---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 44 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 44. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 44. Book XXIX · chapters 10–19

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44/#p-N

[¶0] 10.2. Accordingly, since he was unable to come in person to the elections, he would name Quintus Caecilius Metellus dictator to hold the elections, if the senators approved.

> Latin: 10.2. itaque quoniam ipse uenire ad comitia non posset, si ita patribus uideretur, se Q. Caecilium Metellum dictatorem comitiorum causa dicturum. exercitum Q. Caecili dimitti e re publica esse;

[¶1] 10.3. It was to the interest of the state, he said, that the army of Quintus Caecilius should be discharged; for at present his army had nothing to do, since Hannibal had already withdrawn his troops into winter quarters; and so violent a malady had befallen Caecilius' camp that, unless the troops were promptly disbanded, not one man, it seemed, would survive. The consul was permitted by the senate to do whatever he thought consistent with the public interest and his own conscience.

> Latin: 10.3. [nam] neque usum eius ullum in praesentia esse, cum Hannibal iam in hiberna suos receperit, et tanta incesserit in ea castra uis morbi ut nisi mature dimittantur nemo omnium superfuturus uideatur. ea consuli a patribus facienda ut e re publica fideque sua duceret permissa.

[¶2] 10.4. At that time religious scruples had suddenly assailed the citizens because in the Sibylline books, which were consulted on account of the frequent showers of stones that year, an oracle was found that, if ever a foreign foe should invade the land of Italy, he could be driven out of Italy and defeated if the Idaean Mother should be brought from Pessinus to Rome.

> Latin: 10.4. ciuitatem eo tempore repens religio inuaserat inuento carmine in libris Sibyllinis propter crebrius eo anno de caelo lapidatum inspectis, quandoque hostis alienigena terrae Italiae bellum intulisset eum pelli Italia uincique posse si mater Idaea a Pessinunte Romam aduecta foret.

[¶3] 10.6. The discovery of that oracle by the decemvirs impressed the senators all the more because the ambassadors also who had carried a gift to Delphi reported that, when they offered sacrifices themselves to Pythian Apollo, the omens had been favourable, and that likewise from the sanctum there had come a response that a much greater victory was in prospect for the Roman people than that from spoils of which they were bringing gifts.

> Latin: 10.6. id carmen ab decemuiris inuentum eo magis patres mouit quod et legati qui donum Delphos portauerant referebant et sacrificantibus ipsis Pythio Apollini omnia laeta fuisse et responsum oraculo editum maiorem multo uictoriam quam cuius ex spoliis dona portarent adesse populo Romano.

[¶4] 10.7. To the facts supporting that same hope the senators added Publius Scipio's state of mind, virtually forecasting the end of the war, in that he demanded Africa as his province.

> Latin: 10.7. in eiusdem spei summam conferebant P. Scipionis uelut praesagientem animum de fine belli quod depoposcisset prouinciam Africam.

[¶5] 10.8. And so, that they might the sooner be in possession of the victory which foreshadowed itself in oracles, forecasts and responses, they planned and discussed what should be the method of transporting the goddess to Rome.

> Latin: 10.8. itaque quo maturius fatis ominibus oraculisque portendentis sese uictoriae compotes fierent, id cogitare atque agitare quae ratio transportandae Romam deae esset.

[¶6] 11.1. In Asia the Roman people had as yet no allied states. They bore in mind, however, that Aesculapius also had been summoned once upon a time from Greece on account of an epidemic, while there was as yet no treaty of alliance; that at present on account of a joint war against Philip they had already entered into friendly relations with King Attalus.

> Latin: 11.1. nullasdum in Asia socias ciuitates habebat populus Romanus; tamen memores Aesculapium quoque ex Graecia quondam hauddum ullo foedere sociata ualetudinis populi causa arcessitum, tunc iam cum Attalo rege propter commune aduersus Philippum bellum coeptam amicitiam esse —

[¶7] 11.3. Thinking that he would do what he could for the sake of the Roman people, they decided to send ambassadors to him. These were Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had been twice consul and had held a command in Greece, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, an ex-praetor, Servius Sulpicius Galba, an ex-aedile, and two former quaestors, Gnaeus Tremelius Flaccus and Marcus Valerius Falto.

> Latin: 11.3. facturum eum quae posset populi Romani causa—, legatos ad eum decernunt M. Ualerium Laeuinum qui bis consul fuerat ac res in Graecia gesserat, M. Caecilium Metellum praetorium, Ser. Sulpicium Galbam aedilicium, duos quaestorios Cn. Tremelium Flaccum et M. Ualerium Faltonem.

[¶8] 11.4. For them they voted five quinqueremes, that in keeping with the dignity of the Roman people they might visit lands where the highest respect for the Roman name was to be won.

> Latin: 11.4. iis quinque naues quinqueremes ut ex dignitate populi Romani adirent eas terras ad quas concilianda maiestas nomini Romano esset decernunt.

[¶9] 11.5. The ambassadors on the voyage to Asia made their way up to Delphi and consulted the oracle, enquiring what hope of accomplishing the task for which they had been sent from home it foresaw for themselves and the Roman people.

> Latin: 11.5. legati Asiam petentes protinus Delphos cum escendissent, oraculum adierunt consulentes ad quod negotium domo missi essent perficiendi eius quam sibi spem populoque Romano portenderet.

[¶10] 11.6. The response, they say, was that they should gain what they sought with the help of King Attalus; that after conveying the goddess to Rome they were then to make sure that the best man at Rome should hospitably welcome her.

> Latin: 11.6. responsum esse ferunt per Attalum regem compotes eius fore quod peterent: cum Romam deam deuexissent, tum curarent ut eam qui uir optimus Romae esset hospitio exciperet. Pergamum ad regem uenerunt.

[¶11] 11.7. They came to the king at Pergamum. He courteously received the ambassadors and, escorting them to Pessĭnus in Phrygia, presented them with the sacred stone which the inhabitants said was the Mother of the Gods, and bade them carry it away to Rome.

> Latin: 11.7. is legatos comiter acceptos Pessinuntem in Phrygiam deduxit sacrumque iis lapidem quam matrem deum esse incolae dicebant tradidit ac deportare Romam iussit.

[¶12] 11.8. Sent on in advance by the ambassadors, Marcus Valerius Falto brought the news that they were bringing the goddess; they must seek out the best man in the state to receive her with due hospitality.

> Latin: 11.8. praemissus ab legatis M. Ualerius Falto nuntiauit deam apportari; quaerendum uirum optimum in ciuitate esse qui eam rite hospitio acciperet.

[¶13] 11.9. Quintus Caecilius Metellus was named, by the consul who was in the land of the Bruttians, dictator for the purpose of holding the elections, and Metellus' army was disbanded.

> Latin: 11.9. Q. Caecilius Metellus dictator ab consule in Bruttiis comitiorum causa dictus exercitusque eius dimissus, magister equitum L. Ueturius Philo. comitia per dictatorem habita.

[¶14] 11.10. Lucius Veturius Philo was named master of the horse. The elections were held by the dictator.

> Latin: 11.10. consules facti M. Cornelius Cethegus P. Sempronius Tuditanus absens cum prouinciam Graeciam haberet.

[¶15] 11.11. Marcus Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus were elected consuls, the latter in his absence, since he had Greece as his province. Then Tiberius Claudius Nero, Marcus Marcius Ralla, Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Pomponius Matho were elected praetors. The elections being completed, the dictator abdicated his office.

> Latin: 11.11. praetores inde creati Ti. Claudius Nero M. Marcius Ralla L. Scribonius Libo M. Pomponius Matho. comitiis peractis dictator sese magistratu abdicauit. ludi Romani ter, plebeii septiens instaurati.

[¶16] 11.12. The Roman Games were repeated for three of the days, the Plebeian Games for seven. The curule aediles were Gnaeus and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus.

> Latin: 11.12. curules erant aediles Cn. et L. Cornelii Lentuli. Lucius Hispaniam prouinciam habebat; absens creatus absens eum honorem gessit.

[¶17] 11.13. Lucius was in charge of the province of Spain; being elected in absence he was aedile in absence. Tiberius Claudius Asellus and Marcus Iunius Pennus were plebeian aediles. The Temple of Valour at the Porta Capena was dedicated that year by Marcus Marcellus, in the seventeenth year after it had been vowed at Clastidium in Gaul by his father in his first consulship.

> Latin: 11.13. Ti. Claudius Asellus et M. Iunius Pennus plebeii aediles fuerunt. aedem Uirtutis eo anno ad portam Capenam M. Marcellus dedicauit septimo decimo anno postquam a patre eius primo consulatu uota in Gallia ad Clastidium fuerat.

[¶18] 11.14. And the flamen of Mars, Marcus Aemilius Regillus, died that year.

> Latin: 11.14. et flamen Martialis eo anno est mortuus M. Aemilius Regillus.

[¶19] 12.1. In Greece the situation had been ignored in the last two years. Consequently when the Aetolians were abandoned by the Romans, the one defence in which they trusted, Philip compelled them to sue for peace and make a treaty on terms of his own choosing.

> Latin: 12.1. neglectae eo biennio res in Graecia erant. itaque Philippus Aetolos desertos ab Romanis, cui uni fidebant auxilio, quibus uoluit condicionibus ad petendam et paciscendam subegit pacem.

[¶20] 12.2. Had he not used every effort to bring that about promptly, he would have been surprised while still making war upon the Aetolians by Publius Sempronius, the proconsul, who with ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry and thirty-five warships had been sent as Sulpicius' successor in command and was no small factor in bringing aid to the allies.

> Latin: 12.2. quod nisi omni ui perficere maturasset, bellantem eum cum Aetolis P. Sempronius proconsul, successor imperii missus Sulpicio cum decem milibus peditum et mille equitibus et triginta quinque rostratis nauibus, haud paruum momentum ad opem ferendam sociis, oppressisset.

[¶21] 12.3. Scarcely had peace been made when word came to the king that the Romans had arrived at Dyrrachium, and that the Parthini and other neighbouring tribes were aroused to the hope of revolution and that Dimallum was besieged.

> Latin: 12.3. uixdum pace facta nuntius regi uenit Romanos Dyrrachium uenisse Parthinosque et propinquas alias gentes motas esse ad spem nouandi res Dimallumque oppugnari.

[¶22] 12.4. To that place the Romans had turned aside from helping the Aetolians, to whom they had been sent. They were angry because without Roman consent and contrary to the treaty the Aetolians had made peace with the king.

> Latin: 12.4. eo se auerterant Romani ab Aetolorum quo missi erant auxilio, irati quod sine auctoritate sua aduersus foedus cum rege pacem fecissent.

[¶23] 12.5. On hearing of this Philip, fearing some greater disturbance might begin among neighbouring tribes and peoples, hastened by forced marches to Apollonia, to which Sempronius had withdrawn after sending Laetorius, his lieutenant, with a part of his troops and fifteen ships into Aetolia to survey the situation and, if possible, to disturb the peace.

> Latin: 12.5. ea cum audisset Philippus ne qui motus maior in finitimis gentibus populisque oreretur magnis itineribus Apolloniam contendit, quo Sempronius se receperat misso Laetorio legato cum parte copiarum et quindecim nauibus in Aetoliam ad uisendas res pacemque si posset turbandam.

[¶24] 12.6. Philip laid waste the farms of the Apollonians and, moving his troops up to the city, gave the Roman an opportunity to engage. As soon as he saw that they remained inactive, merely defending the walls, Philip, who had not sufficient confidence in his forces to assault the city and was desirous of peace with the Romans also, if possible, just as with the Aetolians, but if not, of making an armistice, retired to his own kingdom without provoking any further animosities by a fresh conflict.

> Latin: 12.6. Philippus agros Apolloniatium uastauit et ad urbem admotis copiis potestatem pugnae Romano fecit; quem postquam quietum muros tantummodo tueri uidit, nec satis fidens uiribus ut urbem oppugnaret et cum Romanis quoque, sicut cum Aetolis, cupiens pacem si posset, si minus, indutias facere, nihil ultra inritatis nouo certamine odiis in regnum se recepit.

[¶25] 12.8. About the same time the Epirotes, weary of the protracted war, first sounding the disposition of the Romans, sent ambassadors to Philip in regard to a general peace, asserting their confidence that it would be agreed upon if he should come to a conference with Publius Sempronius, the Roman general.

> Latin: 12.8. per idem tempus taedio diutini belli Epirotae temptata prius Romanorum uoluntate legatos de pace communi ad Philippum misere, satis confidere conuenturam eam adfirmantes si ad conloquium cum P. Sempronio imperatore Romano uenisset.

[¶26] 12.10. The king was easily prevailed upon to cross over into Epirus, for he himself was not disinclined to peace.

> Latin: 12.10. facile impetratum—neque enim ne ipsius quidem regis abhorrebat animus—ut in Epirum transiret.

[¶27] 12.11. Phoenice is a city in Epirus; there the king first conferred with Aëropus and Derdas and Philip, chief magistrates of the Epirotes, and later met Publius Sempronius.

> Latin: 12.11. Phoenice urbs est Epiri; ibi prius conlocutus rex cum Aeropo et Derda et Philippo, Epirotarum praetoribus, postea cum P. Sempronio congreditur.

[¶28] 12.12. Present at the conference were Amynander, King of the Athamanians, and in addition magistrates of the Epirotes and Acarnanians. The first to speak was Philip, the magistrate, begging the king and at the same time the Roman general to make an end of the war and grant that favour to the Epirotes.

> Latin: 12.12. adfuit conloquio Amynander Athamanum rex, et magistratus alii Epirotarum et Acarnanum. primus Philippus praetor uerba facit et petit simul ab rege et ab imperatore Romano ut finem belli facerent darentque eam Epirotis ueniam.

[¶29] 12.13. Publius Sempronius stated as terms of the peace that the Parthini and Dimallum and Bargullum and Eugenium should fall to the Romans; that Atintania should be annexed to Macedonia, if the king, sending ambassadors to Rome, should obtain the senate's consent.

> Latin: 12.13. P. Sempronius condiciones pacis dixit ut Parthini et Dimallum et Bargullum et Eugenium Romanorum essent, Atintania, si missis Romam legatis ab senatu impetrasset, ut Macedoniae accederet.

[¶30] 12.14. Peace being agreed upon on these terms, Prusias, King of Bithynia, the Achaeans, Boeotians, Thessalians, Acarnanians and Epirotes were included on the king's side of the treaty; on the side of the Romans, the Ilians, King Attalus, Pleuratus, Nabis, tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, also the Eleans, Messenians and Athenians.

> Latin: 12.14. in eas condiciones cum pax conueniret, ab rege foederi adscripti Prusia Bithyniae rex, Achaei Boeoti Thessali Acarnanes Epirotae: ab Romanis Ilienses, Attalus rex, Pleuratus, Nabis Lacedaemoniorum tyrannus, Elei Messenii Athenienses.

[¶31] 12.15. These provisions were reduced to writing and sealed, and an armistice was made for two months, that meanwhile ambassadors might be sent to Rome, so that the people might order peace to be made on these terms.

> Latin: 12.15. haec conscripta consignataque sunt, et in duos menses indutiae factae donec Romam mitterentur legati ut populus in has condiciones pacem iuberet;

[¶32] 12.16. And all the tribes so ordered, since, now that the war had shifted to Africa, they wished for the present to be relieved of all other wars. Publius Sempronius, after the peace had been made, left his province for Rome to enter upon his consulship.

> Latin: 12.16. iusseruntque omnes tribus, quia uerso in Africam bello omnibus aliis in praesentia leuari bellis uolebant. P. Sempronius pace facta ad consulatum Romam decessit.

[¶33] 13.1. In the consulship of Marcus Cornelius and Publius Sempronius, this being the fifteenth year of the Punic war, the province of Etruria was assigned by decree to Cornelius with the old army, the land of the Bruttii to Sempronius, with orders to enrol new legions.

> Latin: 13.1. M. Cornelio P. Sempronio consulibus—quintus decimus is annus belli Punici erat—prouinciae Cornelio Etruria cum uetere exercitu, Sempronio Bruttii ut nouas scriberet legiones decretae:

[¶34] 13.2. As for the praetors, the city jurisdiction fell to Marcus Marcius, that over strangers and also the province of Gaul to Lucius Scribonius Libo, Sicily to Marcus Pomponius Matho, Sardinia to Tiberius Claudius Nero.

> Latin: 13.2. praetoribus M. Marcio urbana, L. Scribonio Liboni peregrina et eidem Gallia, M. Pomponio Mathoni Sicilia, Ti. Claudio Neroni Sardinia euenit.

[¶35] 13.3. Publius Scipio's command was continued for one year with the army and the fleet which he then had. The same was done in the case of Publius Licinius, who was to hold the Bruttian territory with two legions so long as the consul should judge it to the public interest for him to remain in the province with a high command.

> Latin: 13.3. P. Scipioni cum eo exercitu, cum ea classe quam habebat, prorogatum in annum imperium est; item P. Licinio ut Bruttios duabus legionibus obtineret quoad eum in prouincia cum imperio morari consuli e re publica uisum esset.

[¶36] 13.4. Marcus Livius also and Spurius Lucretius had their commands continued, with two legions each to defend Gaul against Mago.

> Latin: 13.4. et M. Liuio et Sp. Lucretio cum binis legionibus quibus aduersus Magonem Galliae praesidio fuissent prorogatum imperium est, et Cn.

[¶37] 13.5. So Gnaeus Octavius also, with the order that, after turning over Sardinia and the legion to Tiberius Claudius, his duty should be the defence of the sea-coast with forty war-ships within an area to be defined by the senate.

> Latin: 13.5. Octauio ut cum Sardiniam legionemque Ti. Claudio tradidisset ipse nauibus longis quadraginta maritimam oram, quibus finibus senatus censuisset, tutaretur.

[¶38] 13.6. To Marcus Pomponius, the praetor in Sicily, was assigned the army from Cannae, two legions. Titus Quinctius was to have Tarentum, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus to have Capua, both as propraetors, as in the preceding year, with the old garrison in each case.

> Latin: 13.6. M. Pomponio praetori in Sicilia Cannensis exercitus duae legiones decretae; T. Quinctius Tarentum, C. Hostilius Tubulus Capuam pro praetoribus, sicut priore anno, cum uetere uterque praesidio obtinerent.

[¶39] 13.7. As for the command in Spain, the question what two men it wished to send to that province as proconsuls was brought before the people. The tribes unanimously ordered that the same men, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus should hold these provinces as proconsuls, as they had done in the preceding year.

> Latin: 13.7. de Hispaniae imperio, quos in eam prouinciam duos pro consulibus mitti placeret latum ad populum est. omnes tribus eosdem L. Cornelium Lentulum et L. Manlium Acidinum pro consulibus, sicut priore anno tenuissent, obtinere eas prouincias iusserunt.

[¶40] 13.8. The consuls began the conduct of a levy both for the enrolment of new legions for the Bruttian territory and to fill the ranks of the other armies; for so they had been ordered by the senate.

> Latin: 13.8. consules dilectum habere instituerunt et ad nouas scribendas in Bruttios legiones et in ceterorum—ita enim iussi ab senatu erant—exercituum supplementum.

[¶41] 14.1. Although Africa had not been openly assigned as a province, while the senators kept the matter dark, I believe, for fear the Carthaginians might know in advance, nevertheless the people were aroused to hope that the war would be waged that year in Africa, and that the end of the Punic war was at hand.

> Latin: 14.1. quamquam nondum aperte Africa prouincia decreta erat occultantibus id, credo, patribus ne praesciscerent Carthaginienses, tamen in eam spem erecta ciuitas erat in Africa eo anno bellatum iri finemque bello Punico adesse.

[¶42] 14.2. That situation had filled men's minds with superstitious fears and they were indined both to report and to believe portents.

> Latin: 14.2. impleuerat ea res superstitionum animos, pronique et ad nuntianda et ad credenda prodigia erant;

[¶43] 14.3. All the greater was the number of them in circulation: that two suns had been seen, and that at night there had been light for a time; and that at Setia a meteor had been seen shooting from east to west; that at Tarracina a city-gate had been struck by lightning, at Anagnia a gate and also the wall at many points; that in the temple of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium a noise was heard with a dreadful crash.

> Latin: 14.3. eo plura uolgabantur: duos soles uisos, et nocte interluxisse, et facem Setiae ab ortu solis ad occidentem porrigi uisam: Tarracinae portam, Anagniae et portam et multis locis murum de caelo tactum: in aede Iunonis Sospitae Lanuui cum horrendo fragore strepitum editum.

[¶44] 14.4. To expiate these there was a single day of prayer, and on account of the shower of stones nine days of rites were observed.

> Latin: 14.4. eorum procurandorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit, et nouendiale sacrum quod de caelo lapidatum esset factum.

[¶45] 14.5. In addition they deliberated on the reception of the Idaean Mother, in regard to whom not only had Marcus Valerius, one of the ambassadors, arriving in advance, reported that she would be in Italy very soon, but also there was recent news that she was already at Tarracina.

> Latin: 14.5. eo accessit consultatio de matre Idaea accipienda, quam, praeterquam quod M. Ualerius unus ex legatis praegressus actutum in Italia fore nuntiauerat, recens nuntius aderat Tarracinae iam esse.

[¶46] 14.6. It was no unimportant decision that occupied the senate — the question who was the best man in the state.

> Latin: 14.6. haud paruae rei iudicium senatum tenebat qui uir optimus in ciuitate esset;

[¶47] 14.7. At any rate every man would have preferred a real victory in that contest to any high commands or magistracies, whether conferred by vote of the senators or of the people.

> Latin: 14.7. ueram certe uictoriam eius rei sibi quisque mallet quam ulla imperia honoresue suffragio seu patrum seu plebis delatos.

[¶48] 14.8. Publius Scipio, son of the Gnaeus who had fallen in Spain, was the young man not yet of an age to be quaestor, whom they judged to be the best of good men among all the citizens.

> Latin: 14.8. P. Scipionem Cn. filium eius qui in Hispania ceciderat, adulescentem nondum quaestorium, iudicauerunt in tota ciuitate uirum bonorum optimum esse.

[¶49] 14.9. If writers who lived nearest in time to men who remembered those days had handed down by what virtues the senate was led to make that judgment, I should indeed gladly hand it on to posterity. But I shall not interject my own opinions, reached by conjecture in a matter buried by the lapse of time.

> Latin: 14.9. —id quibus uirtutibus inducti ita iudicarint, sicut traditum a proximis memoriae temporum illorum scriptoribus libens posteris traderem, ita meas opiniones coniectando rem uetustate obrutam non interponam.

[¶50] 14.10. Publius Cornelius was ordered to go to Ostia with all the matrons to meet the goddess, and himself to receive her from the ship, and carrying her to land to turn her over to the matrons to carry.

> Latin: 14.10. P. Cornelius cum omnibus matronis Ostiam obuiam ire deae iussus; isque eam de naue acciperet et in terram elatam traderet ferendam matronis.

[¶51] 14.11. After the ship had reached the mouth of the river Tiber, in compliance with the order he sailed out into open water on a ship, received the goddess from her priests and carried her to land.

> Latin: 14.11. postquam nauis ad ostium amnis Tiberini accessit, sicut erat iussus, in salum naue euectus ab sacerdotibus deam accepit extulitque in terram.

[¶52] 14.12. The foremost matrons in the state, among whom the name of one in particular, that of Claudia Quinta, is conspicuous, received her. Claudia's repute, previously not unquestioned, as tradition reports it, has made her purity the more celebrated among posterity by a service so devout.

> Latin: 14.12. matronae primores ciuitatis, inter quas unius Claudiae Quintae insigne est nomen, accepere; cui dubia, ut traditur, antea fama clariorem ad posteros tam religioso ministerio pudicitiam fecit.

[¶53] 14.13. The matrons passed the goddess from hand to hand in an unbroken succession to each other, while the entire city poured out to meet her. Censers had been placed before the doors along the route of the bearers, and kindling their incense, people prayed that gracious and benignant she might enter the city of Rome. It was to the Temple of Victory, which is on the Palatine, that they carried the goddess on the day before the Ides of April, and that was a holy day.

> Latin: 14.13. eae per manus, succedentes deinde aliae aliis, omni obuiam effusa ciuitate, turibulis ante ianuas positis qua praeferebatur atque accenso ture precantibus ut uolens propitiaque urbem Romanam iniret, in aedem Uictoriae quae est in Palatio pertulere deam pridie idus Apriles;

[¶54] 14.14. The people thronged to the Palatine bearing gifts for the goddess, and there was a banquet of the gods, and games also, called the Megalesia.

> Latin: 14.14. isque dies festus fuit. populus frequens dona deae in Palatium tulit, lectisterniumque et ludi fuere, Megalesia appellata.

[¶55] 15.1. While they were discussing the men needed to recruit the legions in the provinces, certain senators suggested that, since now by favour of the gods fear had at last been removed, it was time for them no longer to tolerate what had been endured as best they could in critical circumstances.

> Latin: 15.1. cum de supplemento legionum quae in prouinciis erant ageretur, tempus esse a quibusdam senatoribus subiectum est quae dubiis in rebus utcumque tolerata essent, ea dempto iam tandem deum benignitate metu non ultra pati.

[¶56] 15.2. As the senate was alert and in suspense, they added that the twelve Latin colonies which had refused to furnish soldiers in the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Quintus Fulvius had been exempt from service for now about five years, as though it were an honour and a favour bestowed upon them, whereas in the meantime good and obedient allies, in return for their loyalty and submission to the Roman people, had been exhausted by successive levies every year. These words revived the memory of an affair almost obliterated and correspondingly inflamed the anger of the senators.

> Latin: 15.2. erectis exspectatione patribus subiecerunt colonias Latinas duodecim quae Q. Fabio et Q. Fuluio consulibus abnuissent milites dare, eas annum iam ferme sextum uacationem militiae quasi honoris et beneficii causa habere cum interim boni obedientesque socii pro fide atque obsequio in populum Romanum continuis omnium annorum dilectibus exhausti essent.

[¶57] 15.4. Accordingly, allowing the consuls to bring up no other question first, they decreed that the consuls should summon to Rome the magistrates and ten leading citizens in each case from Nepete, Sutrium, Ardea, Cales, Alba, Carsioli, Sora, Suessa, Setia, Circeii, Narnia, Interamna, for these were the colonies concerned; that they should order them to furnish double the maximum number of infantry that each of those colonies had ever furnished to the Roman people since the enemy was in Italy, and also one hundred and twenty horsemen in each case.

> Latin: 15.4. sub hanc uocem non memoria magis patribus renouata rei prope iam oblitteratae quam ira inritata est. itaque nihil prius referre consules passi, decreuerunt ut consules magistratus denosque principes Nepete Sutrio Ardea Calibus Alba Carseolis Sora Suessa Setia Circeiis Narnia Interamna—hae namque coloniae in ea causa erant—Romam excirent;

[¶58] 15.6. If any colony should be unable to make up that number of horsemen, it should be permitted to give three foot-soldiers for-one horseman. Men having the largest means should be chosen for infantry and cavalry and sent to any place outside of Italy where supplements were needed.

> Latin: 15.6. iis imperarent, quantum quaeque earum coloniarum militum plurimum dedisset populo Romano ex quo hostes in Italia essent, duplicatum eius summae numerum peditum daret et equites centenos uicenos;

[¶59] 15.7. If any delegation should refuse, it was decided that the magistrates and envoys of that colony should be detained, and that if they asked for a hearing in the senate, it should be refused until they had done what was required of them.

> Latin: 15.7. si qua eum numerum equitum explere non posset pro equite uno tres pedites liceret dare; pedites equitesque quam locupletissimi legerentur mitterenturque ubicumque extra Italiam supplemento opus esset.

[¶60] 15.8. It was further ordered that a tax of one as for each thousand be laid upon those colonies and exacted, every year, and that a census be taken in those colonies on the basis of a census-list furnished by the Roman censors.

> Latin: 15.8. si qui ex iis recusarent, retineri eius coloniae magistratus legatosque placere neque si postularent senatum dari priusquam imperata fecissent.

[¶61] 15.9. They resolved also that it be the same which was given to the Roman people —and that it be sworn to by the censors of the colonies and brought to Rome before they laid down their office.

> Latin: 15.9. stipendium praeterea iis coloniis in milia aeris asses singulos imperari exigique quotannis, censumque in iis coloniis agi ex formula ab Romanis censoribus data;

[¶62] 15.10. In accordance with this decree of the senate the consuls summoned the magistrates and leading citizens of those colonies to Rome and required of them soldiers and the tax.

> Latin: 15.10. dari autem placere eandem quam populo Romano; deferrique Romam ab iuratis censoribus coloniarum priusquam magistratu abirent.

[¶63] 15.11. Thereupon they outdid each other in refusing and loudly protesting. They said that such a number of soldiers could not be made up; that even if the normal number were required according to the original compact, they could hardly reach it.

> Latin: 15.11. ex hoc senatus consulto accitis Romam magistratibus primoribusque earum coloniarum consules cum milites stipendiumque imperassent, alii aliis magis recusare ac reclamare: negare tantum militum effici posse: uix si simplum ex formula imperetur enisuros:

[¶64] 15.13. They begged and implored that they be permitted to go before the senate and make their plea. No such offence, they said, had been committed that they deserved to perish. But even if perish they must, neither their crime nor the anger of the Roman people could enable them to furnish more soldiers than they had.

> Latin: 15.13. orare atque obsecrare ut sibi senatum adire ac deprecari liceret: nihil se quare perire merito deberent admisisse; sed si pereundum etiam foret, neque suum delictum neque iram populi Romani ut plus militum darent quam haberent posse efficere.

[¶65] 15.14. The consuls, disinclined to yield, ordered the envoys to remain at Rome, the magistrates to go to their homes in order to conduct levies, adding that unless the number of soldiers demanded of them was first brought to Rome, no one would give them a hearing in the senate.

> Latin: 15.14. consules obstinati legatos manere Romae iubent, magistratus ire domum ad dilectus habendos: nisi summa militum quae imperata esset Romam adducta neminem iis senatum daturum.

[¶66] 15.15. Thus, after their hopes of appearing before the senate and of making their plea had been shattered, a levy was carried out in those twelve colonies without difficulty, since owing to long exemption the number of younger men had increased.

> Latin: 15.15. ita praecisa spe senatum adeundi deprecandique dilectus in iis duodecim coloniis per longam uacationem numero iuniorum aucto haud difficulter est perfectus.

[¶67] 16.1. In like manner another matter which had been passed over in silence for about the same length of time was broached by Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who said it was proper that the sums contributed when he and Marcus Claudius were consuls should at last be repaid to private citizens; and that no one ought to be astonished that a matter in which the credit of the state-was involved should especially concern himself.

> Latin: 16.1. altera item res prope aeque longo neglecta silentio relata a M. Ualerio Laeuino est qui priuatis conlatas pecunias se ac M. Claudio consulibus reddi tandem aequum esse dixit; nec mirari quemquam debere in publica obligata fide suam praecipuam curam esse;

[¶68] 16.2. For in addition to the responsibility that in a way belonged peculiarly to a consul of the year in which the moneys had been contributed, he had also been the first to suggest such contribution, since the treasury was empty and the common people unable to pay a tax.

> Latin: 16.2. nam praeterquam quod aliquid proprie ad consulem eius anni quo conlatae pecuniae essent pertineret, etiam se auctorem ita conferendi fuisse inopi aerario nec plebe ad tributum sufficiente.

[¶69] 16.3. This reminder was welcomed by the senators, and bidding the consuls to introduce the measure, they decreed that the money should be paid in three instalments; that the consuls who were then in office should pay the first in ready money, that the consuls of the third and fifth years should pay two instalments.

> Latin: 16.3. grata ea patribus admonitio fuit; iussisque referre consulibus decreuerunt ut tribus pensionibus ea pecunia solueretur; primam praesentem ii qui tum essent, duas tertii et quinti consules numerarent.

[¶70] 16.4. Thereafter all other concerns yielded place to a single one, when the atrocities suffered by the Locrians but up to that time unknown were spread abroad by the arrival of their envoys.

> Latin: 16.4. omnes deinde alias curas una occupauit postquam Locrensium clades, quae ignoratae ad eam diem fuerant, legatorum aduentu uolgatae sunt;

[¶71] 16.5. And it was not so much the crime of Pleminius that provoked men to anger as Scipio's partiality for him or else indifference.

> Latin: 16.5. nec tam Plemini scelus quam Scipionis in eo aut ambitio aut neglegentia iras hominum inritauit.

[¶72] 16.6. The ten envoys of the Locrians, in soiled and neglected clothing and holding out the woollen bands of suppliants and olive branches, as is the custom of the Greeks, towards the consuls seated in the Comitium, fell to the ground before the tribunal as they raised a mournful plaint.

> Latin: 16.6. decem legati Locrensium obsiti squalore et sordibus in comitio sedentibus consulibus uelamenta supplicum, ramos oleae, ut Graecis mos est, porgentes ante tribunal cum flebili uociferatione humi procubuerunt.

[¶73] 16.7. In answer to the consuls' question they said that they were Locrians who had suffered from Quintus Pleminius, the legatus, and the Roman soldiers such things as the Roman people would not wish even the Carthaginians to suffer; that they begged the consuls to give them permission to go before the senate and complain of their sufferings.

> Latin: 16.7. quaerentibus consulibus Locrenses se dixerunt esse, ea passos a Q. Pleminio legato Romanisque militibus quae pati ne Carthaginienses quidem uelit populus Romanus; orare uti sibi patres adeundi deplorandique aerumnas suas potestatem facerent.

[¶74] 17.1. A hearing in the senate being granted, the eldest of them said: "I know, conscript fathers, that in determining what weight is to be given to our complaints in your presence very much depends upon your being well informed both as to how Locri was betrayed to Hannibal, and how by driving out Hannibal's garrison it was restored to your authority.

> Latin: 17.1. senatu dato, maximus natu ex iis: 'scio, quanti aestimentur nostrae apud uos querellae, patres conscripti, plurimum in eo momenti esse si probe sciatis et quomodo proditi Locri Hannibali sint et quomodo pulso Hannibalis praesidio restituti in dicionem uestram;

[¶75] 17.2. For if it prove that no guilt for the revolt attaches to our council of state, and if it be at the same time evident that we returned to your authority not by our consent only but also by our effort and our courage, you will be all the more indignant that good and faithful allies are receiving such outrageous treatment from your legatus and his soldiers.

> Latin: 17.2. quippe si et culpa defectionis procul a publico consilio absit, et reditum in uestram dicionem appareat non uoluntate solum sed ope etiam ac uirtute nostra, magis indignemini bonis ac fidelibus sociis tam indignas tam atroces iniurias ab legato uestro militibusque fieri.

[¶76] 17.3. But in my opinion enquiry into our revolts should be put off in both cases to another time for two reasons.

> Latin: 17.3. sed ego causam utriusque defectionis nostrae in aliud tempus differendam arbitror esse duarum rerum gratia;

[¶77] 17.4. The first is in order that the hearing may be in the presence of Publius Scipio, who recovered Locri and is our witness for every act, the good and the bad. The second reason is because, whatever our character is, we nevertheless did not deserve to suffer these things that we have suffered.

> Latin: 17.4. unius ut coram P. Scipione, qui Locros recepit <et> omnium nobis recte perperamque factorum est testis, agatur; alterius quod qualescumque sumus tamen haec quae passi sumus pati non debuimus.

[¶78] 17.5. We cannot conceal the truth, conscript fathers, that when we had a Punic garrison in our citadel we suffered many shameful outrages both at the hands of Hamilcar, commandant of the garrison, and from the Numidians and Africans. But what are they in comparison with the things we are suffering today?

> Latin: 17.5. non possumus dissimulare, patres conscripti, nos cum praesidium Punicum in arce nostra haberemus, multa foeda et indigna et a praefecto praesidii Hamilcare et ab Numidis Afrisque passos esse; sed quid illa sunt, conlata cum iis quae hodie patimur?

[¶79] 17.6. With kind indulgence, conscript fathers, give ear, I pray, to what I shall reluctantly say. The entire human race is now in suspense as to whether it is to see you, or the Carthaginians, lords of the whole world.

> Latin: 17.6. cum bona uenia, quaeso, audiatis, patres conscripti, id quod inuitus eloquar. in discrimine est nunc humanum omne genus, utrum uos an Carthaginienses principes orbis terrarum uideat.

[¶80] 17.7. If one must judge Roman and Carthaginian rule from what we Locrians either have suffered from them, or are at this very moment suffering from your garrison, no one would fail to prefer them rather than you as his masters. And yet observe how the Locrians are disposed towards you.

> Latin: 17.7. si ex iis quae Locrenses aut ab illis passi sumus aut a uestro praesidio nunc cum maxime patimur aestimandum Romanum ac Punicum imperium sit, nemo non illos sibi quam uos dominos praeoptet.

[¶81] 17.8. Although from the Carthaginians we were suffering wrongs so much less serious, we sought refuge with your general. Although from your garrison we are suffering acts worse than those of an enemy, we have brought our complaints nowhere else than to you.

> Latin: 17.8. et tamen uidete quemadmodum in uos Locrenses animati sint. cum a Carthaginiensibus iniurias tanto minores acciperemus, ad uestrum imperatorem confugimus: cum a uestro praesidio plus quam hostilia patiamur, nusquam alio quam ad uos querellas detulimus.

[¶82] 17.9. Either you will have regard for our ruin, conscript fathers, or else no help remains for us to pray for even from the immortal gods.

> Latin: 17.9. aut uos respicietis perditas res nostras, patres conscripti, aut ne ab dis quidem immortalibus quod precemur quicquam superest.

[¶83] 17.10. "Quintus Pleminius was sent as legatus with a military force to recover Locri from the Carthaginians, and with that same force he was left there. In this legatus of yours —for the depths of misery embolden me to speak freely —there is nothing of a human being, conscript fathers, except his form and outward appearance, nothing of a Roman citizen except his bearing and garments and the sound of the Latin language.

> Latin: 17.10. ' Q. Pleminius legatus missus est cum praesidio ad recipiendos a Carthaginiensibus Locros et cum eodem ibi relictus est praesidio. in hoc legato uestro—dant enim animum ad loquendum libere ultimae miseriae—nec hominis quicquam est, patres conscripti, praeter figuram et speciem neque Romani ciuis praeter habitum uestitumque et sonum Latinae linguae;

[¶84] 17.12. He is a pest-bringing monster, like those of which myths say that, in order to destroy mariners, they once had their abode on this side and that of the strait by which we are separated from Sicily.

> Latin: 17.12. pestis ac belua immanis, quales fretum quondam quo ab Sicilia diuidimur ad perniciem nauigantium circumsedisse fabulae ferunt.

[¶85] 17.13. And if he were content to be the only man to practise his criminal passion and greed upon your allies, we in our long-suffering should still be filling up a single whirlpool however deep.

> Latin: 17.13. ac si scelus libidinemque et auaritiam solus ipse exercere in socios uestros satis haberet, unam profundam quidem uoraginem tamen patientia nostra expleremus:

[¶86] 17.14. As it is, he has made every centurion and every soldier of yours a Pleminius; so universal has he wished licence and dishonour to be.

> Latin: 17.14. nunc omnes centuriones militesque uestros—adeo in promiscuo licentiam atque improbitatem esse uoluit—Pleminios fecit;

[¶87] 17.15. They all rob, plunder, beat, wound, slay. They defile matrons, maidens and free-born boys, dragged from the embrace of parents. Every day our city is captured, every day it is plundered.

> Latin: 17.15. omnes rapiunt, spoliant, uerberant, uolnerant, occidunt; constuprant matronas, uirgines, ingenuos raptos ex complexu parentium.

[¶88] 17.16. Day and night every part of it re-echoes the wailing of women and children who are being seized and carried off.

> Latin: 17.16. cottidie capitur urbs nostra, cottidie diripitur; dies noctesque omnia passim mulierum puerorumque qui rapiuntur atque asportantur ploratibus sonant.

[¶89] 17.17. Knowing that, any one would wonder either how we have the patience to endure, or how those who commit such outrages are not yet sated with them. Neither can I retail them all, nor is it worth your while to hear each thing that we have suffered. In a general statement I shall embrace everything.

> Latin: 17.17. miretur qui sciat, quomodo aut nos ad patiendum sufficiamus aut illos qui faciunt nondum tantarum iniuriarum satietas ceperit. neque ego exsequi possum nec uobis operae est audire singula quae passi sumus: communiter omnia amplectar.

[¶90] 17.18. I tell you there is not a house at Locri, not a man that has not suffered a wrong. I tell you there remains no kind of crime, lust, avarice that has been overlooked in the case of any possible victim.

> Latin: 17.18. nego domum ullam Locris, nego quemquam hominem expertem iniuriae esse; nego ullum genus sceleris, libidinis, auaritiae superesse quod in ullo qui pati potuerit praetermissum sit.

[¶91] 17.19. It is all but impossible to decide which of the two is the more revolting lot for a state —when the enemy have captured the city in war, or when a death-dealing tyrant has overpowered it by force of arms.

> Latin: 17.19. uix ratio iniri potest uter casus ciuitati sit detestabilior, cum hostes bello urbem cepere an cum exitiabilis tyrannus ui atque armis oppressit.

[¶92] 17.20. All things that captured cities suffer we have suffered and at this very moment are suffering, conscript fathers. All the crimes that the most cruel and despotic tyrants inflict upon their helpless citizens Pleminius has inflicted upon us and our children and our wives.

> Latin: 17.20. omnia quae captae urbes patiuntur passi sumus et cum maxime patimur, patres conscripti; omnia quae crudelissimi atque importunissimi tyranni scelera in oppressos ciues edunt Pleminius in nos liberosque nostros et coniuges edidit.

[¶93] 18.1. "There is one thing in regard to which conscientious scruples implanted in our minds compel us to complain in particular, and at the same time we would have you, conscript fathers, give us your attention and, if you approve, free your state from impiety.

> Latin: 18.1. 'unum est de quo nominatim et nos queri religio infixa animis cogat et uos audire et exsoluere rem publicam uestram religione, si ita uobis uidebitur, uelimus, patres conscripti;

[¶94] 18.2. For we have seen with what punctiliousness you worship, not your own gods merely, but even welcome them from abroad.

> Latin: 18.2. uidimus enim cum quanta caerimonia non uestros solum colatis deos sed etiam externos accipiatis.

[¶95] 18.3. We have in our city a sanctuary of Proserpina, a temple of whose sanctity I believe some report reached you in the war with Pyrrhus. When on his return from Sicily he was passing Locri in his fleet, among other shameful acts which he visited upon our state for its loyalty to you, he despoiled the treasury of Proserpina as well, which had been untouched down to that time. And, that done, he put the money on shipboard, setting out himself by land. What happened, conscript fathers, in consequence?

> Latin: 18.3. fanum est apud nos Proserpinae, de cuius sanctitate templi credo aliquam famam ad uos peruenisse Pyrrhi bello, qui cum ex Sicilia rediens Locros classe praeterueheretur, inter alia foeda quae propter fidem erga uos in ciuitatem nostram facinora edidit, thesauros quoque Proserpinae intactos ad eam diem spoliauit atque ita pecunia in naues imposita ipse terra est profectus.

[¶96] 18.5. On the following day the fleet was shattered by a terrible storm, and all the ships which had the sacred money on board were cast upon our shores.

> Latin: 18.5. quid ergo euenit, patres conscripti? classis postero die foedissima tempestate lacerata omnesque naues quae sacram pecuniam habuerunt in litora nostra eiectae sunt;

[¶97] 18.6. Having at last learned from this great disaster that the gods do exist, the haughtiest of kings ordered that all the money should be sought out and restored to the treasure-chambers of Proserpina. And yet never thereafter did he meet with any success, and having been driven out of Italy, he rashly entered Argos by night and died an inconspicuous and inglorious death.

> Latin: 18.6. qua tanta clade edoctus tandem deos esse, superbissimus rex pecuniam omnem conquisitam in thesauros Proserpinae referri iussit. nec tamen illi unquam postea prosperi quicquam euenit, pulsusque Italia ignobili atque inhonesta morte temere nocte ingressus Argos occubuit.

[¶98] 18.7. Although your legatus and the tribunes had heard all this and a thousand other occurrences which were repeated to them, not merely to increase religious feeling but as facts repeatedly confirmed for us and our ancestors by the evident intervention of the goddess, they nevertheless dared to lay sacrilegious hands upon those treasure-chambers that were not to be touched, and by that unspeakable plunder to bring pollution upon themselves and their homes and upon your soldiers.

> Latin: 18.7. haec cum audisset legatus uester tribunique militum et mille alia quae non augendae religionis causa sed praesenti deae numine saepe comperta nobis maioribusque nostris referebantur, ausi sunt nihilominus sacrilegas admouere manus intactis illis thesauris et nefanda praeda se ipsos ac domos contaminare suas et milites uestros.

[¶99] 18.9. With such men, conscript fathers, I beg of you for conscience' sake not to undertake any action either in Italy or in Africa until you first atone for their crime, lest for the sacrilege committed they make amends not only by their own blood but also by a disaster to the state. "Even now, however, the wrath of the goddess is not idle, conscript fathers, as regards either your commanders or your men.

> Latin: 18.9. quibus per uos fidemque uestram, patres conscripti, priusquam eorum scelus expietis neque in Italia neque in Africa quicquam rei gesseritis, ne quod piaculi commiserunt non suo solum sanguine sed etiam publica clade luant.

[¶100] 18.10. Several times already have they clashed with each other in actual battle. Pleminius was in command of the one faction, of the other faction two tribunes of the soldiers. They have fought each other with the sword as fiercely as against the Carthaginians, and by their madness would have given Hannibal a chance to regain Locri, had not Scipio forestalled that in answer to our call for help. True, you may say, the soldiers polluted by sacrilege are indeed frenzied, but the power of the goddess has not been manifest in punishing the commanders themselves.

> Latin: 18.10. 'quamquam ne nunc quidem, patres conscripti, aut in ducibus aut in militibus uestris cessat ira deae. aliquotiens iam inter se signis conlatis concurrerunt. dux alterius partis Pleminius, alterius duo tribuni militum erant. non acrius cum Carthaginiensibus quam inter se ipsi ferro dimicauerunt, praebuissentque occasionem furore suo Locros recipiendi Hannibali nisi accitus ab nobis Scipio interuenisset.

[¶101] 18.12. On the contrary, it is there that it was most evident. The tribunes were scourged by the legatus; whereupon the legatus was isolated by a ruse of the tribunes, and besides receiving wounds in every part of his body, he was left half-dead after even his nose and ears had been mutilated.

> Latin: 18.12. at hercule milites contactos sacrilegio furor agitat, in ducibus ipsis puniendis nullum deae numen apparuit. immo ibi praesens maxime fuit. uirgis caesi tribuni ab legato sunt: legatus deinde insidiis tribunorum interceptus, praeterquam quod toto corpore laceratus, naso quoque auribusque decisis exsanguis est relictus;

[¶102] 18.14. Then when the legatus had recovered from his wounds and the tribunes of the soldiers had been thrown into chains, then, after scourging them and racking them with all the torments applied to slaves, he put them to death, then forbade burial of the dead.

> Latin: 18.14. recreatus dein legatus ex uolneribus tribunos militum in uincla coniectos, dein uerberatos seruilibus omnibus suppliciis cruciando occidit, mortuos deinde prohibuit sepeliri.

[¶103] 18.15. "Such are the penalties the goddess has exacted of those who despoil her temple, nor will she cease to drive them on by every form of madness until the consecrated money has been replaced in her treasury.

> Latin: 18.15. 'has dea poenas a templi sui spoliatoribus habet, nec ante desinet omnibus eos agitare furiis quam reposita sacra pecunia in thesauris fuerit.

[¶104] 18.16. Our ancestors once in a serious war with the Crotonians desired to bring that money over into the city, since the temple is outside the city. In the night a voice from the sanctuary was heard: let them keep their hands off; the goddess will defend her temples. Since conscientious scruples were raised against moving the treasure away, they planned to surround the temple with a wall of defence.

> Latin: 18.16. maiores quondam nostri graui Crotoniensium bello, quia extra urbem templum est, transferre in urbem eam pecuniam uoluerunt; noctu audita ex delubro uox est: abstinerent manus, deam sua defensuram. quia mouendi inde thesauros religio incussa erat, muro circumdari templum uoluerunt;

[¶105] 18.17. The walls had already been raised to a considerable height when suddenly they fell in ruins. But both at this time and at that, and often on other occasions, the goddess has either defended her abode and her temple, or else has exacted heavy penalties from those who profaned them.

> Latin: 18.17. ad aliquantum iam altitudinis excitata erant moenia cum subito conlapsa ruina sunt. sed et nunc et tunc et saepe alias dea suam sedem suumque templum aut tutata est aut a uiolatoribus grauia piacula exegit:

[¶106] 18.18. To avenge wrongs done to us, however, no one but you, conscript fathers, has the power —and may no one else have it!

> Latin: 18.18. nostras iniurias nec potest nec possit alius ulcisci quam uos, patres conscripti.

[¶107] 18.19. To you and your protection we have come for refuge as suppliants. It makes no difference to us whether you allow Locri to remain under that legatus, under that garrison, or surrender it to angry Hannibal and the Carthaginians for punishment. We do not demand that you at once believe us in regard to an absent defendant, his case unheard. Let him come, let him hear in person, in person let him disprove.

> Latin: 18.19. ad uos uestramque fidem supplices confugimus. nihil nostra interest utrum sub illo legato sub illo praesidio Locros esse sinatis an irato Hannibali et Poenis ad supplicium dedatis. non postulamus ut extemplo nobis, ut de absente, ut indicta causa credatis: ueniat, coram ipse audiat, ipse diluat.

[¶108] 18.20. If there is any crime which a man can perpetrate upon human beings that he has failed to commit upon us, we do not refuse to endure all the same wrongs again, if that is possible for us, while he is to be acquitted of every crime against gods and men.

> Latin: 18.20. si quicquam sceleris quod homo in homines edere potest in nos praetermisit, non recusamus quin et nos omnia eadem iterum si pati possumus patiamur et ille omni diuino humanoque liberetur scelere.'

[¶109] 19.1. After the envoys had thus spoken and Fabius asked them whether they had carried such complaints to Publius Scipio, they replied that emissaries had been sent, but that he was occupied with preparations for war and had either already crossed over to Africa, or was about to do so within a few days;

> Latin: 19.1. haec cum ab legatis dicta essent quaesissetque ab iis Q. Fabius detulissentne eas querellas ad P. Scipionem, responderunt missos legatos esse sed eum belli apparatu occupatum esse et in Africam aut iam traiecisse aut intra paucos dies traiecturum;