---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 38 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 38. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 38. Book XXVIII · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. WHILE the passage of Hasdrubal, by shifting the war to Italy, was felt to have lightened in proportion the burden for Spain, suddenly a war as dangerous as the former broke out again in that country.

> Latin: 1.1. cum transitu Hasdrubalis quantum in Italiam declinauerat belli tantum leuatae Hispaniae uiderentur, renatum ibi subito par priori bellum est.

[¶1] 1.2. Spanish territory was at that time occupied by Romans and Carthaginians as follows:

> Latin: 1.2. Hispanias ea tempestate sic habebant Romani Poenique: Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius ad Oceanum penitus Gadesque concesserat:

[¶2] 1.3. Hasdrubal son of Gisgo had retired all the way to the Ocean and Gades; the coast of Our Sea and nearly all of Spain facing eastward were under Scipio and Roman rule;

> Latin: 1.3. nostri maris ora omnisque ferme Hispania qua in orientem uergit Scipionis ac Romanae dicionis erat.

[¶3] 1.4. a new commander, Hanno, as successor to Hasdrubal Barca had crossed over from Africa with a new army, and uniting with Mago, had promptly armed men in large numbers in Celtiberia, which lies directly between the two seas.

> Latin: 1.4. nouus imperator Hanno in locum Barcini Hasdrubalis nouo cum exercitu ex Africa transgressus Magonique iunctus cum in Celtiberia, quae media inter duo maria est, breui magnum hominum numerum armasset, Scipio aduersus eum M.

[¶4] 1.5. Whereupon Scipio sent Marcus Silanus with not more than ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry against Hanno. Silanus made his marches as long as possible, being hampered, however, both by rough roads and narrow passes frequently hemmed in by wooded mountains, as is usual in Spain. Nevertheless he outstripped not only messengers reporting his approach but even rumours of it, and guided by deserters from the same Celtiberia he made his way to the enemy.

> Latin: 1.5. Silanum cum decem haud amplius milibus militum, equitibus quingentis misit. Silanus quantis maximis potuit itineribus—impediebant autem et asperitates uiarum et angustiae saltibus crebris, ut pleraque Hispaniae sunt, inclusae—tamen non solum nuntios sed etiam famam aduentus sui praegressus, ducibus indidem ex Celtiberia transfugis ad hostem peruenit.

[¶5] 1.7. From the same informants it was learned, when they were about ten miles from the enemy, that there were two camps, one on each side of the road along which they were moving; that, on the left lay the Celtiberians, a new army, over nine thousand men, on the right the Carthaginian camp;

> Latin: 1.7. eisdem auctoribus compertum est cum decem circiter milia ab hoste abessent bina castra circa uiam qua irent esse; laeua Celtiberos nouum exercitum, supra nouem milia hominum, dextra Punica tenere castra;

[¶6] 1.8. that this was strongly defended by outposts, sentries and all the protection usual in the field, while the other camp was lax and carelessly guarded, as belonging to barbarians who were raw recruits and less afraid because they were in their own country. Silanus, thinking this camp must be attacked first, ordered the standards to move as far to the left as possible, for fear he might be seen from somewhere by the Carthaginian outposts.

> Latin: 1.8. ea stationibus uigiliis omni iusta militari custodia tuta et firma esse: illa altera soluta neglectaque, ut barbarorum et tironum et minus timentium quod in sua terra essent. ea prius adgredienda ratus Silanus signa quam maxime ad laeuam iubebat ferri, necunde ab stationibus Punicis conspiceretur;

[¶7] 1.9. He sent scouts in advance and himself proceeded towards the enemy with a swiftly moving column.

> Latin: 1.9. ipse praemissis speculatoribus citato agmine ad hostem pergit.

[¶8] 2.1. He was some three miles away when not one of the enemy had yet noticed them; a rugged terrain and brush-covered hills kept them concealed.

> Latin: 2.1. tria milia ferme aberat, cum hauddum quisquam hostium senserat; confragosa loca, et obsiti uirgultis tegebant colles.

[¶9] 2.2. There in a deep valley that was consequently unseen he bade his soldiers sit down and take food. Meantime came the scouts confirming the deserters' reports.

> Latin: 2.2. ibi in caua ualle atque ob id occulta considere militem et cibum capere iubet; interim speculatores transfugarum dicta adfirmantes uenerunt;

[¶10] 2.3. Then the Romans piled their light baggage in the centre, took up their arms and advanced to fight in regular line of battle. They were a mile away when they were seen by the enemy, who suddenly began to show alarm. Mago too, leaving his camp at the first shouting and uproar, rode up at a gallop. In the army of the Celtiberians there were four thousand men with long shields and two hundred horsemen.

> Latin: 2.3. tum sarcinis in medium coniectis arma Romani capiunt acieque iusta in pugnam uadunt. mille passuum aberant, cum ab hoste conspecti sunt trepidarique repente coeptum; et Mago ex castris citato equo ad primum clamorem et tumultum aduehitur.

[¶11] 2.4. This complete legion —and they were the best of his troops —was placed in the front line. The rest, the light-armed, he posted as reserves.

> Latin: 2.4. erant in Celtiberorum exercitu quattuor milia scutata et ducenti equites; hanc iustam legionem—et id ferme roboris erat—in prima acie locat: ceteros leuem armaturam in subsidiis posuit.

[¶12] 2.5. While he was leading the men in that order out of their camp and they had scarcely got beyond the rampart, the Romans hurled their javelins at them.

> Latin: 2.5. cum ita instructos educeret e castris, uixdum in egressos uallo [eos] Romani pila coniecerunt.

[¶13] 2.6. The Spaniards squatted down to meet the enemy's volley; then they in turn rose to hurl their weapons. After the Romans in dense array, as usual, had received these on their shields held close together, men fought at close quarters and began to use swords.

> Latin: 2.6. subsidunt Hispani aduersus emissa tela ab hoste, inde ad mittenda ipsi consurgunt; quae cum Romani conferti, ut solent, densatis excepissent scutis, tum pes cum pede conlatus et gladiis geri res coepta est.

[¶14] 2.7. But the roughness of the ground made nimbleness of no use to the Celtiberians, whose custom it is to be skirmishers in battle, and at the same time it was not unfavourable for the Romans, accustomed to a static order of battle, except that restricted spaces and intervening thickets broke up their ranks, and they were forced to engage now singly, now in couples, as though with men paired against them. Whatever hampered the flight of the enemy exposed them to slaughter, as if they were fettered.

> Latin: 2.7. ceterum asperitas locorum et Celtiberis, quibus in proelio concursare mos est, uelocitatem inutilem faciebat, et haud iniqua eadem erat Romanis stabili pugnae adsuetis, nisi quod angustiae et internata uirgulta ordines dirimebant et singuli binique uelut cum paribus conserere pugnam cogebantur.

[¶15] 2.9. And now that nearly all the Celtiberian heavy infantry had been slain, the light-armed and the Carthaginians who had come to their aid from the other camp were being routed and cut down.

> Latin: 2.9. quod ad fugam impedimento hostibus erat, id ad caedem eos uelut uinctos praebebat;

[¶16] 2.10. Not more than two thousand infantry and all the cavalry escaped with Mago almost at the beginning of the battle.

> Latin: 2.10. et iam ferme omnibus scutatis Celtiberorum interfectis leuis armatura et Carthaginienses, qui ex alteris castris subsidio uenerant, perculsi caedebantur.

[¶17] 2.11. Hanno, the second in command, was captured alive with those who had been the last to arrive when the battle was nearly over. Almost all the cavalry and such old soldiers as there were in the infantry followed Mago in flight and on the tenth day reached Hasdrubal in the region of Gades.

> Latin: 2.11. duo haud amplius milia peditum et equitatus omnis uix inito proelio cum Magone effugerunt: Hanno alter imperator cum eis qui postremi iam profligato proelio aduenerant uiuus capitur.

[¶18] 2.12. The newly recruited Celtiberians slipped away into the neighbouring forests and thence scattered to their homes. This very timely victory had made a sudden end, not so much indeed of the war already in progress, as of the resources for some subsequent war, had it been possible for the Carthaginians, after calling out the Celtiberian nation, to entice other tribes also to take up arms.

> Latin: 2.12. Magonem fugientem equitatus ferme omnis et quod ueterum peditum erat secuti, decimo die in Gaditanam prouinciam ad Hasdrubalem peruenerunt: Celtiberi nouus miles in proximas dilapsi siluas inde domos diffugerunt. peropportuna uictoria nequaquam tantum iam conflatum bellum, quanta futuri materia belli, si licuisset iis Celtiberorum gente excita et alios ad arma sollicitare populos, oppressa erat.

[¶19] 2.14. Accordingly Scipio praised Silanus in generous terms and cherished the hope of ending the war if only he should not retard the fulfilment by his own delaying. Aiming to finish what remained of the war he proceeded into the farthest part of Spain against Hasdrubal. The Carthaginian, in order to ensure the loyalty of his allies, had his camp at that time, as it happened, in Baetica.

> Latin: 2.14. itaque conlaudato benigne Silano Scipio spem debellandi si nihil eam ipse cunctando moratus esset nactus, ad id quod reliquum belli erat in ultimam Hispaniam aduersus Hasdrubalem pergit.

[¶20] 2.15. Nevertheless he suddenly took up his standards and with the appearance of a flight rather than of a march led his men all the way to the Ocean and Gades.

> Latin: 2.15. Poenus cum castra tum forte in Baetica ad sociorum animos continendos in fide haberet, signis repente sublatis fugae magis quam itineris modo penitus ad Oceanum et Gades ducit.

[¶21] 2.16. But before taking ship along the strait to Gades, thinking he would be the object of attack so long as he kept his army together, he scattered his entire force among the cities in every direction, that they might defend themselves by walls and at the same time defend walled cities by their arms.

> Latin: 2.16. ceterum, quoad continuisset exercitum, propositum bello se fore ratus, antequam freto Gades traiceret exercitum omnem passim in ciuitates diuisit ut et muris se ipsi et armis muros tutarentur.

[¶22] 3.1. Scipio, observing that the field of operations was widely extended, and that to attack the cities one after another would be a protracted task, if not a great one, turned back.

> Latin: 3.1. Scipio ubi animaduertit dissipatum passim bellum, et circumferre ad singulas urbes arma diutini magis quam magni esse operis, retro uertit iter.

[¶23] 3.2. Not to leave the region, however, to the enemy, he sent his brother Lucius Scipio with ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry to besiege the wealthiest city in that country —Orongis the barbarians called it. It is situated in the territory of the Maesesses, a Bastetanian tribe. Its land is fruitful; the inhabitants mine silver also.

> Latin: 3.2. ne tamen hostibus eam relinqueret regionem, L. Scipionem fratrem cum decem milibus peditum, mille equitum ad oppugnandam opulentissimam in iis locis urbem—Orongin barbari appellabant—mittit. sita in Maesessum finibus est, Hispanae gentis;

[¶24] 3.3. That city had been a stronghold for Hasdrubal in making-raids among the tribes of the interior.

> Latin: 3.3. ager frugifer; argentum etiam incolae fodiunt. ea arx fuerat Hasdrubali ad excursiones circa mediterraneos populos faciendas.

[¶25] 3.4. Scipio pitched his camp near the city and before investing it sent men up to the gates to sound the inhabitants by speaking to them from a short distance, urging them to test the friendship of the Romans rather than their power.

> Latin: 3.4. Scipio castris prope urbem positis, priusquam circumuallaret urbem misit ad portas qui ex propinquo adloquio animos temptarent suaderentque ut amicitiam potius quam uim experirentur Romanorum.

[¶26] 3.5. When no peaceable replies were forthcoming, he surrounded the city with a trench and a double earthwork and divided his army into three parts, so that one third should always be attacking while two thirds in the meantime were resting.

> Latin: 3.5. ubi nihil pacati respondebatur, fossa duplicique uallo circumdata urbe in tres partes exercitum diuidit ut una semper pars quietis interim duabus oppugnaret.

[¶27] 3.6. When the first third essayed an attack there was, to be sure, a fierce battle and indecisive. It was not easy to come near the walls for the shower of missiles, nor to bring up ladders.

> Latin: 3.6. prima pars cum adorta †oppugnare est,† atrox sane et anceps proelium fuit; non subire, non scalas ferre ad muros prae incidentibus telis facile erat;

[¶28] 3.7. Some who had succeeded in raising their ladders against the walls were pushed down by forks made for that very purpose, others had iron grappling-hooks lowered upon them from above, so that they were in danger of being caught up and dragged to the top of the wall.

> Latin: 3.7. etiam qui erexerant ad murum scalas, alii furcis ad id ipsum factis detrudebantur, in alios lupi superne ferrei iniecti ut in periculo essent ne suspensi in murum extraherentur.

[¶29] 3.8. When Scipio noted that owing to the greatly inferior number of his men the struggle was evenly balanced, and that the enemy had an advantage already in fighting from the wall, he attacked the city with two thirds of his men at the same time, having recalled the first third.

> Latin: 3.8. quod ubi animaduertit Scipio nimia paucitate suorum exaequatum certamen esse et iam eo superare hostem quod ex muro pugnaret, duabus simul partibus prima recepta urbem est adgressus.

[¶30] 3.9. This inspired so much alarm among men already spent in fighting with the first to attack them that the townsmen in sudden flight abandoned the walls and for fear the city had been betrayed the Carthaginian garrison also left their posts and gathered in one place.

> Latin: 3.9. quae res tantum pauoris iniecit fessis iam cum primis pugnando, ut et oppidani moenia repentina fuga desererent et Punicum praesidium metu ne prodita urbs esset relictis stationibus in unum se conligeret.

[¶31] 3.10. Then the men of the town were possessed by the fear that, if the enemy should enter the city, those whom they happened to meet anywhere would be slain with no distinction between Carthaginian and Spaniard.

> Latin: 3.10. timor inde oppidanos incessit ne, si hostis urbem intrasset, sine discrimine Poenus an Hispanus esset obuii passim caederentur;

[¶32] 3.11. Accordingly they suddenly opened a gate and dashed out of the town in large numbers, holding their shields in front of them for fear weapons might be hurled at long range, but displaying their right hands empty, so that it should be clear that they had thrown away their swords.

> Latin: 3.11. itaque patefacta repente porta frequentes ex oppido sese eiecerunt, scuta prae se tenentes ne tela procul conicerentur, dextras nudas ostentantes ut gladios abiecisse appareret.

[¶33] 3.12. Whether this was not seen owing to distance, or whether some ruse was suspected, has not been ascertained. The Romans, making an attack upon the deserters, cut them down like an opposing battle-line; and by the same gate hostile units entered the city.

> Latin: 3.12. id utrum parum ex interuallo sit conspectum an dolus aliquis suspectus fuerit incompertum est; impetus hostilis in transfugas factus, nec secus quam aduersa acies caesi;

[¶34] 3.13. Elsewhere also gates were being hewed to pieces and broken open with hatchets and pickaxes, while a cavalryman on entering would ride ahead at full speed to seize the forum; for such were their orders. A detachment of triarii also had been assigned to support the cavalry.

> Latin: 3.13. eademque porta signa infesta urbi inlata. et aliis partibus securibus dolabrisque caedebantur portae et refringebantur, et ut quisque intrauerat eques, ad forum occupandum—ita enim praeceptum erat—citato equo pergebat.

[¶35] 3.14. The legionaries made their way through the other quarters of the city. They refrained from plundering and from slaying those they met, except when men defended themselves with arms.

> Latin: 3.14. additum erat et triariorum equiti praesidium; legionarii ceteras partes urbis peruadunt. direptione et caede obuiorum, nisi qui armis se tuebantur, abstinuerunt.

[¶36] 3.15. The Carthaginians were all put under guard, also about three hundred of the citizens who had closed the gates.

> Latin: 3.15. Carthaginienses omnes in custodiam dati sunt, oppidanorum quoque trecenti ferme qui clauserant portas;

[¶37] 3.16. The town was handed over to the rest and their property restored. About two thousand of the enemy were slain in the siege of the city, of the Romans not more than ninety.

> Latin: 3.16. ceteris traditum oppidum, suae redditae res. cecidere in urbis eius oppugnatione hostium duo milia ferme, Romanorum haud amplius nonaginta.

[¶38] 4.1. The storming of that city brought joy not only to those who took part in the exploit but also to the commander-in-chief and the rest of his army; and the troops made their approach an impressive sight, as they drove before them a great crowd of captives.

> Latin: 4.1. laeta et ipsis qui rem gessere urbis eius expugnatio fuit et imperatori ceteroque exercitui; et speciosum aduentum suum ingentem turbam captiuorum prae se agentes fecerunt.

[¶39] 4.2. Scipio warmly praised his brother, with the highest possible compliment placing his capture of Orongis on the same level as his own capture of (New) Carthage. Thereupon, and because winter was at hand, so that he was unable either to attack Gades or to follow up Hasdrubal's army, widely scattered throughout the province, he led all his forces back into Hither Spain.

> Latin: 4.2. Scipio conlaudato fratre cum quanto poterat uerborum honore Carthagini ab se captae captam ab eo Orongin aequasset, quia et hiemps instabat ut nec temptare Gades nec disiectum passim per prouinciam exercitum Hasdrubalis consectari posset, in citeriorem Hispaniam omnes suas copias reduxit;

[¶40] 4.4. After sending the legions away to their winter quarters and his brother Lucius Scipio to Rome, and with him Hanno, a general of the enemy, and the rest of the noble captives, he himself retired to Tarraco.

> Latin: 4.4. dimissisque in hiberna legionibus L. Scipione fratre Romam misso et Hannone hostium imperatore ceterisque nobilibus captiuis ipse Tarraconem concessit.

[¶41] 4.5. The same year a Roman fleet under Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the proconsul, was sent over from Sicily to Africa, and in the territory of Utica and Carthage they ravaged the country far and wide. Along the edge of the Carthaginian territory, close to the very walls of Utica, booty was carried off.

> Latin: 4.5. eodem anno classis Romana cum M. Ualerio Laeuino proconsule ex Sicilia in Africam transmissa in Uticensi Carthaginiensique agro late populationes fecit. extremis finibus Carthaginiensium circa ipsa moenia Uticae praedae actae sunt.

[¶42] 4.6. On their return voyage to Sicily a Carthaginian fleet of seventy warships encountered them. Seventeen of these were captured, four sunk at sea, the rest of the fleet routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 4.6. repetentibus Siciliam classis Punica—septuaginta erant longae naues—occurrit; septemdecim naues ex iis captae sunt, quattuor in alto mersae; cetera fusa ac fugata classis.

[¶43] 4.7. Victorious on land and sea, the Romans returned with ample plunder of every kind to Lilybaeum. Thereafter, as the sea was safe in consequence of the discomfiture of the enemy's ships, great supplies of grain were brought to Rome.

> Latin: 4.7. terra marique uictor Romanus cum magna omnis generis praeda Lilybaeum repetit. tuto inde mari pulsis hostium nauibus magni commeatus frumenti Romam subuecti.

[¶44] 5.1. At the beginning of the summer in which these events took place Publius Sulpicius, the proconsul, and King Attalus, after wintering at Aegina, as has been stated above, sailed across to Lemnus with their combined fleets, twenty-five Roman and thirty-five royal quinqueremes.

> Latin: 5.1. principio aestatis eius qua haec sunt gesta P. Sulpicius proconsul et Attalus rex cum Aeginae sicut ante dictum est hibernassent, Lemnum inde classe iuncta—Romanae quinque et uiginti quinqueremes, regiae quinque et triginta — transmiserunt.

[¶45] 5.2. And Philip, to be prepared for every effort of the enemy, whether he must be met on land or on sea, came down himself to the sea at Demetrias and appointed a day for the army to assemble at Larisa. From his allies all around deputations gathered at Demetrias on the first report of the king's coming.

> Latin: 5.2. et Philippus ut, seu terra seu mari obuiam eundum hosti foret, paratus ad omnes conatus esset, ipse Demetriadem ad mare descendit, Larisam diem ad conueniendum exercitui edixit.

[¶46] 5.3. For the Aetolians in consequence of their alliance with the Romans, and particularly after the arrival of Attalus, had been emboldened and were laying waste their neighbours' lands.

> Latin: 5.3. undique ab sociis legationes Demetriadem ad famam regis conuenerunt.

[¶47] 5.4. And not only were the Acarnanians and Boeotians and the inhabitants of Euboea greatly alarmed but also the Achaeans, who in addition to the Aetolian war were further terrified by Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, who had pitched his camp not far from the Argive frontier.

> Latin: 5.4. sustulerant enim animos Aetoli cum ab Romana societate tum post Attali aduentum finitimosque depopulabantur;

[¶48] 5.5. All these delegations stated the dangers impending by land and sea for their several cities and were imploring the aid of the king.

> Latin: 5.5. nec Acarnanes solum Boeotique et qui Euboeam incolunt in magno metu erant, sed Achaei quoque, quos super Aetolicum bellum Machanidas etiam Lacedaemonius tyrannus haud procul Argiuorum fine positis castris terrebat.

[¶49] 5.6. Even from his own kingdom the report was of no peaceful conditions: that Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus had taken the field;

> Latin: 5.6. hi omnes suis quisque urbibus quae pericula terra marique portenderentur memorantes auxilia regem orabant.

[¶50] 5.7. also that of the Thracians the Maedi in particular were ready to invade the nearest part of Macedonia if some distant war should engage the king's attention.

> Latin: 5.7. ne ex regno quidem ipsius tranquillae nuntiabantur res: et Scerdilaedum Pleuratumque motos esse, et Thracum maxime Maedos, si quod longinquum bellum regem occupasset, proxima Macedoniae incursuros.

[¶51] 5.8. In fact the Boeotians and inland Greek states reported that the pass of Thermopylae, where a narrow entrance hems in the road, was being closed with a ditch and an earthwork by the Aetolians, that it might not allow Philip a passage in order to defend the cities of his allies.

> Latin: 5.8. Boeoti quidem et interiores Graeciae populi Thermopylarum saltum, ubi angustae fauces coartant iter, fossa ualloque intercludi ab Aetolis nuntiabant ne transitum ad sociorum urbes tuendas Philippo darent.

[¶52] 5.9. Even a general lacking in spirit might have been aroused by so many alarms from all sides. Philip sent the deputations away with a promise that he would lend aid to them all as time and circumstances might permit.

> Latin: 5.9. uel segnem ducem tot excitare tumultus circumfusi poterant. legationes dimittit pollicitus prout tempus ac res sineret omnibus laturum auxilium.

[¶53] 5.10. As the urgency of the moment required, he sent to Peparēthus a garrison for the city, from which had come the news that Attalus, sending his fleet over from Lemnus, had ravaged all the country round the city.

> Latin: 5.10. in praesentia quae maxime urgebat res, Peparethum praesidium urbi mittit, unde allatum erat Attalum ab Lemno classe transmissa omnem circum urbem agrum depopulatum.

[¶54] 5.11. Philip sent Polyphantas with a force of moderate size into Boeotia; also one of his own generals, Menippus, to Chalcis with a thousand peltasts, whose shield is not unlike the caetra.

> Latin: 5.11. Polyphantam cum modica manu in Boeotiam, Menippum item quendam ex regiis ducibus cum mille peltatis—pelta caetrae haud dissimilis est—Chalcidem mittit;

[¶55] 5.12. Five hundred of the Agrianes were added, to enable Menippus to protect all parts of the island. The king himself set out for Scotussa and ordered that the Macedonian troops should march across from Larisa to the same place.

> Latin: 5.12. additi quingenti Agrianum ut omnes insulae partes tueri posset. ipse Scotussam est profectus eodemque ab Larisa Macedonum copias traduci iussit.

[¶56] 5.13. There the report reached him that a council had been appointed for the Aetolians at Heraclēa, and that King Attalus would attend for a consultation on the issues of the war.

> Latin: 5.13. eo nuntiatum est concilium Aetolis Heracleam indictum regemque Attalum ad consultandum de summa belli uenturum. hunc conuentum ut turbaret subito aduentu, magnis itineribus Heracleam duxit.

[¶57] 5.15. To break up this gathering by his sudden arrival Philip led his men by forced marches to Heraclēa. He arrived indeed after the council had been dismissed; but he destroyed crops which were now almost ripe, especially along the Gulf of the Aenianes, and led his troops back to Scotussa.

> Latin: 5.15. et concilio quidem dimisso [iam] uenit; segetibus tamen, quae iam prope maturitatem erant, maxime in sinu Aenianum euastatis Scotussam copias reducit. ibi exercitu omni relicto, cum cohorte regia Demetriadem sese recepit.

[¶58] 5.16. There he left the whole army and with his cohort of guards returned to Demetrias. From there, in order that he might meet every movement of his enemies, he sent men into Phocis and Euboea and to Peparethus, to select heights from which signal fires might be visible.

> Latin: 5.16. inde ut ad omnes hostium motus posset occurrere, in Phocidem atque Euboeam et Peparethum mittit qui loca alta eligerent unde editi ignes apparerent:

[¶59] 5.17. For himself he placed a watch-tower on Mount Tisaeus, whose peak rises to a great height, so that by fires on distant heights he might in an instant receive a message as to where his enemies were active. The Roman commander and King Attalus crossed from Peparethus to Nicaea.

> Latin: 5.17. ipse in Tisaeo —mons est in altitudinem ingentem cacuminis editi—speculam posuit ut ignibus procul sublatis signum, ubi quid molirentur hostes, momento temporis acciperet. Romanus imperator et Attalus rex a Peparetho Nicaeam traiecerunt;

[¶60] 5.18. From there they sailed over to Euboea in their fleet and to the city of Oreum, which is the first of the cities of Euboea situated on the left as one coming from the Gulf of Demetrias steers towards Chalcis and the Euripus.

> Latin: 5.18. inde classem in Euboeam ad urbem Oreum tramittunt, quae ab Demetriaco sinu Chalcidem et Euripum petenti ad laeuam prima urbium Euboeae posita est.

[¶61] 5.19. Between Attalus and Sulpicius it was agreed that the Romans should attack from the sea, the king's forces from the land.

> Latin: 5.19. ita inter Attalum ac Sulpicium conuenit ut Romani a mari, regii a terra oppugnarent.

[¶62] 6.1. In four days after the fleet came in they attacked the city. That time was spent in secret conversations with Plator, who had been put in command of the city by Philip.

> Latin: 6.1. quadriduo postquam adpulsa classis est, urbem adgressi sunt. id tempus occultis cum Platore, qui a Philippo praepositus urbi erat, conloquiis absumptum est.

[¶63] 6.2. The place has two citadels, one overhanging the sea; the other is in the centre of the city. From it a road leads down to the sea through a tunnel, and at the seaward end a tower having fie stories, a remarkable defensive work, used to close the road.

> Latin: 6.2. duas arces urbs habet, unam imminentem mari; altera urbis media est. cuniculo inde uia ad mare ducit, quam a mari turris quinque tabulatorum egregium propugnaculum claudebat.

[¶64] 6.3. There at first a very fierce engagement began, for the tower was provided with missiles of every kind, while artillery also and engines had been landed from the ships for an attack upon it.

> Latin: 6.3. ibi primo atrocissimum contractum est certamen, et turre instructa omni genere telorum et tormentis machinisque ad oppugnandam eam ex nauibus expositis.

[¶65] 6.4. When that conflict had diverted the attention and the eyes of all, Plator admitted the Romans through a gate in the citadel by the sea, and in an instant the citadel was seized.

> Latin: 6.4. cum omnium animos oculosque id certamen auertisset, porta maritimae arcis Plator Romanos accepit momentoque arx occupata est. oppidani pulsi inde in mediam urbem ad alteram tendere arcem;

[¶66] 6.5. The citizens being repulsed hastened to the heart of the city and the other citadel; and men had been posted there to close the gates. Being thus shut out they were surrounded and slain or captured.

> Latin: 6.5. et ibi positi erant qui fores portae obicerent. ita exclusi in medio caeduntur capiunturque.

[¶67] 6.6. The Macedonian garrison stood in a mass under the wall of the citadel, having neither taken to flight in disorder nor gone into battle with determination.

> Latin: 6.6. Macedonum praesidium conglobatum sub arcis muro stetit, nec fuga effuse petita nec pertinaciter proelio inito.

[¶68] 6.7. Plator, having gained permission from Sulpicius, embarked his men and landed them at Demetrium in Phthiotis, while he himself joined Attalus.

> Latin: 6.7. eos Plator uenia ab Sulpicio impetrata in naues impositos ad Demetrium Phthiotidis exposuit; ipse ad Attalum se recepit.

[¶69] 6.8. Sulpicius, inspired by a success so easily won at Oreum, sailed thence with his victorious fleet directly to Chalcis, where the result by no means matched his expectation.

> Latin: 6.8. Sulpicius tam facili ad Oreum successu elatus Chalcidem inde protinus uictrici classe petit, ubi haudquaquam ad spem euentus respondit.

[¶70] 6.9. The sea, which from a wide expanse on both sides is narrowed into a strait, might give one at first sight the appearance of a double harbour facing two entrances. But hardly any other anchorage is more dangerous for a fleet.

> Latin: 6.9. ex patenti utrimque coactum in angustias mare speciem intuenti primo gemini portus in ora duos uersi praebuerit; sed haud facile alia infestior classi statio est.

[¶71] 6.10. For sudden, squally winds blow down from very high mountains on either shore, and also the Euripus strait itself does not reverse its direction seven times a day at fixed times, as report has it, but with a current that like the wind changes irregularly, now this way, now that, it races along as a torrent dashes down from a steep mountain. Thus neither by night nor by day are ships given rest.

> Latin: 6.10. nam et uenti ab utriusque terrae praealtis montibus subiti ac procellosi deiciunt, et fretum ipsum Euripi non septiens die, sicut fama fert, temporibus statis reciprocat, sed temere in modum uenti nunc huc nunc illuc uerso mari, uelut monte praecipiti deuolutus torrens rapitur. ita nec nocte nec die quies nauibus datur.

[¶72] 6.11. Not only was the anchorage into which the fleet came so dangerous, but in addition the town was strong and impregnable, being protected on one side by the sea, on the other side, towards the land, extraordinarily fortified and secured by a strong garrison and in particular by the loyalty of its commanders and leading citizens, a quality which at Oreum had been uncertain and delusive.

> Latin: 6.11. cum classem tam infesta statio accepit, tum et oppidum, alia parte clausum mari, alia ab terra egregie munitum praesidioque ualido firmatum et praecipue fide praefectorum principumque, quae fluxa et uana apud Oreum fuerat, stabile atque inexpugnabile fuit.

[¶73] 6.12. It was wise on the part of the Roman, considering his rash undertaking, that after surveying the difficulties, in order not to waste time for nothing, he promptly gave up the attempt and with his fleet crossed over to Cynus in Locris, the mart of the city of Opus, which is situated a mile from the sea.

> Latin: 6.12. id prudenter, ut in temere suscepta re, Romanus fecit quod circumspectis difficultatibus ne frustra tempus tereret celeriter abstitit incepto classemque inde ad Cynum Locridis —emporium id est urbis Opuntiorum mille passuum a mari sitae—traiecit.

[¶74] 7.1. Philip had been warned also by fire-signals from Oreum, but through the treachery of Plator they were set too late on the watch-tower. Also, since he was no match in naval strength, approach to the island by a fleet was not easy.

> Latin: 7.1. Philippum et ignes ab Oreo editi monuerant sed serius Platoris fraude ex specula elati; et impari tum maritimis uiribus haud facilis erat in insulam classi accessus;

[¶75] 7.2. He let slip that project by delaying, and, on receiving the signal accordingly, set out with spirit to bring aid to Chalcis. For although Chalcis is likewise a city of the same island, still it is separated by a strait so narrow that the city is linked to the mainland by a bridge, and approach by land is easier than by sea.

> Latin: 7.2. ita re per cunctationem omissa ad Chalcidis auxilium, ubi signum accepit, impigre est motus. nam et ipsa Chalcis, quamquam eiusdem insulae urbs est, tamen adeo arto interscinditur freto, ut ponte continenti iungatur terraque aditum faciliorem quam mari habeat.

[¶76] 7.3. Accordingly Philip hastened from Demetrias to Scotussa, whence he set out in the third watch, dislodged the garrison and routed the Aetolians occupying the pass of Thermopylae. Then after driving the enemy in alarm into Heraclēa, he himself in a single day covered a distance of more than sixty miles to Elatīa in Phocis.

> Latin: 7.3. igitur Philippus ab Demetriade Scotussam, inde de tertia uigilia profectus, deiecto praesidio fusisque Aetolis qui saltum Thermopylarum insidebant cum trepidos hostes Heracleam compulisset, ipse uno die Phocidis Elatiam milia amplius sexaginta contendit.

[¶77] 7.4. On about the same day the captured city of Opus was being sacked by King Attalus. Its booty had been given up to the king by Sulpicius because Oreum had been sacked by Roman soldiers a few days before, while the king's troops had no share in it. When the Roman fleet had returned to Oreum, Attalus, unaware of the coming of Philip, was spending his time in exacting money from leading citizens.

> Latin: 7.4. eodem ferme die ab Attalo rege Opuntiorum urbs capta diripiebatur— concesserat eam regi praedam Sulpicius, quia Oreum paucos ante dies ab Romano milite, expertibus regiis, direptum fuerat. cum Romana classis Oreum sese recepisset, Attalus ignarus aduentus Philippi pecuniis a principibus exigendis terebat tempus, adeoque improuisa res fuit ut, nisi Cretensium quidam forte pabulatum ab urbe longius progressi agmen hostium procul conspexissent, opprimi potuerit.

[¶78] 7.7. And so unexpected was the attack that if some of the Cretans, who happened to have gone a long distance from the city to forage, had not caught sight of the enemy's column in the distance, the king could have been overpowered.

> Latin: 7.7. Attalus inermis atque incompositus cursu effuso mare ac naues petit, et molientibus ab terra naues Philippus superuenit tumultumque etiam ex terra nauticis praebuit.

[¶79] 7.8. Attalus' men, being unarmed and in disorder, rushed pellmell to the sea and their ships; and as they were struggling to cast off, Philip came upon them and from the shore caused further confusion among the sailors.

> Latin: 7.8. inde Opuntem rediit, deos hominesque accusans quod tantae rei fortunam ex oculis prope raptam amisisset.

[¶80] 7.9. Then he returned to Opus, accusing gods and men because he had lost so great an opportunity, snatched away almost before his eyes. The men of Opus also were no less angrily upbraided because, although they could have dragged out the siege until his coming, at the first sight of the enemy they had almost willingly surrendered.

> Latin: 7.9. Opuntii quoque ab eadem ira increpiti quod, cum trahere obsidionem in aduentum suum potuissent, uiso statim hoste prope in uoluntariam deditionem concessissent. compositis circa Opuntem rebus Toronen est profectus. et Attalus primo Oreum se recepit;

[¶81] 7.10. Having settled matters in the neighbourhood of Opus, he went to Thronium. Attalus also retired at first to Oreum; and then, when the report reached him that Prusias, King of Bithynia, had crossed into territory belonging to his kingdom, he sailed over to Asia, forsaking the Roman cause and the Aetolian war.

> Latin: 7.10. inde, cum fama accidisset Prusian Bithyniae regem in fines regni sui transgressum, omissis Romanis rebus atque Aetolico bello in Asiam traiecit. et Sulpicius Aeginam classem recipit, unde initio ueris profectus erat. haud maiore certamine quam Opuntem Attalus ceperat, Philippus Toronen cepit.

[¶82] 7.12. And Sulpicius withdrew with his fleet to Aegina, from which he had set out at the beginning of the spring. Philip captured Thronium with no greater struggle than Attalus had in capturing Opus. The inhabitants of the former were refugees from Thebes in Phthiotis.

> Latin: 7.12. incolebant urbem eam profugi ab Thebis Phthioticis; urbe sua capta a Philippo cum in fidem Aetolorum perfugissent, sedem iis Aetoli eam dederant urbis uastae ac desertae priore eiusdem Philippi bello.

[¶83] 7.13. When their city was taken by Philip they had sought refuge in the protection of the Aetolians, whereupon the Aetolians had given them an abiding-place in that city, desolated and abandoned in a previous war with the same Philip.

> Latin: 7.13. tum ab Torone, sicut paulo ante dictum est, recepta profectus Tithronion et Drumias, Doridis parua atque ignobilia oppida, cepit. inde Elatiam iussis ibi se opperiri Ptolomaei Rhodiorumque legatis uenit.

[¶84] 7.14. Then setting out from Thronium, which he had recovered, as has just been said, he captured Tithronion and Drumiae, small and unimportant towns in Doris. Then he came to Elatīa, having bidden the envoys of Ptolemy and of the Rhodians to wait for him there.

> Latin: 7.14. ubi cum de finiendo Aetolico bello ageretur—adfuerant enim legati nuper Heracleae concilio Romanorum Aetolorumque—nuntius adfertur Machanidam Olympiorum sollemne ludicrum parantes Eleos adgredi statuisse.

[¶85] 7.15. While they were there discussing how to end the Aetolian war —for the envoys had recently been present at the council of the Romans and Aetolians at Heraclēa —came the news that Machanidas had decided to attack the Eleans, who were making ready to celebrate the Olympic Games.

> Latin: 7.15. praeuertendum id ratus legatis cum benigno responso dimissis—se neque causam eius belli fuisse nec moram, si modo aequa et honesta condicione liceat, paci facturum—cum expedito agmine profectus per Boeotiam Megara atque inde Corinthum descendit, unde commeatibus sumptis Phliunta Pheneumque petit.

[¶86] 7.17. Thinking he must make that his first task, the king sent away the envoys with a friendly answer: that he had not been the cause of this war, and would not delay making peace, provided it was possible to do so on fair and honourable terms.

> Latin: 7.17. et iam cum Heraeam uenisset, audito Machanidam fama aduentus sui territum refugisse Lacedaemonem, Aegium se ad concilium Achaeorum recepit, simul classem Punicam, ut mari quoque aliquid posset accitam, ibi ratus se inuenturum.

[¶87] 7.18. Setting out with a light column he came down through Boeotia to Megara and then to Corinth, from which he took on supplies and marched to Phlīus and Phenĕus. And when he had already reached Heraea, he heard that Machanidas, alarmed by the report of his coming, had fled back to Sparta.

> Latin: 7.18. paucis ante diebus inde †Oxeas traiecerant Poeni, inde portus Acarnanum petierant, cum ab Oreo profectum Attalum Romanosque audissent, ueriti ne in se iretur et intra Rhium—fauces eae sunt Corinthii sinus—opprimerentur. Philippus maerebat quidem et angebatur cum ad omnia ipse raptim isset nulli tamen se rei in tempore occurrisse, et rapientem omnia ex oculis elusisse celeritatem suam fortunam;

[¶88] 8.2. Thereupon the king went to Aegium for the council of the Achaeans, at the same time thinking that there he would find the Carthaginian fleet which he had summoned that he might be able to accomplish something by sea as well. A few days earlier the Carthaginians had crossed over to the Oxēae, and then had made for the Acarnanian ports, on hearing that Attalus and the Romans had set sail from Oreum. They were afraid they might be pursued and overpowered inside of Rhium, the narrows, that is, of the Gulf of Corinth.

> Latin: 8.2. in concilio autem dissimulans aegritudinem elato animo disseruit, testatus deos hominesque se nullo loco nec tempore defuisse quin ubi hostium arma concrepuissent eo quanta maxima posset celeritate tenderet:

[¶89] 8.3. VIII. Philip was sorry indeed and vexed that, although he had himself made rapid marches in every direction, nevertheless he had not met a single situation at the right moment, and that fortune had mocked his speed by whisking everything out of his sight.

> Latin: 8.3. sed uix rationem iniri posse utrum a se audacius an fugacius ab hostibus geratur bellum. sic ab Opunte Attalum, sic Sulpicium ab Chalcide, sic eis ipsis diebus Machanidam e manibus suis elapsum.

[¶90] 8.4. In the council, however, concealing his vexation, he made a proud speech, calling gods and men to witness that at no place or time had he failed to hasten with all possible speed to any place where the din of enemies' arms had been heard.

> Latin: 8.4. sed non semper felicem esse fugam nec pro difficili id bellum habendum in quo, si modo congressus cum hoste sis, uiceris.

[¶91] 8.5. But it could scarcely be made out, he said, whether his audacity in carrying on the war was the greater, or his enemies' eagerness to run away. So from Opus Attalus had slipped out of his hands, so had Sulpicius from Chalcis, so in those very days had Machanidas.

> Latin: 8.5. quod primum esset, confessionem se hostium habere nequaquam pares esse sibi: breui et uictoriam haud dubiam habiturum, nec meliore euentu eos secum quam spe pugnaturos. laeti regem socii audierunt.

[¶92] 8.6. But not always was flight successful, nor must that be accounted a difficult war in which you are the victor if you have merely made contact with the enemy. What was of most significance, he said, he had the confession of his enemies that they were by no means his equals.

> Latin: 8.6. reddidit inde Achaeis Heraeam et Triphuliam, Alipheram autem Megalopolitis quod suorum fuisse finium satis probabant restituit.

[¶93] 8.7. Soon he would likewise have no uncertain victory, and they would fight against him with a result no better than they had hoped.

> Latin: 8.7. inde nauibus acceptis ab Achaeis—erant autem tres quadriremes et biremes totidem—Anticyram traiecit.

[¶94] 8.8. The allies rejoiced when they listened to the king. Thereupon he delivered Heraea and Triphylia to the Achaeans, but restored Aliphēra to Megalopolis, because the citizens of the latter gave sufficient proofs that it had belonged to their territory.

> Latin: 8.8. inde quinqueremibus septem et lembis uiginti amplius, quos ut adiungeret Carthaginiensium classi miserat in Corinthium sinum, profectus ad Eruthras Aetolorum, quae prope Eupalium sunt, escensionem fecit.

[¶95] 8.9. Then on receiving ships-they were three quadriremes and as many biremes-from the Achaeans, he sailed over to Anticyra. From there he set sail with seven quinqueremes and more than twenty light vessels previously sent by him into the Gulf of Corinth to be added to the Carthaginian fleet, and made a landing at Erythrae, in Aetolia and near Eupalium.

> Latin: 8.9. haud fefellit Aetolos; nam hominum quod aut in agris aut in propinquis castellis Potidaniae atque Apolloniae fuit in siluas montesque refugit:

[¶96] 8.10. He did not surprise the Aetolians, for all the men who were either on the farms or in the nearest strongholds, Potidania and Apollonia, fled into the forests and the mountains. Sheep and goats which in their haste could not be driven away were seized and loaded on the ships.

> Latin: 8.10. pecora quae inter festinationem abigi nequierant sunt direpta et in naues compulsa. cum iis ceteraque praeda Nicia praetore Achaeorum Aegium misso cum Corinthum petisset, pedestres inde copias per Boeotiam terra duci iussit:

[¶97] 8.11. With these and the rest of the booty Nicias, chief magistrate of the Achaeans, was sent to Aegium; and when the king had reached Corinth, he ordered his land forces to march from there overland across Boeotia.

> Latin: 8.11. ipse ab Cenchreis praeter terram Atticam super Sunium nauigans inter medias prope hostium classes, Chalcidem peruenit.

[¶98] 8.12. He himself sailing from Cenchreae along the coast of Attica round Sunium, almost through the midst of enemy fleets, came to Chalcis. Then, after praising their loyalty and courage, in that neither fear nor hope had swayed their spirit, and encouraging them to remain his allies with the same steadfastness for the future, if they preferred their own lot to that of the men of Oreum and Opus, he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. Then entrusting the government and defence of the city to leading citizens who had preferred to flee after the capture of the city rather than to surrender to the Romans, he himself crossed over from Euboea to Demetrias, from which he had first set out to bring aid to his allies.

> Latin: 8.12. inde conlaudata fide ac uirtute quod neque timor nec spes flexisset eorum animos, hortatusque in posterum ut eadem constantia permanerent in societate si suam quam Oritanorum atque Opuntiorum fortunam mallent, ab Chalcide Oreum nauigat, principumque iis qui fugere capta urbe quam se Romanis tradere maluerant summa rerum et custodia urbis permissa ipse Demetriadem ab Euboea, unde primum ad opem ferendam sociis profectus erat, traiecit.

[¶99] 8.14. At Cassandrīa he then laid down the keels of a hundred war-ships and brought together a great number of ship-carpenters to complete the task. Having done so, inasmuch as peaceful conditions had been produced in Greece both by the departure of Attalus and by the timely aid which he had himself borne to his distressed allies, he withdrew into his own kingdom in order to wage war against the Dardanians.

> Latin: 8.14. Cassandreae deinde centum nauium longarum carinis positis contractaque ad effectum eius operis multitudine fabrorum naualium, quia res in Graecia tranquillas et profectio Attali fecerat et in tempore laborantibus sociis latum ab se auxilium, retro in regnum concessit ut Dardanis bellum inferret.

[¶100] 9.1. At the end of the summer in which these events took place in Greece, Quintus Fabius Maximus the son, as an emissary of Marcus Livius, the consul, reported to the senate at Rome that the consul considered Lucius Porcius with his legions a sufficient defence for Gaul, his own assignment; that he himself could retire from it and his consular army could be withdrawn.

> Latin: 9.1. extremo aestatis eius qua haec in Graecia gesta sunt, cum Q. Fabius Maximus filius legatus ab M. Liuio consule Romam ad senatum nuntiasset consulem satis praesidii Galliae prouinciae credere L. Porcium cum suis legionibus esse, decedere se inde ac deduci exercitum consularem posse, patres non M.

[¶101] 9.2. Thereupon the senators ordered that not merely Marcus Livius but also his colleague Gaius Claudius should return to the city.

> Latin: 9.2. Liuium tantum redire ad urbem sed collegam quoque eius C. Claudium iusserunt.

[¶102] 9.3. The only difference in the decree was that they ordered the return of the army of Marcus Livius, but that Nero's legions facing Hannibal should remain in that province. Between the consuls an agreement was made by letter that, just as they had carried on the war with one purpose only, so, although coming from opposite directions, they should approach the city at one and the same time. Whichever should first reach Praeneste was instructed to wait for his colleague there. It chanced that both reached Praeneste on the same day.

> Latin: 9.3. id modo in decreto interfuit quod M. Liui exercitum reduci, Neronis legiones Hannibali oppositas manere in prouincia iusserunt. inter consules ita per litteras conuenit ut, quemadmodum uno animo rem publicam gessissent, ita quamquam ex diuersis regionibus conuenirent uno tempore ad urbem accederent; Praeneste qui prior uenisset, collegam ibi opperiri iussus. forte ita euenit ut eodem die ambo Praeneste uenirent.

[¶103] 9.5. From there they sent in advance an edict that three days later the senate should meet with full attendance in the Temple of Bellona; and with the whole populace flocking out to meet them they drew near to the city.

> Latin: 9.5. inde praemisso edicto ut triduo post frequens senatus ad aedem Bellonae adesset, omni multitudine obuiam effusa ad urbem accessere.

[¶104] 9.6. Not only did everyone in the surrounding crowd greet them, but vying with one another in their desire to grasp the victorious right hands of the consuls some were congratulating them, others were offering thanks because by their services the state was safe.

> Latin: 9.6. non salutabant modo uniuersi circumfusi, sed contingere pro se quisque uictrices dextras consulum cupientes, alii gratulabantur, alii gratias agebant quod eorum opera incolumis res publica esset.

[¶105] 9.7. In the senate after the manner of all commanders-in-chief they stated their achievements and demanded that for a brave and successful conduct of the war honour should be paid to the immortal gods; likewise that they themselves should be permitted to enter the city in triumph. Whereupon the senators replied that they did indeed decree the granting of their demands with due recognition first of the gods, and then next to the gods, of the consuls. After a thanksgiving had been decreed in honour of them both and a triumph also to each, in order that they should not have separate triumphs after conducting the war with a common purpose, they came to an agreement as follows.

> Latin: 9.7. in senatu cum more omnium imperatorum expositis rebus ab se gestis postulassent ut pro re publica fortiter feliciterque administrata et dis immortalibus haberetur honos et ipsis triumphantibus urbem inire liceret, se uero ea quae postularent decernere patres merito deorum primum, dein secundum deos consulum responderunt; et supplicatione amborum nomine et triumpho utrique decreto, inter ipsos, ne cum bellum communi animo gessissent triumphum separarent, ita conuenit, quoniam et in prouincia M.

[¶106] 9.10. Inasmuch as the battle had been fought in the province of Marcus Livius, and on the day of the battle the auspices also, as it happened, had been his, and inasmuch as Livius' army had been brought back to Rome, while Nero's could not be brought back from his province, they agreed between them that Marcus Livius should enter the city in a four-horse chariot with his soldiers following him, and that Gaius Claudius should ride on horseback without his soldiers.

> Latin: 9.10. Liui res gesta esset et eo die quo pugnatum foret eius forte auspicium fuisset et exercitus Liuianus deductus Romam uenisset, Neronis deduci de prouincia non potuisset, ut M. Liuium quadrigis urbem ineuntem milites sequerentur, C. Claudius equo sine militibus inueheretur.

[¶107] 9.11. This sharing of the triumph added indeed to the glory of both, but even more so for the one who had yielded to his colleague in honour to the same degree that he surpassed him in his achievement.

> Latin: 9.11. ita consociatus triumphus cum utrique, tum magis ei qui quantum merito anteibat tantum honore collegae cesserat, gloriam auxit.

[¶108] 9.12. That man now on horseback in the space of six days had traversed the whole length of Italy, men kept saying, and had fought, standards against standards, with Hasdrubal in Gaul on a day on which Hannibal had believed the consul had his camp established facing his own in Apulia.

> Latin: 9.12. illum equitem aiebant sex dierum spatio transcurrisse longitudinem Italiae, et eo die cum Hasdrubale in Gallia signis conlatis pugnasse quo eum castra aduersus sese in Apulia posita habere Hannibal credidisset.

[¶109] 9.13. Thus a single consul in defence of both regions of Italy had confronted two armies and two generals, here with his strategy and there in person.

> Latin: 9.13. ita unum consulem pro utraque parte Italiae aduersus †duos duces† duos imperatores hinc consilium suum hinc corpus opposuisse.

[¶110] 9.14. Nero's name had been enough, they said, to keep Hannibal within his camp. As for Hasdrubal, what else than Nero's arrival had overwhelmed and destroyed him?

> Latin: 9.14. nomen Neronis satis fuisse ad continendum castris Hannibalem; Hasdrubalem uero qua alia re quam aduentu eius obrutum atque exstinctum esse?

[¶111] 9.15. Thus let the other consul drive standing erect in a chariot drawn, if he wished, by many horses. The truly triumphant progress through the city was on a single horse; and Nero, even if he went on foot, would be memorable, be it for the glory won in that war, or for his contempt of it in that triumph.

> Latin: 9.15. itaque iret alter consul sublimis curru multiiugis si uellet equis: uno equo per urbem uerum triumphum uehi, Neronemque etiamsi pedes incedat uel parta eo bello uel spreta eo triumpho gloria memorabilem fore.

[¶112] 9.16. Such was the talk of the spectators who accompanied Nero all the way to the Capitol. As for money, the consuls carried into the Treasury three million sesterces and eighty thousand asses.

> Latin: 9.16. hi sermones spectantium Neronem usque in Capitolium prosecuti sunt. pecuniae in aerarium tulerunt sestertium triciens, octoginta milia aeris.

[¶113] 9.17. To his soldiers Marcus Livius apportioned fifty-six asses apiece. Gaius Claudius promised the same amount to his absent soldiers when he should return to the army.

> Latin: 9.17. militibus M. Liuius quinquagenos senos asses diuisit; tantundem C. Claudius absentibus militibus suis est pollicitus cum ad exercitum redisset.

[¶114] 9.18. It has been remarked that in the jesting of the soldiers on that day more of their songs were levelled at Gaius Claudius than at their own consul;

> Latin: 9.18. notatum est eo die plura carmina militaribus iocis in C. Claudium quam in consulem suum iactata;

[¶115] 9.19. that the knights highly extolled Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, the lieutenant-generals, and urged the commons to elect them consuls for the following year;

> Latin: 9.19. equites L. Ueturium et Q. Caecilium legatos magnis tulisse laudibus hortatosque esse plebem ut eos consules in proximum annum crearent;

[¶116] 9.20. also that to the knights' preliminary choice the consuls on the next day added their authority by an address to the people, stating what brave and faithful service they had had in particular from their two lieutenants.

> Latin: 9.20. adiecisse equitum praerogatiuae auctoritatem consules postero die in contione quam forti fidelique duorum praecipue legatorum opera usi essent commemorantes.

[¶117] 10.1. Inasmuch as the time for elections was approaching and it had been decided that the elections should be conducted by a dictator, the consul Gaius Claudius named his colleague Marcus Livius dictator, and Livius named Quintus Caecilius master of the horse.

> Latin: 10.1. cum comitiorum tempus appeteret et per dictatorem comitia haberi placuisset, C. Claudius consul M. Liuium collegam dictatorem dixit, Liuius Q. Caecilium magistrum equitum.

[¶118] 10.2. The consuls elected were announced by Marcus Livius as dictator, namely, Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, the same being at the time master of the horse.

> Latin: 10.2. a M. Liuio dictatore creati consules L. Ueturius Q. Caecilius, is ipse qui tum erat magister equitum.

[¶119] 10.3. Then the elections of praetors were held. Elected were Gaius Servilius, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, Tiberius Claudius Asellus, Quintus Mamilius Turrinus, who was at the time a plebeian aedile.

> Latin: 10.3. inde praetorum comitia habita; creati C. Seruilius M. Caecilius Metellus Ti. Claudius Asellus Q. Mamilius Turrinus, qui tum aedilis plebis erat.

[¶120] 10.4. The elections being completed, the dictator, abdicating his office and discharging his army, set out in accordance with a decree of the senate for Etruria as his province, to conduct an investigation as to what communities among the Etruscans or Umbrians had discussed plans to revolt from the Romans to Hasdrubal upon his arrival, and which states had aided him with auxiliaries or supplies or any kind of assistance.

> Latin: 10.4. comitiis perfectis dictator, magistratu abdicato dimissoque exercitu, in Etruriam prouinciam ex senatus consulto est profectus ad quaestiones habendas qui Etruscorum Umbrorumue populi defectionis ab Romanis ad Hasdrubalem sub aduentum eius consilia agitassent quique eum auxiliis aut commeatu aut ope aliqua iuuissent.

[¶121] 10.5. Such were the events at home and in the field that year.

> Latin: 10.5. haec eo anno domi militiaeque gesta.

[¶122] 10.6. The Roman Games were repeated three times completely by the curule aediles, Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Servius Cornelius Lentulus.

> Latin: 10.6. ludi Romani ter toti instaurati ab aedilibus curulibus Cn. Seruilio Caepione Ser. Cornelio Lentulo;

[¶123] 10.7. Likewise the Plebeian Games were completely repeated once by the plebeian aediles, Marcus Pomponius Matho and Quintus Mamilius Turrinus. In the thirteenth year of the Punic war, the consulship of Lucius Veturius Philo and Quintus Caecilius Metellus, the land of the Bruttii was assigned by decree to them both as their province, to carry on war with Hannibal. The praetors then received their assignments by lot, Marcus Caecilius Metellus the city praetorship, Quintus Mamilius the duties of praetor peregrinus; Gaius Servilius received Sicily and Tiberius Claudius Sardinia.

> Latin: 10.7. item ludi plebeii semel toti instaurati ab aedilibus plebis M. Pomponio Mathone et Q. Mamilio Turrino. tertio decimo anno Punici belli L. Ueturio Philone et Q. Caecilio Metello consulibus, Bruttii ambobus ut cum Hannibale bellum gererent prouincia decreta.