---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 42 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 42. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 42. Book XXVIII · chapters 40–46

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42/#p-N

[¶0] 40.3. This plan being by no means approved by the leading senators, while because of fear or else to curry favour, all the rest failed to speak out, Quintus Fabius Maximus, when asked his opinion, said: "I know that many of you, conscript fathers, hold that we are today debating a closed question, and that whoever expresses an opinion on Africa as a province, just as if it were an open question, will be speaking to no purpose.

> Latin: 40.3. Q. Fabius Maximus rogatus sententiam: 'scio multis uestrum uideri, patres conscripti, rem actam hodierno die agi et frustra habiturum orationem qui tamquam de integra re de Africa prouincia sententiam dixerit.

[¶1] 40.4. For myself, however, in the first place I do not understand how Africa is already definitely assigned to that brave and energetic man, the consul, since neither has the senate voted nor the people commanded that it be a province for this year.

> Latin: 40.4. ego autem primum illud ignoro quemadmodum iam certa prouincia Africa consulis, uiri fortis ac strenui, sit, quam nec senatus censuit in hunc annum prouinciam esse nec populus iussit.

[¶2] 40.5. In the second place, if it is his, I think that the consul who mocks the senate by pretending to bring before the house business upon which action has been taken is at fault, not a senator who in his proper order states his opinion on the matter under consideration.

> Latin: 40.5. deinde, si est, consulem peccare arbitror qui de re transacta simulando se referre senatum ludibrio habet, non senatorem qui de quo consulitur suo loco dicit sententiam.

[¶3] 40.6. And I am quite certain that in opposing such haste to cross over into Africa I must expose myself to two charges, first, of an inborn habit of delay, which young men are free to call fear and lack of spirit, provided there are as yet no regrets that other men's policies have always appeared at first sight more attractive, mine the better in practice.

> Latin: 40.6. atque ego certum habeo dissentienti mihi ab ista festinatione in Africam traiciendi duarum rerum subeundam opinionem esse, unius, insitae ingenio meo cunctationis, quam metum pigritiamque homines adulescentes sane appellent, dum ne paeniteat adhuc aliorum speciosiora primo adspectu consilia semper uisa, mea usu meliora;

[¶4] 40.8. Secondly, they will accuse me of carping criticism and envy towards the daily increasing fame of a very brave consul.

> Latin: 40.8. alterius, obtractationis atque inuidiae aduersus crescentem in dies gloriam fortissimi consulis.

[¶5] 40.9. From this suspicion if neither my past life and my character nor my dictatorship and five consulships can defend me, together with so much glory won in the field and at home that I tend to be sated rather than to crave it, may my years at least bring exemption. For what rivalry can I have with a man who is not even my son's contemporary?

> Latin: 40.9. a qua suspicione si me neque uita acta et mores mei neque dictatura cum quinque consulatibus tantumque gloriae belli domique partae uindicat ut propius fastidium eius sim quam desiderium, aetas saltem liberet. quae enim mihi aemulatio cum eo esse potest qui ne filio quidem meo aequalis sit?

[¶6] 40.10. In my dictatorship, although I was still at the height of my powers and in the stream of great events, no one heard me refuse either in the senate or before the people to have the command of my master of the horse, who was inveighing against me, made equal to mine, a thing which never had been heard of before.

> Latin: 40.10. me dictatorem cum uigerem adhuc uiribus et in cursu maximarum rerum essem recusantem nemo aut in senatu aut apud populum audiuit quo minus insectanti me magistro equitum, quod fando nunquam ante auditum erat, imperium mecum aequaretur;

[¶7] 40.11. By acts rather than words I preferred to gain this result, that one who by the verdict of other men had been made my colleague should presently by his own admission place me above himself.

> Latin: 40.11. rebus quam uerbis adsequi malui ut qui aliquorum iudicio mihi comparatus erat sua mox confessione me sibi praeferret;

[¶8] 40.12. Much less would I, who have filled the high offices, set before me competition and rivalry with a young man in the very flower of his youth, with the intention, of course, of having Africa, if it be denied him, awarded as a province to me, who am now worn out by mere living, not only by cares of state.

> Latin: 40.12. nedum ego perfunctus honoribus certamina mihi atque aemulationem cum adulescente florentissimo proponam;

[¶9] 40.13. With such glory as has been already earned must I live and die. I have prevented Hannibal from conquering, in order that you men whose powers are still strong might even conquer him.

> Latin: 40.13. uidelicet ut mihi iam uiuendo non solum rebus gerendis fesso, si huic negata fuerit, Africa prouincia decernatur. cum ea gloria quae parta est uiuendum atque moriendum est. uincere ego prohibui Hannibalem ut a uobis quorum uigent nunc uires etiam uinci posset.

[¶10] 41.1. "One thing it will be right, Publius Cornelius, for you to pardon me —inasmuch as in my own case I have never rated what men say more highly than the state —namely, if I do not prefer your glory, either, to the welfare of the state.

> Latin: 41.1. 'illud te mihi ignoscere, P. Corneli, aequum erit, si cum in me ipso nunquam pluris famam hominum quam rem publicam fecerim, ne tuam quidem gloriam bono publico praeponam.

[¶11] 41.2. If, however, there were no war in Italy, or if the enemy were one from whose defeat no glory was to be earned, only then could a man who kept you in Italy, even if he did so with advantage to the state, be thought to have been bent on taking away the war from you and with it your opportunity for fame.

> Latin: 41.2. quamquam si aut bellum nullum in Italia aut is hostis esset ex quo uicto nihil gloriae quaereretur, qui te in Italia retineret, etsi id bono publico faceret, simul cum bello materiam gloriae tuae isse ereptum uideri posset.

[¶12] 41.3. But since Hannibal as an enemy with army intact is occupying Italy for the fourteenth year, will you be dissatisfied with your fame, Publius Cornelius, if in your consulship you shall have driven out of Italy the enemy who has caused us so many losses, so many disasters, and if you shall have the distinction of finishing the present war, just as Gaius Lutatius had that of ending the former Punic war?

> Latin: 41.3. cum uero Hannibal hostis incolumi exercitu quartum decimum annum Italiam obsideat, paenitebit te, P. Corneli, gloriae tuae si hostem eum qui tot funerum tot cladium nobis causa fuit tu consul Italia expuleris et, sicut penes C. Lutatium prioris Punici perpetrati belli titulus fuit, ita penes te huius fuerit?

[¶13] 41.4. Unless Hamilcar is to be rated above Hannibal as a general, or that war above this one, or unless that victory was greater and more famous than this one is to be, if only it be our good fortune to win in your consulship.

> Latin: 41.4. nisi aut Hamilcar Hannibali dux est praeferendus aut illud bellum huic, aut uictoria illa maior clariorque quam haec—modo contingat ut te consule uincamus — futura est?

[¶14] 41.5. Would you rather have dragged Hamilcar away from Drepana or down from Eryx than have driven the Carthaginians and Hannibal out of Italy?

> Latin: 41.5. a Drepanis aut Eryce detraxisse Hamilcarem quam Italia expulisse Poenos atque Hannibalem malis?

[¶15] 41.6. Although you take more delight in glory already won than in glory hoped for, even you would not boast of having rid Spain of the war rather than Italy.

> Latin: 41.6. ne tu quidem, etsi magis partam quam speratam gloriam amplecteris, Hispania potius quam Italia bello liberata gloriatus fueris.

[¶16] 41.7. "Not yet has Hannibal reached such a pass that the man who preferred some other war would not seem to have feared rather than despised him. Therefore gird yourself for this war, and not employing your roundabout method —crossing first to Africa, and then hoping Hannibal will follow you thither —but rather by a direct march from here aim your campaign at the region where Hannibal is, if you seek your glorious palm for bringing the Punic war to an end.

> Latin: 41.7. 'nondum is est Hannibal, quem non magis timuisse uideatur quam contempsisse qui aliud bellum maluerit. quin igitur ad hoc accingeris nec per istos circuitus, ut cum in Africam traieceris secuturum te illuc Hannibalem speres, potius quam recto hinc itinere, ubi Hannibal est, eo bellum intendis? egregiam istam palmam belli Punici patrati petis?

[¶17] 41.9. This is also the natural order: first to defend your own possessions, then to proceed to attack those of others. First peace in Italy, then be it war-in Africa! and let our fear abate before we use fear as an offensive weapon against others.

> Latin: 41.9. hoc et natura prius est, tua cum defenderis aliena ire oppugnatum. pax ante in Italia quam bellum in Africa sit, et nobis prius decedat timor quam ultro aliis inferatur.

[¶18] 41.10. If both can be done under your lead and your auspices, after defeating Hannibal here, storm Carthage over there. If one or the other of these two victories must be left to new consuls, the earlier will prove not only greater and more celebrated but the cause as well of the later victory.

> Latin: 41.10. si utrumque tuo ductu auspicioque fieri potest, Hannibale hic uicto, illic Carthaginem expugna: si alterautra uictoria nouis consulibus relinquenda est, prior cum maior clariorque tum causa etiam insequentis fuerit.

[¶19] 41.11. For at the present time, not to mention that the treasury cannot support two widely separated armies, in Italy and in Africa, not to mention that no resources remain out of which we may maintain fleets, out of which we may be able to furnish supplies, pray tell me, who does not see how great is the danger involved?

> Latin: 41.11. nam nunc quidem, praeterquam quod et in Italia et in Africa duos diuersos exercitus alere aerarium non potest, praeterquam quod unde classes tueamur unde commeatibus sufficiamus praebendis nihil reliqui est, quid?

[¶20] 41.12. Publius Licinius will carry on the war in Italy, Publius Scipio in Africa.

> Latin: 41.12. periculi tandem quantum adeatur quem fallit? P. Licinius in Italia, P. Scipio bellum in Africa geret.

[¶21] 41.13. Tell me, if a victorious Hannibal —may all the gods avert the omen! and my mind even shudders to mention it; but what has happened can happen —if he shall advance towards the city, then and not before, are we to summon you as consul out of Africa, as we summoned Quintus Fulvius from Capua?

> Latin: 41.13. quid? si—quod omnes di omen auertant et dicere etiam reformidat animus, sed quae acciderunt accidere possunt—uictor Hannibal ire ad urbem perget, tum demum te consulem ex Africa, sicut Q. Fuluium a Capua, arcessemus?

[¶22] 41.14. What of it that in Africa also the fortune of war will make no distinctions? Let your own house be a warning, your father and uncle, slain with their armies within thirty days, and that in a land where for some years by very great achievements on land and sea they won a most honourable name among foreign nations for the Roman people and for your family.

> Latin: 41.14. quid? quod in Africa quoque Mars communis belli erit? domus tibi tua, pater patruusque intra triginta dies cum exercitibus caesi documento sint, ubi per aliquot annos maximis rebus terra marique gerendis amplissimum nomen apud exteras gentes populi Romani uestraeque familiae fecerant.

[¶23] 41.16. Time would fail me if I should attempt to enumerate the kings and generals who have rashly invaded the land of their enemies with disastrous defeats for themselves and their armies.

> Latin: 41.16. dies me deficiat si reges imperatoresque temere in hostium terram transgressos cum maximis cladibus suis exercituumque suorum enumerare uelim.

[¶24] 41.17. The Athenians, although their state had great foresight, leaving a war at home crossed over to Sicily with a great fleet under the leadership of a young man as energetic as he was noble, and in a single naval battle permanently ruined their prosperous state.

> Latin: 41.17. Athenienses, prudentissima ciuitas, bello domi relicto, auctore aeque impigro ac nobili iuuene, magna classe in Siciliam tramissa, una pugna nauali florentem rem publicam suam in perpetuum adflixerunt.

[¶25] 42.1. "Foreign examples are these that I am recalling and too ancient. Let that same Africa of yours and Marcus Atilius, a striking example of good fortune and bad, be a lesson to us.

> Latin: 42.1. 'externa et nimis antiqua repeto. Africa eadem ista et M. Atilius, insigne utriusque fortunae exemplum, nobis documento sint.

[¶26] 42.2. Verily, Publius Cornelius, when you sight Africa from the sea your Spanish provinces will seem to you to have been mere child's play.

> Latin: 42.2. ne tibi, P. Corneli, cum ex alto Africam conspexeris, ludus et iocus fuisse Hispaniae tuae uidebuntur. quid enim simile?

[¶27] 42.3. For what is there that is comparable? Over an unmolested sea you sailed along the coast of Italy and Gaul, and put in with your fleet at Emporiae, a city of our allies.

> Latin: 42.3. pacato mari praeter oram Italiae Galliaeque uectus Emporias in urbem sociorum classem adpulisti; expositos milites per tutissima omnia ad socios et amicos populi Romani Tarraconem duxisti;

[¶28] 42.4. Landing your troops you led them through country everywhere perfectly safe and reached allies and friends of the Roman people at Tarraco. From Tarraco it was then a march from one Roman post to another.

> Latin: 42.4. ab Tarracone deinde iter per praesidia Romana; circa Hiberum exercitus patris patruique tui post amissos imperatores ferociores calamitate ipsa facti, et dux tumultuarius quidem ille L.

[¶29] 42.5. Along the Hiberus were the armies of your father and uncle, which after losing their generals had gained more spirit even from disaster. Their commander also was the well-known Lucius Marcius, irregularly appointed, to be sure, being chosen for an emergency by vote of the soldiers, but if nobility and the normal magistracies added their distinction, equal to famous generals in all the arts of war.

> Latin: 42.5. Marcius et militari suffragio ad tempus lectus, ceterum si nobilitas ac iusti honores adornarent, claris imperatoribus qualibet arte belli par; oppugnata per summum otium Carthago nullo trium Punicorum exercituum socios defendente;

[¶30] 42.6. (New) Carthage was taken without any interference, since none of the three Punic armies came to the defence of their allies. The rest of your campaign —and I do not belittle it —cannot, however, be compared in any way with a war in Africa, where there is no harbour open to our fleet, no subjugated territory, no allied city, no friendly king, no place anywhere to hold your ground, no place to advance, while wherever you look, the country all about you will be hostile and dangerous.

> Latin: 42.6. cetera—neque ea eleuo—nullo tamen modo Africo bello comparanda, ubi non portus ullus classi nostrae apertus, non ager pacatus, non ciuitas socia, non rex amicus, non consistendi usquam locus, non procedendi;

[¶31] 42.7. "Can it be that you trust Syphax and the Numidians? Let it suffice to have trusted them once. Not always is rashness successful, and treachery seeks in small matters to ensure trustfulness, so that when it becomes worth while, it may deceive with great profit. The enemy did not overpower your father and uncle by force of arms until the Celtiberian allies had done so by treachery.

> Latin: 42.7. quacumque circumspexeris hostilia omnia atque infesta. 'an Syphaci Numidisque credis? satis sit semel creditum; non semper temeritas est felix, et fraus fidem in paruis sibi praestruit ut, cum operae pretium sit, cum mercede magna fallat. non hostis patrem patruumque tuum armis prius quam Celtiberi socii fraude circumuenerunt; nec tibi ipsi a Magone et Hasdrubale hostium ducibus quantum ab Indibili et Mandonio in fidem acceptis periculi fuit.

[¶32] 42.9. Nor in your own case was there as much danger from Mago and Hasdrubal, generals of the enemy, as from Indibilis and Mandonius, who had come under your protection. Can you trust the Numidians after experiencing a mutiny of your own soldiers?

> Latin: 42.9. Numidis tu credere potes, defectionem militum tuorum expertus? et Syphax et Masinissa se quam Carthaginienses malunt potentissimos in Africa esse, Carthaginienses quam quemquam alium.

[¶33] 42.10. Both Syphax and Masinissa prefer that they themselves rather than the Carthaginians should be supreme in Africa, and the Carthaginians rather than anyone else. At present rivalry between them and all possible reasons for contention spur them on because the foreigners whom they fear are far away.

> Latin: 42.10. nunc illos aemulatio inter sese et omnes causae certaminum acuunt quia procul externus metus est: ostende Romana arma et exercitum alienigenam; iam uelut ad commune restinguendum incendium concurrent.

[¶34] 42.11. Show them Roman arms and a foreign-born army, and now they will rush, as it were, to put out a fire that concerns them all.

> Latin: 42.11. aliter iidem illi Carthaginienses Hispaniam defenderunt, aliter moenia patriae, templa deum, aras et focos defendent cum euntes in proelium pauida prosequetur coniunx et parui liberi occursabunt.

[¶35] 42.12. In one fashion those same Carthaginians have defended Spain; in quite another fashion will they defend the walls of their native city, the temples of the gods, their altars and hearths, when as they go out to battle a frightened wife will escort them and little children will throw themselves in their way. "Furthermore, what if the Carthaginians, confidently relying upon the united spirit of Africa, the loyalty of the allied kings, and their own walls, shall take the initiative themselves when they have seen Italy stripped of protection from yourself and your army?

> Latin: 42.12. 'quid porro, si satis confisi Carthaginienses consensu Africae, fide sociorum regum, moenibus suis, cum tuo exercitusque tui praesidio nudatam Italiam uiderint, ultro ipsi nouum exercitum in Italiam aut ex Africa miserint, aut Magonem, quem a Baliaribus classe transmissa iam praeter oram Ligurum Alpinorum uectari constat, Hannibali se coniungere iusserint?

[¶36] 42.14. What if they either send a new army into Italy from Africa, or order Mago —and it is known that he has crossed from the Balearic Islands on his fleet and is already sailing along the coast held by the Alpine Ligurians —to unite with Hannibal?

> Latin: 42.14. nempe in eodem terrore erimus in quo nuper fuimus cum Hasdrubal in Italiam transcendit, quem tu, qui non solum Carthaginem sed omnem Africam exercitu tuo es clausurus, e manibus tuis in Italiam emisisti. uictum a te dices;

[¶37] 42.15. Surely we shall be in the same panic as we were recently when Hasdrubal crossed into Italy —the man whom you, who are about to invest not merely Carthage but all Africa by your army, allowed to slip out of your hands into Italy. He had been defeated by you, you will say; all the more do I regret —and this for your own sake, not merely for that of the state — that a passage into. Italy was allowed to the defeated.

> Latin: 42.15. eo quidem minus uellem—et id tua non rei publicae solum causa—iter datum uicto in Italiam esse. patere nos omnia quae prospera tibi ac populi Romani imperio euenere tuo consilio adsignare, aduersa casibus incertis belli et fortunae relegare:

[¶38] 42.16. Permit us to attribute to your strategy all that resulted favourably for you and the empire of the Roman people, to ascribe the unfavourable to the uncertainties of war and to fortune. The better and braver man you are the more do your native city and all Italy keep their hold upon so capable a defender.

> Latin: 42.16. quo melior fortiorque es, eo magis talem praesidem sibi patria tua atque uniuersa Italia retinet. non potes ne ipse quidem dissimulare, ubi Hannibal sit, ibi caput atque arcem huius belli esse, quippe qui prae te feras eam tibi causam traiciendi in Africam esse ut Hannibalem eo trahas.

[¶39] 42.17. You are unable even yourself to conceal the fact that where Hannibal is, there is the centre and stronghold of this war, since you declare that your reason for crossing over to Africa is in order to draw Hannibal thither. Therefore, be it here, be it there, you will have Hannibal to deal with. “Will you, therefore, be stronger, pray, -in Africa when alone, or here, uniting your army with that of your colleague? Do not Claudius also and Livius, the consuls, by a very recent instance prove how great a difference that ” “makes?

> Latin: 42.17. siue igitur hic siue illic, cum Hannibale est tibi futura res. 'utrum tandem ergo firmior eris in Africa solus an hic tuo collegaeque exercitu coniuncto? ne Claudius quidem et Liuius consules tam recenti exemplo quantum id intersit documento sunt?

[¶40] 42.18. And tell me, pray, will the remote and secluded Bruttian territory make Hannibal stronger in arms and men, when he: has long been begging in vain for auxiliaries from home, or rather Carthage near at hand and all Africa her ” “ally?

> Latin: 42.18. quid? Hannibalem utrum tandem extremus angulus agri Bruttii, frustra iam diu poscentem ab domo auxilia, an propinqua Carthago et tota socia Africa potentiorem armis uirisque faciet?

[¶41] 42.19. What is that plan of yours, to prefer to decide the issue just where your forces are reduced by one-half, the forces of the enemy greatly increased, rather than where two armies have to fight against one exhausted by so many battles and a service so long and so ” “hard?

> Latin: 42.19. quod istud consilium est, ibi malle decernere ubi tuae dimidio minores copiae sint, hostium multo maiores, quam ubi duobus exercitibus aduersus unum tot proeliis et tam diuturna ac graui militia fessum pugnandum sit?

[¶42] 42.20. Reflect how different is your plan from that of your father. He as consul had set out for Spain, but he returned to Italy from his province in order to meet Hannibal as he came down from the ” “Alps. You, although Hannibal is in Italy, are preparing to leave Italy, not because you think it to the advantage of the state, but because you hold it great and glorious for yourself. It was thus that leaving province and army, unauthorized by any law or decree of the senate, you, a commanding general of the Roman people, entrusted to two ships the fortune of the state and majesty of the empire, which were at that time endangered in your ” “person.

> Latin: 42.20. quam compar consilium tuum parentis tui consilio sit reputa. ille consul profectus in Hispaniam, ut Hannibali ab Alpibus descendenti occurreret in Italiam ex prouincia rediit: tu cum Hannibal in Italia sit relinquere Italiam paras, non quia rei publicae utile sed quia tibi id amplum et gloriosum censes esse—sicut cum prouincia et exercitu relicto sine lege sine senatus consulto duabus nauibus populi Romani imperator fortunam publicam et maiestatem imperii, quae tum in tuo capite periclitabantur, commisisti.

[¶43] 42.22. My opinion is that Publius Cornelius was elected consul for the republic and for us, not for himself and his personal ends, and that armies were enlisted for the defence of the city and Italy, not that consuls in the arrogant manner of tyrants may transport them to whatever lands they choose.”

> Latin: 42.22. ego, patres conscripti, P. Cornelium rei publicae nobisque, non sibi ipsi priuatim creatum consulem existimo, exercitusque ad custodiam urbis atque Italiae scriptos esse, non quos regio more per superbiam consules quo terrarum uelint traiciant.'

[¶44] 43.1. When Fabius by a speech adapted to the situation, but especially by his prestige and long-established reputation for foresight, had stirred a large part of the senate and in particular the older members, and while more were praising the wisdom of the veteran than the confident spirit of the young man, Scipio is said to have spoken as follows:

> Latin: 43.1. cum oratione ad tempus parata Fabius, tum auctoritate et inueteratae prudentiae fama magnam partem senatus et seniores maxime ltcumgt mouisset, pluresque consilium senis quam animum adulescentia ferocem laudarent, Scipio ita locutus fertur:

[¶45] 43.2. "Even Quintus Fabius himself at the beginning of his speech, conscript fathers, stated that in his expression of opinion captious criticism might be suspected.

> Latin: 43.2. 'et ipse Q. Fabius principio orationis, patres conscripti, commemorauit in sententia sua posse obtractationem suspectam esse;

[¶46] 43.3. Far as I should be from venturing to bring that charge against so great a man, nevertheless such suspicion has certainly not been cleared away, be it the speech or the subject that is at fault.

> Latin: 43.3. cuius ego rei non tam ipse ausim tantum uirum insimulare quam ea suspicio, uitio orationis an rei, haud sane purgata est.

[¶47] 43.4. For he has highly extolled his offices and the fame of his achievements in order to refute the charge of envy, just as if it were from men of the lowest rank that there is danger of rivalry for me, and not rather from one who because he rises above all others —a distinction towards which I do not deny that I also am striving —is unwilling to have me compared with himself.

> Latin: 43.4. sic enim honores suos et famam rerum gestarum extulit uerbis ad exstinguendum inuidiae crimen tamquam mihi ab infimo quoque periculum sit ne mecum aemuletur, et non ab eo qui, quia super ceteros excellat, quo me quoque niti non dissimulo, me sibi aequari nolit.

[¶48] 43.5. He has represented himself as an old man and one who has played his part, and me as younger even than his son, just as if the desire for glory did not reach farther than the span of human life and project in fullest measure into the memory of posterity.

> Latin: 43.5. sic senem se perfunctumque et me infra aetatem filii etiam sui posuit tamquam non longius quam quantum uitae humanae spatium est cupiditas gloriae extendatur maximaque pars eius in memoriam ac posteritatem promineat. maximo cuique id accidere animo certum habeo ut se non cum praesentibus modo sed cum omnis aeui claris uiris comparent.

[¶49] 43.7. Of the greatest minds it is true, I am sure, that they compare themselves not only with the living but with eminent men in every age. For my part I do not deny, Quintus Fabius, that I wish not only to attain to your fame but also —by your good leave —if possible to surpass it.

> Latin: 43.7. equidem haud dissimulo me tuas, Q. Fabi, laudes non adsequi solum uelle sed—bona uenia tua dixerim—, si possim, etiam exsuperare.

[¶50] 43.8. Let us not have such a spirit —you towards me, I towards younger men — that we should be unwilling to have any fellowcitizen come to be like us. For that would be a loss affecting, not only those whom we have envied, but the state also and almost the entire human race.

> Latin: 43.8. illud nec tibi in me nec mihi in minoribus natu animi sit ut nolimus quemquam nostri similem euadere ciuem; id enim non eorum modo quibus inuiderimus sed rei publicae et paene omnis generis humani detrimentum est.

[¶51] 43.9. "He called to mind how great a danger I should encounter if I were to cross over to Africa, so that he seemed concerned for me also, not merely for the state and the army.

> Latin: 43.9. 'commemorauit quantum essem periculi aditurus si in Africam traicerem, ut meam quoque, non solum rei publicae et exercitus uicem uideretur sollicitus.

[¶52] 43.10. Whence has come this sudden solicitude about me? When my father and uncle had been slain, when their two armies had been all but annihilated, when the Spanish provinces had been lost, when four armies of Carthaginians and four generals held the whole country in the grip of fear and arms, when, though sought for, no commanding general presented himself for that war except myself, no one had dared to put forward his name, when the Roman people had bestowed upon me at the age of twenty-four years its high command, why in such circumstances did no one at that time call to

> Latin: 43.10. unde haec repente cura de me exorta? cum pater patruusque meus interfecti, cum duo exercitus eorum prope occidione occisi essent, cum amissae Hispaniae, cum quattuor exercitus Poenorum quattuorque duces omnia metu armisque tenerent, cum quaesitus ad id bellum imperator nemo se ostenderet praeter me, nemo profiteri nomen ausus esset, cum mihi quattuor et uiginti annos nato detulisset imperium populus Romanus, quid ita tum nemo aetatem meam, uim hostium, difficultatem belli, patris patruique recentem cladem commemorabat?

[¶53] 43.12. mind my youth, the might of the enemy, the difficulty of the war, the recent disaster to my father and my uncle?

> Latin: 43.12. utrum maior aliqua nunc in Africa calamitas accepta est quam tunc in Hispania erat?

[¶54] 43.13. Has some greater catastrophe now befallen us in Africa than had been suffered then in Spain? Or are there now larger armies in Africa and more generals and better than there were then in Spain? Or was my age then riper for the conduct of war than it is now?

> Latin: 43.13. an maiores nunc sunt exercitus in Africa et duces plures melioresque quam tunc in Hispania fuerunt? an aetas mea tunc maturior bello gerendo fuit quam nunc est?

[¶55] 43.14. Or is it more suitable to wage war with a Carthaginian enemy in Spain than in Africa? It is easy to disparage my achievements after the rout and flight of four Punic armies, after the storming of so many cities or their subjugation through fear, after a thorough and complete conquest all the way to the Ocean —so many princes, so many warlike nations — after the recovery of all Spain so that no trace of war remains.

> Latin: 43.14. an cum Carthaginiensi hoste in Hispania quam in Africa bellum geri aptius est? facile est post fusos fugatosque quattuor exercitus Punicos, post tot urbes ui captas aut metu subactas in dicionem, post perdomita omnia usque ad Oceanum, tot regulos, tot saeuas gentes, post receptam totam Hispaniam ita ut uestigium belli nullum reliquum sit,

[¶56] 43.16. It will indeed be just as easy if I return as a victor from Africa to disparage precisely the same things which now, in order to hold me back, are magnified by the speaker to make them appear terrible. "He denies that we have any access to Africa, he denies that any harbours are open to us.

> Latin: 43.16. eleuare meas res gestas, tam hercule quam, si uictor ex Africa redierim, ea ipsa eleuare quae nunc retinendi mei causa ut terribilia eadem uideantur uerbis extolluntur. 'negat aditum esse in Africam, negat ullos patere portus.

[¶57] 43.17. He states that Marcus Atilius was captured in Africa, as if Marcus Atilius met disaster upon his first landing in Africa. Also he does not recall that even that unfortunate general found the harbours of Africa nevertheless open to him and conducted a remarkable campaign in his first year, and so far as Carthaginian generals are concerned, remained undefeated to the end. You shall not frighten me, therefore, by the example you give.

> Latin: 43.17. M. Atilium captum in Africa commemorat, tamquam M. Atilius primo accessu ad Africam offenderit, neque recordatur illi ipsi tam infelici imperatori patuisse tamen portus Africae, et res egregie primo anno gessisse et quantum ad Carthaginienses duces attinet inuictum ad ultimum permansisse. nihil igitur me isto exemplo terrueris.

[¶58] 43.18. If that disaster had been incurred in this war, not in the former war, if recently and not forty years ago, why after Regulus' capture should I hesitate to cross over to Africa any more than to Spain after the Scipios had fallen?

> Latin: 43.18. si hoc bello non priore, si nuper et non annis ante quadraginta ista ita clades accepta foret, qui ego minus in Africam Regulo capto quam Scipionibus occisis in Hispaniam traicerem?

[¶59] 43.19. I should not admit that the Spartan Xanthippus' birth had been more fortunate for Carthage than mine for my native city; and my confidence would be increased by the mere possibility of such weight in the ability of a single man.

> Latin: 43.19. nec felicius Xanthippum Lacedaemonium Carthagini quam me patriae meae sinerem natum esse, cresceretque mihi ex eo ipso fiducia quod possit in hominis unius uirtute tantum momenti esse.

[¶60] 43.20. But we must hear likewise of the Athenians, how neglecting a war at home they crossed rashly to Sicily.

> Latin: 43.20. at etiam Athenienses audiendi sunt temere in Siciliam omisso domi bello transgressi.

[¶61] 43.21. Why then, since you have time to tell Greek tales, do you not prefer to relate how Agathocles, King of Syracuse, after Sicily had long been ablaze with a Punic war, crossed over into this same Africa and diverted the war to the country from which it had come?

> Latin: 43.21. cur ergo, quoniam Graecas fabulas enarrare uacat, non Agathoclem potius, Syracusanum regem, cum diu Sicilia Punico bello ureretur, transgressum in hanc eandem Africam auertisse eo bellum unde uenerat refers?

[¶62] 44.1. "But what is the need of calling to mind by old and foreign examples what it means to make fear an offensive weapon against the enemy, and removing danger from yourself to bring another into peril?

> Latin: 44.1. 'sed quid, ultro metum inferre hosti et ab se remoto periculo alium in discrimen adducere quale sit, ueteribus externisque exemplis admonere opus est?

[¶63] 44.2. Can there be any greater and more effective example than Hannibal? A great difference it makes whether you are seeing the land of others ravaged or your own being burned over and devastated.

> Latin: 44.2. maius praesentiusue ullum exemplum esse quam Hannibal potest? multum interest alienos populere fines an tuos uri exscindi uideas; plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti.

[¶64] 44.3. More spirit has an aggressor than a defender. Besides there is greater dread of things unknown; on entering the territory of the enemy you have a near view of their advantages and disadvantages.

> Latin: 44.3. ad hoc maior ignotarum rerum est terror: bona malaque hostium ex propinquo ingressus fines adspicias.

[¶65] 44.4. Hannibal had not hoped that so many states in Italy would come over to his side as did so after the disaster at Cannae. How much less is anything in Africa to be strong and steadfast for the Carthaginians, faithless as allies, oppressive and arrogant as masters!

> Latin: 44.4. non sperauerat Hannibal fore ut tot in Italia populi ad se deficerent: defecerunt post Cannensem cladem: quanto minus quicquam in Africa Carthaginiensibus firmum aut stabile est infidis sociis, grauibus ac superbis dominis.

[¶66] 44.5. Furthermore, even when deserted by our allies, we kept our footing by our own forces, our Roman soldiers. The Carthaginians have no forces of their own citizens. They have mercenaries, Africans and Numidians, very inconstant by nature and ready to change their allegiance.

> Latin: 44.5. ad hoc nos, etiam deserti ab sociis, uiribus nostris milite Romano stetimus: Carthaginiensi nihil ciuilis roboris est: mercede paratos milites habent, Afros Numidasque, leuissima fidei mutandae ingenia.

[¶67] 44.6. If only there is no delay here, at the same moment you will hear that I have crossed and that Africa is ablaze with war, and Hannibal casting off from here, and Carthage blockaded. Look for more cheering news from Africa and more frequent than you used to receive from Spain.

> Latin: 44.6. hic modo nihil morae sit, una et traiecisse me audietis et ardere bello Africam et molientem hinc Hannibalem et obsideri Carthaginem. laetiores et frequentiores ex Africa exspectate nuntios quam ex Hispania accipiebatis.

[¶68] 44.7. Inspiring these hopes in me are the fortune of the Roman people, the gods who witnessed the treaty violated by the enemy, the kings, Syphax and Masinissa, on whose honour I shall rely —but so as to be well protected against treachery. "Many things which, owing to distance, are not now evident the war will reveal.

> Latin: 44.7. has mihi spes subicit fortuna populi Romani, di foederis ab hoste uiolati testes, Syphax et Masinissa reges quorum ego fidei ita innitar ut bene tutus a perfidia sim. 'multa quae nunc ex interuallo non apparent bellum aperiet:

[¶69] 44.8. It is the part of a man and a general not to prove wanting when fortune presents herself, and to fit what is offered by chance into his plan.

> Latin: 44.8. id est uiri et ducis, non deesse fortunae praebenti se et oblata casu flectere ad consilium.

[¶70] 44.9. I shall have Hannibal as the antagonist you assign me, Quintus Fabius; but I shall draw him after me, not let him hold me back. In his own land will I compel him to fight, and Carthage is to be the reward of victory, not the half-ruined strongholds of the Bruttians.

> Latin: 44.9. habebo, Q. Fabi, parem quem das Hannibalem; sed illum ego potius traham quam ille me retineat. in sua terra cogam pugnare eum, et Carthago potius praemium uictoriae erit quam semiruta Bruttiorum castella.

[¶71] 44.10. Meantime, while I am crossing over, while landing my army in Africa, while moving my camp up to Carthage, let the republic suffer no harm here. That service you, Quintus Fabius, were able to guarantee while everywhere in Italy the victorious Hannibal flitted about.

> Latin: 44.10. ne quid interim dum traicio, dum expono exercitum in Africa, dum castra ad Carthaginem promoueo, res publica hic detrimenti capiat, quod tu, Q. Fabi, cum uictor tota uolitaret Italia Hannibal potuisti praestare, hoc uide ne contumeliosum sit concusso iam et paene fracto Hannibale negare posse P.

[¶72] 44.11. Would it not be insulting, with Hannibal now shaken and almost broken, to claim that Publius Licinius, the consul —a very brave man who took no part in the allotment of so distant a province, solely that as pontifex maximus he might not be absent from religious ceremonies —cannot do the same?

> Latin: 44.11. Licinium consulem, uirum fortissimum, praestare, qui ne a sacris absit pontifex maximus ideo in sortem tam longinquae prouinciae non uenit.

[¶73] 44.12. If in truth the war were not completed any more promptly by the method which I propose, it would nevertheless conduce to the dignity of the Roman people and its reputation among kings and foreign nations to let it be seen that we have the spirit not only to defend Italy but also to invade Africa. Likewise not to have it believed and published abroad that what Hannibal has dared no Roman general dares, and that in the former Punic war, at a time when the stake was Sicily, Africa was attacked so many times by our armies and fleets, but that now, when Italy is the stake, Africa is at peace.

> Latin: 44.12. si hercules nihilo maturius hoc quo ego censeo modo perficeretur bellum, tamen ad dignitatem populi Romani famamque apud reges gentesque externas pertinebat, non ad defendendam modo Italiam sed ad inferenda etiam Africae arma uideri nobis animum esse, nec hoc credi uolgarique quod Hannibal ausus sit neminem ducem Romanum audere, et priore Punico bello tum cum de Sicilia certaretur totiens Africam ab nostris exercitibusque et classibus oppugnatam, nunc cum de Italia certetur Africam pacatam esse.

[¶74] 44.14. Let Italy, so long harried, at length have rest; let Africa in turn be burned over and laid waste.

> Latin: 44.14. requiescat aliquando uexata tam diu Italia: uratur euasteturque in uicem Africa.

[¶75] 44.15. Let Roman camps threaten the gates of Carthage; better so than that we should see the enemy's earthworks from our walls for the second time. Let Africa be the theatre of the remainder of the war. In that direction may terror and flight be diverted, the devastation also of farms, the desertion of allies, and the other calamities of war which for fourteen years have assailed us.

> Latin: 44.15. castra Romana potius Carthaginis portis immineant quam nos iterum uallum hostium ex moenibus nostris uideamus. Africa sit reliqui belli sedes; illuc terror fugaque, populatio agrorum, defectio sociorum, ceterae belli clades, quae in nos per quattuordecim annos ingruerunt, uertantur.

[¶76] 44.16. “It is enough to have spoken of matters concerning the state and the war now in progress and the provinces which are in question.”

> Latin: 44.16. 'quae ad rem publicam pertinent et bellum quod instat et prouincias de quibus agitur dixisse satis est:

[¶77] 44.17. “A long speech it would be and one of no concern to you senators if, after the manner in which Quintus Fabius has disparaged my achievements in Spain, I on my part should be minded to scoff at his fame and to enlarge upon my own.”

> Latin: 44.17. illa longa oratio nec ad uos pertinens sit, si quemadmodum Q. Fabius meas res gestas in Hispania eleuauit sic ego contra gloriam eius eludere et meam uerbis extollere uelim.

[¶78] 44.18. “I will do neither, conscript fathers, and if in no other respect, in modesty at least and in control of my tongue I, who am young, will outstrip the older man. Such have been my life and achievements that, although silent, I am quite content with the opinion which of your own accord you have formed and retain.”

> Latin: 44.18. neutrum faciam, patres conscripti, et si nulla alia re, modestia certe et temperando linguae adulescens senem uicero. ita et uixi et gessi res ut tacitus ea opinione quam uestra sponte conceptam animis haberetis facile contentus essem.'

[¶79] 45.1. Scipio met with a less favourable hearing because it had been generally reported that, if he should not carry his point in the senate and have Africa decreed him as his province, he would at once bring a bill before the people.

> Latin: 45.1. minus aequis animis auditus est Scipio quia uolgatum erat si apud senatum non obtinuisset ut prouincia Africa sibi decerneretur, ad populum extemplo laturum.

[¶80] 45.2. And so Quintus Fulvius, who had been consul four times and censor, demanded of the consul that he should frankly state in the senate whether he would permit the senators to make a decree in regard to the provinces and would stand by their vote, or was intending to bring a bill before the people.

> Latin: 45.2. itaque Q. Fuluius, qui consul quater et censor fuerat, postulauit a consule ut palam in senatu diceret permitteretne patribus ut de prouinciis decernerent staturusque eo esset quod censuissent an ad populum laturus.

[¶81] 45.3. When Scipio replied that he would act for the best interests of the state, Fulvius said:

> Latin: 45.3. cum Scipio respondisset se quod e re publica esset facturum, tum Fuluius:

[¶82] 45.4. “I was not unaware, when I asked my question, of the answer you would give or of what you would do, since you make it plain that you are sounding the senate rather than consulting it, and since, unless we at once decree for you the province which you have desired, you have a bill ready.”

> Latin: 45.4. 'non ego ignarus quid responsurus facturusue esses quaesiui, quippe cum prae te feras temptare te magis quam consulere senatum et ni prouinciam tibi quam uolueris extemplo decernamus paratam rogationem habeas.

[¶83] 45.5. “Accordingly, tribunes of the people ” he said “I demand of you that you come to my defence if I decline to express an opinion for the reason that, even in case our vote by division should favour a motion of mine, the consul will not consider it valid.”

> Latin: 45.5. itaque a uobis, tribuni plebis, postulo' inquit 'ut sententiam mihi ideo non dicenti quod, etsi in meam sententiam discedatur, non sit ratum habiturus consul auxilio sitis.'

[¶84] 45.6. Then arose a dispute, the consul maintaining that it was not right for the tribunes to use their veto to excuse a senator from stating his opinion when called upon in his regular order.

> Latin: 45.6. inde altercatio orta cum consul negaret aequum esse tribunos intercedere quo minus suo quisque loco rogatus sententiam diceret.

[¶85] 45.7. The tribunes made this decree: “If the consul permits the senate to assign the provinces, we decide that he must stand by the vote of the senate, and we will not allow a bill touching that matter to be brought before the people.”

> Latin: 45.7. tribuni ita decreuerunt: 'si consul senatui de prouinciis permittit, stari eo quod senatus censuerit placet, nec de ea re ferri ad populum patiemur; si non permittit, qui de ea re sententiam recusabit dicere auxilio erimus.' consul diem ad conloquendum cum collega petit;

[¶86] 45.8. “If he does not permit, we will come to the defence of a man who refuses to express an opinion on that matter.” The consul begged for one day to confer with his colleague; on the next day he gave the senate his permission.

> Latin: 45.8. postero die permissum senatui est. prouinciae ita decretae: alteri consuli Sicilia et triginta rostratae naues quas C. Seruilius superiore anno habuisset; permissumque ut in Africam, si id e re publica esse censeret, traiceret;

[¶87] 45.9. The provinces were assigned by decree as follows: to one of the consuls Sicily and the thirty war-ships which Gius Servilius had commanded in the previous year; and permission to cross over to Africa was given, if he should consider that to be to the advantage of the state; to the other consul the land of the Bruttians and the war with Hannibal, together with the army which he preferred.

> Latin: 45.9. alteri Bruttii et bellum cum Hannibale, cum eo exercitu quem††. L. Ueturius et Q. Caecilius sortirentur inter se compararentue uter in Bruttiis duabus legionibus quas consul reliquisset rem gereret, imperiumque in annum prorogaretur cui ea prouincia euenisset.

[¶88] 45.10. Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius were to decide between them by lot or by arrangement which of them was to wage war in the Bruttian land with the two legions which the consul should leave there, and whichever should have that province assigned to him was to have his command continued for one year.

> Latin: 45.10. et ceteris †praeter consules praetoresque qui exercitibus prouinciisque praefuturi† erant prorogata imperia. Q. Caecilio sorti euenit ut cum consule in Bruttiis aduersus Hannibalem bellum gereret.

[¶89] 45.12. And for the rest who were to command armies and provinces —apart from consuls and praetors —their commands were continued. It fell to Quintus Caecilius by lot to wage war together with the consul in the Bruttian land against Hannibal. Scipio's games were then held with great crowds and great approval on the part of the spectators.

> Latin: 45.12. ludi deinde Scipionis magna frequentia et fauore spectantium celebrati. legati Delphos ad donum ex praeda Hasdrubalis portandum missi M. Pomponius Matho et Q. Catius. tulerunt coronam auream ducentum pondo et simulacra spoliorum ex mille pondo argenti facta.

[¶90] 45.13. As ambassadors Marcus Pomponius Matho and Quintus Catius were sent to Delphi to carry a gift from the spoils of Hasdrubal. They took a golden wreath weighing two hundred pounds and representations of spoils made of a thousand pounds of silver.

> Latin: 45.13. Scipio cum ut dilectum haberet neque impetrasset neque magnopere tetendisset, ut uoluntarios ducere sibi milites liceret tenuit et, quia impensae negauerat rei publicae futuram classem, ut quae ab sociis darentur ad nouas fabricandas naues acciperet.

[¶91] 45.14. Although he had neither gained consent to hold a levy, nor had been especially insistent, Scipio obtained permission to take volunteers and to receive whatever should be given by the allies towards the construction of new ships, —this because he had stated that the fleet would not be an expense to the state. First the Etruscan communities promised that they would aid the consul, each according to its own resources. The men of Caere promised grain for the crews and supplies of every kind, the men of Populonium iron, Tarquinii linen for sails, Volaterrae the interior fittings of ships, also grain.

> Latin: 45.14. Etruriae primum populi pro suis quisque facultatibus consulem adiuturos polliciti: Caerites frumentum sociis naualibus commeatumque omnis generis, Populonenses ferrum, Tarquinienses lintea in uela, Uolaterrani interamenta nauium et frumentum, Arretini tria milia scutorum, galeas totidem, pila gaesa hastas longas, milium quinquaginta summam pari cuiusque generis numero expleturos,

[¶92] 45.17. Arretium promised three thousand shields, an equal number of helmets; and that they would furnish a total of fifty thousand javelins, short spears and lances, with an equal proportion of each type; also axes, shovels, sickles, baskets and hand-mills, as many as were needed for forty war-ships;

> Latin: 45.17. secures rutra falces alueolos molas quantum in quadraginta longas naues opus esset, tritici centum uiginti milia modium et in uiaticum decurionibus remigibusque conlaturos;

[¶93] 45.18. a hundred and twenty thousand pecks of wheat also; and that they would contribute allowances for petty officers and oarsmen. Perusia, Clusium and Rusellae promised fir for shipbuilding and a great quantity of grain.

> Latin: 45.18. Perusini Clusini Rusellani abietem in fabricandas naues et frumenti magnum numerum; abiete ltetgt ex publicis siluis est usus.

[¶94] 45.19. He used fir also from forests belonging to the state. The communities of Umbria and in addition Nursia and Reate and Amiternum and the whole Sabine district promised soldiers.

> Latin: 45.19. Umbriae populi et praeter hos Nursini et Reatini et Amiternini Sabinusque omnis ager milites polliciti. Marsi Paeligni Marrucinique multi uoluntarii nomina in classem dederunt.

[¶95] 45.20. Marsians, Paelignians and Marrucini in large numbers gave in their names as volunteers for the fleet.

> Latin: 45.20. Camertes cum aequo foedere cum Romanis essent cohortem armatam sescentorum hominum miserunt.

[¶96] 45.21. Camerinum, although it treated with the Romans on an equal footing, sent an armed cohort of six hundred men. After thirty keels had been laid down, twenty quinqueremes and ten quadriremes, Scipio so pushed the work that on the forty-fifth day after the timber had been brought from the forests the ships, rigged and equipped, were launched.

> Latin: 45.21. triginta nauium carinae, uiginti quinqueremes decem quadriremes, cum essent positae ipse ita institit operi ut die quadragensimo quinto quam ex siluis detracta materia erat naues instructae armataeque in aquam deductae sint.

[¶97] 46.1. He set out for Sicily on thirty war-ships after embarking some seven thousand volunteers.

> Latin: 46.1. profectus in Siciliam est triginta nauibus longis, uoluntariorum septem ferme milibus in naues impositis.

[¶98] 46.2. And Publius Licinius came to the two consular armies in the land of the Bruttians. Of these he took the army which Lucius Veturius had commanded as consul.

> Latin: 46.2. et P. Licinius in Bruttios ad duos exercitus consulares uenit. ex iis eum sibi sumpsit quem L. Ueturius consul habuerat:

[¶99] 46.3. He allowed Metellus to command the same legions which he had previously commanded, for he thought Metellus would more easily carry on the war with men accustomed to his authority. The praetors also set out in different directions to their provinces.

> Latin: 46.3. Metello ut quibus praefuisset legionibus iis praeesset, facilius cum adsuetis imperio rem gesturum ratus, permisit. et praetores diuersi in prouincias profecti.

[¶100] 46.4. And because there was a lack of money for the war the quaestors were ordered to sell a region of Campania extending from the Fossa Graeca to the sea, it being permitted also to give information as to any land which had belonged to a Campanian citizen, so that it might become public land of the Roman people.

> Latin: 46.4. et quia pecunia ad bellum deerat, agri Campani regionem a fossa Graeca ad mare uersam uendere quaestores iussi, indicio quoque permisso qui ager ciuis Campani fuisset, uti is publicus populi Romani esset;

[¶101] 46.5. For the informant one-tenth of the price of the land reported was established as a reward.

> Latin: 46.5. indici praemium constitutum, quantae pecuniae ager indicatus esset pars decima.

[¶102] 46.6. And to Gnaeus Servilius, the city praetor, was assigned the task of seeing to it that Campanian citizens should dwell only where in accordance with a decree of the senate it was permitted them severally to dwell, and of punishing those who were dwelling elsewhere.

> Latin: 46.6. et Cn. Seruilio praetori urbano negotium datum ut Campani ciues, ubi cuique ex senatus consulto liceret habitare, ibi habitarent, animaduerteretque in eos qui alibi habitarent.

[¶103] 46.7. In the same summer Mago the son of Hamilcar embarked upon his fleet picked young men from the smaller of the Balearic Islands, where he had wintered, and brought across to Italy on some thirty war-ships and many transports twelve thousand infantry and about two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 46.7. eadem aestate Mago Hamilcaris filius ex minore Baliarium insula, ubi hibernarat, iuuentute lecta in classem imposita in Italiam triginta ferme rostratis nauibus et multis onerariis duodecim milia peditum duo ferme equitum traiecit, Genuamque nullis praesidiis maritimam oram tutantibus repentino aduentu cepit.

[¶104] 46.8. Upon his sudden arrival he also captured Genua, since no forces were guarding the sea-coast. Then he put in with his fleet to the coast belonging to the Alpine Ligurians, in the hope of causing some uprising there.

> Latin: 46.8. inde ad oram Ligurum Alpinorum, si quos ibi motus facere posset, classem adpulit.

[¶105] 46.9. The Ingauni, a Ligurian tribe, were at that time carrying on a war with the Epanterii Montani.

> Latin: 46.9. Ingauni—Ligurum ea gens est—bellum ea tempestate gerebant cum Epanteriis Montanis.

[¶106] 46.10. Accordingly the Carthaginian, depositing his plunder at Savo, a town at the foot of the Alps, and leaving ten war-ships at anchor to protect it, sent the rest to Carthage to defend the sea-coast, because there was a report that Scipio would cross over.

> Latin: 46.10. igitur Poenus Sauone oppido Alpino praeda deposita et decem longis nauibus in statione ad praesidium relictis, ceteris Carthaginem missis adtuendam maritimam oram quia fama erat Scipionem traiecturum, ipse societate cum Ingaunis quorum gratiam malebat composita Montanos instituit oppugnare.

[¶107] 46.11. Mago himself made an alliance with the Ingauni, whose friendship he preferred, and set about attacking the Montani. And his army was daily increasing because the Gauls on hearing his name flocked together from all sides.

> Latin: 46.11. et crescebat exercitus in dies ad famam nominis eius Gallis undique confluentibus.

[¶108] 46.12. This fact, when it was made known to the senators through a letter of Spurius Lucretius, kindled great anxiety among them, for fear they had rejoiced in vain two years before over the destruction of Hasdrubal and his army, if another equally serious war with only a change of commander should break out from that quarter.

> Latin: 46.12. ea ltresgt litteris cognita Sp. Lucreti, ne frustra Hasdrubale cum exercitu deleto biennio ante forent laetati si par aliud inde bellum duce tantum mutato oreretur, curam ingentem accendit patribus.

[¶109] 46.13. So they ordered Marcus Livius, the proconsul, to bring his army of slave-volunteers from Etruria to Ariminum. Also they assigned to Gnaeus Servilius, the praetor, if he thought it to the advantage of the state, the duty of appointing at his discretion a commander for the two city legions and ordering them to be brought up from the city. Marcus Valerius Laevinus brought these legions to Arretium.

> Latin: 46.13. itaque et M. Liuium proconsulem ex Etruria uolonum exercitum admouere Ariminum iusserunt, et Cn. Seruilio praetori negotium datum ut, si e re publica censeret esse, duas urbanas legiones imperio cui uideretur dato ex urbe duci iuberet. M. Ualerius Laeuinus Arretium eas legiones duxit.

[¶110] 46.14. Just at that time about eighty Carthaginian transports were captured off Sardinia by Gnaeus Octavius, who was in command of that province. Coelius states that they were laden with grain sent to Hannibal and with provisions, Valerius that they were captured while carrying Etruscan booty and captive Ligurians and Montani to Carthage. In the land of the Bruttians virtually nothing notable was done that year.

> Latin: 46.14. iisdem diebus naues onerariae Poenorum ad octoginta circa Sardiniam ab Cn. Octauio, qui prouinciae praeerat, captae; eas Coelius frumento misso ad Hannibalem commeatuque onustas, Ualerius praedam Etruscam Ligurumque et Montanorum captiuos Carthaginem portantes captas tradit. in Bruttiis nihil ferme anno eo memorabile gestum.

[¶111] 46.15. An epidemic, equally disastrous to both, had attacked Romans and Carthaginians, with this difference that in addition to disease hunger also weakened the Carthaginian army.

> Latin: 46.15. pestilentia incesserat pari clade in Romanos Poenosque, nisi quod Punicum exercitum super morbum etiam fames adfecit.

[¶112] 46.16. Hannibal spent the summer near the temple of Juno Lacinia, and there he erected an altar and dedicated it together with a great record of his achievements in a Punic and Greek inscription.

> Latin: 46.16. propter Iunonis Laciniae templum aestatem Hannibal egit, ibique aram condidit dedicauitque cum ingenti rerum ab se gestarum titulo Punicis Graecisque litteris insculpto.