nunc ad conloquium eundo temptaui pacem, et posteaquam neque legatos uiolandi uerecundia erat nec mihi ipsi congresso ad portas cum principibus responsum dabatur, multis terra marique exhaustis laboribus tandem ui atque armis Syracusas cepi.

[¶2] 31.8. “what befell the captured it is more reasonable for them to complain in the presence of Hannibal and the defeated Carthaginians than in the senate of a victorious nation.”

> Latin: 31.8. quae captis acciderint apud Hannibalem et Carthaginienses uictos iustius quam apud uictoris populi senatum quererentur.

[¶3] 31.9. “myself, conscript fathers, if I had been intending to deny the despoiling of Syracuse, I should never be using its spoils to adorn the city of Rome. in what I as victor either took from individuals or gave to them, I am quite sure that I acted both according to the law of war and in accordance with each man's desert.”

> Latin: 31.9. ego, patres conscripti, Syracusas spoliatas si negaturus essem, nunquam spoliis earum urbem Romam exornarem. quae autem singulis uictor aut ademi aut dedi, cum belli iure tum ex cuiusque merito satis scio me fecisse.

[¶4] 31.10. “you confirm those acts, conscript fathers, or not, concerns the state more than myself. my duty has been fully discharged; it is to the interest of the state that you do not make other commanders less energetic for the future by annulling my acts.”

> Latin: 31.10. ea uos rata habeatis, patres conscripti, necne, magis rei publicae interest quam mea. quippe mea fides exsoluta est: ad rem publicam pertinet ne acta mea rescindendo alios in posterum segniores duces faciatis.

[¶5] 31.11. “seeing that you have heard face to face the words of the Sicilians, and mine as well, conscript fathers, we shall leave the temple at the same time, so that in my absence the senate can deliberate with greater freedom.” the Sicilians were dismissed, and he himself withdrew to the Capitol to conduct the levy.

> Latin: 31.11. et quoniam coram et Siculorum et mea uerba audistis, patres conscripti, simul templo excedemus, ut me absente liberius consuli senatus possit.' ita dimissi Siculi et ipse in Capitolium ad dilectum discessit. consul alter de postulatis Siculorum ad patres rettulit. ibi cum diu sententiis certatum esset et magna pars senatus, principe eius sententiae T.

[¶6] 32.2. other consul laid the matter of the Sicilians' demands before the fathers. them for a long time there was a conflict of opinions, and many senators, with Titus Manlius Torquatus as spokesman for that opinion, thought that they should have gone to war with the tyrants, enemies both of the Syracusans and of the Roman people, and that the city ought to have been taken over, not captured, and once taken over, should have been confirmed in the possession of its former laws and its freedom, not crushed by war when already exhausted by a pitiful slavery.

> Latin: 32.2. Manlio Torquato, cum tyrannis bellum gerendum fuisse censerent hostibus et Syracusanorum et populi Romani, et urbem recipi, non capi, et receptam legibus antiquis et libertate stabiliri, non fessam miseranda seruitute bello adfligi;

[¶7] 32.3. said that in the conflicts between the tyrants and the Roman commander the most beautiful and famous of cities, set up in the midst as a prize for the victor, had been destroyed, the granary and treasury formerly of the Roman people, for by its generous gifts on many occasions, and last of all in this very Punic war, the republic had been aided and enriched.

> Latin: 32.3. inter tyrannorum et ducis Romani certamina praemium uictoris in medio positam urbem pulcherrimam ac nobilissimam perisse, horreum atque aerarium quondam populi Romani, cuius munificentia ac donis multis tempestatibus, hoc denique ipso Punico bello adiuta ornataque res publica esset;

[¶8] 32.4. King Hiero, most faithful in his devotion to the Roman empire, should rise from the lower world, with what face could they show him either Syracuse or Rome, when after a backward look at his native city, half —ruined and despoiled, upon entering Rome he was to see in the forecourt of the city, almost at the gate, the spoils of his own city?

> Latin: 32.4. si ab inferis exsistat rex Hiero fidissimus imperii Romani cultor, quo ore aut Syracusas aut Romam ei ostendi posse, cum, ubi semirutam ac spoliatam patriam respexerit, ingrediens Romam in uestibulo urbis, prope in porta, spolia patriae suae uisurus sit?— haec taliaque cum ad inuidiam consulis miserationemque Siculorum dicerentur, mitius tamen decreuerunt patres:

[¶9] 32.5. these words and others to the same effect were spoken in order to arouse hatred against the consul and pity for the Sicilians, the senate nevertheless adopted a milder decree:

> Latin: 32.5. acta M. Marcelli quae is gerens bellum uictorque egisset rata habenda esse, in reliquum curae senatui fore rem Syracusanam, mandaturosque consuli Laeuino ut quod sine iactura rei publicae fieri posset fortunis eius ciuitatis consuleret.

[¶10] 32.6. that the acts of Marcus Marcellus, during his conduct of the war and as victor, were to be ratified; for the future the Syracusan state would be cared for by the senate, and they would instruct the consul Laevinus to take measures for the property of its citizens, so far as could be done without loss to the republic.

> Latin: 32.6. missis duobus senatoribus in Capitolium ad consulem uti rediret in curiam et introductis Siculis, senatus consultum recitatum est;

[¶11] 32.7. senators were sent to the consul on the Capitol, that he should return to the Senate House; and after the Sicilians had been brought in, the decree of the senate was read. the legates, dismissed with kind words, threw themselves down before the knees of Marcellus, the consul, imploring him to pardon what they had said in lamenting and seeking to mitigate their misfortune, and that he would take them and the city of Syracuse under his protection and patronage. this promise the consul spoke to them gently and dismissed them.

> Latin: 32.7. legatique benigne appellati ac dimissi ad genua se Marcelli consulis proiecerunt obsecrantes ut quae deplorandae ac leuandae calamitatis causa dixissent ueniam eis daret, et in fidem clientelamque se urbemque Syracusas acciperet. potens senatus consulto consul clementer appellatos eos dimisit. Campanis deinde senatus datus est, quorum oratio miserabilior, causa durior erat.

[¶12] 33.2. Campanians then had their hearing in the senate, and their speech was more pitiful, their case more difficult. they could not deny that punishment had been deserved, nor were there tyrants on whom they could throw the blame.

> Latin: 33.2. neque enim meritas poenas negare poterant, nec tyranni erant in quos culpam conferrent, sed satis pensum poenarum tot ueneno absumptis, tot securi percussis senatoribus credebant:

[¶13] 33.3. they believed that a sufficient penalty had been paid, since so many senators had been carried off by poison, so many executed by beheading; that few of the nobles survived, whom neither their conscience had prompted to do violence to themselves, nor an angry victor had condemned to death. were the men who were begging, they said, for freedom for themselves and their families and for some part of their property, being Roman citizens, linked to them in many cases through relations by marriage, and now by close blood relations in consequence of their long —established right of intermarriage.

> Latin: 33.3. paucos nobilium superstites esse, quos nec sua conscientia ut quicquam de se grauius consulerent impulerit nec uictoris ira capitis damnauerit; eos libertatem sibi suisque et bonorum aliquam partem orare ciues Romanos, adfinitatibus plerosque et propinquis iam cognationibus ex conubio uetusto iunctos.

[¶14] 33.4. after they had been conducted out of the temple, there was for a short time hesitation whether Quintus Fulvius should be summoned from Capua —for Claudius, the consul, had died after the capture of the city —in order that the discussion might go on in the presence of the general who had conducted the campaign, just as it had been carried on between Marcellus and the Sicilians.

> Latin: 33.4. summotis deinde e templo paulisper dubitatum an arcessendus a Capua Q. Fuluius esset—mortuus enim post captam Claudius consul erat—ut coram imperatore qui res gessisset, sicut inter Marcellum Siculosque disceptatum fuerat, disceptaretur.

[¶15] 33.5. , when they saw Flaccus' lieutenants in the senate, namely his brother Gaius Fulvius and Marcus Atilius, also Claudius' lieutenants, Quintus Minucius and Lucius Veturius Philo, men who had witnessed everything that was done, and they did not wish Fulvius to be recalled from Capua nor the Campanians to be put off, Marcus Atilius Regulus, who had the greatest influence of all the men who had been at Capua, was asked his opinion. “testify,” he said, “that I was one of the advisers to the consuls when, after the capture of Capua, the question was raised whether there was anyone of the Campanians who had deserved well of our republic.”

> Latin: 33.5. dein cum M. Atilium C. Fuluium fratrem Flacci legatos eius et Q. Minucium et L. Ueturium Philonem item Claudi legatos qui omnibus gerendis rebus adfuerant in senatu uiderent nec Fuluium auocari a Capua nec differri Campanos uellent, interrogatus sententiam M. Atilius Regulus, cuius ex iis qui ad Capuam fuerant maxima auctoritas erat, 'in consilio' inquit 'arbitror me fuisse consulibus Capua capta cum quaereretur ecqui Campanorum bene meritus de re publica nostra esset.

[¶16] 33.8. “was ascertained that there were two women only, Vestia Oppia, of Atella, domiciled at Capua, and Pacula Cluvia, who had formerly been a harlot; that the former had sacrificed every day for the safety and victory of the Roman people, and the latter had secretly supplied food to needy captives;”

> Latin: 33.8. duas mulieres compertum est Uestiam Oppiam Atellanam Capuae habitantem et Paculam Cluuiam quae quondam quaestum corpore fecisset, illam cottidie sacrificasse pro salute et uictoria populi Romani, hanc captiuis egentibus alimenta clam suppeditasse:

[¶17] 33.9. “that all the rest of the Campanians had had the same feelings towards us as had the Carthaginians; and those beheaded by Quintus Fulvius were the men whose rank rather than their guilt was conspicuous among the others.”

> Latin: 33.9. ceterorum omnium Campanorum eundem erga nos animum quem Carthaginiensium fuisse, securique percussos a Q. Fuluio fuisse magis quorum dignitas inter alios quam quorum culpa eminebat.

[¶18] 33.10. “do not see that it is possible for action to be taken by the senate in regard to the Campanians, who are Roman citizens, without the command of the people; and I see that in the time of our ancestors also the procedure in the case of the Satricani, after their revolt, was that Marcus Antistius, tribune of the plebs, first introduced a bill, and the plebs voted that the senate should have the right to pronounce judgment upon the men of Satricum.”

> Latin: 33.10. per senatum agi de Campanis, qui ciues Romani sunt, iniussu populi non uideo posse, idque et apud maiores nostros in Satricanis factum esse cum defecissent ut M. Antistius tribunus plebis prius rogationem ferret scisceretque plebs uti senatui de Satricanis sententiae dicendae ius esset.

[¶19] 33.11. “I think that we must persuade the tribunes of the plebs that one or more of them should propose to the plebs a bill by which we should be given the right to decide in regard to the Campanians.”

> Latin: 33.11. itaque censeo cum tribunis plebis agendum esse ut eorum unus pluresue rogationem ferant ad plebem qua nobis statuendi de Campanis ius fiat.'

[¶20] 33.12. Lucius Atilius, tribune of the plebs, by authority of the senate brought before the plebs a bill in these terms: “the Capuans, Atellani, Calatini, Sabatini, who under Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, surrendered themselves to the will and authority of the Roman people, and the menwhom they have surrendered along with themselves, and the possessions which they have surrendered along with themselves, the land and the city, property of gods and property of men, and implements or anything else that they have surrendered —concerning those matters, Quirites, I ask you what you wish to be ” “done.”

> Latin: 33.12. L. Atilius tribunus plebis ex auctoritate senatus plebem in haec uerba rogauit: 'omnes Campani Atellani Calatini Sabatini qui se dediderunt in arbitrium dicionem- que populi Romani <Q.> Fuluio proconsuli, quosque una secum dedidere quaeque una secum dedidere agrum urbemque diuina humanaque utensiliaque siue quid aliud dediderunt, de iis rebus quid fieri uelitis uos rogo, Quirites.' plebes sic iussit:

[¶21] 33.14. plebs ordered as follows: “the senate under oath, a majority of those present, shall decree, that is our wish and command.” accordance with this plebiscite the senate, on being consulted, restored to Oppia and Cluvia first their property and their freedom: if they wished to request other compensations from the senate, it ordered them to come to Rome. the Capuans, family by family, decrees were passed, which it is not worth while to recount in full.

> Latin: 33.14. 'quod senatus iuratus, maxima pars, censeat, qui adsient, id uolumus iubemusque.' ex hoc plebei scito senatus consultus Oppiae Cluuiaeque primum bona ac libertatem restituit: si qua alia praemia petere ab senatu uellent, uenire eas Romam. Campanis in familias singulas decreta facta quae non operae pretium est omnia enumerare:

[¶22] 34.3. property of some of them was to be confiscated, themselves and their children and wives sold, except the daughters who, before they became subject to the authority of the Roman people, had married into other communities.

> Latin: 34.3. aliorum bona publicanda, ipsos liberosque eorum et coniuges uendendas, extra filias quae enupsissent priusquam in populi Romani potestatem uenirent:

[¶23] 34.4. were to be put in chains and action concerning them considered later. the case of other Capuans they graded their census rating also, to determine whether their property should be confiscated or not.

> Latin: 34.4. alios in uincula condendos ac de iis posterius consulendum: aliorum Campanorum summam etiam census distinxerunt publicanda necne bona essent:

[¶24] 34.5. for captured cattle, except horses, they decreed that they be restored to their owners, and slaves, except adult males, also everything which was not attached to the soil.

> Latin: 34.5. pecua captiua praeter equos et mancipia praeter puberes uirilis sexus et omnia quae solo non continerentur restituenda censuerunt dominis.

[¶25] 34.6. Capuans, Atellani, Calatini, Sabatini, except such of them as had been with the enemy, either themselves or their fathers, were to be free men, it was ordered, with the reservation that no one of them should be a Roman citizen or reckoned a Latin, and that no one of them who had been at Capua while the gates were closed should remain in the city or in the territory of Capua beyond a certain date; that a region across the Tiber, but not touching the Tiber, be given them as a dwelling —place.

> Latin: 34.6. Campanos omnes Atellanos Calatinos Sabatinos, extra quam qui eorum aut ipsi aut parentes eorum apud hostes essent, liberos esse iusserunt, ita ut nemo eorum ciuis Romanus aut Latini nominis esset, neue quis eorum qui Capuae fuisset dum portae clausae essent in urbe agroue Campano intra certam diem maneret;

[¶26] 34.8. for those who during the war had not been in Capua nor in a Campanian city which had revolted from the Roman people, it was voted that these should be removed this side of the Liris river in the direction of Rome; and that those who had come over to the Romans before Hannibal came to Capua should be removed this side of the Volturnus, no one of them to have land or building nearer the sea than fifteen miles.

> Latin: 34.8. locus ubi habitarent trans Tiberim qui non contingeret Tiberim daretur: qui nec Capuae nec in urbe Campana quae a populo Romano defecisset per bellum fuissent, eos cis Lirim amnem Romam uersus, qui ad Romanos transissent priusquam Capuam Hannibal ueniret, cis Uolturnum emouendos censuerunt, ne quis eorum propius mare quindecim milibus passuum agrum aedificiumue haberet.

[¶27] 34.10. those removed across the Tiber, neither the men themselves nor their descendants were to acquire or hold anywhere except in the districts of Veii, Sutrium or Nepete, with the provision that no one was to have a larger amount of land than fifty iugera.

> Latin: 34.10. qui eorum trans Tiberim emoti essent, ne ipsi posteriue eorum uspiam pararent haberentue nisi in Ueiente Sutrino Nepesinoue agro, dum ne cui maior quam quinquaginta iugerum agri modus esset.

[¶28] 34.11. property of all senators and of those who had held office at Capua, Atella, Calatia they ordered to be sold at Capua; that the free persons who, it had been voted, should be offered for sale be sent to Rome and sold at Rome.

> Latin: 34.11. senatorum omnium quique magistratus Capuae Atellae Calatiae gessissent bona uenire Capuae iusserunt: libera corpora quae uenum dari placuerat Romam mitti ac Romae uenire.

[¶29] 34.12. , statues of bronze, which were said to have been captured from the enemy, they referred to the college of pontiffs, to decide which of them were sacred and which profane.

> Latin: 34.12. signa statuas aeneas quae capta de hostibus dicerentur, quae eorum sacra ac profana essent ad pontificum collegium reiecerunt.

[¶30] 34.13. view of these decrees the Campanians were much sadder when dismissed than when they had come to Rome. no longer did they lay the blame upon the harshness of Quintus Fulvius towards them, but upon the partiality of the gods and their accursed fortune.

> Latin: 34.13. ob haec decreta maestiores aliquanto quam Romam uenerant Campanos dimiserunt; nec iam Q. Fului saeuitiam in sese, sed iniquitatem deum atque exsecrabilem fortunam suam incusabant. dimissis Siculis Campanisque dilectus habitus. scripto deinde exercitu de remigum supplemento agi coeptum;

[¶31] 35.2. Sicilians and Campanians having been sent away, a levy was held., once an army had been enrolled, they began to take up the question of recruiting more oarsmen. this purpose, inasmuch as there was neither a sufficient supply of men, nor any money at that time in the treasury out of which they might be procured and receive their pay, the consuls in an edict ordered that private citizens according to their census and classes, as before, should furnish oarsmen, with pay and rations for thirty days.

> Latin: 35.2. in quam rem cum neque hominum satis nec ex qua pararentur stipendiumque acciperent pecuniae quicquam ea tempestate in publico esset, edixerunt consules ut priuatim ex censu ordinibusque, sicut antea, remiges darent cum stipendio cibariisque dierum triginta.

[¶32] 35.4. response to that edict there was such protest among the people, such indignation, that what was lacking for an uprising was a leader rather than fuel.

> Latin: 35.4. ad id edictum tantus fremitus hominum, tanta indignatio fuit ut magis dux quam materia seditioni deesset: secundum Siculos Campanosque plebem Romanam perdendam lacerandamque sibi consules sumpsisse.

[¶33] 35.5. after the Sicilians and Campanians the consuls, they said, had taken upon themselves the task of ruining and destroying the Roman populace. by tribute for so many years, they had nothing left but the land, bare and desolate. houses had been burned by the enemy, the slaves who tilled the soil had been taken away by the state, now by purchase at a low price for military service, now by impressing them as oarsmen.

> Latin: 35.5. per tot annos tributo exhaustos nihil reliqui praeter terram nudam ac uastam habere. tecta hostes incendisse, seruos agri cultores rem publicam abduxisse, nunc ad militiam paruo aere emendo, nunc remiges imperando;

[¶34] 35.6. a man had any money in silver or bronze, it had been taken away for the pay of oarsmen and the yearly taxes. for themselves, they could not be compelled by any force, by any authority, to give what they did not have. their property be sold, let their bodies —all that remained —be harshly treated; not even for the purposes of a ransom was anything left to them.

> Latin: 35.6. si quid cui argenti aerisue fuerit, stipendio remigum et tributis annuis ablatum. se ut dent quod non habeant nulla ui nullo imperio cogi posse. bona sua uenderent; in corpora quae reliqua essent saeuirent; ne unde redimantur quidem quicquam superesse.

[¶35] 35.7. were the complaints of a great multitude, not in secret, but openly in the Forum and even before the eyes of the consuls, as they flocked about them.

> Latin: 35.7. haec non in occulto, sed propalam in foro atque oculis ipsorum consulum ingens turba circumfusi fremebant; nec eos sedare consules nunc castigando, nunc consolando poterant.

[¶36] 35.8. the consuls, now upbraiding, now consoling, were unable to quiet them. they said that they gave the people three days for reflection, a time which they themselves employed in looking into the matter and seeking a solution.

> Latin: 35.8. spatium deinde iis tridui se dare ad cogitandum dixerunt; quo ipsi ad rem inspiciendam <et> expediendam usi sunt.

[¶37] 35.9. following day they held a session of the senate on the recruiting of more oarsmen., after setting forth many reasons why refusal on the part of the populace was fair, they so far altered their language as to say that the burden, whether fair or unfair, must be laid upon private citizens.

> Latin: 35.9. senatum postero die habuerunt de remigum supplemento; ubi cum multa disseruissent cur aequa plebis recusatio esset, uerterunt orationem eo ut dicerent priuatis id seu aequum seu iniquum onus iniungendum esse;

[¶38] 35.10. from what source were they to get crews, when there was no money in the treasury? without fleets how could either Sicily be held, or Philip kept away from Italy, or the coasts of Italy be safe?

> Latin: 35.10. nam unde, cum pecunia in aerario non esset, paraturos nauales socios? quomodo autem sine classibus aut Siciliam obtineri aut Italia Philippum arceri posse aut tuta Italiae litora esse? cum in hac difficultate rerum consilium haereret ac prope torpor quidam occupasset hominum mentes, tum Laeuinus consul:

[¶39] 36.2. in this difficult situation wisdom faltered, and a kind of lethargy had almost taken possession of men's minds, Laevinus, the consul, said that, as magistrates are superior to the senate in dignity, and as the senate is superior to the people, so ought they to be leaders in shouldering all that was hard and drastic.

> Latin: 36.2. magistratus senatui et senatum populo, sicut honore praestet, ita ad omnia quae dura atque aspera essent subeunda ducem debere esse.

[¶40] 36.3. “there is a duty which you wish to lay upon an inferior, and you first set up the same obligation as against yourself and your family, you more readily find everyone submitting. the outlay is not burdensome, when they see every prominent man taking upon himself more than his share in it.”

> Latin: 36.3. 'si quid iniungere inferiori uelis, id prius in te ac tuos si ipse iuris statueris, facilius omnes obedientes habeas; nec impensa grauis est, cum <ex> ea plus quam pro uirili parte sibi quemque capere principum uident.

[¶41] 36.4. “, if we wish the Roman people to have fleets and equip them, and private citizens to furnish oarsmen without protest, let us first impose that upon ourselves.”

> Latin: 36.4. itaque <si> classes habere atque ornare uolumus populum Romanum, priuatos sine recusatione remiges dare, nobismet ipsis primum imperemus.

[¶42] 36.5. “, silver, coined bronze, let us senators bring it all into the treasury tomorrow, with the reservation that each is to leave a ring for himself and for his wife and his children, and a bulla for a son, and those who have a wife or daughters may leave for each an ounce of gold by weight.”

> Latin: 36.5. aurum argentum <aes> signatum omne senatores crastino die in publicum conferamus, ita ut anulos sibi quisque et coniugi et liberis, et filio bullam et quibus uxor filiaeue sunt singulas uncias pondo auri relinquant:

[¶43] 36.6. “silver those who have occupied curule chairs may leave horse —trappings and one pound each, so that they may keep a salt —cellar and a saucer for offerings to the gods.”

> Latin: 36.6. argenti qui curuli sella sederunt equi ornamenta et libras pondo, ut salinum patellamque deorum causa habere possint:

[¶44] 36.7. “rest of the senators may leave only a pound of silver. coined bronze let us leave five thousand asses to each paterfamilias.”

> Latin: 36.7. ceteri senatores libram argenti tantum: aeris signati quina milia in singulos patres familiae relinquamus:

[¶45] 36.8. “the rest of the gold, silver, coined bronze let us forthwith deposit with the bank commissioners, without first making any decree of the senate, so that a voluntary contribution and competition in helping the republic may stir up to rivalry, first the spirit of the knightly order, and then of the plebeians as well.”

> Latin: 36.8. ceterum omne aurum argentum aes signatum ad triumuiros mensarios extemplo deferamus nullo ante senatus consulto facto, ut uoluntaria conlatio et certamen adiuuandae rei publicae excitet ad aemulandum animos primum equestris ordinis, dein reliquae plebis.

[¶46] 36.9. “is the one way we consuls have found, after conferring together at length; enter upon it with the kind aid of the gods! commonwealth, if preserved, easily assures the preservation of private wealth also. betraying what belongs to the commonwealth one tries in vain to save one's own possessions.”

> Latin: 36.9. hanc unam uiam multa inter nos conlocuti consules inuenimus; ingredimini dis bene iuuantibus. res publica incolumis et priuatas res facile saluas praestat: publica prodendo tua nequiquam serues.'

[¶47] 36.10. these words agreement was so spirited that they actually thanked the consuls.

> Latin: 36.10. in haec tanto animo consensum est ut gratiae ultro consulibus agerentur.

[¶48] 36.11. senate then adjourned, and each man brought his own gold and silver and bronze into the treasury, while such rivalry was aroused to have their names the first or among the first men on the public records, that neither were the commissioners equal to the task of receiving nor the clerks to that of making the entries.

> Latin: 36.11. senatu inde misso pro se quisque aurum argentum et aes in publicum conferunt, tanto certamine iniecto ut prima aut inter primos nomina sua uellent in publicis tabulis esse ut nec triumuiri accipiundo nec scribae referundo sufficerent.

[¶49] 36.12. knightly order followed this unanimity of the senate, the populace that of the knights. Thus without an edict, without constraint on the part of any magistrate, the state lacked neither oarsmen to fill the complement nor their pay; also every preparation for war being complete, the consuls set out for their provinces.

> Latin: 36.12. hunc consensum senatus equester ordo est secutus, equestris ordinis plebs. ita sine edicto, sine coercitione magistratus nec remige in supplementum nec stipendio res publica eguit; paratisque omnibus ad bellum consules in prouincias profecti sunt. neque aliud tempus belli fuit quo Carthaginienses Romanique pariter uariis casibus immixti magis in ancipiti spe ac metu fuerint.

[¶50] 37.2. there was no other time in the war when Carthaginians and Romans, equally involved in changing fortunes, were in a more uncertain state of hope and fear. is, for the Romans, in the provinces, defeat in Spain on the one hand, success in Sicily on the other, had mingled sorrow and rejoicing; so also in Italy the capture of Tarentum brought loss and grief, while the retention of the citadel and garrison contrary to expectation brought joy.

> Latin: 37.2. nam Romanis et in prouinciis hinc in Hispania aduersae res, hinc prosperae in Sicilia luctum et laetitiam miscuerant, et in Italia cum Tarentum amissum damno et dolori, tum arx cum praesidio retenta praeter spem gaudio fuit,

[¶51] 37.4. the sudden alarm and panic when the city of Rome was beset and attacked was turned into gladness by the taking of Capua a few days later.

> Latin: 37.4. et terrorem subitum pauoremque urbis Romae obsessae et oppugnatae Capua post dies paucos capta in laetitiam uertit.

[¶52] 37.5. also were events balanced with a certain alternation: Philip's turning enemy at an inopportune moment, the addition of the Aetolians and Attalus, King of Asia, as new allies, just as if fortune were now pledging to the Romans rule over the East.

> Latin: 37.5. transmarinae quoque res quadam uice pensatae: Philippus hostis tempore haud satis opportuno factus, Aetoli noui adsciti socii Attalusque Asiae rex, iam uelut despondente fortuna Romanis imperium orientis.

[¶53] 37.6. Carthaginians likewise balanced the capture of Tarentum against the loss of Capua; and although they made it their boast that they had reached the walls of the city of Rome with no one preventing, yet they were annoyed at the failure of their undertaking and ashamed to find themselves so scorned that, while they were sitting before the walls of Rome, out of another gate marched a Roman army bound for Spain.

> Latin: 37.6. Carthaginienses quoque Capuae amissae Tarentum captum aequabant, et ut ad moenia urbis Romanae nullo prohibente se peruenisse in gloria ponebant, ita pigebat inriti incepti, pudebatque adeo se spretos ut sedentibus ipsis ad Romana moenia alia porta exercitus Romanus in Hispaniam duceretur.

[¶54] 37.8. for their Spanish provinces, the nearer they had come to the hope that, after the slaughter of two great commanders and armies, the war there was over and the Romans driven out, the more indignation did those very provinces arouse that the victory had been rendered null and void by Lucius Marcius, an emergency commander.

> Latin: 37.8. ipsae quoque Hispaniae quo propius spem uenerant tantis duobus ducibus exercitibusque caesis debellatum ibi ac pulsos inde Romanos esse, eo plus ab L. Marcio tumultuario duce ad uanum et inritum uictoriam redactam esse indignationis praebebant.

[¶55] 37.9. Thus with Fortune maintaining the balance, there was general suspense for both sides, hope remaining unchanged, fear unchanged, as though they were then for the first time beginning the war. Hannibal was above all else distressed that Capua, besieged with more persistence by the Romans than it was defended by himself, had estranged from him many peoples in Italy, not all of whom could he hold by garrisons, unless he were willing to parcel out his army in many small detachments, which was not at all to his advantage at that time. on the other hand could he by withdrawing his garrisons leave the loyalty of allies free to hope or exposed to fear.

> Latin: 37.9. ita aequante fortuna suspensa omnia utrisque erant, integra spe, integro metu, uelut illo tempore primum bellum inciperent. Hannibalem ante omnia angebat quod Capua pertinacius oppugnata ab Romanis quam defensa ab se multorum Italiae populorum animos auerterat, quos neque omnes tenere praesidiis nisi uellet in multas paruasque partes carpere exercitum quod minime tum expediebat poterat, nec deductis praesidiis spei liberam uel obnoxiam timori sociorum relinquere fidem.

[¶56] 38.3. inclined to greed and cruelty, his temperament favoured despoiling what he was unable to protect, in order to leave desolated lands to the enemy.

> Latin: 38.3. praeceps in auaritiam et crudelitatem animus ad spolianda quae tueri nequibat, ut uastata hosti relinquerentur, inclinauit.

[¶57] 38.4. policy was shameful in the beginning, and especially so in the outcome. not only were those who suffered undeserved treatment alienated, but all the rest as well; for the lesson reached larger numbers than did the suffering.

> Latin: 38.4. id foedum consilium cum incepto tum etiam exitu fuit. neque enim indigna patientium modo abalienabantur animi, sed ceterorum etiam;

[¶58] 38.5. did the Roman consul fail to work upon the feelings of cities, if any hope had showed itself from any quarter. Salapia Dasius and Blattius were leading citizens.

> Latin: 38.5. quippe ad plures exemplum †quam† pertinebat; nec consul Romanus temptandis urbibus sicunde spes aliqua se ostendisset deerat. Salapiae principes erant Dasius et Blattius, Dasius Hannibali amicus;

[¶59] 38.6. Dasius was friendly to Hannibal, Blattius promoted the Roman cause so far as he safely could, and through secret messengers had roused in Marcellus a hope of betrayal. without the aid of Dasius the matter could not be carried out.

> Latin: 38.6. Blattius quantum ex tuto poterat rem Romanam fouebat et per occultos nuntios spem proditionis fecerat Marcello; sed sine adiutore Dasio res transigi non poterat.

[¶60] 38.7. much hesitation for a long time, and even then rather owing to the lack of a better plan than with the hope of success, he addressed himself to Dasius. Dasius, being not only averse to the project, but also unfriendly to one who was his rival for the highest position, disclosed the matter to Hannibal.

> Latin: 38.7. multum ac diu cunctatus, et tum quoque magis inopia consilii potioris quam spe effectus, Dasium appellabat; at ille, cum ab re auersus, tum aemulo potentatus inimicus, rem Hannibali aperit.

[¶61] 38.8. both had been summoned, and Hannibal on the tribune was occupied with certain business, intending presently to hear the case of Blattius, and accuser and defendant were standing there, while the crowd had been cleared away, Blattius addressed himself to Dasius on the treason.

> Latin: 38.8. arcessito utroque Hannibal cum pro tribunali quaedam ageret mox de Blattio cogniturus, starentque summoto populo accusator et reus, Blattius de proditione Dasium appellat.

[¶62] 38.9. Dasius, to be sure, as though the evidence was clear, cried out that before Hannibal's eyes he was being urged to tum traitor. Hannibal and his assessors the matter seemed less credible as being so bold.

> Latin: 38.9. enimuero ille, uelut in manifesta re, exclamat sub oculis Hannibalis secum de proditione agi. Hannibali atque eis qui aderant quo audacior res erat, minus similis ueri uisa est:

[¶63] 38.10. was only their rivalry and hatred surely, they said, and the charge brought was of a sort in which the fabricator had the more freedom because it could not have a witness. they were discharged.

> Latin: 38.10. aemulationem profecto atque odium esse, et id crimen adferri quod, quia testem habere non posset, liberius fingenti esset. ita inde dimissi sunt.

[¶64] 38.11. Blattius did not desist from so bold an undertaking until by dinning the same story into his ears, and by showing how advantageous for themselves and their native city it was, he prevailed upon Dasius to have the Carthaginian garrison —now it consisted of five hundred Numidians —and Salapia surrendered to Marcellus; and it was not without much bloodshed that it could be surrendered.

> Latin: 38.11. nec Blattius ante abstitit tam audaci incepto quam idem obtundendo, docendoque quam ea res ipsis patriaeque salutaris esset, peruicit ut praesidium Punicum—<quingenti> autem Numidae erant—Salapiaque traderetur Marcello.

[¶65] 38.12. were far the bravest horsemen in the entire Carthaginian army. , although the attack was unexpected, and they had no use of their horses in the city, nevertheless catching up their arms in the midst of the uproar, they attempted a sally, and being unable to escape, they fell fighting to the last, and not more than fifty of them came alive into the hands of the enemy. loss of this regiment of cavalry was considerably more serious for Hannibal than that of Salapia.

> Latin: 38.12. nec sine caede multa tradi potuit. longe fortissimi equitum toto Punico exercitu erant. itaque, quamquam improuisa res fuit nec usus equorum in urbe erat, tamen armis inter tumultum captis et eruptionem temptauerunt et, cum euadere nequirent, pugnantes ad ultimum occubuerunt, nec plus quinquaginta ex his in potestatem hostium uiui uenerunt. plusque aliquanto damni haec ala equitum amissa Hannibali quam Salapia fuit;

[¶66] 38.14. at no later time was the Carthaginian superior in cavalry, in which had been easily his greatest strength. the same time, when in the citadel of Tarentum scarcity was barely endurable, the Roman garrison posted there and Marcus Livius, the commander of the garrison and citadel, had all their hopes in supplies sent from Sicily; and that these might safely pass along the coast of Italy, a fleet of about twenty ships lay at anchor at Regium.

> Latin: 38.14. nec deinde unquam Poenus, quo longe plurimum ualuerat, equitatu superior fuit. per idem tempus cum in arce Tarentina uix inopia tolerabilis esset, spem omnem praesidium quod ibi erat Romanum praefectusque praesidii atque arcis M. Liuius in commeatibus ab Sicilia missis habebant, qui ut tuto praeterueherentur oram Italiae, classis uiginti ferme nauium Regii stabat. praeerat classi commeatibusque D. Quinctius, obscuro genere ortus, ceterum multis fortibus factis militari gloria inlustris.

[¶67] 39.3. the fleet and in charge of supplies was Decimus Quinctius, a man of unknown family, but made famous as a soldier by many brave deeds. first only five ships, of which the largest were two triremes, had been assigned to him by Marcellus.

> Latin: 39.3. primo quinque naues, quarum maximae duae triremes, a Marcello ei traditae erant [habuit]:

[¶68] 39.4. , as he repeatedly showed energy, three quinqueremes were added. by personally demanding from the allies and from Regium and Velia and Paestum the ships due under the treaty, he formed a fleet of twenty ships, as has been said above. fleet had sailed from Regium when Democrates with an equal number of Tarentine ships met it off Sapriportis, about fifteen miles from the city.

> Latin: 39.4. postea rem impigre saepe gerenti tres additae quinqueremes: postremo ipse a sociis Reginisque et a Uelia et a Paesto debitas ex foedere exigendo classem uiginti nauium, sicut ante dictum est, efficit.

[¶69] 39.6. that time the Roman, as it happened, was approaching under sail, not foreseeing an impending battle.

> Latin: 39.6. huic ab Regio profectae classi Democrates cum pari nauium Tarentinarum numero quindecim milia ferme ab urbe ad Sapriportem obuius fuit.

[¶70] 39.7. in the neighbourhood of Croton and Sybaris he had fully manned the ships with oarsmen, and had a fleet remarkably equipped and armed considering the size of the ships. it happened then that about the same time the wind dropped entirely and the enemy came in sight, with the result that time enough was left to take down the rigging and to get the oarsmen and soldiers ready for the battle that was imminent.

> Latin: 39.7. uelis tum forte improuidus futuri certaminis Romanus ueniebat; sed circa Crotonem Sybarimque suppleuerat remigio naues, instructamque et armatam egregie pro magnitudine nauium classem habebat;

[¶71] 39.8. have regular fleets ever clashed with such spirit, since they were fighting for a greater issue than themselves. Tarentines, having regained their city from the Romans after almost a hundred years, fought to free the citadel as well, in the hope that they would cut off the enemy's supplies also, if by a naval battle they should deprive them of their command of the sea; the Romans, in order to show by keeping their hold upon the citadel that Tarentum had been lost, not by force and courage, but by treachery and a surprise.

> Latin: 39.8. et tum forte sub idem tempus et uenti uis omnis cecidit et hostes in conspectu fuere ut ad componenda armamenta expediendumque remigem ac militem ad imminens certamen satis temporis esset. raro alias tantis animis iustae concurrerunt classes, quippe cum in maioris discrimen rei quam ipsae erant pugnarent, Tarentini ut reciperata urbe ab Romanis post centesimum prope annum, arcem etiam liberarent, spe commeatus quoque hostibus si nauali proelio possessionem maris ademissent interclusuros,

[¶72] 39.11. after the signal had been given on both sides, and they had encountered each other with their beaks and did not reverse their motion with oars nor allow the enemy to cast loose from them, a commander closing in on a ship would throw grappling —irons on it, and they engaged in a battle at such close quarters that they fought not only with missiles, but also with swords, almost man to man. bows in contact could not detach themselves, the sterns were swung about by the efforts of the enemy's oarsmen. closely massed together were the ships that hardly a missile fell without effect between them into the sea. each a front, like a battle —line on land, they tried to push each other back, and the ships were a highway for the combatants., however, among all the rest was the battle between the two ships which had encountered each other at the head of the

> Latin: 39.11. Romani ut retenta possessione arcis ostenderent non ui ac uirtute, sed proditione ac furto Tarentum amissum. itaque ex utraque parte signo dato cum rostris concurrissent neque retro nauem inhiberent nec dirimi ab se hostem paterentur quam quis indeptus nauem erat ferrea iniecta manu, ita conserebant ex propinquo pugnam ut non missilibus tantum, sed gladiis etiam prope conlato pede gereretur res. prorae inter se iunctae haerebant, puppes alieno remigio circumagebantur; ita in arto stipatae erant naues ut uix ullum telum in mari uanum intercideret; frontibus uelut pedestris acies urgebant peruiaeque naues pugnantibus erant.

[¶73] 39.14. columns. the Roman ship was Quinctius himself, on the Tarentine was Nico, surnamed Perco, who hated the Romans and was hated by them with a hatred that was not only national but also personal, because he was of the party which had betrayed Tarentum to Hannibal. Quinctius was fighting and at the same time encouraging his men, Nico ran him through with a spear while off his guard. Quinctius with his weapons fell forward over the bow, the victorious Tarentine boldly crossed over on to the ship thrown into confusion by the loss of its commander; and when he had driven the enemy back, and the bow was now in the hands of the Tarentines, while the Romans, massed together, were vainly defending the stern, suddenly another trireme of the enemy also appeared astern. Thus the Roman ship was caught between them and captured. alarm was inspired on the rest of the ships when they saw the flagship captured. as they fled in all directions, some were sunk in open water, others were quickly rowed to the shore and presently fell a prey to the men of Thurii and Metapontum.

> Latin: 39.14. insignis tamen inter ceteras pugna fuit duarum quae primae agminum concurrerant inter se. in Romana naue ipse Quinctius erat, in Tarentina Nico cui Perconi fuit cognomen, non publico modo sed priuato etiam odio inuisus atque infestus Romanis quod eius factionis erat quae Tarentum Hannibali prodiderat. hic Quinctium simul pugnantem hortantemque suos, incautum hasta transfigit. ille ut praeceps cum armis procidit ante proram, uictor Tarentinus in turbatam duce amisso nauem impigre transgressus cum summouisset hostes et prora iam Tarentinorum esset, puppim male conglobati tuerentur Romani, repente et alia a puppe triremis hostium apparuit;

[¶74] 39.18. the transports, which were following with the supplies, very few fell into the power of the enemy. rest shifted their sails obliquely, now this way, now that, according to the variable winds, and put out to sea. no means so successful was the fighting at Tarentum during those days.

> Latin: 39.18. ita in medio circumuenta Romana nauis capitur. hinc ceteris terror iniectus uti praetoriam nauem captam uidere, fugientesque passim aliae in alto mersae, aliae in terram remis abreptae mox praedae fuere Thurinis Metapontinisque.

[¶75] 39.19. while about four thousand men who had gone out to get grain were roaming about the country, Livius, who was in command of the citadel and the Roman garrison, was alert for every opportunity of an engagement.

> Latin: 39.19. ex onerariis quae cum commeatu sequebantur, perpaucae in potestatem hostium uenere; aliae ad incertos uentos hinc atque illinc obliqua transferentes uela, in altum euectae sunt. nequaquam pari fortuna per eos dies Tarenti res gesta.

[¶76] 39.20. sent out from the citadel Gaius Persius, an active man, with two thousand five hundred armed men. Persius, attacking men widely dispersed over the farms and wandering about, had for a long time been slaying them everywhere, he drove the few survivors into the city, as in their excited flight they dashed into the half —opened gates. by that same onslaught the city was all but taken. Thus were issues balanced near Tarentum, the Romans being victors on land, the Tarentines on the sea.

> Latin: 39.20. nam ad quattuor milia hominum frumentatum egressa cum in agris passim uagarentur, Liuius qui arci praesidioque Romano praeerat, intentus in omnes occasiones gerendae rei, C. Persium impigrum uirum cum duobus milibus et <quingentis> armatorum ex arce emisit, qui uage effusos per agros palatosque adortus cum diu passim cecidisset, paucos ex multis, trepida fuga incidentes semiapertis portarum foribus, in urbem compulit ne<que multum afuit quin> urbs eodem impetu caperetur.

[¶77] 39.22. hope of grain —a hope which had been very real —was equally illusory for both sides. the same time, when a large part of the year had already gone by, Laevinus, the consul, arrived in Sicily awaited by the old and the new allies. he thought it of the very first importance to settle affairs that were in disorder at Syracuse owing to the short time since the peace. he led his legions to Agrigentum, being the last remnant of the war and held by a strong garrison of Carthaginians.

> Latin: 39.22. ita aequatae res ad Tarentum, Romanis uictoribus <terra>, Carthaginiensibus mari. frumenti spes, quae in oculis fuerat, utrosque frustrata pariter. per idem tempus Laeuinus consul iam magna parte anni circumacta in Siciliam ueteribus nouisque sociis exspectatus cum uenisset, primum ac potissimum omnium ratus Syracusis noua pace inconditas componere res, Agrigentum inde, quod belli reliquum erat tenebaturque a Carthaginiensium ualido praesidio, duxit legiones. et adfuit fortuna incepto.

[¶78] 40.3. in fact fortune favoured the undertaking. Hanno was the general of the Carthaginians, but all their hope continued to rest upon Muttines and the Numidians. all over Sicily, Muttines was carrying off booty from allies of the Romans, and he could neither be shut off from Agrigentum by force or by any ruse, nor be prevented from sallying out whenever he pleased.

> Latin: 40.3. Hanno erat imperator Carthaginiensium, sed omnem in Muttine Numidisque spem repositam habebant. per totam Siciliam uagus praedas agebat ex sociis Romanorum neque intercludi ab Agrigento ui aut arte ulla nec quin erumperet ubi uellet prohiberi poterat.

[¶79] 40.5. distinction of the man, as already eclipsing the reputation even of the general, finally developed into hatred, so that not even successes any longer brought much joy to Hanno on account of the man who was responsible for them.

> Latin: 40.5. haec eius gloria quia iam imperatoris quoque famae officiebat, postremo in inuidiam uertit ut ne bene gestae quidem res iam Hannoni propter auctorem satis laetae essent.

[¶80] 40.6. he gave Muttines' command of the cavalry to his own son, thinking that with the command he would take away his prestige also among the Numidians.

> Latin: 40.6. postremo praefecturam eius filio suo dedit, ratus cum imperio auctoritatem quoque ei inter Numidas erepturum.

[¶81] 40.7. it turned out quite differently. by his own unpopularity he even increased the old —time partiality for Muttines. the latter did not put up with a shameful wrong, but at once sent secret messengers to Laevinus in regard to the betrayal of Agrigentum.

> Latin: 40.7. quod longe aliter euenit; nam ueterem fauorem eius sua insuper inuidia auxit; neque ille indignitatem iniuriae tulit confestimque ad Laeuinum occultos nuntios misit de tradendo Agrigento.

[¶82] 40.8. men having reassured the consul and arranged a plan of action, the Numidians seized the gate leading toward the sea, driving away or slaying the guards; whereupon they admitted Romans sent for that very purpose into the city.

> Latin: 40.8. per quos ut est facta fides compositusque rei gerendae modus, portam ad mare ferentem Numidae cum occupassent pulsis inde custodibus aut caesis Romanos ad id ipsum missos in urbem acceperunt.

[¶83] 40.9. when now they were marching in column into the centre of the city and to the market —place with a great uproar, Hanno, thinking it was nothing more than an outbreak and mutiny of the Numidians, as had happened before also, went forth to quell the uprising.

> Latin: 40.9. et cum agmine iam in media urbis ac forum magno tumultu iretur, ratus Hanno non aliud quam tumultum ac secessionem, id quod et ante acciderat, Numidarum esse, ad comprimendam seditionem processit.

[¶84] 40.10. when he caught sight of a crowd in the distance larger than the number of the Numidians, and the shouts of the Romans, by no means unfamiliar, had reached his ears, he took to flight before coming within range of a missile.

> Latin: 40.10. atque ille cum ei multitudo maior quam Numidarum procul uisa et clamor Romanus haudquaquam ignotus ad aures accidisset, priusquam ad ictum teli ueniret capessit fugam.

[¶85] 40.11. by the gate farthest from the enemy and taking Epicydes as his companion, with a few men he made his way to the sea. fortunately finding a small vessel and leaving Sicily, for which the struggle had lasted so many years, to the enemy, they crossed over to Africa.

> Latin: 40.11. per auersam portam emissus adsumpto comite Epicyde cum paucis ad mare peruenit; nactique opportune paruum nauigium, relicta hostibus Sicilia de qua per tot annos certatum erat, in Africam traiecerunt.

[¶86] 40.12. the rest of the Carthaginians and Sicilians in a body, without even attempting to fight, were blindly fleeing, and ways of escape had been closed, they were slain near the gates.

> Latin: 40.12. alia multitudo Poenorum Siculorumque ne temptato quidem certamine cum caeci in fugam ruerent clausique exitus essent circa portas caesa.

[¶87] 40.13. gaining possession of the town, Laevinus scourged and beheaded the responsible men at Agrigentum, and sold the rest and the booty. the money he sent to Rome.

> Latin: 40.13. oppido recepto Laeuinus qui capita rerum Agrigenti erant uirgis caesos securi percussit, ceteros praedamque uendidit;

[¶88] 40.14. the news of the disaster to the Agrigentines had been carried all over Sicily, suddenly there was a general trend towards the Romans. after that, twenty towns were betrayed, six taken by assault; by voluntary surrender about forty came under Roman protection.

> Latin: 40.14. omnem pecuniam Romam misit. fama Agrigentinorum cladis Siciliam cum peruasisset, omnia repente ad Romanos inclinauerunt. prodita breui sunt uiginti oppida, sex ui capta: uoluntaria deditione in fidem uenerunt ad quadraginta.

[¶89] 40.15. the consul had bestowed upon the leading men of these states the reward or the penalty that each deserved, and had compelled the Sicilians to lay down their arms at last and tum their attention to tilling the soil, so that the island might not only produce food enough for the inhabitants, but might relieve the grain market of the city of Rome and of Italy, as it had often done on many occasions, he took with him an unruly mob from Agathyrna over into Italy.

> Latin: 40.15. quarum ciuitatium principibus cum pro cuiusque merito consul pretia poenasque exsoluisset, coegissetque Siculos positis tandem armis ad agrum colendum animos conuertere, ut esset non incolarum modo alimentis frugifera insula, sed urbis Romae atque Italiae, id quod multis saepe tempestatibus fecerat, annonam leuaret, ab Agathyrna inconditam multitudinem secum in Italiam transuexit.

[¶90] 40.17. were four thousand men, refuse of every kind, exiles, debtors, guilty, many of them, of capital offences, so long as they had lived in their own cities and under the laws; and they were dragging out an existence by highway robbery and plundering, after their common misery, for one reason or another, had concentrated them at Agathyrna.

> Latin: 40.17. quattuor milia hominum erant, mixti ex omni conluuione exsules obaerati capitalia ausi plerique cum in ciuitatibus suis ac sub legibus uixerant, et postquam eos ex uariis causis fortuna similis conglobauerat Agathyrnam per latrocinia ac rapinam tolerantes uitam.

[¶91] 40.18. men Laevinus did not think it quite safe to leave on the island, then for the first time attaining unity under the recent peace, as they furnished fuel for a revolution, and at the same time would prove useful to the men of Regium, who were looking for a band accustomed to brigandage, in order to devastate the Bruttian territory. so far as concerned Sicily the war was finished that year.

> Latin: 40.18. hos neque relinquere Laeuinus in insula tum primum noua pace coalescente uelut materiam nouandis rebus satis tutum ratus est, et Reginis usui futuri erant ad populandum Bruttium agrum adsuetam latrociniis quaerentibus manum. et quod ad Siciliam attinet eo anno debellatum est. in Hispania principio ueris P. Scipio nauibus deductis euocatisque edicto Tarraconem sociorum auxiliis classem onerariasque ostium inde Hiberi fluminis petere iubet.

[¶92] 41.2. Spain at the beginning of spring Publius Scipio launched his ships, and after summoning the allied auxiliaries to Tarraco by an edict, he ordered the fleet and the transports to sail thence to the mouth of the river Ebro. ordered the legions to leave their winter quarters and meet at the same point, he himself with five thousand allies set out from Tarraco to join the army.

> Latin: 41.2. eodem legiones ex hibernis conuenire cum iussisset, ipse cum quinque milibus sociorum ab Tarracone profectus ad exercitum est. quo cum uenisset adloquendos maxime ueteres milites qui tantis superfuerunt cladibus ratus, contione aduocata ita disseruit:

[¶93] 41.3. there, and thinking he must address particularly the old soldiers, survivors of defeats so serious, he summoned the men to an assembly and spoke as follows: "No new general in command before me has been able with reason and deservedly to thank his soldiers before he had made use of their services.

> Latin: 41.3. 'nemo ante me nouus imperator militibus suis priusquam opera eorum usus esset gratias agere iure ac merito potuit:

[¶94] 41.4. my case, before I could see my province or camp, Fortune laid me under obligation to you, in the first place because you have showed such devotion towards my father and uncle, living and dead, and then because, when possession of the province had been lost by so great a disaster, you by your courage have held it intact both for me as their successor and for the Roman people.

> Latin: 41.4. me uobis priusquam prouinciam aut castra uiderem obligauit fortuna, primum quod ea pietate erga patrem patruumque meum uiuos mortuosque fuistis, deinde quod amissam tanta clade prouinciae possessionem integram et populo Romano et successori mihi uirtute uestra obtinuistis.

[¶95] 41.6. now with the favour of the gods we are preparing and striving, not to remain in Spain ourselves, but to prevent the Carthaginians from remaining, and not to stand on the bank of the Ebro and keep the enemy from crossing, but taking the offensive to cross over and shift the scene of the war.

> Latin: 41.6. sed cum iam benignitate deum id paremus atque agamus non ut ipsi maneamus in Hispania sed ne Poeni maneant, nec ut pro ripa Hiberi stantes arceamus transitu hostes sed ut ultro transeamus transferamusque bellum, uereor ne cui uestrum maius id audaciusque consilium quam aut pro memoria cladium nuper acceptarum aut pro aetate mea uideatur.

[¶96] 41.8. I am afraid that that design may seem to some of you too great and too bold to be in keeping either with the memory of disasters recently incurred or with my years. for the reverses in Spain, there is no man from whose mind it is less possible for them to be effaced than from mine, for my father and uncle fell within the space of thirty days, that for our family one fatality might be piled upon another.

> Latin: 41.8. aduersae pugnae in Hispania nullius in animo quam meo minus oblitterari possunt, quippe cui pater et patruus intra triginta dierum spatium ut aliud super aliud cumularetur familiae nostrae funus interfecti sunt;

[¶97] 41.9. although within the family it is crushing to be all but orphaned and left desolate, yet the destiny of the state and her courage forbid me to despair of the final issue. is a lot assigned to us by some fate that in all the great wars we have been first defeated and then victorious.

> Latin: 41.9. sed ut familiaris paene orbitas ac solitudo frangit animum, ita publica cum fortuna tum uirtus desperare de summa rerum prohibet. ea fato quodam data nobis sors est ut magnis omnibus bellis uicti uicerimus. uetera omitto, Porsennam Gallos Samnites: