---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 36 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 36. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 36. Book XXVII · chapters 33–42

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36/#p-N

[¶0] 33.3. It was found by a certain Aetolian and carried into Aetolia to Scerdilaedus, who was acquainted with the ornament of the helmet, and this spread abroad the report that the king had been slain.

> Latin: 33.3. id inuentum ab Aetolo quodam perlatumque in Aetoliam ad Scerdilaedum, cui notum erat insigne galeae, famam interfecti regis uolgauit. post profectionem ex Achaia regis Sulpicius Aeginam classe profectus cum Attalo sese coniunxit.

[¶1] 33.5. After the departure of the king from Achaia, Sulpicius went with his fleet to Aegina and joined Attalus. The Achaeans fought a successful engagement with the Aetolians and Eleans not far from Messene.

> Latin: 33.5. Achaei cum Aetolis Eleisque haud procul Messene prosperam pugnam fecerunt. Attalus rex et P. Sulpicius Aeginae hibernarunt.

[¶2] 33.6. King Attalus and Publius Sulpicius spent the winter at Aegina. At the end of this year Titus Quinctius, the consul, after naming Titus Manlius Torquatus dictator for the purpose of holding elections and games, died of his wound.

> Latin: 33.6. exitu huius anni T. Quinctius consul, dictatore comitiorum ludorumque faciendorum causa dicto T. Manlio Torquato, ex uolnere moritur;

[¶3] 33.7. Some relate that he died at Tarentum, others in Campania. So two consuls —and this had happened in no previous war —losing their lives without a notable battle, had left the state as it were bereft. The dictator Manlius named Gaius Servilius, then a curule aedile, as master of the horse.

> Latin: 33.7. alii Tarenti, alii in Campania mortuum tradunt; ita quod nullo ante bello acciderat, duo consules sine memorando proelio interfecti uelut orbam rem publicam reliquerant. dictator Manlius magistrum equitum C. Seruilium —tum aedilis curulis erat—dixit.

[¶4] 33.8. The senate on the first day on which it sat ordered the dictator to conduct the great games which Marcus Aemilius, the city praetor, had conducted in the consulship of Gaius Flaminius and Gnaeus Servilius and had vowed for the fifth year thereafter. At this time the dictator conducted the games and also vowed them for the succeeding lustrum.

> Latin: 33.8. senatus quo die primum est habitus ludos magnos facere dictatorem iussit, quos M. Aemilius praetor urbanus C. Flaminio, Cn. Seruilio consulibus fecerat et in quinquennium uouerat; tum dictator et fecit ludos et in insequens lustrum uouit.

[¶5] 33.9. But inasmuch as two consular armies were so near the enemy without their commanders, the senate and the people, neglecting everything else, were possessed by one particular concern —to elect consuls at the first possible moment, and to elect especially men whose courage was quite safe against the Carthaginian wiles.

> Latin: 33.9. ceterum cum duo consulares exercitus tam prope hostem sine ducibus essent, omnibus aliis omissis una praecipua cura patres populumque incessit consules primo quoque tempore creandi et ut eos crearent potissimum quorum uirtus satis tuta a fraude Punica esset:

[¶6] 33.10. Not only throughout that war, they said, had the over-hasty, fiery temperament of the generals proved ruinous, but in that very year the consuls in their excessive eagerness to engage with the enemy had fallen unawares into a trap.

> Latin: 33.10. cum toto eo bello damnosa praepropera ac feruida ingenia imperatorum fuissent, tum eo ipso anno consules nimia cupiditate conserendi cum hoste manum in necopinatam fraudem lapsos esse;

[¶7] 33.11. But, they added, the immortal gods, taking pity upon the Roman people, had spared the innocent armies, and had punished the rashness of the consuls by the loss of their own lives.

> Latin: 33.11. ceterum deos immortales, miseritos nominis Romani, pepercisse innoxiis exercitibus, temeritatem consulum ipsorum capitibus damnasse.

[¶8] 34.1. While the fathers were casting about to see whom they should make consuls, pre-eminent above all the rest was Gaius Claudius Nero; their quest was for his colleague.

> Latin: 34.1. cum circumspicerent patres quosnam consules facerent, longe ante alios eminebat C. Claudius Nero.

[¶9] 34.2. And they considered Nero a remarkable man, to be sure, but more hasty and violent than the war situation and Hannibal as enemy demanded.

> Latin: 34.2. ei collega quaerebatur; et uirum quidem eum egregium ducebant, sed promptiorem acrioremque quam tempora belli postularent aut hostis Hannibal;

[¶10] 34.3. They thought his violent nature must be tempered by giving him as his colleague a man of moderation and foresight. There was Marcus Livius, who many years before, after his consulship, had been condemned by verdict of the people, and had been so indignant at that disgrace that he removed to the country and for many years absented himself from the city and also from every gathering of men.

> Latin: 34.3. temperandum acre ingenium [eius] moderato et prudenti uiro adiuncto collega censebant. M. Liuius erat, multis ante annis ex consulatu populi iudicio damnatus, quam ignominiam adeo aegre tulerat ut rus migrarit et per multos annos et urbe et omni coetu careret hominum.

[¶11] 34.5. About seven years after his condemnation Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the consuls, had brought him back into the city. But he wore old clothing and long hair and beard, revealing outwardly in countenance and garb a notable memory of the disgrace he had incurred, Lucius Veturius and Publius Licinius, the censors, compelled him to shave and lay aside his neglected appearance and to come into the senate and perform other public duties.

> Latin: 34.5. octauo ferme post damnationem anno M. Claudius Marcellus et M. Ualerius Laeuinus consules reduxerant eum in urbem; sed erat ueste obsoleta capilloque et barba promissa, prae se ferens in uoltu habituque insignem memoriam ignominiae acceptae.

[¶12] 34.6. Even then, however, he would either assent in a word or go over to the side of the mover, until the case of his relative, Marcus Livius Macatus, whose reputation was involved, obliged him to stand up and deliver his opinion in the senate.

> Latin: 34.6. L. Ueturius et P. Licinius censores eum tonderi et squalorem deponere et in senatum uenire fungique aliis publicis muneribus coegerunt;

[¶13] 34.7. When he was heard at that time after so long an interval, he attracted men's attention to himself and gave occasion for their saying that the people had wronged a man who did not deserve it, and that it had been a great loss that in so serious a war the state had not availed itself of the services and the advice of such a man; that neither Quintus Fabius nor Marcus Valerius Laevinus could be given to Gaius Nero as his colleague, because it was not lawful to elect two patricians;

> Latin: 34.7. sed tum quoque aut uerbo adsentiebatur aut pedibus in sententiam ibat donec cognati hominis eum causa M. Liuii Macati, cum fama eius ageretur, stantem coegit in senatu sententiam dicere. tunc ex tanto interuallo auditus conuertit ora hominum in se, causamque sermonibus praebuit indigno iniuriam a populo factam magnoque id damno fuisse quod tam graui bello nec opera nec consilio talis uiri usa res publica esset:

[¶14] 34.9. that the same reason applied to Titus Manlius, in addition to the fact that he had refused and would refuse the offer of a consulship.

> Latin: 34.9. C. Neroni neque Q. Fabium neque M. Ualerium Laeuinum dari collegam posse quia duos patricios creari non liceret;

[¶15] 34.10. An extraordinary pair of consuls it would be, if they should link Marcus Livius with Gaius Claudius as his colleague. And mention of the matter, beginning with the fathers, was not frowned upon by the people.

> Latin: 34.10. eandem causam in T. Manlio esse praeterquam quod recusasset delatum consulatum recusaturusque esset; egregium par consulum fore, si M. Liuium C. Claudio collegam adiunxissent.

[¶16] 34.11. The only one in the state who rejected it, accusing the citizens of inconsistency, was the man to whom the office was tendered.

> Latin: 34.11. nec populus mentionem eius rei ortam a patribus est aspernatus.

[¶17] 34.12. He said that, having shown no pity toward a defendant in mourning, they were offering the whitened toga to a reluctant man; honours and penalties were being heaped upon the same person.

> Latin: 34.12. unus eam rem in ciuitate is cui deferebatur honos abnuebat, leuitatem ciuitatis accusans: sordidati rei non miseritos candidam togam inuito offerre;

[¶18] 34.13. If they thought him a good man, why then had they condemned him as a bad man and a criminal? If they had found him a criminal, why then, after unfortunately entrusting a former consulship, were they now entrusting a second to him?

> Latin: 34.13. eodem honores poenasque congeri. si uirum bonum ducerent, quid ita pro malo ac noxio damnassent? si noxium comperissent, quid ita male credito priore consulatu alterum crederent?

[¶19] 34.14. When he made use of these and similar arguments and complaints, the fathers would rebuke him, and by reminding him that Marcus Furius, on being recalled from exile, had restored his native city when driven from her place —that, as in the case of parents, so the harshness of one's native city must be appeased by suffering and bearing it —through the united efforts of them all, they elected Marcus Livius consul with Gaius Claudius.

> Latin: 34.14. haec taliaque arguentem et querentem castigabant patres, et M. Furium memorantes reuocatum de exsilio patriam pulsam sede sua restituisse—ut parentium saeuitiam, sic patriae patiendo ac ferendo leniendam esse—, adnisi omnes cum <C.> Claudio M. Liuium consulem fecerunt.

[¶20] 35.1. On the third day after that the election of praetors took place. Lucius Porcius Licinus, Gaius Mamilius, Gaius Hostilius Cato and Aulus Hostilius Cato were elected praetors. After completing the elections and holding the games, the dictator and master of the horse abdicated office.

> Latin: 35.1. post diem tertium eius diei praetorum comitia habita. praetores creati L. Porcius Licinus C. Mamilius C. et A. Hostilii Catones. comitiis perfectis ludisque factis dictator et magister equitum magistratu abierunt.

[¶21] 35.2. Gaius Terentius Varro was sent into Etruria as propraetor, with the understanding that Gaius Hostilius should go from that province to Tarentum, to the army which Titus Quinctius, the consul, had had.

> Latin: 35.2. C. Terentius Uarro in Etruriam pro praetore missus ut ex ea prouincia C. Hostilius Tarentum ad eum exercitum iret quem T. Quinctius consul habuerat;

[¶22] 35.3. It was decreed also that Lucius Manlius should cross the sea as an emissary and ascertain what was going on there; at the same time, inasmuch as the Olympic Festival was to be held that summer —and, as they said, it was observed by a great multitude of Greeks —if he could be safe from the enemy, he should go to that gathering, so that such Sicilians as were there as refugees on account of the war, or citizens of Tarentum banished by Hannibal, might return and know that the Roman people was restoring to them all the possessions which they had held before the war.

> Latin: 35.3. et L. Manlius trans mare legatus iret uiseretque quae res ibi gererentur; simul quod Olympiae ludicrum ea aestate futurum erat quod maximo coetu Graeciae celebraretur, ut si tuto per hostem posset adiret id concilium ut qui Siculi bello ibi profugi aut Tarentini ciues relegati ab Hannibale essent, domos redirent scirentque sua omnia iis quae ante bellum habuissent reddere populum Romanum.

[¶23] 35.5. Inasmuch as a very dangerous year seemed impending, and the state had no consuls, everyone turned to the consuls-elect and wished that as soon as possible they should cast lots for their provinces and settle in advance what province and what enemy each of them was to have. Also a reconciliation between them was discussed in the senate, Quintus Fabius Maximus taking the initiative.

> Latin: 35.5. quia periculosissimus annus imminere uidebatur neque consules in re publica erant, in consules designatos omnes uersi quam primum eos sortiri prouincias et praesciscere quam quisque eorum prouinciam, quem hostem haberet uolebant.

[¶24] 35.6. Now between them was a well-known enmity, and for Livius his own downfall had embittered that enmity and made it more intolerable, because he believed that in that misfortune he had been treated with contempt.

> Latin: 35.6. de reconciliatione etiam gratiae eorum in senatu actum est principio facto a Q.

[¶25] 35.7. And so he was the more deaf to entreaty, and kept saying they had no need to be reconciled; that in every act each would show more spirit and alertness for fear an unfriendly colleague might have the opportunity to gain at his expense.

> Latin: 35.7. Fabio Maximo; inimicitiae autem nobiles inter eos erant et acerbiores eas indignioresque Liuio sua calamitas fecerat quod spretum se in ea fortuna credebat.

[¶26] 35.8. Nevertheless by the authority of the senate they were prevailed upon to lay aside their quarrels and to carry on the government with a common spirit and policy.

> Latin: 35.8. itaque is magis implacabilis erat et nihil opus esse reconciliatione aiebat: acrius et intentius omnia gesturos timentes ne crescendi ex se inimico collegae potestas fieret.

[¶27] 35.9. The provinces assigned to them were not locally indistinguishable, as in the preceding years, but separated by the whole length of Italy.

> Latin: 35.9. uicit tamen auctoritas senatus ut positis simultatibus communi animo consilioque administrarent rem publicam.

[¶28] 35.10. To the one was assigned the land of the Bruttii and Lucania facing Hannibal, to the other Gaul facing Hasdrubal, who was reported to be already nearing the Alps. Whichever of them should receive Gaul in the allotment was to choose the army he preferred out of the two that were in Gaul and in Etruria and the one at the city.

> Latin: 35.10. prouinciae iis non permixtae regionibus, sicut superioribus annis, sed diuersae extremis Italiae finibus, alteri aduersus Hannibalem Bruttii et Lucani, alteri Gallia aduersus Hasdrubalem quem iam Alpibus adpropinquare fama erat, decreta;

[¶29] 35.11. The consul to whom the land of the Bruttii should fall as his province was to enrol new legions for the city and take, at his own discretion, the army of one or the other of the consuls of the previous year.

> Latin: 35.11. exercitum e duobus qui in Gallia quique in Etruria esset addito urbano eligeret quem mallet, qui Galliam esset sortitus:

[¶30] 35.12. As for the army which was not taken by a consul, Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, was to take it, and his command was to be for one year.

> Latin: 35.12. cui Bruttii prouincia euenisset, nouis legionibus urbanis scriptis utrius mallet consulum prioris anni exercitum sumeret;

[¶31] 35.13. And for Gaius Hostilius, for whom they had made a change of provinces, Tarentum in place of Etruria, they made a change of Capua instead of Tarentum.

> Latin: 35.13. relictum a consule exercitum Q. Fuluius proconsul acciperet eique in annum imperium esset.

[¶32] 35.14. One legion was assigned to him, that which in the previous year Fulvius had commanded. In regard to Hasdrubal's coming to Italy anxiety was daily increasing. First, ambassadors from Massilia had announced that he had passed over into Gaul, and that the Gauls were aroused by his coming, because he was said to have brought a great amount of gold in order to hire mercenaries.

> Latin: 35.14. et C. Hostilio, cui pro Etruria Tarentum mutauerant prouinciam, pro Tarento Capuam mutauerunt; legio una data cui Fuluius proximo anno praefuerat. de Hasdrubalis aduentu in Italiam cura in dies crescebat. Massiliensium primum legati nuntiauerant eum in Galliam transgressum erectosque aduentu eius, quia magnum pondus auri attulisse diceretur ad mercede auxilia conducenda, Gallorum animos. missi deinde cum iis legati ab Roma Sex.

[¶33] 36.3. After that, Sextus Antistius and Marcus Raecius, who were sent with them from Rome as ambassadors to look into the matter, had reported that with Massilians as guides they had sent men to ascertain all the facts through leading Gauls who were guestfriends of their guides, and to report;

> Latin: 36.3. Antistius et M. Raecius ad rem inspiciendam rettulerant misisse se cum Massiliensibus ducibus qui per hospites eorum principes Gallorum omnia explorata referrent;

[¶34] 36.4. that they had established that Hasdrubal with a huge army already concentrated would cross the Alps the next spring, and that at that time nothing else was detaining him than that the Alps were closed by the winter.

> Latin: 36.4. pro comperto habere Hasdrubalem ingenti iam coacto exercitu proximo uere Alpes traiecturum, nec tum eum quicquam aliud morari nisi quod clausae hieme Alpes essent.

[¶35] 36.5. In place of Marcus Marcellus as augur Publius Aelius Paetus was elected and installed; and Gnaeus Cornelius Dolabella was installed as rex sacrorum in place of Marcus Marcius, who had died two years before.

> Latin: 36.5. in locum M. Marcelli P. Aelius Paetus augur creatus inauguratusque, et Cn. Cornelius Dolabella rex sacrorum inauguratus est in locum M. Marci qui biennio ante mortuus erat.

[¶36] 36.6. Also in the same year the lustration was completed by the censors, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.

> Latin: 36.6. hoc eodem anno et lustrum conditum est a censoribus P. Sempronio Tuditano et M. Cornelio Cethego.

[¶37] 36.7. Enrolled in the census were 137,108 citizens, a considerably smaller number than it had been before the war. In that year for the first time since Hannibal had invaded Italy it is recorded that the Comitium was covered, and that the Roman Games were repeated for one day by the curule aediles, Quintus Metellus and Gaius Servilius.

> Latin: 36.7. censa ciuium capita centum triginta septem milia centum octo, minor aliquanto numerus quam qui ante bellum fuerat.

[¶38] 36.8. And at the Plebeian Games there was a repetition for two days by order of Gaius Mamilius and Marcus Caecilius Metellus, plebeian aediles.

> Latin: 36.8. eo anno primum ex quo Hannibal in Italiam uenisset comitium tectum esse memoriae proditum est, et ludos Romanos semel instauratos ab aedilibus curulibus Q. Metello et C. Seruilio.

[¶39] 36.9. And they likewise gave three statues at the Temple of Ceres. There was also a banquet for Jupiter on account of the festival. Later on Gaius Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius entered upon their consulship, the latter for the second time.

> Latin: 36.9. et plebeiis ludis biduum instauratum a C. Mamilio et M. Caecilio Metello aedilibus plebis; et tria signa ad Cereris iidem dederunt; et Iouis epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[¶40] 36.10. Because as consuls-elect they had already cast lots for their provinces, they ordered the praetors to cast lots.

> Latin: 36.10. consulatum inde ineunt C. Claudius Nero et M. Liuius iterum, qui quia iam designati prouincias sortiti erant, praetores sortiti iusserunt.

[¶41] 36.11. To Gaius Hostilius fell the city praetorship; the foreign praetorship also was assigned to him, to enable three praetors to go out to provinces. Sardinia fell to Aulus Hostilius, Sicily to Gaius Mamilius, Gaul to Lucius Porcius. The total of the legions was twenty-three, divided as follows among the provinces:

> Latin: 36.11. C. Hostilio iurisdictio urbana euenit; addita et peregrina, ut tres in prouincias exire possent. A. Hostilio Sardinia, C. Mamilio Sicilia, L. Porcio Gallia euenit. summa legionum trium et uiginti ita per prouincias diuisa:

[¶42] 36.12. the consuls were each to have two legions, Spain four, each of three praetors was to have two, in Sicily and Sardinia and Gaul, Gaius Terentius to have two in Etruria, Quintus Fulvius two in the land of the Bruttii, Quintus Claudius two in the vicinity of Tarentum and the Sallentini, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus one at Capua.

> Latin: 36.12. binae consulum essent, quattuor Hispania haberet, binas tres praetores, in Sicilia et Sardinia et Gallia, duas C.

[¶43] 36.13. Two city legions were to be enrolled. For the first four legions the people elected the tribunes, to the rest of the legions tribunes were sent by the consuls.

> Latin: 36.13. Terentius in Etruria, duas Q. Fuluius in Bruttiis, duas Q. Claudius circa Tarentum et Sallentinos, unam C. Hostilius Tubulus Capuae; duae urbanae ut scriberentur. primis quattuor legionibus populus tribunos creauit: in ceteras consules miserunt.

[¶44] 37.1. Before the consuls set out there were nine days of rites, because stones had rained from the sky at Veii.

> Latin: 37.1. priusquam consules proficiscerentur nouendiale sacrum fuit quia Ueiis de caelo lapidauerat.

[¶45] 37.2. Following mention of one prodigy, as usual, others also were reported: that at Minturnae the Temple of Jupiter and the grove of Marica, also at Atella the city wall and a gate had been struck by lightning.

> Latin: 37.2. sub unius prodigii, ut fit, mentionem alia quoque nuntiata: Minturnis aedem Iouis et lucum Maricae, item Atellae murum et portam de caelo tactam;

[¶46] 37.3. To make it more terrible, the men of Minturnae added that there had been a river of blood in the gate. And at Capua a wolf had entered a gate at night and mangled a sentry.

> Latin: 37.3. Minturnenses, terribilius quod esset, adiciebant sanguinis riuum in porta fluxisse; et Capuae lupus nocte portam ingressus uigilem laniauerat.

[¶47] 37.4. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims, and a single day of prayer was observed by decree of the pontiffs. Then again the nine days of rites were repeated, because in the Armilustrum men saw a rain of stones.

> Latin: 37.4. haec procurata hostiis maioribus prodigia et supplicatio diem unum fuit ex decreto pontificum. inde iterum nouendiale instauratum quod in Armilustro lapidibus uisum pluere.

[¶48] 37.5. Relieved of their religious scruples, men were troubled again by the report that at Frusino there had been born a child as large as a four-year-old, and not so much a wonder for size as because, just as at Sinuessa two years before, it was uncertain whether male or female.

> Latin: 37.5. liberatas religione mentes turbauit rursus nuntiatum Frusinone natum esse infantem quadrimo parem nec magnitudine tam mirandum quam quod is quoque, ut Sinuessae biennio ante, incertus mas an femina esset natus erat.

[¶49] 37.6. In fact the soothsayers summoned from Etruria said it was a terrible and loathsome portent; it must be removed from Roman territory, far from contact with earth, and drowned in the sea.

> Latin: 37.6. id uero haruspices ex Etruria acciti foedum ac turpe prodigium dicere: extorrem agro Romano, procul terrae contactu, alto mergendum. uiuum in arcam condidere prouectumque in mare proiecerunt.

[¶50] 37.7. They put it alive into a chest, carried it out to sea and threw it overboard. The pontiffs likewise decreed that thrice nine maidens should sing a hymn as they marched through the city. While they were in the Temple of Jupiter Stator, learning that hymn, composed by Livius the poet, the Temple of Juno the Queen on the Aventine was struck by lightning.

> Latin: 37.7. decreuere item pontifices ut uirgines ter nouenae per urbem euntes carmen canerent. id cum in Iouis Statoris aede discerent conditum ab Liuio poeta carmen, tacta de caelo aedis in Auentino Iunonis reginae;

[¶51] 37.8. That this portent concerned the matrons was the opinion given by the soothsayers, and that the goddess must be appeased by a gift; whereupon the matrons domiciled in the city of Rome or within ten miles of it were summoned by an edict of the curule aediles to the Capitol. And from their own number they themselves chose twenty-five, to whom they should bring a contribution from their dowries.

> Latin: 37.8. prodigiumque id ad matronas pertinere haruspices cum respondissent donoque diuam placandam esse, aedilium curulium edicto in Capitolium conuocatae quibus in urbe Romana intraque decimum lapidem ab urbe domicilia essent, ipsae inter se quinque et uiginti delegerunt ad quas ex dotibus stipem conferrent;

[¶52] 37.10. Out of that a golden basin was made as a gift and carried to the Aventine, and the matrons after due purification offered sacrifice.

> Latin: 37.10. inde donum peluis aurea facta lataque in Auentinum, pureque et caste a matronis sacrificatum.

[¶53] 37.11. At once a day was appointed by the decemvirs for another sacrifice to the same goddess; and the order of procedure was as follows: from the Temple of Apollo two white cows were led through the Porta Carmentalis into the city; behind them were carried two statues of Juno the Queen in cypress wood.

> Latin: 37.11. confestim ad aliud sacrificium eidem diuae ab decemuiris edicta dies, cuius ordo talis fuit. ab aede Apollinis boues feminae albae duae porta Carmentali in urbem ductae; post eas duo signa cupressea Iunonis reginae portabantur;

[¶54] 37.12. Then the seven and twenty maidens in long robes marched, singing their hymn in honour of Juno the Queen, a song which to the untrained minds of that time may have deserved praise, but now, if repeated, would be repellent and uncouth.

> Latin: 37.12. tum septem et uiginti uirgines, longam indutae uestem, carmen in Iunonem reginam canentes ibant, illa tempestate forsitan laudabile rudibus ingeniis, nunc abhorrens et inconditum si referatur;

[¶55] 37.13. Behind the company of maidens followed the decemvirs wearing laurel garlands and purple-bordered togas.

> Latin: 37.13. uirginum ordinem sequebantur decemuiri coronati laurea praetextatique.

[¶56] 37.14. From the gate they proceeded along the Vicus Iugarius into the Forum. In the Forum the procession halted, and passing a rope from hand to hand the maidens advanced, accompanying the sound of the voice by beating time with their feet.

> Latin: 37.14. a porta Iugario uico in forum uenere; in foro pompa constitit et per manus reste data uirgines sonum uocis pulsu pedum modulantes incesserunt.

[¶57] 37.15. Then by way of the Vicus Tuscus and the Velabrum, through the Forum Boarium they made their way to the Clivus Publicius and the Temple of Juno the Queen. There the two victims were sacrificed by the decemvirs and the cypress statues borne into the temple.

> Latin: 37.15. inde uico Tusco Uelabroque per bouarium forum in cliuum Publicium atque aedem Iunonis reginae perrectum. ibi duae hostiae ab decemuiris immolatae et simulacra cupressea in aedem inlata.

[¶58] 38.1. After due appeasement of the gods the consuls conducted the levy more vigorously and more strictly than anyone remembered its conduct in previous years.

> Latin: 38.1. deis rite placatis dilectum consules habebant acrius intentiusque quam prioribus annis quisquam meminerat habitum;

[¶59] 38.2. For the terror of the war was doubled by the coming of a new enemy into Italy, and also there were fewer young men from whom to enlist soldiers.

> Latin: 38.2. nam et belli terror duplicatus noui hostis in Italiam aduentu et minus iuuentutis erat unde scriberent milites.

[¶60] 38.3. Accordingly they compelled even the men of the seaboard colonies, who, it was said, had an exemption that could not be touched, to furnish soldiers. When they refused, the consuls named a date for them to report to the senate on what basis each state had exemption.

> Latin: 38.3. itaque colonos etiam maritimos, qui sacrosanctam uacationem dicebantur habere, dare milites cogebant. quibus recusantibus edixere in diem certam ut quo quisque iure uacationem haberet ad senatum deferret.

[¶61] 38.4. On that day these came before the senate: Ostia, Alsium, Antium, Anxur, Minturnae, Sinuessa, and from the Upper Sea, Sena. Although each state read the evidence of its exemption, in no case except Antium and Ostia was exemption respected so long as the enemy was in Italy;

> Latin: 38.4. ea die ad senatum hi populi uenerunt, Ostiensis Alsiensis Antias Anxurnas Minturnensis Sinuessanus, et ab supero mari Senensis. cum uacationes suas quisque populus recitaret, nullius cum in Italia hostis esset praeter Antiatem Ostiensemque uacatio obseruata est;

[¶62] 38.5. and in the case of these colonies the younger men were made to swear that they would not pass the night outside the walls of their colony for more than thirty days, so long as the enemy was in Italy.

> Latin: 38.5. et earum coloniarum iuniores iure iurando adacti supra dies triginta non pernoctaturos se extra moenia coloniae suae donec hostis in Italia esset.

[¶63] 38.6. All the senators were indeed of the opinion that the consuls must take the field at the earliest possible moment. For they felt that Hasdrubal must be met as he came down from the Alps, to prevent his stirring up the Cisalpine Gauls or Etruria, which was already aroused to the hope of rebellion, and likewise that Hannibal must be kept busy with a war of his own, that he might not be able to leave the country of the Bruttii and go to meet his brother.

> Latin: 38.6. cum omnes censerent primo quoque tempore consulibus eundum ad bellum—nam et Hasdrubali occurrendum esse descendenti ab Alpibus ne Gallos Cisalpinos neue Etruriam erectam in spem rerum nouarum sollicitaret, et Hannibalem suo proprio occupandum bello ne emergere ex Bruttiis atque obuiam ire fratri posset—, Liuius cunctabatur parum fidens suarum prouinciarum exercitibus:

[¶64] 38.8. Nevertheless Livius was hesitating, having small confidence in the armies of his provinces, while his colleague, he thought, had his choice between two excellent consular armies and a third army which Quintus Claudius commanded at Tarentum. Livius had also mentioned a proposal to recall the slave volunteers to their standards.

> Latin: 38.8. collegam ex duobus consularibus egregiis exercitibus et tertio cui Q. Claudius Tarenti praeesset electionem habere; intuleratque mentionem de uolonibus reuocandis ad signa.

[¶65] 38.9. The senate gave the consuls unlimited power both to supplement from any source they pleased, and to choose out of all the armies men whom they preferred, and to exchange them, and to transfer them from their provinces whithersoever they thought to the advantage of the state.

> Latin: 38.9. senatus liberam potestatem consulibus fecit et supplendi unde uellent et eligendi de omnibus exercitibus quos uellent permutandique ex prouinciis quos e re publica censerent esse traducendos. ea omnia cum summa concordia consulum acta.

[¶66] 38.10. All of this was done with the greatest harmony on the part of the consuls.

> Latin: 38.10. uolones in undeuicensimam et uicensimam legiones scripti.

[¶67] 38.11. The slave volunteers were enrolled in the nineteenth and twentieth legions. Auxiliary forces of great strength, according to some of the authorities for this war, were sent from Spain as well to Marcus Livius by Publius Scipio, namely, eight thousand Spaniards and Gauls and two thousand legionary soldiers, one thousand eight' hundred cavalry, partly Numidians, partly Spanish.

> Latin: 38.11. magni roboris auxilia ex Hispania quoque a P. Scipione M. Liuio missa quidam ad id bellum auctores sunt, octo milia Hispanorum Gallorumque et duo milia de legione militum, equitum mille octingentos mixtos Numidas Hispanosque;

[¶68] 38.12. They report that Marcus Lucretius brought these troops by sea; and that about three thousand archers and slingers were sent from Sicily by Gaius Mamilius.

> Latin: 38.12. M. Lucretium has copias nauibus aduexisse; et sagittariorum funditorumque ad tria milia ex Sicilia C. Mamilium misisse.

[¶69] 39.1. At Rome the confusion was increased by the receipt of a letter from Gaul written by Lucius Porcius, the praetor, reporting that Hasdrubal had left his winter quarters and was already crossing the Alps; that eight thousand Ligurians, enrolled and armed, would join him after he had crossed into Italy, unless some one should be sent into Liguria to forestall them by a war; that he would himself advance, so far as he thought safe, with an army that was not strong.

> Latin: 39.1. auxerunt Romae tumultum litterae ex Gallia allatae ab L. Porcio praetore: Hasdrubalem mouisse ex hibernis et iam Alpes transire; octo milia Ligurum conscripta armataque coniunctura se transgresso in Italiam esse nisi mitteretur in Ligures qui eos bello occuparet; se cum inualido exercitu quoad tutum putaret progressurum.

[¶70] 39.3. This letter constrained the consuls to complete the levy in haste and to leave for their provinces earlier than they had planned, with this intention, that each of them should keep an enemy in his province, and not allow them to come together and combine their armies in one.

> Latin: 39.3. hae litterae consules raptim confecto dilectu maturius quam constituerant exire in prouincias coegerunt ea mente ut uterque hostem in sua prouincia contineret neque coniungi aut conferre in unum uires pateretur.

[¶71] 39.4. Of the greatest assistance in that direction was Hannibal's miscalculation. He had believed, indeed, that his brother would come over into Italy that summer; but when he recalled what he had himself endured during five months, in crossing first the Rhone, and then the Alps, in conflicts with men and the nature of the country, he looked forward to a crossing by no means so easy and so soon accomplished.

> Latin: 39.4. plurimum in eam rem adiuuit opinio Hannibalis quod, etsi ea aestate transiturum in Italiam fratrem crediderat, recordando quae ipse in transitu nunc Rhodani nunc Alpium cum hominibus locisque pugnando per quinque menses exhausisset, haudquaquam tam facilem maturumque transitum exspectabat;

[¶72] 39.5. This accounted for his slowness in leaving winter quarters.

> Latin: 39.5. ea tardius mouendi ex hibernis causa fuit.

[¶73] 39.6. But for Hasdrubal everything moved more quickly and more easily than had been expected by himself and others. For not only did the Arverni, and then in turn other Gallic and Alpine tribes, receive him, but they even followed him to war.

> Latin: 39.6. ceterum Hasdrubali et sua et aliorum spe omnia celeriora atque expeditiora fuere. non enim receperunt modo Aruerni eum deincepsque aliae Gallicae atque Alpinae gentes, sed etiam secutae sunt ad bellum;

[¶74] 39.7. And not merely was he leading an army through country for the most part made passable by his brother's crossing, although previously trackless, but, thanks to the opening up of the Alps by twelve years of habitual use, they were also crossing through tribes now less savagely disposed.

> Latin: 39.7. et cum per munita pleraque transitu fratris quae antea inuia fuerant ducebat, tum etiam duodecim annorum adsuetudine peruiis Alpibus factis inter mitiora iam transibant hominum ingenia.

[¶75] 39.8. For previously, being never seen by strange peoples and unaccustomed themselves to see a stranger in their own land, they were unfriendly to the human race in general. And at first, not knowing whither the Carthaginian was bound, they had believed that their own rocks and fastnesses and booty in cattle and men were the objects of attack.

> Latin: 39.8. inuisitati namque antea alienigenis nec uidere ipsi aduenam in sua terra adsueti, omni generi humano insociabiles erant; et primo ignari quo Poenus pergeret suas rupes suaque castella et pecorum hominumque praedam peti crediderant;

[¶76] 39.9. Then reports of the Punic war, with which Italy had been aflame for eleven years, had made it quite plain to them that the Alps were merely a route; that two very powerful cities, separated from each other by a wide expanse of sea and land, were contending for empire and supremacy. These were the reasons which had opened the Alps for Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 39.9. fama deinde Punici belli quo duodecimum annum Italia urebatur satis edocuerat uiam tantum Alpes esse; duas praeualidas urbes magno inter se maris terrarumque spatio discretas de imperio et opibus certare. hae causae aperuerant Alpes Hasdrubali.

[¶77] 39.10. But what had been gained by the rapidity of his march he lost by delaying before Placentia, in a futile blockade rather than a siege.

> Latin: 39.10. ceterum quod celeritate itineris profectum erat, id mora ad Placentiam dum frustra obsidet magis quam oppugnat corrupit.

[¶78] 39.12. He had believed that the storming of a town in the plain was easy, and the reputation of the colony had led him on, thinking that by the destruction of that city he would inspire great alarm in the others.

> Latin: 39.12. crediderat campestris oppidi facilem expugnationem esse, et nobilitas coloniae induxerat eum, magnum se excidio eius urbis terrorem ceteris ratum iniecturum.

[¶79] 39.13. Not only did he hinder himself by that siege, but he had kept back Hannibal, who was just preparing to leave winter quarters, on hearing so much sooner than he had expected news of his brother's crossing. For Hannibal recalled not only how slow was the besieging of cities, but also how vainly he had himself attempted to take that same colony, upon returning as a victor from the Trebia.

> Latin: 39.13. non ipse se solum ea oppugnatione impediit, sed Hannibalem post famam transitus eius tanto spe sua celeriorem iam mouentem ex hibernis continuerat, quippe reputantem non solum quam lenta urbium oppugnatio esset sed etiam quam ipse frustra eandem illam coloniam ab Trebia uictor regressus temptasset.

[¶80] 40.1. The setting out of the consuls from the city in opposite directions, as though for two wars at the same time, had drawn men's anxious thoughts both ways, while they not only remembered what disasters the first coming of Hannibal had brought into Italy, but also were tormented by this anxiety: what gods were to be so kindly disposed to the city and the empire that the state should meet with success at the same time in both quarters?

> Latin: 40.1. consules diuersis itineribus profecti ab urbe uelut in duo pariter bella distenderant curas hominum, simul recordantium quas primus aduentus Hannibalis intulisset Italiae clades, simul cum illa angeret cura, quos tam propitios urbi atque imperio fore deos ut eodem tempore utrobique res publica prospere gereretur?

[¶81] 40.2. It was with a balancing of defeats so far by victories, they thought, that matters had dragged on up to that time.

> Latin: 40.2. adhuc aduersa secundis pensando rem ad id tempus extractam esse.

[¶82] 40.3. When in Italy at Trasumennus and Cannae the Roman state had gone down to defeat, victorious campaigns in Spain had saved her from falling.

> Latin: 40.3. cum in Italia ad Trasumennum et Cannas praecipitasset Romana res, prospera bella in Hispania prolapsam eam erexisse;

[¶83] 40.4. Later, when in Spain one disaster after another had partially destroyed two armies with the loss of two extraordinary generals, many successes in Italy and Sicily had supported the tottering state.

> Latin: 40.4. postea, cum in Hispania alia super aliam clades duobus egregiis ducibus amissis duos exercitus ex parte delesset, multa secunda in Italia Siciliaque gesta quassatam rem publicam excepisse;

[¶84] 40.5. And the very distance, they said, in that one of the wars was fought in the remotest part of the world, had given time to recover breath.

> Latin: 40.5. et ipsum interuallum loci, quod in ultimis terrarum oris alterum bellum gereretur, spatium dedisse ad respirandum.

[¶85] 40.6. But now two wars had been admitted into Italy, two generals of the greatest celebrity were encircling the city of Rome, and upon one spot the whole mass, the entire weight of the danger had settled. Whichever of them was the first to win a victory would within a few days unite his camp with the other's. Alarm was caused also by the preceding year, saddened by the death of two consuls.

> Latin: 40.6. nunc duo bella in Italiam accepta, duo celeberrimi nominis duces circumstare urbem Romanam, et unum in locum totam periculi molem, omne onus incubuisse. qui eorum prior uicisset, intra paucos dies castra cum altero iuncturum.

[¶86] 40.7. Troubled by such anxieties men escorted the consuls as they parted, leaving for their provinces.

> Latin: 40.7. terrebat et proximus annus lugubris duorum consulum funeribus. his anxii curis homines digredientes in prouincias consules prosecuti sunt.

[¶87] 40.8. It is related that when Marcus Livius, still filled with resentment toward his fellow-citizens, was setting out for the war, and Quintus Fabius warned him not to engage the enemy rashly, before he had come to know their character, he replied that he would fight when he first caught sight of the enemy's column.

> Latin: 40.8. memoriae proditum est plenum adhuc irae in ciues M. Liuium ad bellum proficiscentem monenti Q. Fabio ne priusquam genus hostium cognosset temere manum consereret, respondisse ubi primum hostium agmen conspexisset pugnaturum.

[¶88] 40.9. When the question was asked what reason he had for haste, he said, “I shall win either great fame from the enemy, or from my defeated fellow-citizens a joy that surely is earned, even if not to my credit.”

> Latin: 40.9. cum quaereretur quae causa festinandi esset, 'aut ex hoste egregiam gloriam' inquit 'aut ex ciuibus uictis gaudium meritum certe, etsi non honestum, capiam'.

[¶89] 40.10. Before Claudius, the consul, reached his province, as Hannibal was leading his army along the very border of the territory of... into the country of the Sallentini, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus with cohorts unencumbered by baggage attacked him and caused terrible confusion in the straggling column.

> Latin: 40.10. priusquam Claudius consul in prouinciam perueniret per extremum finem agri †Larinatis ducentem in Sallentinos exercitum Hannibalem expeditis cohortibus adortus C. Hostilius Tubulus incomposito agmini terribilem tumultum intulit;

[¶90] 40.11. He slew about four thousand men and captured nine military standards. On hearing of the approach of the enemy, Quintus Claudius, who had his camps established near the various cities of the Sallentine territory, had left his winter quarters.

> Latin: 40.11. ad quattuor milia hominum occidit, nouem signa militaria cepit. mouerat ex hibernis ad famam hostis Q. Claudius, qui per urbes agri Sallentini castra disposita habebat.

[¶91] 40.12. Accordingly, not to engage two armies at the same time, Hannibal moved his camp out of the region of Tarentum by night and retired into the country of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 40.12. itaque ne cum duobus exercitibus simul confligeret Hannibal nocte castra ex agro Tarentino mouit atque in Bruttios concessit.

[¶92] 40.13. Claudius turned his column into the territory of the Sallentini, while Hostilius on his way to Capua met the consul Claudius near Venusia.

> Latin: 40.13. Claudius in Sallentinos agmen conuertit, Hostilius Capuam petens obuius ad Uenusiam fuit consuli Claudio.

[¶93] 40.14. There forty thousand infantry and twenty-five hundred horsemen were selected from both their armies, that with them the consul might campaign against Hannibal, As for the rest of the forces, Hostilius was ordered to lead them to Capua, to be handed over to Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul.

> Latin: 40.14. ibi ex utroque exercitu electa peditum quadraginta milia, duo milia et quingenti equites, quibus consul aduersus Hannibalem rem gereret: reliquas copias Hostilius Capuam ducere iussus ut Q. Fuluio proconsuli traderet.

[¶94] 41.1. Hannibal, after concentrating the army which he had kept in winter quarters or garrisons in the land of the Bruttii, came to Grumentum in Lucania, in the hope of recovering the towns which out of fear had gone over to the Romans.

> Latin: 41.1. Hannibal undique contracto exercitu quem in hibernis aut in praesidiis agri Bruttii habuerat, in Lucanos ad Grumentum uenit spe recipiendi oppida quae per metum ad Romanos defecissent.

[¶95] 41.2. The Roman consul hastened from Venusia to the same place, reconnoitring as he advanced, and pitched camp about fifteen hundred paces from the enemy.

> Latin: 41.2. eodem a Uenusia consul Romanus exploratis itineribus contendit et mille fere et quingentos passus castra locat ab hoste.

[¶96] 41.3. The Carthaginians' earthwork seemed almost in contact with the walls of Grumentum; the distance was only five hundred paces. Between the Punic camp and the Roman lay a plain.

> Latin: 41.3. Grumenti moenibus prope iniunctum uidebatur Poenorum uallum; quingenti passus intererant.

[¶97] 41.4. Bare hills overhung the left flank of the Carthaginians and the right flank of the Romans, without arousing suspicions for either army, because they had no woods nor any hiding-places for an ambush.

> Latin: 41.4. castra Punica ac Romana interiacebat campus: colles imminebant nudi sinistro lateri Carthaginiensium, dextro Romanorum, neutris suspecti quod nihil siluae neque ad insidias latebrarum habebant.

[¶98] 41.5. In the plain between them charges starting from outposts brought on engagements not important enough to be mentioned. It was evident that the Roman general's only object was not to allow the enemy to get away. But Hannibal in his eagerness to make his way out of the place would go down into battle-line with all his forces.

> Latin: 41.5. in medio campo ab stationibus procursantes certamina haud satis digna dictu serebant. id modo Romanum quaerere apparebat ne abire hostem pateretur: Hannibal inde euadere cupiens totis uiribus in aciem descendebat.

[¶99] 41.6. Then the consul, using the enemy's talent, all the more readily that on such exposed hills ambuscades could not be feared, commanded five cohorts, with five maniples in addition, to cross over the ridge in the night, and to post themselves on the farther side of the hills.

> Latin: 41.6. tum consul ingenio hostis usus, quo minus in tam apertis collibus timeri insidiae poterant, quinque cohortes additis quinque manipulis nocte iugum superare et in auersis collibus considere iubet:

[¶100] 41.7. As to the time for them to rise from ambush and attack the enemy he instructed Tiberius Claudius Asellus, tribune of the soldiers, and Publius Claudius, prefect of the allies, officers whom he was sending with them.

> Latin: 41.7. tempus exsurgendi ex insidiis et adgrediendi hostem Ti. Claudium Asellum tribunum militum et P. Claudium praefectum socium edocet, quos cum iis mittebat.

[¶101] 41.8. At daybreak he himself led out all his forces, infantry and cavalry, into battle-line. A little later the signal for battle was set up by Hannibal also, and a shout was raised in the camp as the men rushed in all directions to get their arms. Then cavalry and infantry in rivalry dashed out of the gates and, scattering over the plain, made haste to reach the enemy.

> Latin: 41.8. ipse luce prima copias omnes peditum equitumque in aciem eduxit. paulo post et ab Hannibale signum pugnae propositum est clamorque in castris ad arma discurrentium est sublatus; inde eques pedesque certatim portis ruere ac palati per campum properare ad hostes.

[¶102] 41.9. On seeing their disorder, the consul ordered Gaius Aurunculeius, tribune of the soldiers of the third legion, to send out the cavalry of the legion with all possible momentum against the enemy, saying that they had scattered so widely, like sheep, in disorder over the whole plain that they could be routed and crushed before they were drawn up in line.

> Latin: 41.9. quos ubi effusos consul uidet, tribuno militum tertiae legionis C. Aurunculeio imperat ut equites legionis quanto maximo impetu possit in hostem emittat: ita pecorum modo incompositos toto passim se campo fudisse ut sterni obterique priusquam instruantur possint.

[¶103] 42.1. Not yet had Hannibal left the camp when he heard the shouting of the combatants. Accordingly, being summoned by the uproar, he rapidly moved his troops up to the enemy.

> Latin: 42.1. nondum Hannibal e castris exierat cum pugnantium clamorem audiuit; itaque excitus tumultu raptim ad hostem copias agit.

[¶104] 42.2. Already the foremost had been seized with the panic caused by the cavalry. Of the Roman infantry also the first legion and the right ala were coming into battle. In disorder the enemy engaged, just as chance brought a man face to face with either a foot-soldier or a horseman.

> Latin: 42.2. iam primos occupauerat equestris terror; peditum etiam prima legio et dextra ala proelium inibat. incompositi hostes, ut quemque aut pediti aut equiti casus obtulit, ita conserunt manus.

[¶105] 42.3. The battle was enlarged by the reserves and increased by the numbers of men rushing into the fray. And while his men were actually fighting, in spite of the uproar and the panic, Hannibal would have drawn them up —a thing not easy except in a veteran army and for a veteran commander —if from the rear the sound of the shouting cohorts and maniples, as they dashed down the hillsides, had not inspired the fear of being cut off from the camp.

> Latin: 42.3. crescit pugna subsidiis et procurrentium ad certamen numero augetur; pugnantesque —quod nisi in uetere exercitu et duce ueteri haud facile est—inter tumultum ac terrorem instruxisset Hannibal, ni cohortium ac manipulorum decurrentium per colles clamor ab tergo auditus metum ne intercluderentur a castris iniecisset.

[¶106] 42.5. Thereupon they were panic-stricken and flight began on all sides. And the slaughter was less only because the nearness of the camp shortened flight for the routed. For the cavalry clung close to their rear; on the flank the cohorts, charging down the slope of the hills by an open, easy road, had attacked them.

> Latin: 42.5. inde pauor incussus et fuga passim fieri coepta est; minorque caedes fuit, quia propinquitas castrorum breuiorem fugam perculsis fecit. equites enim tergo inhaerebant; in transuersa latera inuaserant cohortes secundis collibus uia nuda ac facili decurrentes.

[¶107] 42.7. However, more than eight thousand men were slain, more than seven hundred captured; nine military standards were taken. Of the elephants also, of which no use had been made in a battle sudden and disorderly, four were slain, two captured.

> Latin: 42.7. tamen supra octo milia hominum occisa, [supra] septingenti capti; signa militaria nouem adempta; elephanti etiam, quorum nullus usus in repentina ac tumultuaria pugna fuerat, quattuor occisi, duo capti.

[¶108] 42.8. About five hundred Romans and allies fell although victorious. On the next day the Carthaginian remained inactive. The Roman led his forces out into line, and on seeing that no standard-bearer was advancing against him, ordered the spoils of the fallen enemies to be gathered and the bodies of his own men to be brought together and buried.

> Latin: 42.8. circa quingentos Romanorum sociorumque uictores ceciderunt. postero die Poenus quieuit: Romanus, in aciem copiis eductis postquam neminem signa contra efferre uidit, spolia legi caesorum hostium et suorum corpora conlata in unum sepeliri iussit.

[¶109] 42.9. Then for several days in succession he came up so close to the gates that he almost seemed to be advancing into the camp, until at the third watch Hannibal set out, leaving numerous fires and tents in that part of the camp which faced the enemy, also a few Numidians to show themselves on the earthwork and at the gates; and he pushed on toward Apulia.

> Latin: 42.9. inde insequentibus continuis diebus aliquot ita institit portis ut prope inferre signa uideretur, donec Hannibal tertia uigilia crebris ignibus tabernaculisque quae pars castrorum ad hostes uergebat et Numidis paucis qui in uallo portisque se ostenderent relictis profectus Apuliam petere intendit.