---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 4 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 4. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 4. Book XXI · chapters 40–52

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4/#p-N

[¶0] 40.10. That is the cavalry, that the infantry with which you are to fight; you have no enemy —only the last relics of an enemy! And I fear nothing more than this, that when you have fought, it may seem to have been the Alps that conquered Hannibal.

> Latin: 40.10. cum hoc equite, cum hoc pedite pugnaturi estis; reliquias extremas hostis, non hostem habetis, ac nihil magis uereor quam ne cui, uos cum pugnaueritis, Alpes uicisse Hannibalem uideantur.

[¶1] 40.11. But perhaps it was right that the gods themselves, without any human aid, should begin and decide a war with a general and a people who break their treaties; and that we, whose injury was second to that of the gods, should add the finishing stroke to a war already so begun and so decided.

> Latin: 40.11. sed ita forsitan decuit, cum foederum ruptore duce ac populo deos ipsos sine ulla humana ope committere ac profligare bellum, nos, qui secundum deos uiolati sumus, commissum ac profligatum conficere.

[¶2] 41.1. “I am not afraid that anyone may suppose that I am using these brave words to encourage you, but that in my heart I think otherwise.”

> Latin: 41.1. non uereor ne quis me haec uestri adhortandi causa magnifice loqui existimet, ipsum aliter animo adfectum esse.

[¶3] 41.2. “It was open to me to proceed with my army to my own province, Spain, for which I had already started; I might there have had a brother to share my counsels and my dangers, and Hasdrubal instead of Hannibal for my enemy, and a war undoubtedly less difficult to conduct;”

> Latin: 41.2. licuit in Hispaniam, prouinciam meam, quo iam profectus eram, cum exercitu ire meo, ubi et fratrem consilii participem ac periculi socium haberem et Hasdrubalem potius quam Hannibalem hostem et minorem haud dubie molem belli;

[¶4] 41.3. “nevertheless, when rumours of this enemy reached me, as I sailed along by the coast of Gaul, I landed, and sending my cavalry ahead, moved my camp up to the Rhone.”

> Latin: 41.3. tamen, cum praeterueherer nauibus Galliae oram, ad famam huius hostis in terram egressus, praemisso equitatu ad Rhodanum moui castra.

[¶5] 41.4. “In a cavalry engagement —for this was the arm with which I was given the opportunity of fighting —I put the enemy to rout: his infantry column, marching hastily off as if in flight, I could not overtake by land; returning therefore to my ships I accomplished with all possible expedition so circuitous a voyage and march, and am come to confront this redoubtable enemy almost at the very foot of the Alps. Does it look as though I were avoiding battle and had blundered upon him unawares?”

> Latin: 41.4. equestri proelio, qua parte copiarum conserendi manum fortuna data est, hostem fudi; peditum agmen, quod in modum fugientium raptim agebatur, quia adsequi terra non poteram, [neque] regressus ad naues [erat] quanta maxime potui celeritate tanto maris terrarumque circuitu, in radicibus prope Alpium huic timendo hosti obuius fui.

[¶6] 41.5. “or, rather, as though I were in hot haste to encounter him and to provoke and bait him into fighting?”

> Latin: 41.5. utrum, cum declinarem certamen, improuidus incidisse uideor an occurrere in uestigiis eius, lacessere ac trahere ad decernendum?

[¶7] 41.6. “I would willingly make trial whether the earth has suddenly produced in the last twenty years another breed of Carthaginians, or whether they are the same who fought at the Aegatian islands and whom you suffered to depart from Eryx at a rating of eighteen denarii a head;” “and whether our friend Hannibal is a rival, as he himself would have it, of the wandering Hercules, or has been left to the Roman People by his father to be their tributary, tax-payer, and slave.”

> Latin: 41.6. experiri iuuat utrum alios repente Carthaginienses per uiginti annos terra ediderit an iidem sint qui ad Aegates pugnauerunt insulas et quos ab Eryce duodeuicenis denariis aestimatos emisistis, et utrum Hannibal hic sit aemulus itinerum Herculis, ut ipse fert, an uectigalis stipendiariusque et seruus populi Romani a patre relictus.

[¶8] 41.8. “Were he not maddened by the crime he committed at Saguntum, he would surely have regard, if not for his conquered country, yet at least for his house and his father and the treaties written by the hand of Hamilcar, who, under the orders of our consul, withdrew his garrison from Eryx;” “who submitted with rage and anguish to the heavy terms imposed upon the beaten Carthaginians; who agreed, on withdrawing from Sicily, to pay tribute to the Roman People.”

> Latin: 41.8. quem nisi Saguntinum scelus agitaret, respiceret profecto, si non patriam uictam, domum certe patremque et foedera Hamilcaris scripta manu, qui iussus ab consule nostro praesidium deduxit ab Eryce, qui graues impositas uictis Carthaginiensibus leges fremens maerensque accepit, qui decedens Sicilia stipendium populo Romano dare pactus est.

[¶9] 41.10. “And so I could wish you, soldiers, to fight not only with that courage with which you are wont to fight against other enemies, but with a kind of resentful rage, as if you saw your slaves all at once take up arms against you.”

> Latin: 41.10. itaque uos ego, milites, non eo solum animo quo aduersus alios hostes soletis, pugnare uelim, sed cum indignatione quadam atque ira, uelut si seruos uideatis uestros arma repente contra uos ferentes.

[¶10] 41.11. “When we had shut them up at Eryx, we might have killed them by starvation, the worst torment that man can know; we might have dispatched our victorious fleet to Africa, and in a few days' time, without the slightest struggle, have annihilated Carthage.”

> Latin: 41.11. licuit ad Erycem clausos ultimo supplicio humanorum, fame interficere; licuit uictricem classem in Africam traicere atque intra paucos dies sine ullo certamine Carthaginem delere;

[¶11] 41.12. “But we gave them the quarter they besought of us; we lifted the siege and let them go; we made peace with them when we had conquered them; and thereafter, when they were hard pressed by the war in Africa, we regarded them as under our protection.”

> Latin: 41.12. ueniam dedimus precantibus, emisimus ex obsidione, pacem cum uictis fecimus, tutelae deinde nostrae duximus, cum Africo bello urgerentur.

[¶12] 41.13. “In requital of these benefits they are coming in the train of a crazy youth to assail our country!”

> Latin: 41.13. pro his impertitis furiosum iuuenem sequentes oppugnatum patriam nostram ueniunt. atque utinam pro decore tantum hoc uobis et non pro salute esset certamen.

[¶13] 41.14. “And I would that your honour only and not your very existence were in jeopardy: you have got to fight not for the ownership of Sicily and Sardinia, which were formerly in dispute, but for Italy.”

> Latin: 41.14. non de possessione Siciliae ac Sardiniae, de quibus quondam agebatur, sed pro Italia uobis est pugnandum.

[¶14] 41.15. “There is no second army at our back to stop the enemy, in case we fail to beat him, nor are there other Alps to obstruct his advance while we make ready new defences. Here, soldiers, is the spot where we must make our stand, as though we were fighting before the walls of Rome.”

> Latin: 41.15. nec est alius ab tergo exercitus qui, nisi nos uincimus, hosti obsistat, nec Alpes aliae sunt, quas dum superant, comparari noua possint praesidia; hic est obstandum, milites, uelut si ante Romana moenia pugnemus.

[¶15] 41.16. “Let each and every one of you consider that his arms protect, not his own person, but his wife and little children; nor let him be concerned for his family alone, but remember that ours are the hands to which the senate and the Roman People are now looking, and that even as our might and valour shall prove to be,” “such henceforward will be the fortune of that City and the Roman empire.”

> Latin: 41.16. unusquisque se non corpus suum sed coniugem ac liberos paruos armis protegere putet; nec domesticas solum agitet curas sed identidem hoc animo reputet nostras nunc intueri manus senatum populumque Romanum:

[¶16] 41.17. So spoke the consul to the Romans. Hannibal thought it well to encourage his soldiers by an object lesson before haranguing them. He therefore caused the army to gather in a circle for the spectacle, and setting in the midst some captive mountaineers with fetters on them, gave the order to throw some Gallic weapons down at their feet, and bade an interpreter enquire if any were willing to fight for life or death, on condition of being granted freedom, if victorious, and presented with a horse and arms.

> Latin: 41.17. qualis nostra uis uirtusque fuerit, talem deinde fortunam illius urbis ac Romani imperii fore.' haec apud Romanos consul. Hannibal rebus prius quam uerbis adhortandos milites ratus, circumdato ad spectaculum exercitu captiuos montanos uinctos in medio statuit armisque Gallicis ante pedes eorum proiectis interrogare interpretem iussit, ecquis, si uinculis leuaretur armaque et equum uictor acciperet, decertare ferro uellet.

[¶17] 42.2. When the captives, to the last man, called for sword and combat, and lots were being cast to decide amongst them, each hoped that he should be the one whom fortune selected for that contest; and he who had drawn the lot would leap for joy, and dancing about —as their custom is —while the others showered congratulations on him, would eagerly snatch up his weapons.

> Latin: 42.2. cum ad unum omnes ferrum pugnamque poscerent et deiecta in id sors esset, se quisque eum optabat quem fortuna in id certamen legeret, et, <ut> cuiusque sors exciderat, alacer, inter gratulantes gaudio exsultans, cum sui moris tripudiis arma raptim capiebat.

[¶18] 42.4. But when they fought, the feeling, not only in the bosoms of the other captives but even amongst the onlookers in general, was such that the fortune of those who conquered was not more praised than that of those who met an honourable death.

> Latin: 42.4. ubi uero dimicarent, is habitus animorum non inter eiusdem modo condicionis homines erat sed etiam inter spectantes uolgo, ut non uincentium magis quam bene morientium fortuna laudaretur.

[¶19] 43.1. Having thus, by the exhibition of several pairs, worked on the passions of his troops, he dismissed them. Then, convening an assembly, he addressed them —so it is said —in the following strain: "If that spirit which but now was roused in you by the example of the plight of others shall presently be yours, when you consider your own prospects, then, soldiers, the victory is ours.

> Latin: 43.1. cum sic aliquot spectatis paribus adfectos dimisisset, contione inde aduocata ita apud eos locutus fertur. 'si, quem animum in alienae sortis exemplo paulo ante habuistis, eundem mox in aestimanda fortuna uestra habueritis, uicimus, milites;

[¶20] 43.2. For that was no mere spectacle, but a kind of picture, as it were, of your own condition.

> Latin: 43.2. neque enim spectaculum modo illud sed quaedam ueluti imago uestrae condicionis erat.

[¶21] 43.3. And I incline to think that Fortune has laid you under stronger bonds and heavier necessities than your captives.

> Latin: 43.3. ac nescio an maiora uincula maioresque necessitates uobis quam captiuis uestris fortuna circumdederit.

[¶22] 43.4. On the right and on the left two seas encompass you, and you have not a single ship, even to flee in; round you is the river Po —the Po, a greater and more turbulent river than the Rhone; behind you tower the Alps, which you hardly scaled when you were fresh and vigorous.

> Latin: 43.4. dextra laeuaque duo maria claudunt nullam ne ad effugium quidem nauem habentes; circa Padus amnis, maior [Padus] ac uiolentior Rhodano, ab tergo Alpes urgent, uix integris uobis ac uigentibus transitae.

[¶23] 43.5. Here, soldiers, you must conquer or die, where for the first time you have faced the enemy. And the same Fortune which has laid upon you the necessity of fighting holds forth the promise of such prizes, in the event of victory, that men are wont to ask not even the immortal gods for greater.

> Latin: 43.5. hic uincendum aut moriendum, milites, est, ubi primum hosti occurristis. et eadem fortuna, quae necessitatem pugnandi imposuit, praemia uobis ea uictoribus proponit quibus ampliora homines ne ab dis quidem immortalibus optare solent.

[¶24] 43.6. If it were only Sicily and Sardinia, wrested from our fathers, that we were going to recover by our valour, these would still be great enough rewards. As it is, whatever the Romans have won and heaped up in the course of all their triumphs, whatever they possess, is all destined —and its owners with it —to be yours.

> Latin: 43.6. si Siciliam tantum ac Sardiniam parentibus nostris ereptas nostra uirtute reciperaturi essemus, satis tamen ampla pretia essent: quidquid Romani tot triumphis partum congestumque possident, id omne uestrum cum ipsis dominis futurum est;

[¶25] 43.7. Come then! Arm yourselves, with Heaven helping you, to earn this splendid wage!

> Latin: 43.7. in hanc tam opimam mercedem, agite dum, dis bene iuuantibus arma capite.

[¶26] 43.8. Long enough have you been chasing flocks on the barren mountains of Lusitania and Celtiberia, without seeing any recompense for all your toil and dangers.

> Latin: 43.8. satis adhuc in uastis Lusitaniae Celtiberiaeque montibus pecora consectando nullum emolumentum tot laborum periculorumque uestrorum uidistis;

[¶27] 43.9. It is now time for you to make rich and lucrative campaigns, and reap the large rewards of so long a march over so many mountains and rivers and through so many warlike tribes. Here Fortune has fixed the final goal of your labours; here, when your wars are ended, she will worthily requite you.

> Latin: 43.9. tempus est iam opulenta uos ac ditia stipendia facere et magna operae pretia mereri, tantum itineris per tot montes fluminaque et tot armatas gentes emensos.

[¶28] 43.10. "Nor must you think that in proportion to the great name of the war will be the difficulty you will have in winning it.

> Latin: 43.10. hic uobis terminum laborum fortuna dedit; hic dignam mercedem emeritis stipendiis dabit.

[¶29] 43.11. It has often happened that even an enemy held cheap has caused a bloody battle, and that nations and princes of renown have been very lightly overcome. Take from your enemies this one glory of the Roman name, and in what particular can they bear comparison with you?

> Latin: 43.11. nec, quam magni nominis bellum est, tam difficilem existimaritis uictoriam fore; saepe et contemptus hostis cruentum certamen edidit et incliti populi regesque perleui momento uicti sunt.

[¶30] 43.12. To say nothing of your twenty years of service and your far-famed courage and good fortune, you have come from the Pillars of Hercules, from the Ocean and the uttermost limits of the world, and through so many of the fiercest tribes of Spain and Gaul have fought your way victoriously to this field.

> Latin: 43.12. nam dempto hoc uno fulgore nominis Romani, quid est cur illi uobis comparandi sint? ut uiginti annorum militiam uestram cum illa uirtute, cum illa fortuna taceam, ab Herculis columnis, ab Oceano terminisque ultimis terrarum per tot ferocissimos Hispaniae et Galliae populos uincentes huc peruenistis;

[¶31] 43.14. You will be pitted against an army of recruits, who have been this very summer cut to pieces, routed, and besieged by Gauls —an army as yet unknown to its general and one that knows not him.

> Latin: 43.14. pugnabitis cum exercitu tirone, hac ipsa aestate caeso, uicto, circumsesso a Gallis, ignoto adhuc duci suo ignorantique ducem.

[¶32] 43.15. Or am I, who if not actually born in the headquarters of my father-most illustrious of commanders —was at least brought up there, am I, the subjugator of Spain and Gaul and conqueror not only of the Alpine tribes, but —what is much more —of the Alps themselves, am I, I ask you, to compare myself to this six-months general, who has deserted his own army?

> Latin: 43.15. an me in praetorio patris, clarissimi imperatoris, prope natum, certe eductum, domitorem Hispaniae Galliaeque, uictorem eundem non Alpinarum modo gentium sed ipsarum, quod multo maius est, Alpium, cum semenstri hoc conferam duce, desertore exercitus sui?

[¶33] 43.16. Why, if one were to show him to-day the Phoenicians and Romans without their standards, I am certain he would not know which army he was consul of.

> Latin: 43.16. cui si quis demptis signis Poenos Romanosque hodie ostendat, ignoraturum certum habeo utrius exercitus sit consul.

[¶34] 43.17. For my part, soldiers, I regard it as no slight advantage that there is not one of you in whose sight I have not often myself performed some soldierly feat; not one of whose courage I have not in my turn been a spectator and eye-witness —whose deeds of prowess, noted, together with their times and circumstances, I am not able to rehearse.

> Latin: 43.17. non ego illud parui aestimo, milites, quod nemo est uestrum cuius non ante oculos ipse saepe militare aliquod ediderim facinus, cui non idem ego uirtutis spectator ac testis notata temporibus locisque referre sua possim decora.

[¶35] 43.18. I shall enter the battle in company with men whom I have praised and decorated a thousand times, and to all of whom I was a foster-son before I was their general. Opposed to me will be men who do not even know each other.

> Latin: 43.18. cum laudatis a me miliens donatisque, alumnus prius omnium uestrum quam imperator, procedam in aciem aduersus ignotos inter se ignorantesque.

[¶36] 44.1. “Wherever I turn my eyes I see nothing but eagerness and strength, a veteran infantry, cavalry from the noblest tribes, riding with bridles or without, here ” “the trustiest and most valiant of allies, there Carthaginians, prepared to fight not only in defence of their native land, but in satisfaction of a most righteous indignation.”

> Latin: 44.1. quocumque circumtuli oculos, plena omnia uideo animorum ac roboris, ueteranum peditem, generosissimarum gentium equites frenatos infrenatosque, uos socios fidelissimos fortissimosque, uos, Carthaginienses, cum ob patriam, tum ob iram iustissimam pugnaturos.

[¶37] 44.3. “We are the assailants, and are descending with hostile standards into Italy, where we shall fight with more boldness and courage than our foes in proportion as our hopes are higher and the gallantry of the assailant greater than his who but defends himself.”

> Latin: 44.3. inferimus bellum infestisque signis descendimus in Italiam, tanto audacius fortiusque pugnaturi quam hostis, quanto maior spes, maior est animus inferentis uim quam arcentis.

[¶38] 44.4. “Moreover, our hearts are kindled and pricked by rancour, wrongs, and insults. They called for the punishment of myself first, as your leader, then of all of you who had borne a part in the assault upon Saguntum; had we been given up, they meant to have inflicted upon us the worst of tortures.”

> Latin: 44.4. accendit praeterea et stimulat animos dolor, iniuria, indignitas. ad supplicium depoposcerunt me ducem primum, deinde uos omnes qui Saguntum oppugnassetis; deditos ultimis cruciatibus adfecturi fuerunt.

[¶39] 44.5. “Most inhuman and most arrogant of nations, they reckon the world as theirs and subject to their pleasure. With whom we are to be at war, with whom at peace, they think it right that they should determine.”

> Latin: 44.5. crudelissima ac superbissima gens sua omnia suique arbitrii facit; cum quibus bellum, cum quibus pacem habeamus, se modum imponere aequum censet. circumscribit includitque nos terminis montium fluminumque, quos non excedamus, neque eos, quos statuit, terminos obseruat:

[¶40] 44.6. “They circumscribe and hem us in with boundaries of mountains and rivers which we may not cross; yet they do not observe those boundaries which they have set.”

> Latin: 44.6. "ne transieris Hiberum; ne quid rei tibi sit cum Saguntinis." ad Hiberum est Saguntum? "nusquam te uestigio moueris.

[¶41] 44.7. ' Do not cross the Ebro! Have naught to do with the Saguntines!' But Saguntum is free. ' Do not budge from where you are in any direction!' Is it not enough that you have taken away my ancient provinces of Sicily and Sardinia? Are you taking away Spain as well? If I withdraw from these, shall you cross over into Africa? Shall, do I say? They have dispatched the two consuls of this year, the one into Africa, and the other into Spain!

> Latin: 44.7. " parum est quod ueterrimas prouincias meas, Siciliam ac Sardiniam, <ademisti?> adimis etiam Hispanias et, si inde cessero, in Africam transcendes. <transcendes> autem? transcendisse dico. duos consules huius anni, unum in Africam, alterum in Hispaniam miserunt. nihil usquam nobis relictum est nisi quod armis uindicarimus.

[¶42] 44.8. “Nothing is left us anywhere, except what we shall defend by force of arms. They can afford to be timid and unenterprising who have something to fall back upon; whom their own country and their own fields will receive as they flee over safe and peaceful roads. As for you, you must be stout-hearted men, and discarding, without vain regrets, all hopes of anything but victory or death, either conquer or, if Fortune falters, sooner perish in battle than in flight.”

> Latin: 44.8. illis timidis et ignauis esse licet, qui respectum habent, quos sua terra, suus ager per tuta ac pacata itinera fugientes accipient: uobis necesse est fortibus uiris esse et, omnibus inter uictoriam mortemue certa desperatione abruptis, aut uincere aut, si fortuna dubitabit, in proelio potius quam in fuga mortem oppetere.

[¶43] 44.9. “If this idea has been firmly fixed and implanted in your hearts, let me say once more: the victory is already yours. The immortal gods have bestowed on man no sharper weapon for winning victories than contempt of death.”

> Latin: 44.9. si hoc [bene fixum] omnibus destinatum in animo est, iterum dicam, uicistis; nullum contemptu m<ortis incitamentum> ad uincendum homini ab dis immortalibus acrius datum est.'

[¶44] 45.1. When the spirits of the soldiers on both sides had been whetted for the struggle by these speeches, the Romans threw a bridge over the Ticinus and erected a fort besides for its protection;

> Latin: 45.1. his adhortationibus cum utrimque ad certamen accensi militum animi essent, Romani ponte Ticinum iungunt tutandique pontis causa castellum insuper imponunt:

[¶45] 45.2. and the Phoenician, whilst his enemies were engaged in fortification, sent Maharbal with a squadron of Numidians, numbering five hundred horse, to ravage the fields belonging to the allies of the Roman People, with orders to spare the Gauls as much as possible and tempt their leaders to desert.

> Latin: 45.2. Poenus hostibus opere occupatis Maharbalem cum ala Numidarum, equitibus quingentis, ad depopulandos sociorum populi Romani agros mittit;

[¶46] 45.3. On the completion of the bridge, the Roman army marched over into the country of the Insubres, and took up a position five miles from Victumulae.

> Latin: 45.3. Gallis parci quam maxime iubet principumque animos ad defectionem sollicitari. ponte perfecto traductus Romanus exercitus in agrum Insubrium quinque milia passuum ab Uictumulis consedit.

[¶47] 45.4. It was there that Hannibal had his camp, who, quickly recalling Maharbal and his cavalry, when he saw that a battle was imminent, called his troops together —for he never felt that he had done enough in the way of preparing and cheering the men —and held out definite rewards to them to fight for;

> Latin: 45.4. ibi Hannibal castra habebat; reuocatoque propere Maharbale atque equitibus cum instare certamen cerneret, nihil unquam satis dictum praemonitumque ad cohortandos milites ratus, uocatis ad contionem certa praemia pronuntiat in quorum spem pugnarent:

[¶48] 45.5. he would give them land, he said, in Italy, Africa, or Spain, as each might choose, tax-free to the recipient and to his children; those who had rather have money than land he would content with silver; if any of the allies desired to become citizens of Carthage, he would give them the opportunity;

> Latin: 45.5. agrum sese daturum esse in Italia, Africa, Hispania, ubi quisque uelit, immunem ipsi qui accepisset liberisque; qui pecuniam quam agrum maluisset, ei se argento satisfacturum;

[¶49] 45.6. as for such as preferred to go back to their homes, he would see to it that they should feel no inclination to change places with any of their countrymen;

> Latin: 45.6. qui sociorum ciues Carthaginienses fieri uellent, potestatem facturum; qui domos redire mallent, daturum se operam ne cuius suorum popularium mutatum secum fortunam esse uellent.

[¶50] 45.7. besides this he promised freedom to the slaves who had come with their masters, and declared that he would make restitution to the latter, at the rate of two for one.

> Latin: 45.7. seruis quoque dominos prosecutis libertatem proponit binaque pro his mancipia dominis se redditurum.

[¶51] 45.8. And that they might know that these promises would be kept, he held a lamb with his left hand, and with his right a flint, and praying that if he should deceive them, then Jupiter and the other gods might slay him, even as he had slain the lamb, he thereupon smote the lamb's head with the stone.

> Latin: 45.8. eaque ut rata scirent fore, agnum laeua manu, dextra silicem retinens, si falleret, Iouem ceterosque precatur deos ita se mactarent quemadmodum ipse agnum mactasset, et secundum precationem caput pecudis saxo elisit.

[¶52] 45.9. Then indeed they all, as though each had received the blessing of the gods on his own particular hopes, and thought that their fulfilment was being delayed only because they were not yet fighting, cried out with one accord and one voice for battle.

> Latin: 45.9. tum uero omnes, uelut dis auctoribus in spem suam quisque acceptis, id morae quod nondum pugnarent ad potienda sperata rati, proelium uno animo et uoce una poscunt.

[¶53] 46.1. On the Roman side there was far less alacrity, for, besides other things, they were also frightened by some recent portents:

> Latin: 46.1. apud Romanos haudquaquam tanta alacritas erat, super cetera recentibus etiam territos prodigiis;

[¶54] 46.2. a wolf had entered the camp and after rending those whom it met, had itself escaped unharmed; and a swarm of bees had settled in a tree that hung over the consul's tent.

> Latin: 46.2. nam et lupus intrauerat castra laniatisque obuiis ipse intactus euaserat, <et> examen apum in arbore praetorio imminente consederat.

[¶55] 46.3. After averting these omens, Scipio set out with his cavalry and light-armed darters to reconnoitre at close hand the enemy's camp and the size and character of his forces, and encountered Hannibal, who had likewise come out with his cavalry to explore the surrounding country.

> Latin: 46.3. quibus procuratis Scipio cum equitatu iaculatoribusque expeditis profectus ad castra hostium exque propinquo copias, quantae et cuius generis essent, speculandas obuius fit Hannibali et ipsi cum equitibus ad exploranda circa loca progresso.

[¶56] 46.4. Neither party descried the other at first; afterwards an increasingly thick cloud of dust, that rose with the advance of so many men and horses, gave them notice that their enemies were approaching. Both bodies halted and began to make ready for battle.

> Latin: 46.4. neutri alteros primo cernebant; densior deinde incessu tot hominum <et> equorum oriens puluis signum propinquantium hostium fuit. consistit utrumque agmen et ad proelium sese expediebant.

[¶57] 46.5. Scipio stationed his darters and Gallic horse in front, holding in reserve the Romans and the best of the allies; Hannibal put the cavalry who rode with bridles in the centre, and made his wings strong with Numidians. Hardly had the battle-cry been raised, when the darters fled through their supports to the second line.

> Latin: 46.5. Scipio iaculatores et Gallos equites in fronte locat, Romanos sociorumque quod roboris fuit in subsidiis; Hannibal frenatos equites in medium accipit, cornua Numidis firmat.

[¶58] 46.6. Then followed a cavalry fight of which the issue was for a time in doubt; but by and by the horses became excited by the presence of the foot-soldiers who were mingled with them, and many riders lost their seats or dismounted on seeing their fellows in distress, and the battle was now fought chiefly on foot; until the Numidians, who were posted on the flanks, rode round in a little circuit and showed themselves on the rear.

> Latin: 46.6. uixdum clamore sublato iaculatores fugerunt inter subsidia ac secundam aciem. inde equitum certamen erat aliquamdiu anceps; dein quia turbabant equos pedites intermixti, multis labentibus ex equis aut desilientibus ubi suos premi circumuentos uidissent, iam magna ex parte ad pedes pugna abierat, donec Numidae qui in cornibus erant circumuecti paulum ab tergo se ostenderunt.

[¶59] 46.7. So alarming a sight filled the Romans with dismay, and, to add to their fear, the consul was wounded and was only saved from danger by the intervention of his son, who was just reaching manhood.

> Latin: 46.7. is pauor perculit Romanos, auxitque pauorem consulis uolnus periculumque intercursu tum primum pubescentis filii propulsatum.

[¶60] 46.8. This is the youth who will have the glory of finishing this war, and be surnamed Africanus, from his famous victory over Hannibal and the Phoenicians.

> Latin: 46.8. hic erit iuuenis penes quem perfecti huiusce belli laus est, Africanus ob egregiam uictoriam de Hannibale Poenisque appellatus.

[¶61] 46.9. However, the rout was chiefly amongst the darters, the first to be charged by the Numidians: the cavalry rallied, and receiving the consul into their midst, and shielding him not only with their arms but with their persons also, brought him back to camp without panic or confusion at any point in their retreat. (The credit for saving the consul's life is given by Coelius to a Ligurian slave.

> Latin: 46.9. fuga tamen effusa iaculatorum maxime fuit quos primos Numidae inuaserunt; alius confertus equitatus consulem in medium acceptum, non armis modo sed etiam corporibus suis protegens, in castra nusquam trepide neque effuse cedendo reduxit.

[¶62] 46.10. I should prefer, for my own part, that the story about his son were the true one, and this is the version which most authorities have handed down and tradition has established. ) Such was the first battle fought with Hannibal, in which it was clearly seen that the Phoenician was superior in cavalry and that consequently open plains, like those between the Po and the Alps, were ill-suited to the Romans for campaigning.

> Latin: 46.10. seruati consulis decus Coelius ad seruum natione Ligurem delegat; malim equidem de filio uerum esse, quod et plures tradidere auctores et fama obtinuit. hoc primum cum Hannibale proelium fuit; quo facile apparuit et equitatu meliorem Poenum esse et ob id campos patentes, quales sunt inter Padum Alpesque, bello gerendo Romanis aptos non esse.

[¶63] 47.2. Accordingly, the next night Scipio gave his men the order to pack up without making any noise, and quitting his camp on the Ticinus, marched swiftly to the Po, intending to use the bridge of boats which he had thrown across the river and had not yet broken up, in order to set his army over without confusion or interruption by the enemy.

> Latin: 47.2. itaque proxima nocte iussis militibus uasa silentio colligere castra ab Ticino mota festinatumque ad Padum est ut ratibus, quibus iunxerat flumen, nondum resolutis sine tumultu atque insectatione hostis copias traiceret.

[¶64] 47.3. They were at Placentia before Hannibal was well aware that they were gone from the Ticinus; nevertheless some six hundred men, who were lingering on the northern bank and taking their time about casting off the raft, fell into Hannibal's hands. He was not able to cross the bridge, for when the end was cast off, the whole raft swung down stream with the current.

> Latin: 47.3. prius Placentiam peruenere quam satis sciret Hannibal ab Ticino profectos; tamen ad sescentos moratorum in citeriore ripa Padi segniter ratem soluentes cepit. transire pontem non potuit, ut extrema resoluta erant tota rate in secundam aquam labente.

[¶65] 47.4. Coelius states that Mago with the cavalry and the Spanish foot immediately swam the river, and that Hannibal himself led his army across the Po by an upper ford, after placing the elephants in a line to break the current of the river.

> Latin: 47.4. Coelius auctor est Magonem cum equitatu et Hispanis peditibus flumen extemplo tranasse, ipsum Hannibalem per superiora Padi uada exercitum traduxisse, elephantis in ordinem ad sustinendum impetum fluminis oppositis.

[¶66] 47.5. Those who are acquainted with the Po will hardly credit this account; for, in the first place, it is unlikely that the horsemen could have breasted so strong a current without the loss of arms or horses, even if all the Spaniards had swum over on inflated skins, and in the second place it would have needed a circuitous march of many days to reach fords on the Po by which an army encumbered with baggage could get across.

> Latin: 47.5. ea peritis amnis eius uix fidem fecerint; nam neque equites armis equisque saluis tantam uim fluminis superasse ueri simile est—ut iam Hispanos omnes inflati trauexerint utres—, et multorum dierum circuitu Padi uada petenda fuerunt qua exercitus grauis impedimentis traduci posset.

[¶67] 47.6. Those writers seem to me more worthy of belief who relate that in two days' search a pace was scarcely found where the river could be spanned by a bridge of boats; by this the cavalry and light Spanish infantry were sent forward under Mago.

> Latin: 47.6. potiores apud me auctores sunt qui biduo uix locum rate iungendo flumini inuentum tradunt; ea cum Magone equites <et> Hispanorum expeditos praemissos.

[¶68] 47.7. While Hannibal, who had lingered on the northern bank to give a hearing to some Gallic embassies, was bringing over the heavy infantry, Mago and his horsemen advanced a day's march from the crossing of the river towards Placentia and the enemy.

> Latin: 47.7. dum Hannibal, circa flumen legationibus Gallorum audiendis moratus, traicit grauius peditum agmen, interim Mago equitesque ab transitu fluminis diei unius itinere Placentiam ad hostes contendunt.

[¶69] 47.8. A few days later, Hannibal went into camp behind entrenchments, six miles from the town, and on the following day drew up his troops in sight of the enemy and offered battle.

> Latin: 47.8. Hannibal paucis post diebus sex milia a Placentia castra communiuit et postero die in conspectu hostium acie directa potestatem pugnae fecit.

[¶70] 48.1. The next night there was a bloody affray in the Roman camp, occasioned by some Gallic auxiliaries, though the confusion was greater than the loss of life.

> Latin: 48.1. insequenti nocte caedes in castris Romanis, tumultu tamen quam re maior, ab auxiliaribus Gallis facta est.

[¶71] 48.2. Some two thousand foot-soldiers and two hundred horsemen cut down the guards doing duty at the gates and fled to Hannibal, who received them with fair words, and after encouraging them to hope for great rewards, sent them off to their several states to solicit the support of their countrymen.

> Latin: 48.2. ad duo milia peditum et ducenti equites uigilibus ad portas trucidatis ad Hannibalem transfugiunt; quos Poenus benigne adlocutus et spe ingentium donorum accensos in ciuitates quemque suas ad sollicitandos popularium animos dimisit.

[¶72] 48.3. Scipio apprehended that this bloodshed would prove to be a signal for the defection of all the Gauls, and that they would fly to arms, as if maddened by the contagion of this crime. Accordingly, though still troubled with his wound, he marched silently away in the fourth watch of the next night to the river Trebia, and encamped on higher ground, where hills made it more difficult for cavalry to operate.

> Latin: 48.3. Scipio caedem eam signum defectionis omnium Gallorum esse ratus contactosque eo scelere uelut iniecta rabie ad arma ituros, quamquam grauis adhuc uolnere erat, tamen quarta uigilia noctis insequentis tacito agmine profectus, ad Trebiam fluuium iam in loca altiora collesque impeditiores equiti castra mouet.

[¶73] 48.5. He was less successful than he had been on the Ticinus in eluding the observation of Hannibal, who sent after him first the Numidians and then all his cavalry, and would have thrown the rearguard at least into disorder, had not the Numidians, in their greed for booty, turned aside to plunder the camp which the Romans had abandoned.

> Latin: 48.5. minus quam ad Ticinum fefellit; missisque Hannibal primum Numidis, deinde omni equitatu turbasset utique nouissimum agmen, ni auiditate praedae in uacua Romana castra Numidae deuertissent.

[¶74] 48.6. Whilst they frittered away the time there, rummaging in every nook and cranny without finding anything that really repaid them for the loss of time, they let their enemies slip through their fingers. The Romans had already passed the Trebia and were marking out their camp, when the Numidians caught sight of them and cut down a few loiterers whom they intercepted on the hither side of the stream.

> Latin: 48.6. ibi dum perscrutantes loca omnia castrorum nullo satis digno morae pretio tempus terunt, emissus hostis est de manibus; et cum iam transgressos Trebiam Romanos metantesque castra conspexissent, paucos moratorum occiderunt citra flumen interceptos.

[¶75] 48.7. Scipio could no longer bear the pain occasioned by the jolting of his wound in travelling, and besides he judged it best to wait for the arrival of his colleague, who was already recalled —so he had heard —from Sicily. He therefore chose what seemed to be the safest place near the river for a permanent camp, and proceeded to entrench it.

> Latin: 48.7. Scipio, nec uexationem uolneris in uia iactati ultra patiens et collegam— iam enim et reuocatum ex Sicilia audierat—ratus exspectandum, locum qui prope flumen tutissimus statiuis est uisus delectum communiit.

[¶76] 48.8. Hannibal, too, went into camp not far away. Elated as he was at the victory of his horse, he was no less worried by the dearth of food, which increased from day to day, as he advanced through hostile territory without having anywhere arranged beforehand for supplies.

> Latin: 48.8. nec procul inde Hannibal cum consedisset, quantum uictoria equestri elatus, tantum anxius inopia quae per hostium agros euntem, nusquam praeparatis commeatibus, maior in dies excipiebat, ad Clastidium uicum, quo magnum frumenti numerum congesserant Romani, mittit.

[¶77] 48.9. In the village of Clastidium the Romans had got together a great quantity of corn. Thither Hannibal dispatched some soldiers, who were making preparations to assault the place, when hopes were held out of its betrayal. The price was not a large one: Dasius of Brundisium, who was in command of the garrison, accepted a bribe of four hundred gold pieces, and turned Clastidium over to Hannibal.

> Latin: 48.9. ibi cum uim pararent, spes facta proditionis; nec sane magno pretio, nummis aureis quadringentis, Dasio Brundisino praefecto praesidii corrupto traditur Hannibali Clastidium. id horreum fuit Poenis sedentibus ad Trebiam.

[¶78] 48.10. This served the Phoenicians as a granary, while they lay encamped on the Trebia. The surrendered garrison were spared, as Hannibal wished to gain at the very outset a reputation for clemency.

> Latin: 48.10. in captiuos ex tradito praesidio, ut fama clementiae in principio rerum colligeretur, nihil saeuitum est.

[¶79] 49.1. Though the war on land had come to a standstill at the Trebia, engagements had in the meantime been fought by land and sea off Sicily and the islands near the Italian coast, not only by Sempronius the consul, but even before his coming thither.

> Latin: 49.1. cum ad Trebiam terrestre constitisset bellum, interim circa Siciliam insulasque Italiae imminentes et a Sempronio consule et ante aduentum eius terra marique res gestae.

[¶80] 49.2. Twenty quinqueremes with a thousand men at arms had been sent by the Carthaginians to lay waste the coast of Italy; nine of them reached Liparae and eight the Isle of Vulcan; three the current diverted from their course into the Straits.

> Latin: 49.2. uiginti quinqueremes cum mille armatis ad depopulandam oram Italiae a Carthaginiensibus missae; nouem Liparas, octo ad insulam Uolcani tenuerunt, tres in fretum auertit aestus.

[¶81] 49.3. These last were sighted by the people of Messana, and Hiero, king of the Syracusans, who happened to be in Messana at the time, waiting for the Roman consul, dispatched twelve ships, which captured the enemy's ships without a struggle and brought them into the harbour of Messana.

> Latin: 49.3. ad eas conspectas a Messana duodecim naues ab Hierone rege Syracusanorum missae, qui tum forte Messanae erat consulem Romanum opperiens, nullo repugnante captas naues Messanam in portum deduxerunt.

[¶82] 49.4. It was learned from the prisoners that, besides the fleet of twenty galleys to which they themselves belonged —which had sailed for Italy —five and thirty other quinqueremes were on the way to Sicily to rouse up the old allies;

> Latin: 49.4. cognitum ex captiuis praeter uiginti naues, cuius ipsi classis essent, in Italiam missas, quinque et triginta alias quinqueremes Siciliam petere ad sollicitandos ueteres socios;

[¶83] 49.5. the seizure of Lilybaeum was their prime object; but they supposed that the same storm by which they had themselves been scattered had struck this fleet as well and had driven it out of its course to the Aegatian Islands.

> Latin: 49.5. Lilybaei occupandi praecipuam curam esse; credere eadem tempestate qua ipsi disiecti forent eam quoque classem ad Aegates insulas deiectam.

[¶84] 49.6. The king wrote a full account of these rumours, just as they had come to him, to Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, who was in command in Sicily, and warned him to garrison Lilybaeum strongly.

> Latin: 49.6. haec, sicut audita erant, rex M. Aemilio praetori, cuius Sicilia prouincia erat, perscribit monetque [et] Lilybaeum firmo teneret praesidio.

[¶85] 49.7. The praetor at once sent out his lieutenants and tribunes to the cities round about, and urged his people to be on their guard. Above all, Lilybaeum was kept in a state of readiness for war, an edict having been published directing the naval allies to bring to their ships cooked rations for ten days, so that, on the signal being given, there might be nothing to delay their embarkation. All along the coast men were sent to keep a look-out from the watch-towers for the coming of the enemy's fleet.

> Latin: 49.7. extemplo et circa a praetore ad ciuitates missi legati tribunique suos ad curam custodiae intendere, et ante omnia Lilybaeum tueri apparatu belli, edicto proposito ut socii nauales decem dierum cocta cibaria ad naues deferrent et ubi signum datum esset ne quis moram conscendendi faceret, perque omnem oram qui ex speculis prospicerent aduentantem hostium classem missis.

[¶86] 49.9. And so, notwithstanding that the Carthaginians had delayed their sailing on purpose that they might come up to Lilybaeum in the dark, they were nevertheless perceived, because there was a moon all night and they bore down under a spread of canvas.

> Latin: 49.9. itaque quamquam de industria morati cursum nauium erant Carthaginienses ut ante lucem accederent Lilybaeum, praesensum tamen est quia et luna pernox erat et sublatis armamentis ueniebant.

[¶87] 49.10. The signal was at once displayed from the watchtowers, and in the town the call to arms was sounded and the ships were manned; some of the troops were at once on the walls or guarding the gates, some on the ships.

> Latin: 49.10. extemplo datum signum ex speculis et in oppido ad arma conclamatum est et in naues conscensum; pars militum in muris portarumque in stationibus, pars in nauibus erant.

[¶88] 49.11. And the Carthaginians, seeing that they should have to do with men who were not unprepared, stood off from the harbour until dawn and employed the time in taking down their masts and sails and putting the fleet in fighting trim.

> Latin: 49.11. et Carthaginienses, quia rem fore haud cum imparatis cernebant, usque ad lucem portu se abstinuerunt, demendis armamentis eo tempore aptandaque ad pugnam classe absumpto.

[¶89] 49.12. When the day broke, they withdrew into the open sea, to give room for the battle and to allow their enemy's ships a ready egress from the harbour. Nor did the Romans shun the encounter.

> Latin: 49.12. ubi inluxit, recepere classem in altum ut spatium pugnae esset exitumque liberum e portu naues hostium haberent.

[¶90] 49.13. They remembered the victories that had been won in that same vicinity, and relied on the numbers and the bravery of their men.

> Latin: 49.13. nec Romani detractauere pugnam et memoria circa ea ipsa loca gestarum rerum freti et militum multitudine ac uirtute. ubi in altum euecti sunt, Romanus conserere pugnam et ex propinquo uires conferre uelle;

[¶91] 50.2. Once at sea, the Romans wanted to join battle and match their strength against the enemy's at close quarters. The Phoenicians, on the contrary, preferred to manœuvre; to conduct the affair by strategy, not by force, and to make it a contest rather of ships than of men or arms.

> Latin: 50.2. contra eludere Poenus et arte non ui rem gerere nauiumque quam uirorum aut armorum malle certamen facere.

[¶92] 50.3. For although their fleet was well equipped with rowers, they were short of fighting men; and when a ship was grappled, the men-at-arms in her were greatly outnumbered by their enemies.

> Latin: 50.3. nam ut sociis naualibus adfatim instructam classem, ita inopem milite habebant et, sicubi conserta nauis esset, haudquaquam par numerus armatorum ex ea pugnabat.

[¶93] 50.4. Perceiving this, the Romans derived a fresh access of courage from their numbers, and the other side were correspondingly disheartened by their fewness. Seven Punic ships were instantly cut out and captured, and the rest took to flight.

> Latin: 50.4. quod ubi animaduersum est, et Romanis multitudo sua auxit animum et paucitas illis minuit.

[¶94] 50.5. There were seventeen hundred soldiers and sailors on the captured ships, including three Carthaginian nobles. The Roman fleet returned intact into the harbour: one ship only had been rammed, and even this was brought safely in.

> Latin: 50.5. extemplo septem naues Punicae circumuentae: fugam ceterae ceperunt. mille et septingenti fuere in nauibus captis milites nautaeque, in his tres nobiles Carthaginiensium.

[¶95] 50.6. After this engagement, but before the people in Messana had got wind of it, the consul Tiberius Sempronius came to that city.

> Latin: 50.6. classis Romana incolumis, una tantum perforata naui sed ea quoque ipsa reduce, in portum rediit.

[¶96] 50.7. As he was entering the straits, King Hiero put out to meet him, with his fleet in fighting order, and passing over from the royal galley to the praetorian, congratulated Sempronius on having arrived in safety with his army and his ships, and prayed that he might have a safe and successful passage to Sicily. He then described conditions in the island and the attempts made by the Carthaginians, and promised that with the same spirit with which, in his youth, he had helped the Roman People in the former war he would help them now, as an old man, and would furnish corn and clothing gratis to the legions of the consul and the naval allies.

> Latin: 50.7. secundum hanc pugnam, nondum gnaris eius qui Messanae erant Ti. Sempronius consul Messanam uenit. ei fretum intranti rex Hiero classem ornatam obuiam duxit, transgressusque ex regia in praetoriam nauem, gratulatus sospitem cum exercitu et nauibus aduenisse precatusque prosperum ac felicem in Siciliam transitum, statum deinde insulae et Carthaginiensium conata exposuit pollicitusque est, quo animo priore bello populum Romanum iuuenis adiuuisset, eo senem adiuturum;

[¶97] 50.10. He added that Lilybaeum and the cities of the coast were in great danger, and that some of them would welcome a revolution.

> Latin: 50.10. frumentum uestimentaque sese legionibus consulis sociisque naualibus gratis praebiturum; grande periculum Lilybaeo maritimisque ciuitatibus esse et quibusdam uolentibus nouas res fore.

[¶98] 50.11. In view of these things, the consul saw fit to sail without delay for Lilybaeum, and the king attended him with the royal fleet. On the voyage they learned of the action that had been fought near that city, and the defeat and capture of the enemy's ships.

> Latin: 50.11. ob haec consuli nihil cunctandum uisum quin Lilybaeum classe peteret. et rex regiaque classis una profecti. nauigantes inde pugnatum ad Lilybaeum fusasque et captas hostium naues accepere.

[¶99] 51.1. From Lilybaeum the consul dismissed King Hiero and his fleet, and leaving the praetor to protect the coast of Sicily, set sail for the island of Melita, which was held by the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 51.1. a Lilybaeo consul, Hierone cum classe regia dimisso relictoque praetore ad tuendam Siciliae oram, ipse in insulam Melitam, quae a Carthaginiensibus tenebatur, traiecit.

[¶100] 51.2. On his arrival, Hamilcar, Gisgo's son, the commandant of the garrison, surrendered himself and nearly two thousand soldiers, together with the town and island. From Melita Sempronius returned in a few days to Lilybaeum, and consul and praetor sold into slavery the prisoners they had made, with the exception of those who were distinguished by noble birth. When the consul judged that Sicily was in no danger from that quarter, he crossed over to the Isles of Vulcan, where it was rumoured that a Punic fleet was lying; but no single enemy was discovered near those islands.

> Latin: 51.2. aduenienti Hamilcar Gisgonis filius, praefectus praesidii, cum paulo minus duobus milibus militum oppidumque cum insula traditur. inde post paucos dies reditum Lilybaeum captiuique et a consule et a praetore, praeter insignes nobilitate uiros, sub corona uenierunt. postquam ab ea parte satis tutam Siciliam censebat consul, ad insulas Uolcani, quia fama erat stare ibi Punicam classem, traiecit;

[¶101] 51.3. They had already, as it happened, sailed across to ravage the Italian coast, and after pillaging the country about Vibo, were even threatening the town.

> Latin: 51.3. nec quisquam hostium circa eas insulas inuentus; iam forte transmiserant ad uastandam Italiae oram depopulatoque Uibonensi agro urbem etiam terrebant.

[¶102] 51.5. The consul was returning again to Sicily when tidings reached him of the enemy's raid on the lands of Vibo, and a letter was delivered to him from the senate, apprising him of Hannibal's descent into Italy and bidding him go to the assistance of his colleague at the earliest possible moment.

> Latin: 51.5. repetenti Siciliam consuli escensio hostium in agrum Uibonensem facta nuntiatur, litteraeque ab senatu de transitu in Italiam Hannibalis et ut primo quoque tempore collegae ferret auxilium missae traduntur.

[¶103] 51.6. Beset with many cares at once, he immediately embarked his army and dispatched it through the Adriatic to Ariminum; to Sextus Pomponius, his lieutenant, he assigned five and twenty ships of war, with the task of defending the territory of Vibo and the coast of Italy; the fleet under Marcus Aemilius the praetor he increased to fifty sail.

> Latin: 51.6. multis simul anxius curis exercitum extemplo in naues impositum Ariminum mari supero misit, Sex. Pomponio legato cum uiginti quinque longis nauibus Uibonensem agrum maritimamque oram Italiae tuendam attribuit, M.

[¶104] 51.7. He himself, after settling the affairs of Sicily, took ten ships, and skirting the Italian coast, arrived at Ariminum. Thence he marched with his army to the Trebia and effected a junction with his colleague.

> Latin: 51.7. Aemilio praetori quinquaginta nauium classem expleuit. ipse compositis Siciliae rebus decem nauibus oram Italiae legens Ariminum peruenit. inde cum exercitu suo profectus ad Trebiam flumen collegae coniungitur.

[¶105] 52.1. Now that both the consuls and all the forces which the Romans could muster were opposing Hannibal, it was obvious enough either that the troops there under arms were able to defend Rome's empire or that her case was hopeless.

> Latin: 52.1. iam ambo consules et quidquid Romanarum uirium erat Hannibali oppositum aut illis copiis defendi posse Romanum imperium aut spem nullam aliam esse satis declarabat.

[¶106] 52.2. Nevertheless one of the consuls, disheartened by a single cavalry engagement and weak from his wound, preferred to postpone the decision. The other, unwearied and therefore the more impetuous, would put up with no delay.

> Latin: 52.2. tamen consul alter, equestri proelio uno et uolnere suo comminutus, trahi rem malebat; recentis animi alter eoque ferocior nullam dilationem patiebatur.

[¶107] 52.3. The country between the Trebia and the Po was in those days inhabited by Gauls, who in this struggle of two mighty peoples maintained a neutral attitude and plainly intended to court the good-will of the victor.

> Latin: 52.3. quod inter Trebiam Padumque agri est Galli tum incolebant, in duorum praepotentium populorum certamine per ambiguum fauorem haud dubie gratiam uictoris spectantes.

[¶108] 52.4. This policy was agreeable enough to the Romans, if only the Gauls made no disturbance, but was far from acceptable to Hannibal, who declared repeatedly that he had come on the invitation of the Gauls, to set them free.

> Latin: 52.4. id Romani, modo ne quid mouerent, aequo satis, Poenus periniquo animo ferebat, ab Gallis accitum se uenisse ad liberandos eos dictitans.

[¶109] 52.5. In his resentment at this state of affairs, and in order at the same time to sustain his troops with plunder, he ordered two thousand foot and a thousand horse —chiefly Numidians but with a sprinkling of Gauls —to waste the entire country-side, field after field, right up to the banks of the Po.

> Latin: 52.5. ob eam iram, simul ut praeda militem aleret, duo milia peditum et mille equites, Numidas plerosque, mixtos quosdam et Gallos, populari omnem deinceps agrum usque ad Padi ripas iussit.

[¶110] 52.6. The helpless Gauls, who had been undecided until then, were compelled to turn from the authors of their wrongs to those who might avenge them; and, sending envoys to the consuls, besought the Romans to come to the aid of a land that was suffering for its inhabitants' too great loyalty to Rome.

> Latin: 52.6. egentes ope Galli, cum ad id dubios seruassent animos, coacti ab auctoribus iniuriae ad uindices futuros declinant legatisque ad consulem missis auxilium Romanorum terrae ob nimiam cultorum fidem in Romanos laboranti orant.

[¶111] 52.7. Cornelius liked neither the occasion nor the time for fighting, and regarded the Gauls with suspicion, both because of many acts of perfidy, and especially —even though time had obliterated those ancient grievances —because of the recent treachery of the Boi.

> Latin: 52.7. Cornelio nec causa nec tempus agendae rei placebat suspectaque ei gens erat cum ob infida multa facinora, tum, ut alia uetustate obsoleuissent, ob recentem Boiorum perfidiam: