---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 34 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 34. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 34. Book XXVII · chapters 16–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34/#p-N

[¶0] 16.2. Therefore, after merely throwing their javelins, they retreated almost before they came to blows, and slipped away along the familiar streets of the city to their homes and those of friends. Two of their commanders, Nico and Democrates, fell fighting bravely.

> Latin: 16.2. igitur pilis tantum coniectis, prius paene quam consererent manus terga dederunt, dilapsique per nota urbis itinera in suas amicorumque domos.

[¶1] 16.3. Philemenus, who was the originator of the betrayal to Hannibal, had ridden away at full speed from the battle; and a little later his riderless horse was recognized wandering about the city, but his body was nowhere found. It was generally believed that he had thrown himself from his horse into an open well.

> Latin: 16.3. duo ex ducibus Nico et Democrates fortiter pugnantes cecidere. Philemenus, qui proditionis ad Hannibalem auctor fuerat, cum citato equo ex proelio auectus esset, uagus paulo post equus [errans] per urbem cognitus, corpus nusquam inuentum est;

[¶2] 16.4. Moreover Carthalo, commander of the Punic garrison, mentioning his father's guest-friendship, had laid down his arms and was on his way to the consul, when he was slain by a soldier who met him. Other soldiers slew other men everywhere, whether armed or unarmed, Carthaginians and Tarentines alike.

> Latin: 16.4. creditum uolgo est in puteum apertum ex equo praecipitasse. Carthalonem autem praefectum Punici praesidii cum commemoratione paterni hospitii positis armis uenientem ad consulem miles obuius obtruncat.

[¶3] 16.6. Everywhere Bruttians also were slain, many of them, either by mistake or out of old, inbred hatred of them, or to blot out the report of treachery, that Tarentum might be thought to have been captured rather by force of arms. Then from the slaughter they dispersed to plunder the city.

> Latin: 16.6. alii alios [passim] sine discrimine armatos inermes caedunt, Carthaginienses Tarentinosque pariter. Bruttii quoque multi passim interfecti, seu per errorem seu uetere in eos insito odio seu ad proditionis famam ut ui potius atque armis captum Tarentum uideretur exstinguendam.

[¶4] 16.7. Thirty thousand slaves are said to have been captured, an immense quantity of silver, wrought and coined, of gold three thousand and eighty pounds, statues and paintings, so that they almost rivalled the adornments of Syracuse. But Fabius showed more magnanimity in refraining from plunder of that kind than did Marcellus.

> Latin: 16.7. tum ab caede ad diripiendam urbem discursum. triginta milia seruilium capitum dicuntur capta, argenti uis ingens facti signatique, auri tria milia octoginta pondo, signa tabulae prope ut Syracusarum ornamenta aequauerint.

[¶5] 16.8. When a clerk asked what he wished to have done with statues of colossal size —they are gods in the form of warriors, but each in his own attitude —Fabius ordered that their angry gods be left to the Tarentines. Then the wall which separated the city from the citadel was torn down and completely destroyed.

> Latin: 16.8. sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus; †qui interroganti scribae† quid fieri signis uellet ingentis magnitudinis—di sunt, suo quisque habitu in modum pugnantium formati—deos iratos Tarentinis relinqui iussit.

[¶6] 16.9. While these things were going on, Hannibal received the surrender of the force besieging Caulonia and, on hearing of the attack upon Tarentum, urged his column rapidly forward day and night. When informed, while hastening to bring aid, that the city had been taken, “The Romans also,” he said, “have their Hannibal; by the same art by which we had captured Tarentum we have lost it.”

> Latin: 16.9. murus inde qui urbem ab arce dirimebat dirutus est ac disiectus. dum haec Tarenti aguntur, Hannibal iis qui Cauloniam obsidebant in deditionem acceptis, audita oppugnatione Tarenti dies noctesque cursim agmine acto cum festinans ad opem ferendam captam urbem audisset, 'et Romani suum Hannibalem' inquit 'habent;

[¶7] 16.10. Nevertheless, in order not to appear to have reversed his column as if in retreat, he pitched camp just where he had halted, about five miles from the city. After lingering there a few days he withdrew to Metapontum.

> Latin: 16.10. eadem qua ceperamus arte Tarentum amisimus.' ne tamen fugientis modo conuertisse agmen uideretur, quo constiterat loco quinque milia ferme ab urbe posuit castra; ibi paucos moratus dies Metapontum sese recepit.

[¶8] 16.12. From there he sent to Fabius at Tarentum two men of Metapontum carrying a letter from the leading men of that city and expecting to receive the consul's promise that their previous acts would go unpunished, if they should betray Metapontum and its Punic garrison.

> Latin: 16.12. inde duos Metapontinos cum litteris principum eius ciuitatis ad Fabium Tarentum mittit, fidem ab consule accepturos impunita priora fore si Metapontum cum praesidio Punico prodidissent.

[¶9] 16.13. Fabius, assuming their message to be true, appointed a day on which he would come to Metapontum, and gave them a letter addressed to the leading citizens —a letter which was delivered to Hannibal.

> Latin: 16.13. Fabius uera quae adferrent esse ratus, diem qua accessurus esset Metapontum constituit litterasque ad principes dedit, quae ad Hannibalem delatae sunt.

[¶10] 16.14. Pleased indeed at the success of the ruse, if even Fabius was to prove not unconquerable by trickery, Hannibal laid an ambush not far from Metapontum. When Fabius endeavoured to take the auspices before leaving Tarentum, the fowls were again and again unfavourable.

> Latin: 16.14. enimuero laetus successu fraudis si ne Fabius quidem dolo inuictus fuisset, haud procul Metaponto insidias ponit.

[¶11] 16.15. And when with the slaughter of a victim also he consulted the gods, the soothsayer declared that he must be on his guard against a ruse of the enemy and against an ambuscade.

> Latin: 16.15. Fabio auspicanti priusquam egrederetur ab Tarento, aues semel atque iterum non addixerunt. hostia quoque caesa consulenti deos haruspex cauendum a fraude hostili et ab insidiis praedixit.

[¶12] 16.16. The men of Metapontum, when the consul had not come on the appointed day, were sent back to urge him if he hesitated; and being suddenly seized, in fear of a more relentless inquiry they revealed the plot.

> Latin: 16.16. Metapontini postquam ad constitutum non uenerat diem remissi ut cunctantem hortarentur ac repente comprehensi, metu grauioris quaestionis detegunt insidias.

[¶13] 17.1. At the beginning of the summer in which these events were taking place, after Publius Scipio in Spain had spent the entire winter in winning over the support of the barbarians, partly by gifts and partly by restoring their hostages and captives, Edesco, who was eminent among the Spanish chieftains, came to him.

> Latin: 17.1. aestatis eius principio qua haec agebantur, P. Scipio in Hispania cum hiemem totam reconciliandis barbarorum animis partim donis, partim remissione obsidum captiuorumque absumpsisset, Edesco ad eum clarus inter duces Hispanos uenit.

[¶14] 17.2. His wife and children were in the hands of the Romans; but in addition to this reason he was drawn by that more or less fortuitous trend of feeling which had turned all Spain away from Punic rule to Roman.

> Latin: 17.2. erant coniunx liberique eius apud Romanos; sed praeter eam causam etiam uelut fortuita inclinatio animorum quae Hispaniam omnem auerterat ad Romanum a Punico imperio traxit eum.

[¶15] 17.3. Indibilis and Mandonius, unquestionably the leading men of all Spain, had the same reason for leaving Hasdrubal, taking with them the whole force of their countrymen and withdrawing to heights which overlooked his camp, and from which there was a safe retreat along continuous ridges to the Romans.

> Latin: 17.3. eadem causa Indibili Mandonioque fuit, haud dubie omnis Hispaniae principibus, cum omni popularium manu relicto Hasdrubale secedendi in imminentes castris eius tumulos unde per continentia iuga tutus receptus ad Romanos esset.

[¶16] 17.4. Hasdrubal, seeing that the resources of the enemy were increasing by such large accessions, while his own were diminishing and, unless he ventured to do something, they would melt away to the Roman side, as they had begun to do, decided to fight as soon as possible.

> Latin: 17.4. Hasdrubal cum hostium res tantis augescere incrementis cerneret, suas imminui ac fore ut, nisi audendo aliquid moueret, qua coepissent ruerent, dimicare quam primum statuit.

[¶17] 17.5. Scipio was even more eager for battle, both because of confidence which was increasing with his success, and because he preferred to fight with one general and army before the armies of the enemy should unite, rather than with them all at once.

> Latin: 17.5. Scipio auidior etiam certaminis erat cum a spe quam successus rerum augebat tum quod priusquam iungerentur hostium exercitus cum uno dimicare duce exercituque quam simul cum uniuersis malebat.

[¶18] 17.6. But even supposing he should have to fight with several at the same time, he had enlarged his forces by a certain artifice. For, seeing that he was making no use of ships, since the whole coast of Spain was rid of Punic fleets, he beached his vessels at Tarraco and added their crews to the land forces.

> Latin: 17.6. ceterum etiamsi cum pluribus pariter dimicandum foret, arte quadam copias auxerat. nam cum uideret nullum esse nauium usum, quia uacua omnis Hispaniae ora classibus Punicis erat, subductis nauibus Tarracone nauales socios terrestribus copiis addidit;

[¶19] 17.7. And arms he had in abundance, both those captured at (New) Carthage and those which after the capture of that city he had caused to be made by impounding a large number of artisans.

> Latin: 17.7. et armorum affatim erat <et> captorum Carthagine et quae post captam eam fecerat tanto opificum numero incluso.

[¶20] 17.8. With these troops Scipio set out at the beginning of spring from Tarraco and proceeded to lead against the enemy; for by this time Laelius also, without whom he did not wish any important action to be taken, had returned from Rome.

> Latin: 17.8. cum iis copiis Scipio ueris principio ab Tarracone egressus—iam enim et Laelius redierat ab Roma, sine quo nihil maioris rei motum uolebat—ducere ad hostem pergit.

[¶21] 17.9. As Scipio was passing through an entirely peaceful region, while allies escorted and welcomed him whenever he crossed the boundary of a tribe, Indibilis and Mandonius with their forces met him.

> Latin: 17.9. per omnia pacata eunti, ut cuiusque populi fines transiret prosequentibus excipientibusque sociis, Indibilis et Mandonius cum suis copiis occurrerent.

[¶22] 17.10. Indibilis spoke for them both, not at all boorishly or carelessly, as one might expect of a barbarian, but rather with modesty and dignity, and more like a man who excused their change of sides as necessary than one who bragged that they had, as it were, seized that as the first opportunity.

> Latin: 17.10. Indibilis pro utroque locutus haudquaquam <ut> barbarus stolide incauteue, sed potius cum uerecundia <ac> grauitate, propiorque excusanti transitionem ut necessariam quam glorianti eam uelut primam occasionem raptam;

[¶23] 17.11. For he was aware, he said, that the word deserter was detested by old allies, suspected by new ones; and he did not blame men for that habit, if only it was the motive, not the word, which produced hatred in both parties.

> Latin: 17.11. scire enim se transfugae nomen exsecrabile ueteribus sociis, nouis suspectum esse; neque eum se reprehendere morem hominum si tam anceps odium causa, non nomen faciat.

[¶24] 17.12. He then recounted their services to the Carthaginian generals, and on the other hand the greed and haughtiness of the generals and the wrongs of every sort they had done to them and their countrymen. Consequently it was till then merely their body that had been with them; their mind had long since been where they believed justice and right were held in honour.

> Latin: 17.12. merita inde sua in duces Carthaginienses commemorauit, auaritiam contra eorum superbiamque et omnis generis iniurias in se atque populares. itaque corpus dumtaxat suum ad id tempus apud eos fuisse:

[¶25] 17.13. Even to the gods, he said, do those who cannot endure the violence and the wrongs of men flee as suppliants; as for themselves, their prayer to Scipio was that he should not reckon the change of sides either to their detriment or to their credit.

> Latin: 17.13. animum iam pridem ibi esse ubi ius ac fas crederent coli; ad deos quoque confugere supplices qui nequeant hominum uim atque iniurias pati.

[¶26] 17.14. According as he should henceforward come to know their worth by testing them, let him in that light estimate the value of their service.

> Latin: 17.14. se id Scipionem orare ut transitio sibi nec fraudi apud eum nec honori sit. quales ex hac die experiundo cognorit, perinde operae eorum pretium faceret.

[¶27] 17.15. The Roman replied that he would do precisely that, and not regard as deserters men who did not consider an alliance valid in which nothing either divine or human was sacred. Thereupon their wives and children were brought before their eyes and given over to them as they wept for joy.

> Latin: 17.15. ita prorsus respondet facturum Romanus, nec pro transfugis habiturum qui non duxerint societatem ratam ubi nec diuini quicquam nec humani sanctum esset.

[¶28] 17.16. And on that day they were escorted to guest-quarters, while the next day their promise of loyalty was accepted on the basis of a treaty, and they were sent away to bring up their forces.

> Latin: 17.16. productae deinde in conspectum iis coniuges liberique lacrimantibus gaudio redduntur, atque eo die in hospitium abducti:

[¶29] 17.17. Thereafter they were quartered in the same camp, until with these men as guides the enemy was reached.

> Latin: 17.17. postero die foedere accepta fides dimissique ad copias adducendas. iisdem deinde castris tendebant donec ducibus iis ad hostem peruentum est.

[¶30] 18.1. The nearest army of the Carthaginians, that of Hasdrubal, was close to the city of Baecula.

> Latin: 18.1. proximus Carthaginiensium exercitus Hasdrubalis prope urbem Baeculam erat. pro castris equitum stationes habebant.

[¶31] 18.2. Before the camp they had cavalry outposts. Upon these the light-armed, the vanguard and men at the head of the column, just as they came up after the march and before choosing a site for a camp, made an attack with such disdain that it was easy to see what was the spirit of each side.

> Latin: 18.2. in eas uelites antesignanique et qui primi agminis erant aduenientes ex itinere priusquam castris locum acciperent, adeo contemptim impetum fecerunt ut facile appareret quid utrique parti animorum esset.

[¶32] 18.3. The horsemen were forced into the camp in alarm and flight, and the Roman standards were all but carried inside the very gates.

> Latin: 18.3. in castra trepida fuga compulsi equites sunt signaque Romana portis prope ipsis inlata.

[¶33] 18.4. And on that day, indeed, after they had merely provoked each other to battle, the Romans pitched camp;

> Latin: 18.4. atque illo quidem die inritatis tantum ad certamen animis castra Romani posuerunt:

[¶34] 18.5. but by night Hasdrubal withdrew his troops to a hill the top of which formed an open, level plain. The river was behind it, while in front and at the sides a steep bank, as it were, encircled its entire margin.

> Latin: 18.5. nocte Hasdrubal in tumulum copias recipit plano campo in summo patentem; fluuius ab tergo, ante circaque uelut ripa praeceps oram eius omnem cingebat.

[¶35] 18.6. Beneath was also a lower level area, gently sloping down. This also was surrounded by another ledge no easier to climb.

> Latin: 18.6. suberat et altera inferior summissa fastigio planities; eam quoque altera crepido haud facilior in adscensum ambibat.

[¶36] 18.7. Down to this lower plain Hasdrubal next day, on seeing the enemy's line standing before his camp, sent down his Numidian cavalry and the light-armed Balearic and African troops. Scipio, while riding about his ranks and standards, pointed out that the enemy, having given up in advance the hope of fighting on level ground, were hugging the hills and were standing before them in reliance upon position, not upon courage and arms.

> Latin: 18.7. in hunc inferiorem campum postero die Hasdrubal postquam stantem pro castris hostium aciem uidit, equites Numidas leuiumque armorum Baliares et Afros demisit. Scipio circumuectus ordines signaque ostendebat hostem praedamnata spe aequo dimicandi campo captantem tumulos, loci fiducia non uirtutis armorumque stare in conspectu;

[¶37] 18.8. But (New) Carthage, he said, had possessed higher walls, which the Roman soldier had scaled; and neither hills nor citadel, not even the sea, had withstood his arms.

> Latin: 18.8. sed altiora moenia habuisse Carthaginem, quae transcendisset miles Romanus;

[¶38] 18.9. The heights which the enemy had taken would only serve them for purposes of flight, as they leaped over precipices and crags. He would cut them off from such a flight too.

> Latin: 18.9. nec tumulos nec arcem, ne mare quidem armis obstitisse suis. ad id fore altitudines quas cepissent hostibus ut per praecipitia et praerupta salientes fugerent;

[¶39] 18.10. And he ordered one of two cohorts to hold the entrance into the valley through which the river flowed, the other to block the road leading from the city down the slope of the hill into the country. He himself led the unencumbered men, who the day before had routed the outposts of the enemy, to meet the light-armed standing on the lowest brow of the hill. At first they advanced over rugged ground, hampered only by the footing.

> Latin: 18.10. eam quoque se illis fugam clausurum. cohortesque duas alteram tenere fauces uallis per quam deferretur amnis iubet, alteram uiam insidere quae ab orbe per tumuli obliqua in agros ferret. ipse expeditos qui pridie stationes hostium pepulerant ad leuem armaturam infimo stantem supercilio ducit.

[¶40] 18.11. Then when they came within range, at first an immense number of missile weapons of every kind was showered upon them.

> Latin: 18.11. per aspreta primum, nihil aliud quam uia impediti, iere; deinde ut sub ictum uenerunt, telorum primo omnis generis uis ingens effusa in eos est;

[¶41] 18.12. In return they hurled stones which the place affords, strewn broadcast and almost all of them of a size to be thrown, and not only did the soldiers do so, but also the mass of camp-servants mingling with the armed men.

> Latin: 18.12. ipsi contra saxa quae locus strata passim, omnia ferme missilia, praebet ingerere, non milites solum, sed etiam turba calonum immixta armatis.

[¶42] 18.13. But although the ascent was difficult and they were almost overwhelmed by missile weapons and stones, still, thanks to their practice in scaling walls and to their persistence, they were the first to reach the top. As soon as they had taken some level ground where they could get a firm footing, they dislodged the light-armed enemy —troops that are accustomed to skirmishing and, while avoiding the real battle by hurling long-range missiles, are protected by distance, but prove unsteady in the face of hand-to-hand conflict. Thus with great slaughter they drove them against the battle-line standing on the higher level of the hill.

> Latin: 18.13. ceterum quamquam adscensus difficilis erat et prope obruebantur telis saxisque, adsuetudine tamen succedendi muros et pertinacia animi subierunt primi. qui simul cepere aliquid aequi loci ubi firmo consisterent gradu, leuem et concursatorem hostem atque interuallo tutum cum procul missilibus pugna eluditur, instabilem eundem ad comminus conserendas manus, expulerunt loco et cum caede magna in aciem altiore superstantem tumulo impegere.

[¶43] 18.15. Then Scipio ordered his victorious troops to go up facing the centre of the line, divided the rest of his forces with Laelius, and bade him circle round the right side of the hill, until he found a way less difficult of ascent. He himself on the left, after a moderate circuit, charged into the flank of the enemy. In consequence the line was at first thrown into disorder, while the men tried to wheel and made their ranks face the shouts resounding on every side.

> Latin: 18.15. inde Scipio iussis aduersus mediam euadere aciem uictoribus ceteras copias cum Laelio diuidit, atque eum parte dextra tumuli circumire donec mollioris adscensus uiam inueniret iubet: ipse ab laeua, circuitu haud magno, in transuersos hostes incurrit.

[¶44] 18.16. In the midst of this disorder Laelius also reached the top; and the front line of the enemy, as the men gave way and were afraid of being wounded from the rear, lost its solidity, and room was given even for the Romans in the centre to mount to the top. These men would never have done so over such unfavourable ground if the ranks had stood unbroken with the elephants placed in front of the standards.

> Latin: 18.16. inde primo turbata acies est dum ad circumsonantem undique clamorem flectere cornua et obuertere ordines uolunt. hoc tumultu et Laelius subiit; et dum pedem referunt ne ab tergo uolnerarentur, laxata prima acies locusque ad euadendum et mediis datus est, qui per tam iniquum locum stantibus integris ordinibus elephantisque ante signa locatis nunquam euasissent.

[¶45] 18.19. While on all sides the slaughter was in progress, Scipio, who with the left wing had charged into the enemy's right wing, was fighting especially against the exposed flank of the enemy.

> Latin: 18.19. cum ab omni parte caedes fieret Scipio, qui laeuo cornu in dextrum incucurrerat, maxime in nuda latera hostium pugnabat;

[¶46] 18.20. And no longer was space left open even for flight; for both on the right and on the left Roman outposts had blocked the roads, and the gate of the camp was obstructed by the flight of the general and chief officers, while in addition there was the panic of the elephants, of which, when terrified, they were as much afraid as of the enemy. Accordingly about eight thousand men were slain.

> Latin: 18.20. et iam ne fugae quidem patebat locus; nam et stationes utrimque Romanae dextra laeuaque insederant uias, et porta castrorum ducis principumque fuga clausa erat, addita trepidatione elephantorum quos territos aeque atque hostes timebant. caesa igitur ad octo milia hominum.

[¶47] 19.1. Hasdrubal, who even before the battle had hastily gathered up his money and had sent elephants in advance, picking up as many men as possible in the course of their flight, directed his march along the river Tagus towards the Pyrenees.

> Latin: 19.1. Hasdrubal iam ante quam dimicaret pecunia rapta elephantisque praemissis, quam plurimos poterat de fuga excipiens praeter Tagum flumen ad Pyrenaeum tendit.

[¶48] 19.2. Scipio took possession of the enemy's camp, and after giving up to the soldiers all the booty except free persons, in listing the captives found ten thousand foot-soldiers and two thousand horsemen. Of these he sent all the Spaniards to their homes without ransom; the Africans he ordered the quaestor to sell.

> Latin: 19.2. Scipio castris hostium potitus cum praeter libera capita omnem praedam militibus concessisset, in recensendis captiuis decem milia peditum, duo milia equitum inuenit. ex his Hispanos sine pretio omnes domum dimisit, Afros uendere quaestorem iussit.

[¶49] 19.3. Then the crowd of Spaniards, both those previously surrendered and those captured the day before, flocked round him and with great unanimity hailed him as king.

> Latin: 19.3. circumfusa inde multitudo Hispanorum et ante deditorum et pridie captorum regem eum ingenti consensu appellauit.

[¶50] 19.4. Thereupon Scipio, after silence had been secured by a herald, said that his highest title was that of general-in-command; with that his soldiers had addressed him; the title of a king, elsewhere in high honour, was not to be endured at Rome.

> Latin: 19.4. tum Scipio silentio per praeconem facto sibi maximum nomen imperatoris esse dixit quo se milites sui appellassent: regium nomen alibi magnum, Romae intolerabile esse.

[¶51] 19.5. As for his having the spirit of a king, if they thought that was the noblest thing in the nature of man, let it be their silent verdict; from the use of the word let them refrain.

> Latin: 19.5. regalem animum in se esse, si id in hominis ingenio amplissimum ducerent, taciti iudicarent: uocis usurpatione abstinerent.

[¶52] 19.6. Even the barbarians appreciated the magnanimity of a man who from so lofty a height scorned a title by whose fascination the rest of mortals were dazed.

> Latin: 19.6. sensere etiam barbari magnitudinem animi, cuius miraculo nominis alii mortales stuperent id ex tam alto fastigio aspernantis.

[¶53] 19.7. Then gifts were apportioned to the princes and chieftains of the Spaniards, and out of the large number of captured horses he ordered Indibilis to select three hundred of his own choosing.

> Latin: 19.7. dona inde regulis principibusque Hispanorum diuisa, et ex magna copia captorum equorum trecentos quos uellet eligere Indibilem iussit.

[¶54] 19.8. While the quaestor at the general's command was selling the Africans, and had heard that a well-grown boy of conspicuous beauty among them was of royal race, he sent him to Scipio.

> Latin: 19.8. cum Afros uenderet iussu imperatoris quaestor, puerum adultum inter eos forma insigni cum audisset regii generis esse, ad Scipionem misit.

[¶55] 19.9. When Scipio asked him who he was and from what region, and why at that age he was in the camp, he said he was a Numidian; that his people called him Massiva; that, left an orphan by his father, he had been brought up in the house of his maternal grandfather Gala, king of the Numidians; that with his uncle Masinissa, who had recently come with his cavalry to the assistance of the Carthaginians, he had crossed over into Spain; forbidden by Masinissa on account of his age, he had never before gone into battle.

> Latin: 19.9. quem cum percontaretur Scipio quis et cuias et cur id aetatis in castris fuisset, Numidam esse ait, Massiuam populares uocare: orbum a patre relictum apud maternum auum Galam, regem Numidarum, eductum, cum auunculo Masinissa, qui nuper cum equitatu subsidio Carthaginiensibus uenisset, in Hispaniam traiecisse; prohibitum propter aetatem a Masinissa nunquam ante proelium inisse:

[¶56] 19.10. On the day they had fought with the Romans, without his uncle's knowledge, he said, he had secretly taken arms and a horse and gone out into the battle-line; there, thrown headforemost by a fall of his horse, he had been captured by the Romans.

> Latin: 19.10. eo die quo pugnatum cum Romanis esset inscio auunculo clam armis equoque sumpto in aciem exisse; ibi prolapso equo effusum in praeceps captum ab Romanis esse.

[¶57] 19.11. Scipio, after ordering that the Numidian should be guarded, completed such duties as he had to perform from the platform; and then, having returned to headquarters, summoned him and asked whether he would like to return to Masinissa.

> Latin: 19.11. Scipio cum adseruari Numidam iussisset, quae pro tribunali agenda erant peragit; inde cum se in praetorium recepisset, uocatum eum interrogat uelletne ad Masinissam reuerti.

[¶58] 19.12. When he shed tears of joy and said that he was indeed eager to do so, Scipio thereupon presented the boy with a gold ring, a tunic with a broad stripe, and a Spanish cloak, a golden brooch and a horse with his equipment; and ordering horsemen to escort him as far as he desired, Scipio sent him away.

> Latin: 19.12. cum effusis gaudio lacrimis cupere uero diceret, tum puero anulum aureum tunicam lato clauo cum Hispano sagulo et aurea fibula equumque ornatum donat, iussisque prosequi quoad uellet equitibus dimisit.

[¶59] 20.1. Then a council was held on the conduct of the war. And when some advised him to overtake Hasdrubal at once, Scipio thought that a dangerous course, for fear lest Mago and the other Hasdrubal should join forces with him. He therefore merely sent a force to occupy the Pyrenees, and himself spent the remainder of the summer in receiving the submission of the peoples of Spain.

> Latin: 20.1. de bello inde consilium habitum; et auctoribus quibusdam ut confestim Hasdrubalem consequeretur, anceps id ratus ne Mago atque alter Hasdrubal cum eo iungerent copias, praesidio tantum ad insidendum Pyrenaeum misso ipse reliquum aestatis recipiendis in fidem Hispaniae populis absumpsit.

[¶60] 20.3. A few days after the battle at Baecula, when Scipio, now on his way back to Tarraco, had emerged from the forest of Castulo, the generals, Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo and Mago, came from farther Spain to Hasdrubal, bringing belated aid after the defeat, but not inopportunely for a council on the prosecution of the rest of the war.

> Latin: 20.3. paucis post proelium factum ad Baeculam diebus cum Scipio rediens iam Tarraconem saltu Castulonensi excessisset, Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius et Mago imperatores ex ulteriore Hispania ad Hasdrubalem uenere, serum post male gestam rem auxilium, consilio in cetera exsequenda belli haud parum opportuni.

[¶61] 20.4. There, as they were exchanging information concerning the spirit of the Spaniards in the territory assigned to each of them, Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, was alone of the opinion that the most remote part of Spain, which extends toward the Ocean and Gades, was still unacquainted with the Romans and in consequence sufficiently loyal to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 20.4. ibi conferentibus quid in cuiusque prouinciae regione animorum Hispanis esset, unus Hasdrubal Gisgonis ultimam Hispaniae oram quae ad Oceanum et Gades uergit ignaram adhuc Romanorum esse eoque Carthaginiensibus satis fidam censebat:

[¶62] 20.5. The other Hasdrubal and Mago agreed that, both as states and as individuals, all men were prepossessed owing to the favours of Scipio; and there would be no end to desertions until all the Spanish soldiers had been either segregated in the farthest part of Spain, or led over into Gaul.

> Latin: 20.5. inter Hasdrubalem alterum et Magonem constabat beneficiis Scipionis occupatos omnium animos publice priuatimque esse nec transitionibus finem ante fore quam omnes Hispani milites aut in ultima Hispaniae amoti aut traducti in Galliam forent.

[¶63] 20.6. And so, they said, even if the Carthaginian senate had not decreed it, Hasdrubal would still have been obliged to proceed into Italy, where was the focus of the war and the main issue, with this purpose also, in order that he might lead all the Spanish troops out of Spain, far removed from the fame of Scipio.

> Latin: 20.6. itaque etiam si senatus Carthaginiensium non censuisset, eundum tamen Hasdrubali fuisse in Italiam ubi belli caput rerumque summa esset, simul ut Hispanos omnes procul ab nomine Scipionis ex Hispania abduceret.

[¶64] 20.7. They proposed that his army, depleted both by desertions and by defeat, should be recruited with Spanish soldiers; and further, that Mago, after turning over his army to Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, should himself cross to the Balearic Isles with a large sum of money, to hire mercenary auxiliaries;

> Latin: 20.7. exercitum eius cum transitionibus tum aduerso proelio imminutum Hispanis repleri militibus, et Magonem Hasdrubali Gisgonis filio tradito exercitu ipsum cum grandi pecunia ad conducenda mercede auxilia in Baliares traicere;

[¶65] 20.8. that Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, should retire with his army into the interior of Lusitania and not engage in battle with the Roman; that for Masinissa there should be a full complement of three thousand horsemen, the pick of all the cavalry, and that, roaming about over hither Spain, he should lend aid to allies and devastate towns and farms of the enemy. Having thus ordered, the generals separated, to carry out the measures decided upon. Such were the events in Spain that year.

> Latin: 20.8. Hasdrubalem Gisgonis cum exercitu penitus in Lusitaniam abire, nec cum Romano manus conserere; Masinissae ex omni equitatu quod roboris esset tria milia equitum expleri, eumque uagum per citeriorem Hispaniam sociis opem ferre, hostium oppida atque agros populari;—his decretis, ad exsequenda quae statuerant duces digressi. haec eo anno in Hispania acta.

[¶66] 20.9. At Rome Scipio's fame was growing from day to day; Fabius, although Tarentum had been taken by ruse rather than by courage, nevertheless gained glory thereby; Fulvius' celebrity was declining; Marcellus was even in bad repute, not only because he had at first been defeated, but also because, while Hannibal was wandering about Italy, he had drawn off his troops to their billets at Venusia in midsummer.

> Latin: 20.9. Romae fama Scipionis in dies crescere, Fabio Tarentum captum astu magis quam uirtute gloriae tamen esse, Fului senescere fama, Marcellus etiam aduerso rumore esse, superquam quod primo male pugnauerat, quia uagante per Italiam Hannibale media aestate Uenusiam in tecta milites abduxisset.

[¶67] 20.11. He had a personal enemy, Gaius Publicius Bibulus, tribune of the plebs. This man, beginning with the first battle, which had been unsuccessful, by continually haranguing had defamed Claudius to the common people and made them hate him, and by this time he was arguing for the abrogation of his command when the relatives of Claudius nevertheless carried their point that Marcellus should leave a lieutenant at Venusia and come to Rome, to clear himself of the charges which his enemies were making, and that the abrogation of his command should not be discussed while he himself was absent.

> Latin: 20.11. inimicus erat ei C. Publicius Bibulus tribunus plebis. is iam a prima pugna quae aduersa fuerat adsiduis contionibus infamem inuisumque plebei Claudium fecerat, et iam de imperio abrogando eius agebat cum tamen necessarii Claudii obtinuerunt ut relicto Uenusiae legato Marcellus Romam rediret ad purganda ea quae inimici obicerent nec de imperio eius abrogando absente ipso ageretur.

[¶68] 20.13. By chance Marcellus came to Rome to avert disgrace, about the same time that Quintus Fulvius, the consul, arrived to conduct the elections.

> Latin: 20.13. forte sub idem tempus et Marcellus ad deprecandam ignominiam et Q. Fuluius consul comitiorum causa Romam uenit.

[¶69] 21.1. The argument in regard to Marcellus' command was staged in the Flaminian Circus, before a great assemblage of the commons and of all classes.

> Latin: 21.1. actum de imperio Marcelli in circo Flaminio est ingenti concursu plebisque et omnium ordinum.

[¶70] 21.2. And the tribune of the plebs accused not Marcellus merely, but the entire nobility. It was due to their dishonesty and delaying, he said, that Hannibal had Italy as his province for now the tenth year, and had lived longer there than at Carthage.

> Latin: 21.2. accusauit tribunus plebis non Marcellum modo, sed omnem nobilitatem: fraude eorum et cunctatione fieri ut Hannibal decimum iam annum Italiam prouinciam habeat, diutius ibi quam Carthagine uixerit;

[¶71] 21.3. The Roman people had this fruit from the continuation of Marcellus' command, namely, that his army, twice cut to pieces, had its summer quarters at Venusia in billets!

> Latin: 21.3. habere fructum imperii prorogati Marcello populum Romanum; bis caesum exercitum eius aestiua Uenusiae sub tectis agere.

[¶72] 21.4. This speech of the tribune was so completely refuted by Marcellus' statement of his achievements that not only was the bill to abrogate his command rejected, but on the following day all the centuries with great unanimity elected him consul.

> Latin: 21.4. hanc tribuni orationem ita obruit Marcellus commemoratione rerum suarum ut non rogatio solum de imperio eius abrogando antiquaretur, sed postero die consulem eum ingenti consensu centuriae omnes crearent.

[¶73] 21.5. Joined with him as colleague was Titus Quinctius Crispinus, who at the time was praetor. On the following day Publius Licinius Crassus Dives, pontifex maximus, Publius Licinius Varus, Sextus Iulius Caesar and Quintus Claudius were elected praetors.

> Latin: 21.5. additur collega T. Quinctius Crispinus, qui tum praetor erat. postero die praetores creati P. Licinius Crassus Diues pontifex maximus, P. Licinius Uarus Sex. Iulius Caesar Q. Claudius.

[¶74] 21.6. Precisely on these election days the state was concerned in regard to a revolt in Etruria. First steps in that direction were reported in a letter of Gaius Calpurnius, propraetor in charge of the assignment, as being taken by the men of Arretium.

> Latin: 21.6. comitiorum ipsorum diebus sollicita ciuitas de Etruriae defectione fuit. principium eius rei ab Arretinis fieri C. Calpurnius scripserat, qui eam prouinciam pro praetore obtinebat.

[¶75] 21.7. Accordingly Marcellus, the consul-elect, was at once sent thither to look into the matter and, if he thought it important enough, to send for an army and shift the war from Apulia to Etruria. The Etruscans, restrained by the fear of that move, kept quiet.

> Latin: 21.7. itaque confestim eo missus Marcellus consul designatus, qui rem inspiceret ac, si digna uideretur, exercitu accito bellum ex Apulia in Etruriam transferret. eo metu compressi Etrusci quieuerunt.

[¶76] 21.8. When legates of the Tarentines sued for peace with freedom and their own laws, the senate answered that they should return when Fabius, the consul, came to Rome.

> Latin: 21.8. Tarentinorum legatis pacem petentibus cum libertate ac legibus suis responsum ab senatu est ut redirent cum Fabius consul Romam uenisset.

[¶77] 21.9. The Roman Games and the Plebeian Games were repeated that year for one day in each case. The curule aediles were Lucius Cornelius Caudinus and Servius Sulpicius Galba, the plebeian aediles being Gaius Servilius and Quintus Caecilius Metellus.

> Latin: 21.9. ludi et Romani et plebeii eo anno in singulos dies instaurati. aediles curules fuere L. Cornelius Caudinus et Ser. Sulpicius Galba, plebeii C. Seruilius et Q. Caecilius Metellus.

[¶78] 21.10. It was said that legally Servilius had not been tribune of the plebs, nor was he now legally aedile, because his father, of whom it had been believed for nine years that he was slain as one of the three land-commissioners by the Boii near Mutina, was alive, it was now established, and in the hands of the enemy.

> Latin: 21.10. Seruilium negabant iure aut tribunum plebis fuisse aut aedilem esse, quod patrem eius, quem triumuirum agrarium occisum a Boiis circa Mutinam esse opinio per nouem annos fuerat, uiuere atque in hostium potestate esse satis constabat.

[¶79] 22.1. In the eleventh year of the Punic War the consuls entering office were Marcellus, for the fifth time —to include the consulship which he had not held on account of a defective election —and Titus Quinctius Crispinus. Italy was assigned as their province to both consuls, also the two armies of the consuls of the previous year. A third, hitherto commanded by Marcellus, was then at Venusia. The decree ordered that of the three they should choose two of their own selection, and that the third be given to the general whose assignment should be Tarentum and the Sallentini. The rest of the assignments were distributed as follows: for the praetors, jurisdiction in the city to Publius Licinius Varus, that involving strangers to Publius Licinius Crassus, pontifex maximus, with a command wherever the senate should decide; Sicily to Sextus Iulius Caesar and Tarentum to Quintus Claudius. Continued for one year was the command of Quintus Fulvius Flaccus; who with one legion was to be in charge of Capua as his assignment, formerly held by Titus Quinctius as praetor. Continued also was the command of Gaius Hostilius Tubulus, who was to succeed Gaius Calpurnius as propraetor for Etruria, at the head of two legions. The command of Lucius Veturius Philo was likewise continued, he to hold Gaul as propraetor —the same assignment with the same two legions with which he had held it as praetor. The measure adopted in the case of Lucius Veturius was likewise decreed by the senate in that of Gaius Aurunculeius, and the bill to continue his command was brought before the people. As praetor he had had Sardinia for his province with two legions. In addition he was given for the defence of the province the fifty warships which Publius Scipio had sent from Spain. And to Publius Scipio and Marcus Silanus were decreed for one year their own provinces in Spain and their own armies. Scipio was ordered to send over to Sardinia fifty of the eighty ships which he had either brought with him from Italy or captured at (New) Carthage. This was owing to the report that at Carthage there were great naval preparations that year, and that with two hundred ships the Carthaginians would cover the whole coast of Italy, also of Sicily and Sardina.

> Latin: 22.1. undecimo anno Punici belli consulatum inierunt M. Marcellus quintum—ut numeretur consulatus quem uitio creatus non gessit—et T. Quinctius Crispinus. utrisque consulibus Italia decreta prouincia est et duo consulum prioris anni exercitus—tertius Uenusiae tum erat, cui Marcellus praefuerat—ita ut ex tribus eligerent duo quos uellent, tertius ei traderetur qui Tarentum et Sallentini prouincia euenisset. ceterae prouinciae ita diuisae: praetoribus, P. Licinio Uaro urbana, P. Licinio Crasso pontifici maximo peregrina et quo senatus censuisset, Sex. Iulio Caesari Sicilia, Q. Claudio [Flamini] Tarentum. prorogatum imperium in annum est Q. Fuluio Flacco ut prouinciam Capuam quae T. Quincti praetoris fuerat cum una legione obtineret. prorogatum et C. Hostilio Tubulo est ut pro praetore in Etruriam ad duas legiones succederet C. Calpurnio. prorogatum et L. Ueturio Philoni est ut pro praetore Galliam eandem prouinciam cum iisdem duabus legionibus obtineret quibus praetor obtinuisset. quod in L. Ueturio, idem in C. Aurunculeio decretum ab senatu, latumque de prorogando imperio ad populum est qui praetor Sardiniam prouinciam cum duabus legionibus obtinuerat. additae ei ad praesidium prouinciae quinquaginta longae naues quas P. Scipio ex Hispania misisset. et P. Scipioni et M. Silano suae Hispaniae suique exercitus in annum decreti. Scipio ex octoginta nauibus quas aut secum ex Italia adductas aut captas Carthagine habebat quinquaginta in Sardiniam tramittere iussus, quia fama erat magnum naualem apparatum eo anno Carthagine esse: ducentis nauibus omnem oram Italiae Siciliae Sardiniaeque impleturos. et in Sicilia ita diuisa res est: Sex. Caesari exercitus Cannensis datus est: M. Ualerius Laeuinus —ei quoque enim prorogatum imperium est—classem quae ad Siciliam erat nauium septuaginta obtineret; adderet eo triginta naues quae ad Tarentum priore anno fuerant; cum ea centum nauium classe si uideretur ei praedatum in Africam traiceret. et P. Sulpicio ut eadem classe Macedoniam Graeciamque prouinciam haberet prorogatum in annum imperium est. de duabus quae ad urbem Romam fuerant legionibus nihil mutatum. supplementum quo opus esset ut scriberent consulibus permissum. una et uiginti legionibus eo anno defensum imperium Romanum est. et P. Licinio Uaro praetori urbano negotium datum ut naues longas triginta ueteres reficeret quae Ostiae erant et uiginti nouas naues sociis naualibus compleret, ut quinquaginta nauium classe oram maris uicinam urbi Romanae tueri posset. C. Calpurnius uetitus ab Arretio mouere exercitum nisi cum successor uenisset; idem et Tubulo imperatum ut inde praecipue caueret ne qua noua consilia orerentur. praetores in prouincias profecti: consules religio tenebat quod prodigiis aliquot nuntiatis non facile litabant. et ex Campania nuntiata erant Capuae duas aedes, Fortunae et Martis, et sepulcra aliquot de caelo tacta, Cumis—adeo minimis etiam rebus praua religio inserit deos—mures in aede Iouis aurum rosisse, Casini examen apium ingens in foro consedisse; et Ostiae murum portamque de caelo tactam, Caere uolturium uolasse in aedem Iouis, Uolsiniis sanguine lacum manasse. horum prodigiorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit. per dies aliquot hostiae maiores sine litatione caesae diuque non impetrata pax deum. in capita consulum re publica incolumi exitiabilis prodigiorum euentus uertit.

[¶80] 23.5. In Sicily, moreover, the apportionment was as follows: the army from Cannae was given to Sextus Caesar; Marcus Valerius Laevinus —for his command also was continued —to have the fleet of seventy vessels then in Sicilian waters. To that he should add thirty ships which had been at Tarentum the previous year. With that fleet of a hundred ships, he was, if he saw fit, to cross over to Africa, to ravage the country. Likewise Publius Sulpicius' command was continued for one year, and he was to have Macedonia and Greece as his province with the same fleet as before.

> Latin: 23.5. ludi Apollinares Q. Fuluio Ap. Claudio consulibus a P. Cornelio Sulla praetore urbano primum facti erant; inde omnes deinceps praetores urbani fecerant; sed in unum annum uouebant dieque incerta faciebant.

[¶81] 23.6. In regard to the two legions that had been at the city of Rome no change was made. Permission was given to the consuls to recruit additional numbers, to be assigned to meet any need. It was with twenty-one legions that the Roman empire was defended that year. In addition, Publius Licinius Varus, the city praetor, was given the task of repairing the thirty old warships which were at Ostia and of manning twenty new ships with crews, so that with a fleet of fifty ships he might defend the seacoast near the city of Rome. Gaius Calpurnius was forbidden to move his army away from Arretium before the arrival of his successor. The same order was given to Tubulus also, to be particularly on his guard there against the outbreak of any sedition. XXIII. The praetors set out for their assignments, but the consuls were detained by religious scruples, because, when a number of portents were reported, they did not easily obtain favourable sacrifices. From Campania had come reports that at Capua two temples, those of Fortune and of Mars, and a number of tombs were struck by lightning; that at Cumae mice had gnawed the gold in the temple of Jupiter —so true is it that superstition brings the gods into the smallest circumstances. At Casinum it was said that a great swarm of bees had settled in the forum.

> Latin: 23.6. eo anno pestilentia grauis incidit in urbem agrosque, quae tamen magis in longos morbos quam in permitiales euasit. eius pestilentiae causa et supplicatum per compita tota urbe est et P. Licinius Uarus praetor urbanus legem ferre ad populum iussus ut ii ludi in perpetuum in statam diem uouerentur. ipse primus ita uouit, fecitque ante diem tertium nonas Quinctiles. is dies deinde sollemnis seruatus. de Arretinis et fama in dies grauior et cura crescere patribus. itaque C. Hostilio scriptum est ne differret obsides ab Arretinis accipere, et cui traderet Romam deducendos C. Terentius Uarro cum imperio missus.

[¶82] 24.2. It was also reported that at Ostia the wall and a gate of the city had been struck by lightning, that at Caere a vulture had flown into the temple of Jupiter, that at Volsinii the lake was stained with blood. On account of these prodigies prayers were offered for one day. For several days full-grown victims were slain without a favourable result, and for a long time the peace of the gods was not secured. It was upon the heads of the consuls that dire consequences of the portents descended, while the state remained unharmed. The Games of Apollo had been observed for the first time in the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, under the direction of Publius Cornelius Sulla, the city praetor. From that time all the successive city praetors had conducted them. But they vowed them for a single year and did not conduct them on a fixed date. That year a serious epidemic fell upon the city and the countryside, occasioning maladies, however, that were rather lingering than fatal. On account of that epidemic prayers were offered at the street corners throughout the city; and in addition Publius Licinius Varus, the city praetor, was ordered to propose to the people a bill that those games should be vowed in perpetuity for a fixed date. He himself was the first to vow them in those terms, and he conducted them on the fifth of Quinctilis. Thenceforward that day was kept as a regular holiday. XXIV. As regards the Arretines, reports grew more serious every day, and the anxiety of the senators was increased. Accordingly Gaius Hostilius received written orders not to postpone taking hostages from the Arretines, and Gaius Terentius Varro was sent with military authority, that Hostilius might turn them over to him to be escorted to Rome. Upon Varro's arrival Hostilius at once ordered the one legion which was encamped before the city to advance into the city, and he posted his forces in suitable positions. Then, summoning the senate to the forum, he demanded hostages of them. When the senate asked for two days to consider, he ordered that they themselves furnish them forthwith, or else on the next day, he declared, he would take all the children of the senators.

> Latin: 24.2. qui ut uenit, extemplo Hostilius legionem unam quae ante urbem castra habebat signa in urbem ferre iussit praesidiaque locis idoneis disposuit; tum in forum citatis senatoribus obsides imperauit. cum senatus biduum ad considerandum [tempus] peteret, aut ipsos extemplo dare aut se postero die senatorum omnes liberos sumpturum edixit. inde portas custodire iussi tribuni militum praefectique socium et centuriones ne quis nocte urbe exiret. id segnius neglegentiusque factum; septem principes senatus priusquam custodiae in portis locarentur ante noctem cum liberis euaserunt. postero die luce prima cum senatus in forum citari coeptus esset desiderati, bonaque eorum uenierunt: a ceteris senatoribus centum uiginti obsides liberi ipsorum accepti traditique C. Terentio Romam deducendi.