8.14. The withdrawal of these legions from the islands did not reduce the garrison of that province at all either in actual strength or in appearance.
8.14. nihil eae deductae ex insula legiones minuerunt nec uiribus nec specie eius prouinciae praesidium;
8.15. For Valerius, in addition to the two old legions remarkably well recruited, had a large number of Numidian deserters also, cavalry and infantry; and he enrolled Sicilians likewise who had been in the army of Epicydes or of the Carthaginians, being men trained in warfare.
8.15. nam cum praeter egregie suppletas duas ueteres legiones transfugarum etiam Numidarum equitum peditumque magnam uim haberet, Siculos quoque qui in exercitu Epicydis aut Poenorum fuerant, belli peritos uiros, milites scripsit.
8.16. Having attached these foreign auxiliary forces to each of the Roman legions, he preserved the appearance of two armies. With the one he ordered Lucius Cincius to defend that part of the island where had been the kingdom of Hiero; with the other he himself defended the rest of the island, formerly divided by the boundaries between the Roman and the Punic empires.
8.16. ea externa auxilia cum singulis Romanis legionibus adiunxisset, duorum speciem exercituum seruauit; altero L. Cincium partem insulae, regnum qua Hieronis fuerat, tueri iussit:
8.17. The fleet also of seventy ships was divided, so that they might protect the seacoast around its entire circuit.
8.17. altero ipse ceteram insulam tuebatur diuisam quondam Romani Punicique imperii finibus, classe quoque nauium septuaginta partita ut omni ambitu litorum praesidio orae maritimae essent.
8.18. Valerius himself with Muttines' cavalry roamed about his province, in order to visit the farms and to distinguish between cultivated and uncultivated lands, and to praise or upbraid the owners accordingly.
8.18. ipse cum Muttinis equitatu prouinciam peragrabat ut uiseret agros cultaque ab incultis notaret et perinde dominos laudaret castigaretque.
8.19. So, owing to this diligence, such a crop of grain was produced that he sent grain to Rome and also transported it to Catina, whence it could be supplied to the army which was to have its summer camp near Tarentum.
8.19. ita tantum ea cura frumenti prouenit ut et Romam mitteret et Catinam conueheret unde exercitui qui ad Tarentum aestiua acturus esset posset praeberi.
9.1. But the transfer of soldiers to Sicily —and the most of them were of Latin status or allies —was the cause of an outbreak which might have been serious; so true is it that on small things often depends the course of great events.
9.1. ceterum transportati milites in Siciliam—et erant maior pars Latini nominis sociorumque—prope magni motus causa fuere; adeo ex paruis saepe magnarum momenta rerum pendent.
9.2. For complaints began to be heard among Latins and allies in their gatherings: that for now the tenth year they had been exhausted by levies of troops and their pay; that almost every year they fought in a disastrous defeat.
9.2. fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in conciliis ortus, decimum annum dilectibus stipendiis se exhaustos esse;
9.3. Some, they said, were slain in battle, others carried off by disease. The townsman who was enlisted by the Roman was lost to them more completely than a man taken captive by the Carthaginian. For with no demand for a ransom the enemy sent him back to his native town; the Romans transported him out of Italy, really into exile rather than into military service.
9.3. quotannis ferme clade magna pugnare; alios in acie occidi, alios morbo absumi; magis perire sibi ciuem qui ab Romano miles lectus sit quam qui ab Poeno captus: quippe ab hoste gratis remitti in patriam, ab Romanis extra Italiam in exsilium uerius quam in militiam ablegari.
9.4. For the eighth year now the soldiers from Cannae were growing old there, certain to die before the enemy, who at the very moment was in the flower of his strength, departed out of Italy.
9.4. octauum iam ibi annum senescere Cannensem militem, moriturum ante quam Italia hostis, quippe nunc cum maxime florens uiribus, excedat.
9.5. If the old soldiers should not return to their native places, and fresh soldiers continued to be levied, soon no one would be left. Accordingly, what the situation itself would soon refuse must be refused the Roman people without waiting to reach the extreme of desolation and poverty. If the Romans should see the allies unanimous to this effect, surely they would think of making peace with the Carthaginians. Otherwise never, so long as Hannibal lived, would Italy be rid of war.
9.5. si ueteres milites non redeant in patriam, noui legantur, breui neminem superfuturum. itaque quod propediem res ipsa negatura sit, priusquam ad ultimam solitudinem atque egestatem perueniant, negandum populo Romano esse. si consentientes in hoc socios uideant Romani, profecto de pace cum Carthaginiensibus iungenda cogitaturos: aliter nunquam uiuo Hannibale sine bello Italiam fore. haec acta in conciliis. triginta tum coloniae populi Romani erant;
9.7. Such were the matters debated in their meetings. There were at that time thirty colonies of the Roman state. Of these, while delegations from them all were at Rome, twelve informed the consuls that they had no means of furnishing soldiers and money. These were Ardea, Nepete, Sutrium, Alba, Carsioli, Sora, Suessa, Circeii, Setia, Cales, Narnia, Interamna.
9.7. ex iis duodecim, cum omnium legationes Romae essent, negauerunt consulibus esse unde milites pecuniamque darent. eae fuere Ardea, Nepete, Sutrium, Alba, Carseoli, Sora, Suessa, Circeii, Setia, Cales, Narnia, Interamna.
9.8. The consuls, deeply impressed by what was unheard-of, wishing to deter them from so abominable a move, and thinking they should accomplish more by upbraiding and rebuking them than by soft words, told them that they had dared to say to the consuls what the consuls could not bring themselves to utter in the senate.
9.8. noua re consules icti cum absterrere eos a tam detestabili consilio uellent, castigando increpandoque plus quam leniter agendo profecturos rati, eos ausos esse consulibus dicere aiebant quod consules ut in senatu pronuntiarent in animum inducere non possent;
9.9. For it was not a refusal of burdens and of military service, but an open revolt from the Roman people.
9.9. non enim detractationem eam munerum militiae, sed apertam defectionem a populo Romano esse.
9.10. Accordingly they should return to their colonies promptly, and, as though nothing had been settled, since they had spoken of so great a crime but had not yet ventured to commit it, they should deliberate with their people.
9.10. redirent itaque propere in colonias et tamquam integra re, locuti magis quam ausi tantum nefas, cum suis consulerent. admonerent non Campanos neque Tarentinos esse eos sed Romanos, inde oriundos, inde in colonias atque in agrum bello captum stirpis augendae causa missos.
9.11. Let them remind them that they were not Capuans nor Tarentines, but Romans, sprung from Rome and sent thence into colonies and on land captured in war, to increase their race. All that children owed to their parents they owed, it was said, to the Romans, if there was any filial affection, any memory of their former city. Let them therefore deliberate again; for their present reckless proposal tended to betray the Roman empire, to give over the victory to Hannibal.
9.11. quae liberi parentibus deberent, ea illos Romanis debere, si ulla pietas, si memoria antiquae patriae esset. consulerent igitur de integro; nam tum quidem quae temere agitassent, ea prodendi imperii Romani, tradendae Hannibali uictoriae esse.
9.13. The consuls by turns kept on for a long time in this strain; but the deputies, still unmoved, said that they had nothing to report back home, nor did their senates have anything new to decide upon, in towns where there were neither soldiers to be enlisted nor money to be furnished for pay.
9.13. cum alternis haec consules diu iactassent, nihil moti legati neque se quid donum renuntiarent habere dixerunt neque senatum suum quid noui consuleret, ubi nec miles qui legeretur nec pecunia quae daretur in stipendium esset.
9.14. The consuls, finding them unyielding, brought the matter before the senate; and there such terror was inspired in the minds of the members that a great many of them said the empire was at an end; that the same thing would be done by the other colonies, the same by the allies; that they all had conspired to betray the city of Rome to Hannibal.
9.14. cum obstinatos eos uiderent consules, rem ad senatum detulerunt, ubi tantus pauor animis hominum est iniectus ut magna pars actum de imperio diceret: idem alias colonias facturas, idem socios; consensisse omnes ad prodendam Hannibali urbem Romanam.
10.1. The consuls exhorted and comforted the senate, and said that the rest of the colonies would be loyal and dutiful as formerly; that even the colonies which had abandoned their duty would have respect for the empire, if legates should be sent about among them to upbraid, not to entreat.
10.1. consules hortari et consolari senatum et dicere alias colonias in fide atque officio pristino fore: eas quoque ipsas quae officio decesserint si legati circa eas colonias mittantur qui castigent, non qui precentur, uerecundiam imperii habituras esse.
10.2. Permission having been given the consuls by the senate to act and do as they thought to be for the interest of the state, after first sounding the temper of the other colonies, they summoned their legates, and asked them whether they had any soldiers in readiness according to the compact.
10.2. permissum ab senatu iis cum esset, agerent facerentque ut e re publica ducerent, pertemptatis prius aliarum coloniarum animis citauerunt legatos quaesiueruntque ab iis ecquid milites ex formula paratos haberent.
10.3. On behalf of the eighteen colonies Marcus Sextilius, of Fregellae, replied that they had soldiers in readiness according to the compact, and would give more if more were needed, and would exert themselves to do whatever else the Roman people might command and desire. To that end, he said, they did not lack means and had even a surplus of spirit.
10.3. pro duodeuiginti coloniis M. Sextilius Fregellanus respondit et milites paratos ex formula esse, et si pluribus opus esset plures daturos, et quidquid aliud imperaret uelletque populus Romanus enixe facturos;
10.4. The consuls began by saying that to do the men justice it did not seem enough that they should receive praise from the lips of the consuls only, without having the entire senate first return thanks to them in the Senate House; and then they bade them to follow into the senate.
10.4. ad id sibi neque opes deesse, animum etiam superesse. consules parum sibi uideri praefati pro merito eorum sua uoce conlaudari [eos] nisi uniuersi patres iis in curia gratias egissent, sequi in senatum eos iusserunt.
10.6. After addressing them in a decree as complimentary as possible, the senate instructed the consuls to bring them before the people also, and along with the many other conspicuous services they had rendered to the senators themselves and their ancestors, to recount their recent service also to the state.
10.6. senatus quam poterat honoratissimo decreto adlocutos eos, mandat consulibus ut ad populum quoque eos producerent, et inter multa alia praeclara quae ipsis maioribusque suis praestitissent recens etiam meritum eorum in rem publicam commemorarent.
10.7. Even now, after so many generations, they shall not be passed over in silence or defrauded of their praise. It was the men of Signia and Norba and Saticula and Fregellae, and of Luceria and Venusia, and of Brundisium and Hadria and Firmum and Ariminum, and on the other sea, the men of Pontiae and Paestum and Cosa, and in the interior, the men of Beneventum and Aesernia and Spoletium, and of Placentia and Cremona. With the aid of these colonies at that time the empire of the Roman people stood fast, and thanks were rendered to them in the senate and before the people.
10.7. ne nunc quidem post tot saecula sileantur fraudenturue laude sua: Signini fuere et Norbani Saticulanique et Fregellani et Lucerini et Uenusini et Brundisini et Hadriani et Firmani et Ariminenses, et ab altero mari Pontiani et Paestani et Cosani, et mediterranei Beneuentani et Aesernini et Spoletini et Placentini et Cremonenses. harum coloniarum subsidio tum imperium populi Romani stetit, iisque gratiae in senatu et apud populum actae.
10.10. Of the other twelve colonies, which refused to obey orders, the senators forbade any mention to be made; their legates should neither be dismissed nor detained nor spoken to by the consuls. That silent rebuke seemed most in keeping with the majesty of the Roman people.
10.10. duodecim aliarum coloniarum quae detractauerunt imperium mentionem fieri patres uetuerunt, neque illos dimitti neque retineri neque appellari a consulibus; ea tacita castigatio maxime ex dignitate populi Romani uisa est.
10.11. While the consuls were endeavouring to provide everything else needed for the war, it was voted that the gold yielded by the five per cent tax on manumissions, and kept in the more sacred treasury to meet extreme emergencies, should be brought out. About four thousand pounds of gold were brought out.
10.11. cetera expedientibus quae ad bellum opus erant consulibus, aurum uicesimarium quod in sanctiore aerario ad ultimos casus seruabatur promi placuit.
10.12. Of this five hundred pounds each were given to the consuls and to Marcus Marcellus and Publius Sulpicius, the proconsuls, and to Lucius Veturius, the praetor who had by lot received Gaul as his province. And for Fabius, the consul, there were added a hundred pounds of gold above the rest, to be conveyed to the citadel of Tarentum.
10.12. prompta ad quattuor milia pondo auri. inde quingena pondo data consulibus et M. Marcello et P. Sulpicio proconsulibus et L. Ueturio praetori qui Galliam prouinciam erat sortitus, additumque Fabio consuli centum pondo auri praecipuum quod in arcem Tarentinam portaretur;
10.13. The remainder of the gold they employed in letting contracts in terms of ready money for clothing for the army which was carrying on the war in Spain, with distinction to itself and to its commander.
10.13. cetero auro usi sunt ad uestimenta praesenti pecunia locanda exercitui qui in Hispania bellum secunda sua fama ducisque gerebat.
11.1. It was further voted that for prodigies the atonement be made before the consuls should set out from the city.
11.1. prodigia quoque priusquam ab urbe consules proficiscerentur procurari placuit.
11.2. On the Alban Mount a statue of Jupiter and a tree near the temple had been struck by lightning; and at Ostia a basin, and at Capua the city wall and the temple of Fortune, and at Sinuessa the wall and a gate.
11.2. in Albano monte tacta de caelo erant signum Iouis arborque templo propinqua, et Ostiae lacus, et Capuae murus Fortunaeque aedis, et Sinuessae murus portaque.
11.3. These were struck by lightning. Also some persons testified that the current of the outlet of the Alban Lake was blood-red, and that at Rome inside the cella of the Temple of Fors Fortuna a small image on a garland fell of itself from the head of the statue into the hand.
11.3. haec de caelo tacta: cruentam etiam fluxisse aquam Albanam quidam auctores erant, et Romae intus in cella aedis Fortis Fortunae de capite signum quod in corona erat in manum sponte sua prolapsum.
11.4. And at Privernum it was established that an ox spoke, and that in the crowded market-place a vulture flew down upon a shop, and that at Sinuessa a child was born of uncertain sex, as between male and female —the populace call them hermaphrodites, as it uses many similar terms, since the Greek language is more apt in compounding words —; also that it rained milk there, and that a child was born with the head of an elephant.
11.4. et Priuerni satis constabat bouem locutum uolturiumque frequenti foro in tabernam deuolasse, et Sinuessae natum ambiguo inter marem ac feminam sexu infantem, quos androgynos uolgus, ut pleraque, faciliore ad duplicanda uerba Graeco sermone appellat, et lacte pluuisse et cum elephanti capite puerum natum.
11.6. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims, and prayers were ordered at all the pulvinaria, and entreaties for one day. And it was decreed that Gaius Hostilius, the praetor, should vow and conduct games in honour of Apollo, as they had been vowed and conducted in those years.
11.6. ea prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata, et supplicatio circa omnia puluinaria, obsecratio in unum diem indicta; et decretum ut C. Hostilius praetor ludos Apollini sicut iis annis uoti factique erant uoueret faceretque.
11.7. About that time Quintus Fulvius, the consul, also held an election for the naming of censors. Marcus Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, both of whom had not yet been consuls, were named censors.
11.7. per eos dies et censoribus creandis Q. Fuluius consul comitia habuit. creati censores ambo qui nondum consules fuerant, M. Cornelius Cethegus P. Sempronius Tuditanus.
11.8. That these censors should lease lands in the Campanian region was proposed to the commons on the authority of the senate, and the commons so ordered.
11.8. ii censores ut agrum Campanum fruendum locarent ex auctoritate patrum latum ad plebem est plebesque sciuit.
11.9. The revision of the list of the senate was delayed by a dispute between the censors in regard to the choice of a princeps senatus.
11.9. senatus lectionem contentio inter censores de principe legendo tenuit.
11.10. The choice belonged to Sempronius; but Cornelius said that they must follow the traditional custom of the senate, namely, to choose as princeps the man who, among the living, had been censor first. That was Titus Manlius Torquatus.
11.10. Sempronii lectio erat; ceterum Cornelius morem traditum a patribus sequendum aiebat ut qui primus censor ex iis qui uiuerent fuisset, eum principem legerent;
11.11. Sempronius claimed that if the gods had given a man the choice by lot, they also gave him an unrestricted right; he would make the choice according to his own judgment, and would choose Quintus Fabius Maximus, whom he could prove, even with Hannibal as judge, to be at that time the first citizen of the Roman state.
11.11. is T. Manlius Torquatus erat; Sempronius cui di sortem legendi dedissent ei ius liberum eosdem dedisse deos; se id suo arbitrio facturum lecturumque Q. Fabium Maximum quem tum principem Romanae ciuitatis esse uel Hannibale iudice uicturus esset.
11.12. After the war of words had lasted long, his colleague was giving way, and Sempronius chose Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul, as princeps senatus. Then the rest of the list of the senate was made up, with eight men ignored, among whom was Marcus Caecilius Metellus, notorious as having advised the desertion of Italy after the disaster at Cannae. In attaching their nota to knights also the same principle was maintained, but very few were the men to whom that notoriety applied.
11.12. cum diu certatum uerbis esset, concedente collega lectus a Sempronio princeps in senatum Q. Fabius Maximus consul. inde alius lectus senatus octo praeteritis, inter quos M. Caecilius Metellus erat, infamis auctor deserendae Italiae post Cannensem cladem.
11.13. From all of those who, as horsemen belonging to the legions from Cannae, were in Sicily —and there were many of them —their horses were taken away.
11.13. in equestribus quoque notis eadem seruata causa, sed erant perpauci quos ea infamia attingeret;
11.14. To this severity the censors added also prolonged service —that the years previously served with horses furnished by the state should not be reckoned, but that they must serve ten years, furnishing their own mounts.
11.14. illis omnibus—et multi erant—adempti equi qui Cannensium legionum equites in Sicilia erant. addiderunt acerbitati etiam tempus, ne praeterita stipendia procederent iis quae equo publico emeruerant, sed dena stipendia equis priuatis facerent.
11.15. Furthermore they sought out a great number of the men who were bound to serve in the cavalry, and reduced to the grade of aerarii all those who at the beginning of the war had been seventeen years old and had not served.
11.15. magnum praeterea numerum eorum conquisiuerunt qui equo merere deberent, atque ex iis qui principio eius belli septemdecim annos nati fuerant neque militauerant omnes aerarios fecerunt.
11.16. They then contracted for the rebuilding of what had been destroyed by fire around the Forum, namely, seven shops, the market, the Atrium Regium.
11.16. locauerunt inde reficienda quae circa forum incendio consumpta erant, septem tabernas, macellum, atrium regium.
12.1. Having completed everything that was to be done at Rome, the consuls set out for the war.
12.1. transactis omnibus quae Romae agenda erant consules ad bellum profecti.
12.2. Fulvius went first and led the way to Capua. After a few days he was overtaken by Fabius, who implored his colleague in person and Marcellus also by letter to keep Hannibal occupied by the most spirited fighting possible while he himself was besieging Tarentum. With that city taken from him, he said, the enemy, beaten back on every side, and having no place where he might make a stand nor any loyal support to look to, would also find no reason for lingering in Italy.
12.2. prior Fuluius praegressus Capuam: post paucos dies consecutus Fabius, qui et collegam coram obtestatus et per litteras Marcellum ut quam acerrimo bello detinerent Hannibalem dum ipse Tarentum oppugnaret— ea urbe adempta hosti iam undique pulso, nec ubi consisteret nec quid fidum respiceret habenti, ne remorandi
12.4. He sent a messenger to Regium also, to the commander of the garrison which had been posted there against the Bruttii by Laevinus, the consul, eight thousand men, for the most part from Agathyrna, as has been said above, who had been brought over from Sicily, being men accustomed to live by plundering.
12.4. quidem causam in Italia fore—Regium etiam nuntium mittit ad praefectum praesidii quod ab Laeuino consule aduersus Bruttios ibi locatum erat, octo milia hominum, pars maxima ab Agathyrna, sicut ante dictum est, ex Sicilia traducta, rapto uiuere hominum adsuetorum;
12.5. To their number had been added from the same region Bruttian deserters, a match for them in daring and in the urgent needs that compelled them to take any risk.
12.5. additi erant Bruttiorum indidem perfugae, et audacia et audendi omnia necessitatibus pares.
12.6. This force Fabius ordered to be led out first for the purpose of ravaging the country of the Bruttians, and then of besieging the city of Caulonia. After carrying out their orders not only with energy but also with zest, robbing and putting to flight the tillers of the soil, they proceeded to assail the city with great violence.
12.6. hanc manum ad Bruttium primum agrum depopulandum duci iussit, inde ad Cauloniam urbem oppugnandam. imperata non impigre solum sed etiam auide exsecuti direptis fugatisque cultoribus agri summa ui urbem oppugnabant.
12.7. Marcellus, spurred by the consul's letter, and also because he had come to believe that no Roman general was so good a match for Hannibal as himself, set out from winter quarters as soon as there was abundance of pasture in the fields, and encountered Hannibal near Canusium. The Carthaginian was tempting the men of Canusium to revolt; but on hearing of the approach of Marcellus, he moved his camp away.
12.7. Marcellus et consulis litteris excitus et quia ita induxerat in animum neminem ducem Romanum tam parem Hannibali quam se esse, ubi primum in agris pabuli copia fuit ex hibernis profectus ad Canusium Hannibali occurrit. sollicitabat ad defectionem Canusinos Poenus;
12.8. It was an open country, with no concealment for ambuscades; accordingly he began to retire from it into wooded regions.
12.8. ceterum ut appropinquare Marcellum audiuit, castra inde mouit. aperta erat regio, sine ullis ad insidias latebris; itaque in loca saltuosa cedere inde coepit.
12.9. Marcellus kept at his heels and would place camp close to camp, and after completing his fortifications, he would at once lead his legions out into battle-line. Hannibal by his cavalry in single troops and by spearmen on foot kept bringing on slight engagements, but thought the risk of a general conflict unnecessary.
12.9. Marcellus uestigiis instabat castraque castris conferebat, et opere perfecto extemplo in aciem legiones educebat. Hannibal turmatim per equites peditumque iaculatores leuia certamina serens casum uniuersae pugnae non necessarium ducebat.
12.10. Nevertheless he was drawn into the conflict which he was trying to avoid. When the enemy had gone ahead by night, Marcellus overtook him in level and open country. Then as Hannibal was pitching camp, the Roman by fighting on all sides against the men engaged in fortifying prevented them from doing so. Thus standards faced standards and it was a battle with all their forces, and when night was now at hand, they separated on even terms. The camps, separated by a very short distance, were hastily fortified before night.
12.10. tractus est tamen ad id quod uitabat certamen. nocte praegressum adsequitur locis planis ac patentibus Marcellus; castra inde ponentem pugnando undique in munitores operibus prohibet. ita signa conlata pugnatumque totis copiis, et cum iam nox instaret Marte aequo discessum est. castra exiguo distantia spatio raptim ante noctem permunita.
12.11. The next day Marcellus led out his forces into line at daybreak. And Hannibal did not refuse battle, after he had exhorted his soldiers at length, that, remembering Trasumennus and Cannae, they should crush the over-confidence of the enemy, who was pressing them, Hannibal said, and threatening them, not allowing them to march undisturbed, nor to pitch their camp, nor to take breath and look around them;
12.11. postero die luce prima Marcellus in aciem copias eduxit; nec Hannibal detractauit certamen, multis uerbis adhortatus milites ut memores Trasumenni Cannarumque contunderent ferociam hostis:
12.12. every day they must at the same moment see the sun rising and the Roman battle-line in the plain; if he should come out of a single battle not without some losses, the enemy would thereafter carry on the war more calmly and quietly.
12.12. urgere atque instare eum; non iter quietos facere, non castra ponere pati, non respirare aut circumspicere; cottidie simul orientem solem et Romanam aciem in campis uidendam esse; si uno proelio haud incruentus abeat, quietius deinde tranquilliusque eum bellaturum.
12.13. Inflamed by these exhortations and also weary of the high spirit of a foe who daily pressed upon them and challenged them, they went into battle fiercely.
12.13. his inritati adhortationibus simulque taedio ferociae hostium cottidie instantium lacessentiumque acriter proelium ineunt. pugnatum amplius duabus horis est.
12.14. They fought for more than two hours. Then on the side of the Romans the right ala and the élite troops began to give way.
12.14. cedere inde ab Romanis dextra ala et extraordinarii coepere. quod ubi Marcellus uidit, duodeuicesimam legionem in primam aciem inducit.
12.15. Seeing this Marcellus led up the eighteenth legion into the front rank. While the one part in disorder was yielding ground, and the other was slow in coming up, the whole line was confused, then thoroughly routed, and as fear overpowered the sense of shame, they fled.
12.15. dum alii trepide cedunt, alii segniter subeunt, turbata tota acies est, dein prorsus fusa, et uincente pudorem metu terga dabant.
12.16. In battle and flight some two thousand seven hundred citizens and allies fell, among them four Roman centurions, two tribunes of the soldiers, Marcus Licinius and Marcus Helvius.
12.16. cecidere in pugna fugaque ad duo milia et septingenti ciuium sociorumque; in iis quattuor Romani centuriones, duo tribuni militum, M. Licinius et M. Heluius.
12.17. Four military standards were lost from the ala which was the first to flee, and two from the legion which had relieved the allies as they gave way.
12.17. signa militaria quattuor de ala prima quae fugit, duo de legione quae cedentibus sociis successerat amissa.
13.1. Marcellus, after they had returned to camp, made a speech to the soldiers which was so savage and bitter that, although they had borne the battle all day long without success, the angry general's speech was more ferocious to them.
13.1. Marcellus postquam in castra reditum est, contionem adeo saeuam atque acerbam apud milites habuit ut proelio per diem totum infeliciter tolerato tristior iis irati ducis oratio esset.
13.2. “The immortal gods,” he said, “have my praises and thanks, so far as one can be grateful now, because the victorious enemy, when you were throwing yourselves in such fright upon the earthwork and the gates, did not attack the camp itself. You would surely have deserted the camp in terror, just as in terror you abandoned the battle.”
13.2. 'dis immortalibus, ut in tali re, laudes gratesque' inquit 'ago quod uictor hostis cum tanto pauore incidentibus uobis in uallum portasque non ipsa castra est adgressus; deseruissetis profecto eodem terrore castra quo omisistis pugnam.
13.3. “What fright is this, what terror, that have taken possession of your minds, what sudden forgetting who you are and in battle with whom? Of course these are the same enemies in defeating whom, and in pursuing them when defeated, you have spent last summer, the same men whom you have pressed hard ” “in these days, as they were fleeing day and night, whom you have wearied by slight engagements, whom yesterday you did not allow either to march or to pitch camp.
13.3. qui pauor hic, qui terror, quae repente qui et cum quibus pugnaretis obliuio animos cepit? nempe iidem sunt hi hostes quod uincendo et uictos sequendo priorem aestatem absumpsistis, quibus dies noctesque fugientibus per hos dies institistis, quos leuibus proeliis fatigastis, quos hesterno die nec iter facere nec castra ponere passi estis.
13.4. I pass over the things of which you can boast.”
13.4. omitto ea quibus gloriari potestis:
13.5. “I shall mention something for which you ought also to feel shame and regret; namely, you broke off the battle yesterday while it was undecided. What has this night, what has this day brought?”
13.5. cuius et ipsius pudere ac paenitere uos oportet referam—nempe aequis manibus hesterno die diremistis pugnam.
13.6. “Have your troops been reduced, or their forces increased in that time? For my part I do not seem to be speaking with my army nor with Roman soldiers. It is merely your bodies and weapons that are the same. Can it be that, if you had had the same spirit, the enemy would have seen your backs?”
13.6. quid haec nox, quid hic dies attulit? uestrae iis copiae imminutae sunt an illorum auctae? non equidem mihi cum exercitu meo loqui uideor nec cum Romanis militibus: corpora tantum atque arma eadem sunt.
13.7. “And would he have taken standards from any maniple or cohort? Till now his boasting was in the slaughter of Roman legions: you have this day given him for the first time the distinction of putting an army to flight.”
13.7. an si eosdem animos habuissetis, terga uestra uidisset hostis? signa alicui manipulo aut cohorti ademisset? adhuc caesis legionibus Romanis gloriabatur: uos illi hodierno die primum fugati exercitus dedistis decus.'
13.8. Then they began to shout that he should pardon them for that day, and afterwards, whenever he wished, he should test the spirit of his soldiers. “I will indeed test them, soldiers,” said he, “and to-morrow I will lead you out into battle-line, that as victors, rather than as vanquished, you may gain the pardon for which you ask.”
13.8. clamor inde ortus ut ueniam eius diei daret: ubi uellet deinde experiretur militum suorum animos. 'ego uero experiar,' inquit 'milites, et uos crastino die in aciem educam ut uictores potius quam uicti ueniam impetretis quam petitis.' cohortibus quae signa amiserant hordeum dari iussit, centurionesque manipulorum quorum signa amissa fuerant destrictis gladiis discinctos destituit;
13.9. To the cohorts which had lost their standards he ordered barley to be issued, and as for the centurions of the maniples whose standards had been lost, he made them stand aside with drawn swords and no belts; and he ordered that on the morrow they should all, infantry and cavalry, present themselves under arms. So the assembly was dismissed, as the men confessed that they had been upbraided with good reason and deservedly, and that on that day in the Roman line no one had been a man except the general alone, whom they must satisfy either by dying or by a glorious victory.
13.9. et ut postero die omnes pedites equites armati adessent edixit. ita contio dimissa fatentium iure ac merito sese increpitos neque illo die uirum quemquam in acie Romana fuisse praeter unum ducem, cui aut morte satisfaciendum aut egregia uictoria esset. postero die ornati [armatique] ad edictum aderant.
13.11. The next day they presented themselves according to orders armed and equipped. The general praised them warmly and declared that he would.
13.11. imperator eos conlaudat pronuntiatque a quibus orta pridie fuga esset cohortesque quae signa amisissent se in primam aciem inducturum;
13.12. lead out into the first line the men with whom the flight had begun the day before, and the cohorts which had lost their standards; that now he proclaimed that they must all fight and win, and strive singly and collectively to prevent news of yesterday's flight from reaching Rome before that of to-day's victory.
13.12. edicere iam sese omnibus pugnandum ac uincendum esse et adnitendum singulis uniuersisque ne prius hesternae fugae quam hodiernae uictoriae fama Romam perueniat.
13.13. They were then bidden to strengthen themselves by eating, so that, if the battle should be prolonged, they might have sufficient endurance. When everything had been said and done that could arouse the soldiers' spirits, they advanced into line.
13.13. inde cibo corpora firmare iussi ut si longior pugna esset uiribus sufficerent. ubi omnia dicta factaque sunt quibus excitarentur animi militum in aciem procedunt.
14.1. When this was reported to Hannibal, “Of a truth,” he said, “we have to deal with an enemy who can bear neither good fortune nor bad. If he has won, he furiously presses the defeated; if on the other hand he has been defeated, he renews the conflict with the victors.”
14.1. quod ubi Hannibali nuntiatum est, 'cum eo nimirum' inquit 'hoste res est qui nec bonam nec malam ferre fortunam possit. seu uicit, ferociter instat uictis: seu uictus est, instaurat cum uictoribus certamen.'
14.2. Then he ordered the trumpets to sound and led out his forces. On both sides the battle was much fiercer than the day before, the Carthaginians striving to maintain the distinction of yesterday, while the Romans strove to rid themselves of their disgrace.
14.2. signa inde canere iussit et copias educit. pugnatum utrimque aliquanto quam pridie acrius est Poenis ad obtinendum hesternum decus adnitentibus, Romanis ad demendam ignominiam.
14.3. The left ala on the Roman side and the cohorts which had lost their standards were fighting in the first line, and the eighteenth legion was drawn up on the right wing.
14.3. sinistra ala ab Romanis et cohortes quae amiserant signa in prima acie pugnabant et legio duodeuicesima ab dextro cornu instructa.
14.4. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Gaius Claudius Nero, the lieutenants, commanded the wings. Marcellus in person upheld the centre, to exhort them and as a witness. On Hannibals' side Spanish troops held the front line.
14.4. L. Cornelius Lentulus et C. Claudius Nero legati cornibus praeerant: Marcellus mediam aciem hortator testisque praesens firmabat.
14.5. And they were the best troops in the entire army. When the battle had long been indecisive Hannibal ordered the elephants to be driven up to the front, in the hope that that move might bring about confusion and panic.
14.5. ab Hannibale Hispani primam obtinebant frontem—et id roboris in omni exercitu erat. cum anceps diu pugna esset, Hannibal elephantos in primam aciem induci iussit, si quem inicere ea res tumultum ac pauorem posset.
14.7. And at first they did cause disorder among the standards and ranks, and by trampling down some of those who were near, and scattering others in alarm, they had stripped the line of battle at one point, and the flight would have spread further, had not Gaius Decimius Flavus, a tribune of the soldiers, seized a standard from the first maniple of the hastati and ordered the maniple to which it belonged to follow him.
14.7. et primo turbarunt signa ordinesque, et partim occulcatis, partim dissipatis terrore qui circa erant nudauerant una parte aciem, latiusque fuga manasset ni C.
14.8. He led them to the spot where the brutes massed together were causing confusion and bade them hurl their javelins against them.
14.8. Decimius Flauus tribunus militum signo arrepto primi hastati manipulum eius signi sequi se iussisset. duxit ubi maxime tumultum conglobatae beluae faciebant pilaque in eas conici iussit.
14.9. All the weapons stuck fast, for it was not difficult to hit bodies of such size from a short distance and now packed in a dense mass. But although not all were wounded, still those in whose backs the javelins remained well fixed —so undependable is the species —took to flight and even made the uninjured wheel about.
14.9. haesere omnia tela haud difficili ex propinquo in tanta corpora ictu et tum conferta turba; sed ut non omnes uolnerati sunt, ita in quorum tergis infixa stetere pila, ut est genus anceps, in fugam uersi etiam integros auertere.
14.10. Then no longer did a single maniple hurl its javelins, but every soldier for himself, provided he was able to catch up with the column of the fleeing elephants. All the more did the brutes dash among their own men and cause a greater slaughter than they had done among the enemy, in proportion as the frightened beast is urged on more fiercely by terror than when under the control of a driver on its back.
14.10. tum iam non unus manipulus, sed pro se quisque miles qui modo adsequi agmen fugientium elephantorum poterat, pila conicere. eo magis ruere in suos beluae tantoque maiorem stragem edere quam inter hostes ediderant, quanto acrius pauor consternatam agit quam insidentis magistri imperio regitur.
14.11. Into the line thrown into confusion by the brutes dashing through it the Roman infantry carried their standards and with no great struggle they made the scattered and wavering enemy retreat.
14.11. in perturbatam transcursu beluarum aciem signa inferunt Romani pedites et haud magno certamine dissipatos trepidantesque auertunt.
14.12. Then, as they fled, Marcellus sent his cavalry against them, and pursuit did not end until in alarm they were driven into their camp.
14.12. tum in fugientes equitatum immittit Marcellus, nec ante finis sequendi est factus quam in castra pauentes compulsi sunt.
14.13. For in addition to the other causes of terror and consternation, two elephants had fallen in the very gate, and the soldiers were forced to dash into the camp over fosse and earthwork. It was there that the greatest slaughter of the enemy occurred, that is to say, about eight thousand men and five elephants.
14.13. nam super alia quae terrorem trepidationemque facerent, elephanti quoque duo in ipsa porta corruerant, coactique erant milites per fossam uallumque ruere in castra. ibi maxima hostium caedes facta; caesa ad octo milia hominum, quinque elephanti.
14.14. And for the Romans also it was not a bloodless victory. About one thousand seven hundred from the two legions, and of the allies more than one thousand three hundred, were killed; wounded were a large number of citizens and allies.
14.14. nec Romanis incruenta uictoria fuit: mille ferme et septingenti de duabus legionibus et sociorum supra mille et trecentos occisi; uolnerati permulti ciuium sociorumque.
14.15. Hannibal moved his camp that night; Marcellus was eager to pursue, but the numbers of the wounded prevented him.
14.15. Hannibal nocte proxima castra mouit: cupientem insequi Marcellum prohibuit multitudo sauciorum.
15.1. Scouts sent to pursue the column reported next day that Hannibal was on his way to the land of the Bruttii.
15.1. speculatores qui prosequerentur agmen missi postero die rettulerunt Bruttios Hannibalem petere.
15.2. About the same time the Hirpini and Lucanians and the men of Volceii surrendered to Quintus Fulvius, the consul, handing over Hannibal's garrisons which they had in their cities, and were kindly received by him with nothing more than an oral reprimand for their previous mistake. The Bruttii 3 also were given to expect a like pardon, upon the arrival from that region of the brothers Vibius and Paccius, easily the noblest of that tribe, to ask for the same terms of surrender as had been given to the Lucanians.
15.2. iisdem ferme diebus et ad Q. Fuluium consulem Hirpini et Lucani et Uolceientes traditis praesidiis Hannibalis quae in urbibus habebant dediderunt sese, clementerque a consule cum uerborum tantum castigatione ob errorem praeteritum accepti sunt, et Bruttiis similis spes ueniae facta est, cum ab iis Uibius et Paccius fratres, longe nobilissimi gentis eius, eandem quae data Lucanis erat condicionem deditionis petentes uenissent.
15.4. Quintus Fabius, the consul, took the town of Manduria, in the land of the Sallentini, by storm. There about three thousand persons were captured, and other booty in quantity. Then removing to Tarentum he pitched camp at the very entrance to the harbour.
15.4. Q. Fabius consul oppidum in Sallentinis Manduriam ui cepit; ibi ad quattuor milia hominum capta et ceterae praedae aliquantum. inde Tarentum profectus in ipsis faucibus portus posuit castra.
15.5. Of the ships which Laevinus had had to protect his supplies, the consul loaded some with devices and equipment for attacking city walls, while some of them he fitted out with artillery and stones and every kind of missile weapon. And so also with the merchantmen, not merely those propelled by oars, in order that some crews should carry engines and ladders up to the walls, and others from ships at long range should wound the defenders on the walls.
15.5. naues quas Laeuinus tutandis commeatibus habuerat partim machinationibus onerat apparatuque moenium oppugnandorum, partim tormentis et saxis omnique missilium telorum genere instruit, onerarias quoque, non eas solum quae remis agerentur, ut alii machinas scalasque ad muros ferrent, alii procul ex nauibus uolnerarent moenium propugnatores.
15.7. These ships were equipped and made ready to attack the city from the open sea. And the sea was unmolested by the Punic fleet, which had been sent over to Corcyra, since Philip was preparing to attack the Aetolians.
15.7. hae naues ab aperto mari ut urbem adgrederentur instructae parataeque sunt; et erat liberum mare classe Punica cum Philippus oppugnare Aetolos pararet Corcyram tramissa.
15.8. In the country of the Bruttii meanwhile the besiegers of Caulonia, to avoid being surprised, just before Hannibal's arrival withdrew to a hill that was safe from immediate attack, but otherwise offered nothing.
15.8. in Bruttiis interim Cauloniae oppugnatores sub aduentu Hannibalis ne opprimerentur in tumulum a praesenti impetu tutum, ad cetera inopem, concessere.
15.9. While Fabius was besieging Tarentum, a circumstance hardly worth mentioning aided him in attaining his great objective. The Tarentines had a guard of Bruttians, furnished by Hannibal. The commander of that guard was desperately in love with a young woman whose brother was in the army of Fabius, the consul.
15.9. Fabium Tarentum obsidentem leue dictu momentum ad rem ingentem potiundam adiuuit. praesidium Bruttiorum datum ab Hannibale Tarentini habebant. eius praesidii praefectus deperibat amore mulierculae cuius frater in exercitu Fabi consulis erat.
15.10. This brother, informed by a letter from his sister of her new acquaintance with a stranger who was rich and held in such honour by his people, conceived the hope that through his sister her lover could be swayed in any desired direction, and informed the consul what he hoped for.
15.10. is certior litteris sororis factus de noua consuetudine aduenae locupletis atque inter populares tam honorati, spem nactus per sororem quolibet impelli amantem posse, quid speraret ad consulem detulit.
15.11. Since that seemed no empty idea, he was bidden to go over to Tarentum, as if he were a deserter. And having won the friendship of the commander through his sister, he first guardedly sounded him, then, his lack of character being demonstrated, he used a woman's blandishments to lead him on to betray the defence of a place of which he had been put in command.
15.11. quae cum haud uana cogitatio uisa esset pro perfuga iussus Tarentum transire, ac per sororem praefecto conciliatus primo occulte temptando animum, dein satis explorata leuitate blanditiis muliebribus perpulit eum ad proditionem custodiae loci cui praepositus erat.
15.12. When the method of carrying out the plan and the time also had been settled, a soldier, sent out of the city secretly by night through intervals between outposts, reported to the consul the steps which had been taken and those which it had been agreed should be taken.
15.12. ubi et ratio agendae rei et tempus conuenit, miles nocte per interualla stationum clam ex urbe emissus ea quae acta erant quaeque ut agerentur conuenerat ad consulem refert.
15.13. Fabius at the first watch gave the signal to the men in the citadel and to those who were guarding the harbour; and thereupon, making the circuit of the harbour, he established himself in hiding on the eastern side of the city.
15.13. Fabius uigilia prima dato signo iis qui in arce erant quique custodiam portus habebant, ipse circumito portu ab regione urbis in orientem uersa occultus consedit.
15.14. Then trumpets sounded at the same time from the citadel and from the harbour, and from the ships which had approached from the open sea, and from all sides shouting and great uproar were purposely raised where there was the least danger. The consul meantime kept his men quiet.
15.14. canere inde tubae simul ab arce simul a portu et ab nauibus quae ab aperto mari adpulsae erant, clamorque undique cum ingenti tumultu unde minimum periculi erat de industria ortus. consul interim silentio continebat suos.
15.15. Accordingly Democrates, who had previously been admiral of the fleet, and chanced to be in command at that point, on seeing everything near him quiet, while other quarters resounded with such an uproar that from time to time shouts arose as in a captured city, feared that, while he himself delayed, the consul might make an assault and bring in his troops. He thereupon led his forces over to the citadel, from which came the most terrifying noise.
15.15. igitur Democrates, qui praefectus antea classis fuerat, forte illi loco praepositus, postquam quieta omnia circa se uidit, alias partes eo tumultu personare ut captae urbis interdum excitaretur clamor, ueritus ne inter cunctationem suam consul aliquam uim faceret ac signa inferret, praesidium ad arcem unde maxime terribilis accidebat sonus traducit.
15.17. Fabius, both from the time elapsed and from the mere silence —since no voice came from the direction where a little while before there was shouting to waken men and call them to arms —was aware that the guards had been removed. Accordingly he ordered ladders to be carried to that part of the wall where the go-between in the betrayal had reported that the cohort of Bruttians was on guard duty.
15.17. Fabius cum et ex temporis spatio et ex silentio ipso quod, ubi paulo ante strepebant excitantes uocantesque ad arma, inde nulla accidebat uox, deductas custodias sensisset, ferri scalas ad eam partem muri qua Bruttiorum cohortem praesidium agitare proditionis conciliator nuntiauerat iubet.
15.18. There first the wall was taken, the men being aided and welcomed by the Bruttians, and they climbed over the wall into the city. Then also the nearest gate was broken open, so that a dense column might march in.
15.18. ea primum captus est murus adiuuantibus recipientibusque Bruttiis, et transcensum in urbem est; inde et proxima refracta porta ut frequenti agmine signa inferrentur.
15.19. Thereupon raising a shout they made their way into the market-place at about daybreak, while no armed men encountered them, and they drew against themselves an attack on every side from all the men who were fighting at the citadel and by the harbour.
15.19. tum clamore sublato sub ortum ferme lucis nullo obuio armato in forum perueniunt, omnesque undique qui ad arcem portumque pugnabant in se conuerterunt.
16.1. They joined battle at the entrance to the market-place with more spirit than persistence. The Tarentine was no match for the Roman in courage, in arms, in the art of war, in bodily energy and strength.
16.1. proelium in aditu fori maiore impetu quam perseuerantia commissum est. non animo, non armis, non arte belli, non uigore ac uiribus corporis par Romano Tarentinus erat;