24.6. Thereupon the tribunes of the soldiers and prefects of allies and centurions were bidden to guard the gates, that no one might leave the city in the night. This was done slowly and with carelessness. Seven leading members of the senate, before guards could be posted at the gates, escaped before nightfall with their children. Next day at dawn they were missed when the senators began to be summoned to the forum, and their property was sold.
24.6. is omnia suspectiora quam ante fuerant in senatu fecit. itaque tamquam imminente Etrusco tumultu, legionem unam, alteram ex urbanis, Arretium ducere iussus ipse C. Terentius eamque habere in praesidio urbis:
24.7. From the rest of the senators a hundred and twenty hostages, their own children, were taken and handed over to Gaius Terentius Varro to be escorted to Rome. Varro in the senate represented everything as causing more apprehension than before.
24.7. C. Hostilium cum cetero exercitu placet totam prouinciam peragrare et cauere ne qua occasio nouare cupientibus res daretur.
24.8. And so, just as if an outbreak in Etruria were imminent, Gaius Terentius himself was ordered to lead a single legion, one or the other of the city legions, to Arretium and to keep that legion as the garrison of the town. As for Gaius Hostilius, it was decided that with the rest of the army he should scour the whole province and see to it that no opportunity was given to those eager for a revolution. Upon the arrival of Gaius Terentius at Arretium with his legion, when he demanded of the magistrates the keys of the gates, and they said they were not to be found, thinking they were removed by stealth and not really missing through carelessness, he himself provided other keys for all the gates, and took great pains to have everything under his own control.
24.8. C. Terentius ut Arretium cum legione uenit, claues portarum cum magistratus poposcisset, negantibus iis comparere fraude amotas magis ratus quam neglegentia intercidisse ipse alias claues omnibus portis imposuit cauitque cum cura ut omnia in potestate sua essent;
24.9. He very earnestly warned Hostilius to rest his hope that the Etruscans would not make any move upon one thing —that he had first made it impossible for them to do so.
24.9. Hostilium intentius monuit, ut in eo spem non moturos quicquam Etruscos poneret, si ne quid moueri posset praecauisset.
25.1. Then in regard to the Tarentines there was very heated discussion in the senate in the presence of Fabius, who himself defended the men whom he had captured by force, whereas others were hostile and many put them upon the same level of guilt and punishment as the Capuans. A decree of the senate was adopted on motion of Manius Acilius, that the town should be guarded by a garrison and all the Tarentines confined within the walls; that, with no action now, the case should be brought up later, when the condition of Italy was more peaceful. Also in regard to Marcus Livius, commandant of the citadel of Tarentum, there was no less heated discussion. For some were proposing to brand the commandant by a decree of the senate, because by his lack of spirit Tarentum had been betrayed to the enemy, and others proposed to vote him rewards, because he had defended the citadel for five years, and it was thanks to him more than to anyone else that Tarentum had been recovered. Those who preferred a middle course claimed that a hearing of his case belonged to the censors, not to the senate. Of this mind was Fabius also. He added, however, his admission that the recovery of Tarentum was due to Livius, as his friends had repeatedly declared in the senate; for it would not have had to be recovered unless it had been lost. Of the consuls one, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, set out for Lucania with additional recruits to join the army which Quintus Fulvius Flaccus had held. Marcellus was detained by religious scruples one after another, as they were impressed upon his mind. One of them was that, although he had vowed at Clastidium, in the Gallic War, a temple to Honour and Valour, the dedication of the temple was being blocked by the pontiffs. These said that one cella was not properly dedicated to more than a single divinity, since, if it should be struck by lightning, or some portent should occur in it, expiation would be difficult, because it could not be known to which god sacrifice should be offered; for, with the exception of certain deities, sacrifice of a single victim to two gods was not proper.
25.1. de Tarentinis inde magna contentione in senatu actum coram Fabio, defendente ipso quos ceperat armis, aliis infensis et plerisque aequantibus eos Campanorum noxae poenaeque. senatus consultum in sententiam M'. Acilii factum est ut oppidum praesidio custodiretur Tarentinique omnes intra moenia continerentur, res integra postea referretur cum tranquillior status Italiae esset. et de M. Liuio praefecto arcis Tarentinae haud minore certamine actum est, aliis senatus consulto notantibus praefectum quod eius socordia Tarentum proditum hosti esset, aliis praemia decernentibus quod per quinquennium arcem tutatus esset maximeque unius eius opera receptum Tarentum foret, mediis ad censores non ad senatum notionem de eo pertinere dicentibus, cuius sententiae et Fabius fuit. adiecit tamen, fateri se opera Liui Tarentum receptum quod amici eius uolgo in senatu iactassent; neque enim recipiundum fuisse nisi amissum foret. consulum alter T. Quinctius Crispinus ad exercitum quem Q. Fuluius Flaccus habuerat cum supplemento in Lucanos est profectus. Marcellum aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones tenebant, in quibus quod cum bello Gallico ad Clastidium aedem Honori et Uirtuti uouisset dedicatio eius a pontificibus impediebatur, quod negabant unam cellam amplius quam uni deo recte dedicari, quia si de caelo tacta aut prodigii aliquid in ea factum esset difficilis procuratio foret, quod utri deo res diuina fieret sciri non posset; neque enim duobus nisi certis deis rite una hostia fieri. ita addita Uirtutis aedes adproperato opere; neque tamen ab ipso aedes eae dedicatae sunt. tum demum ad exercitum quem priore anno Uenusiae reliquerat cum supplemento proficiscitur. Locros in Bruttiis Crispinus oppugnare conatus quia magnam famam attulisse Fabio Tarentum rebatur, omne genus tormentorum machinarumque ex Sicilia arcessierat; et naues indidem accitae erant quae uergentem ad mare partem urbis oppugnarent. ea omissa oppugnatio est quia Lacinium Hannibal admouerat copias, et collegam eduxisse iam a Uenusia exercitum fama erat, cui coniungi uolebat. itaque in Apuliam ex Bruttiis reditum, et inter Uenusiam Bantiamque minus trium milium passuum interuallo consules binis castris consederant. in eandem regionem et Hannibal rediit auerso ab Locris bello. ibi consules ambo ingenio feroces prope cottidie in aciem exire haud dubia spe, si duobus exercitibus consularibus iunctis commisisset sese hostis, debellari posse. Hannibal, quia cum Marcello bis priore anno congressus uicerat uictusque erat, ut cum eodem si dimicandum foret nec spem nec metum ex uano haberet, ita duobus consulibus haudquaquam sese parem futurum censebat; itaque totus in suas artes uersus insidiis locum quaerebat. leuia tamen proelia inter bina castra uario euentu fiebant. quibus cum extrahi aestatem posse consules crederent, nihilo minus oppugnari Locros posse rati L. Cincio ut ex Sicilia Locros cum classe traiceret scribunt; et ut ab terra quoque oppugnari moenia possent, ab Tarento partem exercitus qui in praesidio erat duci eo iusserunt.
26.5. Accordingly a temple of Valour was added, its construction being hastened. Even so the temples were not dedicated by Marcellus in person. Then at last he set out with additional recruits to join the army which he had left at Venusia the previous year. Crispinus attempted to besiege Locri in the land of the Bruttii, because he thought that Tarentum had brought great repute to Fabius; and he had requisitioned artillery and machines of every kind from Sicily. And from the same quarter ships also had been sent for, to attack the part of the city facing the sea. That siege was given up, because Hannibal had brought up his forces to Lacinium, and the consul wished to unite with his colleague, who, it was reported, had already led his army away from Venusia. And so he returned from the land of the Bruttii into Apulia, and the consuls established themselves between Venusia and Bantia in two camps less than three miles apart. Hannibal also, now that the war had been diverted from Locri, returned into the same region.
26.5. ea ita futura per quosdam Thurinos comperta Hannibali cum essent, mittit ad insidendam ab Tarento uiam. ibi sub tumulo Peteliae tria milia equitum, duo peditum in occulto locata; in quae inexplorato euntes Romani cum incidissent, ad duo milia armatorum caesa, mille et quingenti ferme uiui capti, alii dissipati fuga per agros saltusque Tarentum rediere.
26.7. There both consuls, who were by nature high-spirited, went out into battle-line almost daily, with no uncertain hope that, if the enemy should risk a battle with two united consular armies, the war could be finished. XXVI. Hannibal, since in his two encounters with Marcellus in the previous year he had been both victor and vanquished, believed indeed that, if he should have to fight with the same general, he would find neither hope nor fear unfounded; nevertheless he believed that he would be by no means a match for the two consuls.
26.7. tumulus erat siluestris inter Punica et Romana castra ab neutris primo occupatus, quia Romani qualis pars eius quae uergeret ad hostium castra esset ignorabant, Hannibal insidiis quam castris aptiorem eum crediderat.
26.8. Accordingly, devoting himself exclusively to his own arts, he was in search of a place for an ambush. Slight engagements, however, were taking place in the space between the two camps with varying results. The consuls, believing that the whole summer could be spent in that way, and yet thinking it possible to besiege Locri, wrote to Lucius Cincius to cross over from Sicily with his fleet to Locri. And, to make an attack upon the walls possible from the landward side also, they ordered that a part of the force which was serving as a garrison should be brought from Tarentum to Locri. Hannibal, being informed by some men of Thurii that this was about to be done, sent men to lie in wait along the road from Tarentum. There, beneath the hill of Petelia, three thousand horsemen and two thousand foot were posted in hiding. When the Romans, as they advanced without reconnoitring, encountered this force, about two thousand of their armed men were slain, about fifteen hundred taken alive. The rest, scattering in flight over the farms and through the woods, returned to Tarentum. Between the Carthaginian and the Roman camps there was a wooded hill, at first not occupied by either army, because the Romans did not know what was the character of that side of it which faced the enemy's camp, and Hannibal had believed it better suited to an ambuscade than to a camp. And so, sending by night a number of squadrons of the Numidians for that purpose, he had concealed them in the middle of the wood. And during the day none of them would stir from his post, for fear lest either their arms or the men themselves should be seen from a distance.
26.8. itaque nocte ad id missas aliquot Numidarum turmas medio in saltu condiderat, quorum interdiu nemo ab statione mouebatur ne aut arma aut ipsi procul conspicerentur. fremebant uolgo in castris Romanis occupandum eum tumulum esse et castello firmandum ne, si occupatus ab Hannibale foret, uelut in ceruicibus haberet hostem. mouit ea res Marcellum, et collegae 'quin imus' inquit 'ipsi cum equitibus paucis exploratum? subiecta res oculis certius dabit consilium.' adsentienti Crispino, cum equitibus ducentis uiginti, ex quibus quadraginta Fregellani, ceteri Etrusci erant, proficiscuntur;
26.12. In the Roman camp there was a general outcry that the hill must be occupied and defended by a fort, in order that they might not have the enemy, as it were, upon their necks, if the hill should be occupied by Hannibal.
26.12. secuti tribuni militum M. Marcellus consulis filius et A. Manlius, simul et duo praefecti socium L. Arrenius et M'. Aulius.
26.13. That roused Marcellus, and he said to his colleague, “Why not go ourselves with a few horsemen to reconnoitre? Seeing the situation before our eyes will give us a surer judgment.” As Crispinus assented, they set out with two hundred and twenty horsemen, of whom forty were from Fregellae, the rest Etruscans. The tribunes of the soldiers, Marcus Marcellus, son of the consul, and Aulus Manlius, followed them, along with two prefects of the allies, Lucius Arrenius and Manius Aulius.
26.13. immolasse eo die quidam prodidere memoriae consulem Marcellum et prima hostia caesa iocur sine capite inuentum, in secunda omnia comparuisse quae adsolent, auctum etiam uisum in capite;
26.14. Some have related that the consul Marcellus offered a sacrifice that day, and that when the first victim was slain, the liver was found headless; that in the second everything usually found was present; that the head seemed even enlarged; also that the soothsayer had not been at all pleased that, after organs defective and deformed, others had appeared which were more than promising. But such eagerness to fight with Hannibal possessed the consul Marcellus that he said the camps were never close enough together.
26.14. nec id sane haruspici placuisse quod secundum trunca et turpia exta nimis laeta apparuissent. ceterum consulem Marcellum tanta cupiditas tenebat dimicandi cum Hannibale ut numquam satis castra castris conlata diceret;
27.2. At this time also, as he came out from the earthwork, he gave the command that the soldiers should be ready and in place, so that, in case the hill which they were on their way to reconnoitre proved satisfactory, they might gather up their baggage and follow.
27.2. tum quoque uallo egrediens signum dedit ut ad locum miles esset paratus, ut si collis in quem speculatum irent placuisset, uasa conligerent et sequerentur. exiguum campi ante castra erat;
27.3. There was only a small level space before the camps; then a road open and visible from every side led up the hill. As for the Numidians, a scout who had been posted not at all in the hope of so important a result, but in case they might be able to capture any men who, in wandering about in search of fodder or firewood, had gone too far from camp, gave the signal to spring up, all of them at the same time, from their different hiding-places.
27.3. inde in collem aperta undique et conspecta ferebat uia. Numidis speculator nequaquam in spem tantae rei positus sed si quos uagos pabuli aut lignorum causa longius a castris progressos possent excipere, signum dat ut pariter ab suis quisque latebris exorerentur.
27.4. Those who, facing the enemy, had to rise up from the hillside itself, did not show themselves before those who were to cut off the road in the rear turned the enemy's flanks.
27.4. non ante apparuere quibus obuiis ab iugo ipso consurgendum erat quam circumiere qui ab tergo intercluderent uiam; tum undique omnes exorti, et clamore sublato impetum fecere.
27.5. Then they all sprang up from every side and, raising a shout, they attacked. Although the consuls were in such a depression that they neither could make their way up on to the ridge occupied by the enemy, nor had any retreat open, being enclosed in the rear, still the combat might possibly have been prolonged, had not flight begun by the Etruscans inspired alarm in the others.
27.5. cum in ea ualle consules essent ut neque euadere possent in iugum occupatum ab hoste nec receptum ab tergo circumuenti haberent, extrahi tamen diutius certamen potuisset ni coepta ab Etruscis fuga pauorem ceteris iniecisset.
27.6. Nevertheless the men of Fregellae, deserted by the Etruscans, did not give up the battle, so long as the unwounded consuls withstood the attack, encouraging their men and themselves taking part in the fight.
27.6. non tamen omisere pugnam deserti ab Etruscis Fregellani donec integri consules hortando ipsique ex parte pugnando rem sustinebant;
27.7. But after they saw both consuls wounded, Marcellus even pierced by a lance and slipping from his horse, a dying man, then they likewise —now only a very few were left —fled with Crispinus, the consul, who had been struck by two javelins, and Marcellus the younger, also wounded.
27.7. sed postquam uolneratos ambo consules, Marcellum etiam transfixum lancea prolabentem ex equo moribundum uidere, tum et ipsi —perpauci autem supererant—cum Crispino consule duobus iaculis icto et Marcello adulescente saucio et ipso effugerunt.
27.8. Aulus Manlius, tribune of the soldiers, was slain, and of the two prefects of the allies Manius Aulius was killed, Lucius Arrenius captured. And five of the consuls' lictors came alive into the hands of the enemy; the rest were either slain or they escaped with the consul.
27.8. interfectus A. Manlius tribunus militum, et ex duobus praefectis socium M'. Aulius occisus, <L.> Arrenius captus; et lictores consulum quinque uiui in hostium potestatem uenerunt, ceteri aut interfecti aut cum consule effugerunt;
27.9. Of the horse forty-three fell either in battle or in flight, eighteen were captured alive.
27.9. equitum tres et quadraginta aut in proelio aut in fuga ceciderunt, duodeuiginti uiui capti.
27.10. In the camps there had been an uproar, a clamour that they should go to the relief of the consuls, when now they saw the consul and the son of the other consul both wounded, and the little remnant of the unlucky enterprise coming towards the camps.
27.10. tumultuatum et in castris fuerat, ut consulibus irent subsidio, cum consulem et filium alterius consulis saucios exiguasque infelicis expeditionis reliquias ad castra uenientes cernunt.
27.11. Marcellus' death was pitiable both for other reasons and also because it was neither consistent with his age —for he was now more than sixty years old —nor with his foresight as a veteran commander, that with such imprudence he had carried himself and his colleague and almost the entire state over the brink.
27.11. mors Marcelli cum alioqui miserabilis fuit, tum quod nec pro aetate —iam enim maior sexaginta annis erat—neque pro ueteris prudentia ducis tam improuide se collegamque et prope totam rem publicam in praeceps dederat.
27.12. I should be very discursive in regard to a single event, if I should aim to rehearse all the statements in which authorities differ concerning the death of Marcellus.
27.12. multos circa unam rem ambitus fecerim si quae de Marcelli morte uariant auctores, omnia exsequi uelim.
27.13. Not to mention others, Coelius furnishes successively a threefold relation of what happened: one the traditional account, a second set down in the eulogy pronounced by the son, who was present, Coelius says, when it happened, a third which he himself contributes as investigated and established by him.
27.13. ut omittam alios, Coelius triplicem gestae rei †ordinem edit, unam traditam fama, alteram scriptam in laudatione filii, qui rei gestae interfuerit, tertiam quam ipse pro inquisita ac sibi comperta affert.
27.14. But the divergent reports fall within this range, that most authorities relate that he left the camp to reconnoitre a position, while all say that he was overwhelmed by an ambush.
27.14. ceterum ita fama uariat ut tamen plerique loci speculandi causa castris egressum, omnes insidiis circumuentum tradant.
28.1. Hannibal, thinking that great terror had been inspired in the enemy by the death of one consul and the wounding of the other, not to miss any opportunity, at once removed his camp to the hill on which they had fought.
28.1. Hannibal magnum terrorem hostibus morte consulis unius, uolnere alterius iniectum esse ratus, ne cui deesset occasioni castra in tumulum in quo pugnatum erat extemplo transfert;
28.2. There Marcellus' body was found and buried. Crispinus, alarmed both by the death of his colleague and by his own wound, set out in the silence of the following night and in the first mountains which he reached pitched camp on a high place that was also safe on every side.
28.2. ibi inuentum Marcelli corpus sepelit. Crispinus et morte collegae et suo uolnere territus, silentio insequentis noctis profectus, quos proximos nanctus est montes, in iis loco alto et tuto undique castra posuit.
28.3. There the two generals set their wits to work, the one to employ, the other to guard against, a ruse.
28.3. ibi duo duces sagaciter moti sunt, alter ad inferendam, alter ad cauendam fraudem.
28.4. Marcellus' ring had come into the hands of Hannibal along with the body. Fearing some trickery might be contrived by the Carthaginian through a fraudulent use of that seal, Crispinus had sent word around to the nearest city-states that his colleague had been slain and the enemy was in possession of his ring; that they should not trust any letters written in the name of Marcellus.
28.4. anulis Marcelli simul cum corpore Hannibal potitus erat. eius signi errore ne qui dolus necteretur a Poeno metuens Crispinus circa ciuitates proximas miserat nuntios occisum collegam esse anulisque eius hostem potitum: ne quibus litteris crederent nomine Marcelli compositis.
28.5. This message of the consul had come to Salapia a little before a letter from Hannibal written in Marcellus' name arrived, saying that he would come to Salapia in the night following that day; that the soldiers on garrison duty should be ready, in case he should have any need of their services.
28.5. paulo ante hic nuntius consulis Salapiam uenerat quam litterae ab Hannibale allatae sunt Marcelli nomine compositae se nocte quae diem illum secutura esset Salapiam uenturum: parati milites essent qui in praesidio erant, si quo opera eorum opus esset.
28.6. The men of Salapia were aware of the deception, and thinking that Hannibal, out of anger not only because of their revolt, but also for the slaughter of his cavalry, was seeking an excuse for punishing them, they sent back the messenger —he was, in fact, a Roman deserter —that the soldiers might do what they wished unobserved. And they posted men of the town along the walls and at favourable positions in the city in detachments on guard duty.
28.6. sensere Salapitani fraudem; et ab ira non defectionis modo sed etiam equitum interfectorum rati occasionem supplicii peti, remisso retro nuntio— perfuga autem Romanus erat—ut sine arbitro milites quae uellent agerent, oppidanos per muros urbisque opportuna loca in stationibus disponunt;
28.8. For that night they established guard-lines and sentries with more than usual care. Around the gate by which they thought the enemy would come they drew up the best men in the garrison. Hannibal approached the city about the fourth watch.
28.8. custodias uigiliasque in eam noctem intentius instruunt; circa portam qua uenturum hostem rebantur quod roboris in praesidio erat opponunt. Hannibal quarta uigilia ferme ad urbem accessit.
28.9. At the head of the column were the Roman deserters, and they had Roman arms. When they came up to the gate, all of them, speaking Latin, called out to the sentinels and bade them open the gate.
28.9. primi agminis erant perfugae Romanorum et arma Romana habebant. ii ubi ad portam est uentum Latine omnes loquentes excitant uigiles aperirique portam iubent: consulem adesse.
28.10. The consul, they said, was coming. The sentries, pretending to have been awakened by their outcry, were in a turmoil, excited and labouring to open the gate. The portcullis had been closed. Some raised it with levers, some hoisted it with ropes, just high enough for men to pass under it upright.
28.10. uigiles uelut ad uocem eorum excitati tumultuari trepidare moliri portam. cataracta [deiecta] clausa erat; eam partim uectibus leuant, partim funibus subducunt, in tantum altitudinis ut subire recti possent.
28.11. Hardly had the way been quite cleared, when the deserters vied with each other in dashing through the gate. And when about six hundred had entered and the rope by which it was held up had been let go, the portcullis fell with a great crash.
28.11. uixdum satis patebat iter cum perfugae certatim ruunt per portam; et cum sescenti ferme intrassent, remisso fune quo suspensa erat cataracta magno sonitu cecidit.
28.12. Some of the Salapians attacked the deserters, who fresh from their march were carrying arms carelessly slung from their shoulders, as if among peaceable people; others from towers of the gate and from the walls frightened off the enemy with stones, poles and javelins.
28.12. Salapitani alii perfugas neglegenter ex itinere suspensa humeris, ut inter pacatos, gerentes arma inuadunt, alii e turribus portae murisque saxis sudibus pilis absterrent hostem.
28.13. Thus Hannibal, having been ensnared by his own ruse, went away; and he set out to raise the siege of Locri, a city which Lucius Cincius was besieging with great violence by means of siege-works and with every sort of artillery brought from Sicily.
28.13. ita inde Hannibal suamet ipse fraude captus abiit, profectusque ad Locrorum soluendam obsidionem, qua <cingebat urbem L.> Cincius summa ui operibus tormentorumque omni genere ex Sicilia aduecto oppugnans.
28.14. For Mago, who no longer was confident that he would hold and defend the city, the first ray of hope came with the news of Marcellus' death.
28.14. Magoni iam haud ferme fidenti retenturum defensurumque se urbem, prima spes morte nuntiata Marcelli adfulsit.
28.15. Then followed the news that Hannibal had sent the Numidian cavalry in advance and was himself following with the infantry column, making all possible speed.
28.15. secutus inde nuntius Hannibalem Numidarum equitatu praemisso ipsum quantum adcelerare posset cum peditum agmine sequi.
28.16. Accordingly, as soon as Mago knew from signals given from watch-towers that the Numidians were approaching, he also suddenly opens a gate and sallies out confidently against the enemy. And at first it was a doubtful conflict, rather because his action had been unexpected than because he was a match in forces.
28.16. itaque ubi primum Numidas edito e speculis signo aduentare sensit, et ipse patefacta repente porta ferox in hostes erumpit. et primo, magis quia improuiso id fecerat quam quod par uiribus esset, anceps certamen erat;
28.17. Then when the Numidians came up, such terror was inspired among the Romans that they fled pell-mell to the sea and the ships, leaving siege-works and engines with which they were battering the walls. Thus by Hannibal's coming the siege of Locri was raised.
28.17. deinde ut superuenere Numidae, tantus pauor Romanis est iniectus ut passim ad mare ac naues fugerent relictis operibus machinisque quibus muros quatiebant. ita aduentu Hannibalis soluta Locrorum obsidio est.
29.1. Crispinus, on learning that Hannibal had set out for the country of the Bruttii, ordered Marcus Marcellus, tribune of the soldiers, to lead away to Venusia the army which his colleague had commanded.
29.1. Crispinus postquam in Bruttios profectum Hannibalem sensit, exercitum cui collega praefuerat M. Marcellum tribunum militum Uenusiam abducere iussit:
29.2. He himself set out with his legions for Capua, although on account of his serious wounds he was barely able to endure the motion of his litter.
29.2. ipse cum legionibus suis Capuam profectus uix lecticae agitationem prae grauitate uolnerum patiens, Romam litteras de morte collegae scripsit quantoque ipse in discrimine esset:
29.3. But he sent a letter to Rome in regard to the death of his colleague, stating also in what danger he was himself; that he was unable to come to Rome for the elections, because it seemed that he would not be able to endure the strain of the journey, also because he was concerned about Tarentum, lest Hannibal, leaving the land of the Bruttii, should head his column in that direction.
29.3. se comitiorum causa non posse Romam uenire quia nec uiae laborem passurus uideretur et de Tarento sollicitus esset ne ex Bruttiis Hannibal eo conuerteret agmen; legatos opus esse ad se mitti uiros prudentes cum quibus quae uellet de re publica loqueretur.
29.4. It was necessary, he wrote, that envoys be sent to him, men of foresight with whom he might say what he wished to say about the state. The reading of this letter caused at the same time great grief for the death of one consul and great fear in regard to the other. Accordingly they sent Quintus Fabius the son to the army at Venusia, and also three legates were sent to the consul, namely, Sextus Iulius Caesar, Lucius Licinius Pollio and Lucius Cincius Alimentus, the last named having returned from Sicily a few days before.
29.4. hae litterae recitatae magnum et luctum morte alterius consulis et metum de altero fecerunt. itaque et Q. Fabium filium ad exercitum Uenusiam miserunt, et ad consulem tres legati missi Sex. Iulius Caesar L. Licinius Pollio L. Cincius Alimentus cum paucis ante diebus ex Sicilia redisset.
29.5. These men were bidden to report to the consul that, if he could not come himself to Rome for the elections, he should on Roman territory name a dictator for the purpose of the elections;
29.5. hi nuntiare consuli iussi ut si ad comitia ipse uenire Romam non posset dictatorem in agro Romano diceret comitiorum causa;
29.6. that if the consul should go to Tarentum, it was the will of the senate that Quintus Claudius, the praetor, should lead his legions away to a region in which he could defend the greatest number of cities of the allies.
29.6. si consul Tarentum profectus esset, Q. Claudium praetorem placere in eam regionem inde abducere legiones in qua plurimas sociorum urbes tueri posset.
29.7. The same summer Marcus Valerius crossed over from Sicily to Africa with a fleet of a hundred ships, and making a landing at the city of Clupea, he ravaged the country far and wide, meeting hardly any armed men. Then the foragers were hurriedly brought back to the ships, because suddenly came the report that a Carthaginian fleet was approaching.
29.7. eadem aestate M. Ualerius cum classe centum nauium ex Sicilia in Africam tramisit, et ad Clupeam urbem escensione facta agrum late nullo ferme obuio armato uastauit. inde ad naues raptim praedatores recepti, quia repente fama accidit classem Punicam aduentare.
29.8. There were eighty-three ships. With these the Roman fought with success not far from Clupea. After capturing eighteen ships and putting the rest to flight, he returned to Lilybaeum with a great quantity of booty from the land and from the ships.
29.8. octoginta erant et tres naues. cum his haud procul Clupea prospere pugnat Romanus. duodeuiginti nauibus captis, fugatis aliis cum magna terrestri naualique praeda Lilybaeum rediit.
29.9. The same summer Philip, in response to their appeal, lent aid to the Achaeans, whom Machanidas, tyrant of Lacedaemon, was harassing with a war on their border, while the Aetolians also, sending their army on ships across the strait —the inhabitants call it Rhion —which flows between Naupactus and Patrae, had devastated their country.
29.9. eadem aestate et Philippus implorantibus Achaeis auxilium tulit, quos et Machanidas tyrannus Lacedaemoniorum finitimo bello urebat et Aetoli, nauibus per fretum quod Naupactum et Patras interfluit—Rhion incolae uocant— exercitu traiecto, depopulati erant.
29.10. Furthermore Attalus, King of Asia, it was reported, was about to cross over into Europe, since the Aetolians had at their last council conferred upon him the highest magistracy of their nation.
29.10. Attalum quoque regem Asiae, quia Aetoli summum gentis suae magistratum ad eum proximo †anno† concilio detulerant, fama erat in Europam traiecturum.
30.1. Consequently, as Philip was coming down into Greece, the Aetolians encountered him at the city of Lamia, their general being Pyrrhias, who along with the absent Attalus had been elected praetor for that year.
30.1. ob haec Philippo in Graeciam descendenti ad Lamiam urbem Aetoli duce Pyrrhia, qui praetor in eum annum cum absente Attalo creatus erat, occurrerunt.
30.2. They had with them auxiliary troops from Attalus and also about a thousand men sent by Publius Sulpicius from the Roman fleet. Against this general and these forces Philip fought twice with success. In each battle he slew fully a thousand of the enemy. Then, while the Aetolians, constrained by fear, remained inside the walls of the city of Lamia, Philip led his army back to Phalara. The place is on the Maliac Gulf, and was formerly populous on account of its remarkable harbour and safe roadsteads on this side and that and other advantages from the sea and the land.
30.2. habebant et ab Attalo auxilia secum et mille ferme ex Romana classe a P. Sulpicio missos. aduersus hunc ducem atque has copias Philippus bis prospero euentu pugnauit; mille admodum hostium utraque pugna occidit. inde cum Aetoli metu compulsi Lamiae urbis moenibus tenerent sese, Philippus ad Phalara exercitum duxit;
30.3. To that place came ambassadors from Ptolemy, King of Egypt, and from the Rhodians and Athenians and Chians, in order to bring to an end the war between Philip and the Aetolians.
30.3. in Maliaco sinu is locus est, quondam frequenter habitatus propter egregium portum tutasque circa stationes et aliam opportunitatem maritimam terrestremque.
30.4. A peacemaker from their neighbours also was brought in by the Aetolians, Amynander, King of the Athamanians. For all of them, however, it was not so much solicitude for the Aetolians, a race more warlike than comports with the character of Greeks, as it was the fear lest Philip and his kingdom might become involved in the affairs of Greece and become a menace to freedom.
30.4. eo legati ab rege Aegypti Ptolomaeo Rhodiisque et Atheniensibus et Chiis uenerunt ad dirimendum inter Philippum atque Aetolos bellum. adhibitus ab Aetolis et ex finitimis pacificator Amynander, rex Athamanum. omnium autem non tanta pro Aetolis cura erat, ferociori quam pro ingeniis Graecorum gente, quam ne Philippus regnumque eius rebus Graeciae, graue libertati futurum, immisceretur.
30.6. As for the peace, consideration was postponed until the council of the Achaeans, and for that council a place and also a fixed date were appointed. Meantime a truce for thirty days was obtained.
30.6. de pace dilata consultatio est in concilium Achaeorum, concilioque ei et locus et dies certa indicta; interim triginta dierum indutiae impetratae.
30.7. Setting out from thence King Philip came by way of Thessaly and Boeotia to Chalcis in Euboea, in order that he might prevent Attalus, who, he had heard, was about to make for Euboea with a fleet, from using the harbours and from landing on the shore.
30.7. profectus inde rex per Thessaliam Boeotiamque Chalcidem Euboeae uenit ut Attalum, quem classe Euboeam petiturum audierat, portibus et litorum adpulsu arceret.
30.8. And then, leaving a garrison against Attalus, in case he should cross over in the meantime, he set out himself with a few horsemen and light-armed and came to Argos.
30.8. inde praesidio relicto aduersus Attalum si forte interim traiecisset, profectus ipse cum paucis equitum leuisque armaturae Argos uenit.
30.9. There the direction of the games in honour of Hera and of the Nemean Games was conferred upon him by vote of the people, because the kings of the Macedonians claim that they sprang from that city. When the Heraea were over, immediately after the games he left for Aegium and the long since appointed council of his allies.
30.9. ibi curatione Heraeorum Nemeorumque suffragiis populi ad eum delata quia se Macedonum reges ex ea ciuitate oriundos referunt, Heraeis peractis ab ipso ludicro extemplo Aegium profectus est ad indictum multo ante sociorum concilium.
30.10. There they discussed the termination of the Aetolian war, that neither the Romans nor Attalus might have reason to enter Greece.
30.10. ibi de Aetolico finiendo bello actum ne causa aut Romanis aut Attalo intrandi Graeciam esset.
30.11. But all such plans, though the time of the truce had scarcely elapsed, were thrown into confusion by the Aetolians, when they heard that Attalus had reached Aegina and also that a Roman fleet was lying at Naupactus.
30.11. sed ea omnia uixdum indutiarum tempore circumacto Aetoli turbauere postquam et Attalum Aeginam uenisse et Romanam classem stare ad Naupactum audiuere.
30.12. For on being called into the council of the Achaeans, in which were also present the embassies which at Phalara had spoken on behalf of peace, they at first complained of certain small breaches of the agreement committed during the truce.
30.12. uocati enim in concilium Achaeorum, in quo et eae legationes erant quae ad Phalara egerant de pace, primum questi sunt quaedam parua contra fidem conuentionis tempore indutiarum facta;
30.13. Finally they asserted that the war could not be brought to an end unless the Achaeans should restore Pylus to the Messenians, and Atintania should be returned to the Romans, and the Ardiaei to Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus.
30.13. postremo negarunt dirimi bellum posse nisi Messeniis Achaei Pylum redderent, Romanis restitueretur Atintania, Scerdilaedo et Pleurato Ardiaei.
30.14. Philip, who thought it a perfect outrage for the vanquished actually to offer terms to him, the victor, said that on the former occasion also it was not with any hope that the Aetolians would keep quiet that he had either listened to pleas for peace or agreed to a truce, but in order to have all the allies witnesses that he had sought a ground for peace, the Aetolians a ground for war.
30.14. enimuero indignum ratus Philippus uictos uictori sibi ultro condiciones ferre, ne antea quidem se aut de pace audisse aut indutias pepigisse dixit spem ullam habentem quieturos Aetolos, sed uti omnes socios testes haberet se pacis, illos belli causam quaesisse.
30.15. So, with peace unachieved, he dismissed the council, leaving four thousand armed men to protect the Achaeans and receiving five warships from them. He had decided that, if he should add these to the Carthaginian fleet lately sent to him, and to the ships that were coming from Bithynia from King Prusias, he would attack the Romans, who had long commanded the sea in that region, in a naval battle.
30.15. ita infecta pace concilium dimisit quattuor milibus armatorum relictis ad praesidium Achaeorum et quinque longis nauibus acceptis, quas si adiecisset missae nuper ad se classi Carthaginiensium et ex Bithynia ab rege Prusia uenientibus nauibus, statuerat nauali proelio lacessere Romanos iam diu in regione ea potentes maris. ipse ab eo concilio Argos regressus;
30.17. As for himself, he returned from that council to Argos; for the time of the Nemean Games was at hand, and he wished them to be more festive because of his presence.
30.17. iam enim Nemeorum appetebat tempus, quae celebrari uolebat praesentia sua.
31.1. While the king was engaged in preparing for the games and relaxing during the festal days with more freedom than in war-times, Publius Sulpicius sailing from Naupactus put in with his fleet between Sicyon and Corinth and ravaged a region of the most noted fertility far and wide.
31.1. occupato rege apparatu ludorum et per dies festos licentius quam inter belli tempora remittente animum P. Sulpicius ab Naupacto profectus classem adpulit inter Sicyonem et Corinthum agrumque nobilissimae fertilitatis effuse uastauit.
31.2. The report of this called Philip away from the games; and setting out in haste with the cavalry, after ordering the infantry to follow, he attacked the Romans, who, fearing nothing of the kind, were widely scattered over the country and loaded down with their plunder, and he drove them to their ships.
31.2. fama eius rei Philippum ab ludis exciuit; raptimque cum equitatu profectus iussis subsequi peditibus, palatos passim per agros grauesque praeda ut qui nihil tale metuerent adortus Romanos compulit in naues.
31.3. The Roman fleet, not at all happy over its plunder, returned to Naupactus. For Philip the remainder of the games also had gained in festivity from the news of a victory, unimportant as it might be, but still over the Romans. And the festival was observed with immense rejoicing, all the more because, to be popular, he had removed his diadem and purple and other regal attire, and in appearance had put himself on the same plane as the others, than which nothing is more acceptable to free states.
31.3. classis Romana haudquaquam laeta praeda Naupactum redit: Philippo ludorum quoque qui reliqui erant celebritatem quantaecumque, de Romanis tamen, uictoriae partae fama auxerat, laetitiaque ingenti celebrati festi dies, eo magis etiam quod populariter dempto capitis insigni purpuraque atque alio regio habitu aequauerat ceteris se in speciem, quo nihil gratius est ciuitatibus liberis;
31.5. Also by doing so he would have offered them no uncertain hope of freedom, had he not degraded and debased everything by his insufferable lust. For with one or two companions he would roam day and night round the homes of married couples, and lowering himself to the level of a private citizen, the less he was observed the more unrestrained was he; and liberty, of which he had made but an empty show to others, for his purpose he had turned wholly to licence.
31.5. praebuissetque haud dubiam eo facto spem libertatis nisi omnia intoleranda libidine foeda ac deformia effecisset. uagabatur autem cum uno aut altero comite per maritas domos dies noctesque, et summittendo se in priuatum fastigium quo minus conspectus eo solutior erat, et libertatem, cum aliis uanam ostendisset, totam in suam licentiam uerterat.
31.7. For he did not obtain everything by purchase or cajoling, but even employed force to gain his shameful ends. And it was dangerous for both husbands and parents if they had delayed the royal lust by disobliging strictness.
31.7. neque enim omnia emebat aut eblandiebatur, sed uim etiam flagitiis adhibebat, periculosumque et uiris et parentibus erat moram incommoda seueritate libidini regiae fecisse;
31.8. Even from Aratus, one of the leading men of the Achaeans, his wife, named Polycratia, had been taken away and carried off into Macedonia with the prospect of a royal marriage.
31.8. uni etiam principi Achaeorum Arato adempta uxor nomine Polycratia ac spe regiarum nuptiarum in Macedoniam asportata fuerat.
31.9. After the festival of the Nemea had been completed in the midst of such shameful conduct, and he had added a few more days, he set out for Dymae, in order to expel the Aetolian garrison which had been summoned by the Eleans and admitted to their city.
31.9. per haec flagitia sollemni Nemeorum peracto paucisque additis diebus, Dymas est profectus ad praesidium Aetolorum quod ab Eleis accitum acceptumque in urbem erat eiciendum.
31.10. Cycliadas, who held the chief command, and the Achaeans met the king near Dymae, being not only inflamed with hatred of the Eleans because they were at odds with the rest of the Achaeans, but also hostile to the Aetolians, who, they believed, had stirred the Romans likewise to a war against them.
31.10. Cycliadas—penes eum summa imperii erat— Achaeique ad Dymas regi occurrere, et Eleorum accensi odio quod a ceteris Achaeis dissentirent, et infensi Aetolis quos Romanum quoque aduersus se mouisse bellum credebant.
31.11. Setting forth from Dymae and uniting their armies, they crossed the river Larisus, which separates the Elean territory from that of Dymae.
31.11. profecti ab Dymis coniuncto exercitu transeunt Larisum amnem, qui Eleum agrum ab Dymaeo dirimit.
32.1. The first day on which they entered the territory of the enemy they spent in devastation. On the next day, drawing up a battle-line, they approached the city, after sending the cavalry in advance; it was to ride up to the gates and provoke the Aetolians, a race of men alert for sallies.
32.1. primum diem quo fines hostium ingressi sunt populando absumpserunt; postero die acie instructa ad urbem accesserunt praemissis equitibus qui obequitando portis promptum ad excursiones genus lacesserent Aetolorum.
32.2. They did not know that Sulpicius with fifteen ships had crossed over from Naupactus to Cyllene, and landing four thousand armed men had entered Elis in the dead of night, so that the column should not be seen.
32.2. ignorabant Sulpicium cum quindecim nauibus ab Naupacto Cyllenen traiecisse et expositis in terram quattuor milibus armatorum silentio noctis ne conspici agmen posset intrasse Elim.
32.3. Consequently the surprise inspired great alarm, when they had recognized Roman standards and arms among the Aetolians and Eleans.
32.3. itaque improuisa res ingentem iniecit terrorem postquam inter Aetolos Eleosque Romana signa atque arma cognouere.
32.4. And at first the king had wished to recall his men; then, on seeing his own men hard pressed by the battle already begun between the Aetolians and the Tralles, an Illyrian race, the king also with his cavalry charged a Roman cohort.
32.4. et primo recipere suos uoluerat rex; deinde contracto iam inter Aetolos et Tralles—Illyriorum id est genus—certamine cum urgeri uideret suos, et ipse rex cum equitatu in cohortem Romanam incurrit.
32.5. There his horse was run through by a javelin and threw the king sprawling over his head, whereupon a fierce battle was kindled on both sides, as the Romans made an attack upon the king and at the same time the king's guards tried to protect him.
32.5. ibi equus pilo traiectus cum prolapsum super caput regem effudisset, atrox pugna utrimque accensa est, et ab Romanis impetu in regem facto et protegentibus regiis.
32.6. Conspicuous was his own fighting also, although he had been forced to go into battle on foot among horsemen. Then, when the combat was now one-sided and many were falling and being wounded around him, he was seized by his men, was lifted upon another horse, and fled.
32.6. insignis et ipsius pugna fuit cum pedes inter equites coactus esset proelium inire; dein cum iam impar certamen esset caderentque circa eum multi et uolnerarentur, raptus ab suis atque alteri equo iniectus fugit.
32.7. On that day he pitched camp five miles from the city of Elis. The next day he led out all his troops to a neighbouring fortress of the Eleans —they call it Pyrgus —into which he had heard that a great number of rustics, together with their flocks, had been driven by the fear of being robbed.
32.7. eo die castra quinque milia passuum ab urbe Eleorum posuit; postero die ad propinquum Eleorum castellum—Pyrgum uocant—copias omnes eduxit, quo agrestium multitudinem cum pecoribus metu populationum compulsam audierat.
32.8. That unorganized and unarmed multitude he at once captured in the first panic as he came up. And by that booty he had made good the disgrace he had suffered at Elis.
32.8. eam inconditam inermemque multitudinem primo statim terrore adueniens cepit; compensaueratque ea praeda quod ignominiae ad Elim acceptum fuerat.
32.9. As he was dividing the booty and the captives —there were in fact four thousand persons and about twenty thousand cattle of every kind —came the news from Macedonia that one Aëropus by bribing the commander of the citadel and garrison had captured Lychnidus, was holding some villages of the Dassaretii and also stirring up the Dardani.
32.9. diuidenti praedam captiuosque—fuere autem quattuor milia hominum, pecorisque omnis generis ad uiginti milia—nuntius ex Macedonia uenit Aeropum quendam corrupto arcis praesidiique praefecto Lychnidum cepisse; tenere et Dassaretiorum quosdam uicos et Dardanos etiam concire.
32.10. Consequently the king, dropping the Achaean and Aetolian war, but still leaving twenty-five hundred armed men of every sort with Menippus and Polyphantas as commanders to defend his allies, setting out from Dymae, made his way through Achaia and Boeotia and Euboea in ten day's marches to Demetrias in Thessaly.
32.10. omisso igitur Achaico atque Aetolico bello, relictis tamen duobus milibus et quingentis omnis generis armatorum cum Menippo et Polyphanta ducibus ad praesidium sociorum, profectus ab Dymis per Achaiam Boeotiamque et Euboeam decimis castris Demetriadem in Thessaliam peruenit.
33.1. There other messengers met him, bringing news of a greater inroad: that the Dardanians pouring into Macedonia were already holding Orestis and had come down into the Argestaean Plain; and that it was currently reported among the barbarians that Philip had been slain.
33.1. ibi alii maiorem adferentes tumultum nuntii occurrunt, Dardanos in Macedoniam effusos Orestidem iam tenere ac descendisse in Argestaeum campum, famamque inter barbaros celebrem esse Philippum occisum.
33.2. On that raid in which he fought near Sicyon with men who were ravaging the country, he was dashed against a tree by his charging horse, and broke off one of the two horns of his helmet against a projecting branch.
33.2. expeditione ea qua cum populatoribus agri ad Sicyonem pugnauit, in arborem inlatus impetu equi ad eminentem ramum cornu alterum galeae praefregit;