---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 45 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 45. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 45. Book XXIX · chapters 19–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45/#p-N

[¶0] 19.2. and they had learned what partiality for his legatus was felt by the general-in-command when, after hearing the charges of Pleminius and those of the tribunes, he put the tribunes in chains and, though the legatus was equally guilty or even more so, left him in that command. When the envoys had been ordered to retire from the Senate House, not Pleminius only but also Scipio was savagely attacked in the speeches of leading men.

> Latin: 19.2. et legati gratia quanta esset apud imperatorem expertos esse cum inter eum et tribunos cognita causa tribunos in uincla coniecerit, legatum aeque sontem aut magis etiam in ea potestate reliquerit.

[¶1] 19.3. First and foremost Quintus Fabius charged that he was by nature adapted to corrupt his soldiers' discipline.

> Latin: 19.3. iussis excedere templo legatis, non Pleminius modo sed etiam Scipio principum orationibus lacerari. ante omnes Q.

[¶2] 19.4. Thus even in Spain, he said, almost more soldiers had been lost in a mutiny than by war; that after the manner of a foreign tyrant he gave free rein to the excesses of his soldiers and was also cruel to them.

> Latin: 19.4. Fabius natum eum ad corrumpendam disciplinam militarem arguere: sic et in Hispania plus prope per seditionem militum quam bello amissum; externo et regio more et indulgere licentiae militum et saeuire in eos. sententiam deinde aeque trucem orationi adiecit:

[¶3] 19.5. He then appended to his speech an equally ruthless resolution: that it was the will of the senate that Pleminius, the legatus, be brought to Rome bound and plead his cause in chains, and if the complaints of the Locrians should prove true, that he be put to death in the prison and his property confiscated;

> Latin: 19.5. Pleminium legatum uinctum Romam deportari placere et ex uinculis causam dicere ac, si uera forent quae Locrenses quererentur, in carcere necari bonaque eius publicari:

[¶4] 19.6. that Publius Scipio, having left his province without orders of the senate, be recalled, and that the tribunes of the plebs be urged to bring before the people a bill to annul his command; that the senate should make answer to the Locrians face to face that neither the senate nor the Roman people approved of the wrongs which they complained had been inflicted upon them; that they be declared good men and good allies and friends;

> Latin: 19.6. P. Scipionem quod de prouincia decessisset iniussu senatus reuocari, agique cum tribunis plebis ut de imperio eius abrogando ferrent ad populum: Locrensibus coram senatum respondere quas iniurias sibi factas quererentur eas neque senatum neque populum Romanum factas uelle;

[¶5] 19.7. that their children, their wives and whatever else had been taken away by violence be restored to them; that all the money removed from the treasure-chambers of Proserpina be sought out and twice that amount be restored to her treasury; and that expiatory rites be performed, with the provision that the question be first laid before the college of pontiffs, in view of the removal, opening and profanation of the sacred treasure, what expiations they would order to be made, to what divinities, with what victims; that all the soldiers who were at Locri be transported to Sicily;

> Latin: 19.7. uiros bonos sociosque et amicos eos appellari; liberos coniuges quaeque alia erepta essent restitui: pecuniam quanta ex thesauris Proserpinae sublata esset conquiri duplamque pecuniam in thesauros reponi, et sacrum piaculare fieri ita ut prius ad collegium pontificum referretur, quod sacri thesauri moti aperti uiolati essent, quae piacula, quibus dis, quibus hostiis fieri placeret:

[¶6] 19.9. that four cohorts of Latin allies be brought to Locri as a garrison. Not all the senators could be asked their opinion on that day owing to the heat of party feeling for Scipio and against Scipio. In addition to the crime of Pleminius and the sufferings of the Locrians, they kept censuring even the personal appearance of the general-in-chief, as not even soldierly, not to say un- Roman; that wearing a Greek mantle and sandals he strolled about in the gymnasium, giving his attention to books in Greek and physical exercise;

> Latin: 19.9. milites qui Locris essent omnes in Siciliam transportari: quattuor cohortes sociorum Latini nominis in praesidium Locros adduci. perrogari eo die sententiae accensis studiis pro Scipione et aduersus Scipionem non potuere. praeter Plemini facinus Locrensiumque cladem ipsius etiam imperatoris non Romanus modo sed ne militaris quidem cultus iactabatur: cum pallio crepidisque inambulare in gymnasio;

[¶7] 19.12. that with equal indolence and self-indulgence his entire retinue was enjoying the charms of Syracuse; that Carthage and Hannibal had been forgotten;

> Latin: 19.12. libellis eum palaestraeque operam dare; aeque [segniter] molliter cohortem totam Syracusarum amoenitate frui;

[¶8] 19.13. that the entire army, being spoiled by lack of restraint and, like the army formerly at Sucro in Spain, like the troops now at Locri, was more to be feared by allies than by the enemy.

> Latin: 19.13. Carthaginem atque Hannibalem excidisse de memoria; exercitum omnem licentia corruptum, qualis Sucrone in Hispania fuerit, qualis nunc Locris, sociis magis quam hosti metuendum.

[¶9] 20.1. Although some of these taunts were true, some half-true and hence plausible, nevertheless the motion of Quintus Metellus carried the day. In agreement with Maximus on the other points, he disagreed with him so far as concerned Scipio, the man whom the state chose not long before, he said, in spite of his youth as sole general to recover Spain;

> Latin: 20.1. haec quamquam partim uera partim mixta eoque similia ueris iactabantur, tamen uicit Q. Metelli sententia qui de ceteris Maximo adsensus de Scipionis causa dissensit:

[¶10] 20.2. then, after Spain had been rewon from the enemy, elected him consul to put an end to the Punic war, and counted upon him to draw Hannibal out of Italy and to conquer Africa.

> Latin: 20.2. qui enim conuenire quem modo ciuitas iuuenem admodum unum reciperandae Hispaniae delegerit ducem, quem recepta ab hostibus Hispania ad imponendum Punico bello finem creauerit consulem, spe destinauerit Hannibalem ex Italia retracturum, Africam subacturum, eum repente, tamquam Q.

[¶11] 20.3. How then was it logical for him, as if he were a Quintus Pleminius, suddenly to be all but condemned without a hearing, recalled from his province, although the Locrians said that the criminal acts against them of which they complained had been committed when Scipio was not even present, and nothing else could be charged against him than slowness to anger, or else reluctance in sparing his legatus?

> Latin: 20.3. Pleminium, indicta causa prope damnatum ex prouincia reuocari, cum ea quae in se nefarie facta Locrenses quererentur ne praesente quidem Scipione facta dicerent, neque aliud quam patientia aut pudor quod legato pepercisset insimulari posset?

[¶12] 20.4. His proposal, he said, was that Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, to whom Sicily had been allotted as his province, should within three days leave for the province; that the consuls should choose ten legati at their discretion from the senate, to be sent with the praetor, as also two tribunes of the plebs and an aedile;

> Latin: 20.4. sibi placere M. Pomponium praetorem, cui Sicilia prouincia sorti euenisset, triduo proximo in prouinciam proficisci: consules decem legatos quos iis uideretur ex senatu legere quos cum praetore mitterent, et duos tribunos plebei atque aedilem;

[¶13] 20.5. that with these men as assessors the praetor should conduct an examination; if the offences of which the Locrians complained had been committed by the command or with the consent of Publius Scipio, they should order him to retire from his province;

> Latin: 20.5. cum eo consilio praetorem cognoscere; si ea quae Locrenses facta quererentur iussu aut uoluntate P. Scipionis facta essent, ut eum de prouincia decedere iuberent;

[¶14] 20.6. if Publius Scipio should have already crossed over into Africa, the tribunes of the plebs and the aedile should go to Africa with two of the legati —those whom the praetor should judge most competent —the tribunes and aedile to bring Scipio away, the legati to be in command of the army until anew general-in-command should reach that army;

> Latin: 20.6. si P. Scipio iam in Africam traiecisset, tribuni plebis atque aedilis cum duobus legatis quos maxime idoneos praetor censuisset in Africam proficiscerentur, tribuni atque aedilis qui reducerent inde Scipionem, legati qui exercitui praeessent donec nouus imperator ad eum exercitum uenisset:

[¶15] 20.8. if Marcus Pomponius-and the ten legati should find that the acts had been committed neither by order of Publius Scipio nor with his consent, that Scipio should remain with the army and carry on the war as he had planned.

> Latin: 20.8. si M. Pomponius et decem legati comperissent neque iussu neque uoluntate P. Scipionis ea facta esse, ut ad exercitum Scipio maneret bellumque ut proposuisset gereret.

[¶16] 20.9. A decree of the senate to this effect having been passed, the tribunes of the plebs were requested either to arrange among themselves or to choose by lot which two of them should go with the praetor and legati.

> Latin: 20.9. hoc facto senatus consulto, cum tribunis plebis actum est aut compararent inter se aut sorte legerent qui duo cum praetore ac legatis irent:

[¶17] 20.10. The matter of expiation for all that in the temple of Proserpina at Locri had been touched and profaned and carried away was referred to the college of pontiffs.

> Latin: 20.10. ad collegium pontificum relatum de expiandis quae Locris in templo Proserpinae tacta ac uiolata elataque inde essent.

[¶18] 20.11. The tribunes of the plebs, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Marcus Cincius Alimentus departed with the praetor and ten legati. A plebeian aedile was added to their number, and either in case Scipio in Sicily should fail to obey the praetor, or if he should have crossed already into Africa, the tribunes were to order the aedile to arrest him, and by virtue of their inviolable authority they were to bring him back. It was their plan to go to Locri first and then to Messana.

> Latin: 20.11. tribuni plebis cum praetore et decem legatis profecti M. Claudius Marcellus et M. Cincius Alimentus; aedilis plebis datus est quem, si aut in Sicilia praetori dicto audiens non esset Scipio aut iam in Africam traiecisset, prendere tribuni iuberent, ac iure sacrosanctae potestatis reducerent. prius Locros ire quam Messanam consilium erat.

[¶19] 21.1. But so far as Pleminius is concerned we have two reports. Some authorities relate that, on hearing what had been done at Rome, he was on his way into exile at Neapolis when he happened to encounter Quintus Metellus, one of the legati, and that he was forcibly brought back by him to Regium.

> Latin: 21.1. ceterum duplex fama est quod ad Pleminium attinet. alii auditis quae Romae acta essent in exsilium Neapolim euntem forte in Q. Metellum unum ex legatis incidisse et ab eo Regium ui retractum tradunt:

[¶20] 21.2. Others say that Scipio himself sent a legatus with thirty horsemen of the first order, to throw Quintus Pleminius into chains and with him the leaders of the outbreak.

> Latin: 21.2. alii ab ipso Scipione legatum cum triginta nobilissimis equitum missum qui Q. Pleminium in catenas et cum eo seditionis principes conicerent.

[¶21] 21.3. All of them, whether by Scipio's order earlier or at this time by that of the praetor, were delivered into the custody of the men of Regium. The praetor and legati went to Locri and, as they had been instructed, made religion their first concern.

> Latin: 21.3. ii omnes seu ante Scipionis seu tum praetoris iussu traditi in custodiam Reginis sunt. praetor legatique Locros profecti primam, sicuti mandatum erat, religionis curam habuere;

[¶22] 21.4. For they sought out and restored to the treasure-chambers all the sacred money, both what was in the hands of Pleminius and what was in the possession of the soldiers, together with what they had themselves brought with them; and they performed the rite of expiation.

> Latin: 21.4. omnem enim sacram pecuniam quaeque apud Pleminium quaeque apud milites erat conquisitam, cum ea quam ipsi secum attulerant, in thesauris reposuerunt ac piaculare sacrum fecerunt.

[¶23] 21.5. Then the praetor summoned the soldiers to an assembly, ordered their units to march out of the city, and assigned a site in the plain for their camp, with a threatening edict in case any soldier should either remain in the city or carry out with him what was not his own. In this he stated that he gave permission to the Locrians to seize any possession a man should recognize as his; and if anything was not produced he should demand its restitution.

> Latin: 21.5. tum uocatos ad contionem milites praetor signa extra urbem efferre iubet castraque in campo locat cum graui edicto si quis miles aut in urbe restitisset aut secum extulisset quod suum non esset: Locrensibus se permittere ut quod sui quisque cognosset prenderet, si quid non compareret repeteret;

[¶24] 21.6. Above all, he said, he ruled that free persons should be restored to the Locrians without delay; that a heavy penalty would be paid by the man who did not restore them.

> Latin: 21.6. ante omnia libera corpora placere sine mora Locrensibus restitui; non leui defuncturum poena qui non restituisset.

[¶25] 21.7. Thereupon he held an assembly of the Locrians and said that the Roman people and senate restored to them their independence and their own laws; that if anyone desired to bring charges against Pleminius or any other man, let him follow him to Regium.

> Latin: 21.7. Locrensium deinde contionem habuit atque iis libertatem legesque suas populum Romanum senatumque restituere dixit; si qui Pleminium aliumue quem accusare uellet, Regium se sequeretur:

[¶26] 21.8. As regarded Publius Scipio, should they wish, he said, to make complaint in the name of their state, claiming that such wicked deeds as had been committed at Locri against gods and men had been done by command of Publius Scipio or with his consent, let them send envoys to Messana; there with his assessors he would conduct the inquiry.

> Latin: 21.8. si de P. Scipione publice queri uellent ea quae Locris nefarie in deos hominesque facta essent iussu aut uoluntate P. Scipionis facta esse, legatos mitterent Messanam; ibi se cum consilio cogniturum. Locrenses praetori legatisque, senatui ac populo Romano gratias egerunt:

[¶27] 21.9. The Locrians thanked the praetor and his legati, the senate and the Roman people. They would go, they said, to prefer charges against Pleminius.

> Latin: 21.9. se ad Pleminium accusandum ituros: Scipionem, quamquam parum iniuriis ciuitatis suae doluerit, eum esse uirum quem amicum sibi quam inimicum malint esse;

[¶28] 21.10. As for Scipio, although he was not sufficiently pained by the wrongs done to their state, he was such a man as they would prefer to have as their friend rather than as an enemy.

> Latin: 21.10. pro certo se habere neque iussu neque uoluntate P. Scipionis tot tam nefanda commissa, sed aut Pleminio nimium [aut] sibi parum creditum, aut natura insitum quibusdam esse ut magis peccari nolint quam satis animi ad uindicanda peccata habeant.

[¶29] 21.11. They had definitely ascertained that the many unspeakable crimes had not been committed either by order or consent of Publius Scipio; but either he had trusted Pleminius too much and themselves too little; or else for some men it was natural to disapprove of misdoing but to lack sufficient spirit to punish the misdeeds. Both the praetor and his assessors were relieved of the burden —no slight one either —of a court of inquiry concerning Scipio. Pleminius and with him some thirty-two men they found guilty and sent in chains to Rome. They themselves went to Scipio with the further intention to see for themselves what had been common talk in regard to the dress and indolent habits of the general and lax discipline of his soldiers, and to report back to Rome.

> Latin: 21.11. et praetori et consilio haud mediocre onus demptum erat de Scipione cognoscendi. Pleminium et ad duo et triginta homines cum eo damnauerunt atque in catenis Romam miserunt. ipsi ad Scipionem profecti sunt ut ea quoque quae uolgata sermonibus erant de cultu ac desidia imperatoris solutaque disciplina militiae comperta oculis referrent Romam.

[¶30] 22.1. While they were on their way to Syracuse Scipio prepared tangible evidence, not words, in his defence. He ordered the entire army to be concentrated there, and the fleet to be cleared for action, as if on that day he must fight on land and sea with the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 22.1. uenientibus iis Syracusas Scipio res, non uerba ad purgandum sese parauit. exercitum omnem eo conuenire, classem expediri iussit, tamquam dimicandum eo die terra marique cum Carthaginiensibus esset.

[¶31] 22.2. On the day of their arrival they were hospitably entertained, and the next day he showed them his land and naval forces, not merely drawn up in line, but the soldiers in manœuvres and the fleet likewise manœuvring in mimicry of a naval battle in the harbour.

> Latin: 22.2. quo die uenerunt hospitio comiter acceptis, postero die terrestrem naualemque exercitum, non instructos modo sed hos decurrentes, classem in portu simulacrum et ipsam edentem naualis pugnae ostendit;

[¶32] 22.3. Then the praetor and the legati were conducted on a tour of inspection of arsenals and magazines and other equipment for war.

> Latin: 22.3. tum circa armamentaria et horrea bellique alium apparatum uisendum praetor legatique ducti.

[¶33] 22.4. And so much was their admiration aroused for particular things and for the sum total that they fully believed the Carthaginian people could be defeated either by that general and army or by no other, and bade him with the blessing of the gods to cross over, and at the first possible moment to bring to the Roman people the fulfilment of the hope inspired on the day on which all the centuries had named him consul first.

> Latin: 22.4. tantaque admiratio singularum uniuersarumque rerum incussa ut satis crederent aut illo duce atque exercitu uinci Carthaginiensem populum aut alio nullo posse, iuberentque quod di bene uerterent traicere et spei conceptae quo die illum omnes centuriae priorem consulem dixissent primo quoque tempore compotem populum Romanum facere;

[¶34] 22.6. So happy also were they on leaving the city, it was if they were to carry to Rome the news of a victory, not of a magnificent preparation for war.

> Latin: 22.6. adeoque laetis inde animis profecti sunt, tamquam uictoriam non belli magnificum apparatum nuntiaturi Romam essent.

[¶35] 22.7. Pleminius and those who were involved in the same charge, upon their arrival in Rome, were at once put in the prison. And when first brought before the people by the tribunes, while men's minds were already filled with the sufferings of the Locrians, they found no room left for pity.

> Latin: 22.7. Pleminius quique in eadem causa erant postquam Romam est uentum extemplo in carcerem conditi. ac primo producti ad populum ab tribunis apud praeoccupatos Locrensium clade animos nullum misericordiae locum habuerunt: postea cum saepius producerentur, iam senescente inuidia molliebantur irae;

[¶36] 22.8. Later, as they were brought out repeatedly, men's anger was subsiding as animosity now waned, and even Pleminius' disfigurement and the memory of the absent Scipio won them support among the populace.

> Latin: 22.8. et ipsa deformitas Plemini memoriaque absentis Scipionis fauorem ad uolgum conciliabat.

[¶37] 22.9. He died, however, in prison before his trial in the assembly of the people could be completed. Clodius Licinus in the third book of his Roman History relates of this Pleminius that during the votive games which Africanus was conducting at Rome in his second consulship, he made an attempt, with the aid of certain men whom he had bribed, to set fire to the city in a number of places, in order to have a chance to break out of prison and escape;

> Latin: 22.9. mortuus tamen prius in uinclis est quam iudicium de eo populi perficeretur. hunc Pleminium Clodius Licinus in libro tertio rerum Romanarum refert ludis uotiuis quos Romae Africanus iterum consul faciebat conatum per quosdam quos pretio corruperat aliquot locis urbem incendere ut effringendi carceris fugiendique haberet occasionem;

[¶38] 22.10. that then, when his crime was revealed, he was consigned to the Tullianum in accordance with a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 22.10. patefacto dein scelere delegatum in Tullianum ex senatus consulto.

[¶39] 22.11. In regard to Scipio no action was taken anywhere except in the senate, in which both legati and tribunes united in praise of the fleet, army and general. Consequently the senate voted that at the earliest possible moment the crossing to Africa must take place, and that out of the armies then in Sicily Scipio should be permitted to choose for himself what forces he would transport with him to Africa, and what he would leave as a garrison for the province.

> Latin: 22.11. de Scipione nusquam nisi in senatu actum, ubi omnes legatique et tribuni classem exercitum ducemque uerbis extollentes effecerunt ut senatus censeret primo quoque tempore in Africam traiciendum Scipionique permitteretur ut ex iis exercitibus qui in Sicilia essent ipse eligeret quos in Africam secum traiceret, quos prouinciae relinqueret praesidio.

[¶40] 23.1. While these events were in progress among the Romans, the Carthaginians on their part, placing watch-towers on all the promontories, had passed an anxious winter, gathering information and alarmed by each fresh report. And then, as no small factor in the defence of Africa, they added an alliance of their own with King Syphax, in reliance chiefly upon whom the Roman, they had believed, intended to cross over to Africa.

> Latin: 23.1. dum haec apud Romanos geruntur, Carthaginienses quoque cum speculis per omnia promunturia positis percontantes pauentesque ad singulos nuntios sollicitam hiemem egissent, haud paruum et ipsi tuendae Africae momentum adiecerunt societatem Syphacis regis, cuius maxime fiducia traiecturum in Africam Romanum crediderant.

[¶41] 23.3. Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo had not merely a guest-friendship with the king, of which mention has been made above —when Scipio and Hasdrubal coming from Spain arrived, as it happened, at the same time —but also the first proposal of a marriage tie was made, in which the king was to marry Hasdrubal's daughter.

> Latin: 23.3. erat Hasdrubali Gisgonis filio non hospitium modo cum rege, de quo ante dictum est cum ex Hispania forte in idem tempus Scipio atque Hasdrubal conuenerunt, sed mentio quoque incohata adfinitatis ut rex duceret filiam Hasdrubalis.

[¶42] 23.4. To carry the matter through and to fix a time for the wedding, Hasdrubal went to him; for the maiden was already of marriageable age. On perceiving that he was fired with passion —and more than all barbarians the Numidians are prone to sensuality —he summoned the maiden from Carthage and hastened the wedding.

> Latin: 23.4. ad eam rem consummandam tempusque nuptiis statuendum—iam enim et nubilis erat uirgo—profectus Hasdrubal ut accensum cupiditate—et sunt ante omnes barbaros Numidae effusi in uenerem—sensit, uirginem a Carthagine arcessit maturatque nuptias;

[¶43] 23.5. And in the midst of congratulations on other grounds, in order that a public compact might be added to the private, an alliance between the Carthaginian people and the king was cemented by an oath, while a pledge was given by both sides that they would have the same friends and enemies.

> Latin: 23.5. et inter aliam gratulationem ut publicum quoque foedus priuato adiceretur societas inter populum Carthaginiensem regemque, data ultro citroque fide eosdem amicos inimicosque habituros, iure iurando adfirmatur.

[¶44] 23.6. Hasdrubal, however, remembered not only the alliance with Scipio into which the king had entered, but also how naturally characterless and fickle are barbarians. He feared that if Scipio should cross over to Africa this marriage would be a slender bond. Consequently while the Numidian, fired by his newfound love, was in his power, with the help also of the young woman's allurements, Hasdrubal prevailed upon him to send ambassadors to Scipio in Sicily, and through these men he was to warn Scipio not to cross over to Africa in reliance upon his previous promises.

> Latin: 23.6. ceterum Hasdrubal, memor et cum Scipione initae regi societatis et quam uana et mutabilia barbarorum ingenia essent, ueritus ne, si traiecisset in Africam Scipio, paruum uinculum eae nuptiae essent, dum accensum recenti amore Numidam habet perpellit blanditiis quoque puellae adhibitis ut legatos in Siciliam ad Scipionem mittat per quos moneat eum ne prioribus suis promissis fretus in Africam traiciat;

[¶45] 23.7. They were to say that he was linked with the Carthaginian people both by his marriage to a citizen of Carthage, daughter of the Hasdrubal whom Scipio had seen received as a guest in his own house, and by a public treaty as well;

> Latin: 23.7. se et nuptiis ciuis Carthaginiensis, filiae Hasdrubalis quem uiderit apud se in hospitio, et publico etiam foedere cum populo Carthaginiensi iunctum optare primum ut procul ab Africa, sicut adhuc fecerint, bellum Romani cum Carthaginiensibus gerant, ne sibi interesse certaminibus eorum armaque aut haec aut illa abnuentem alteram societatem sequi necesse sit:

[¶46] 23.9. that in the first place he wished that the Romans would carry on war with the Carthaginians, as they had done hitherto, far from Africa, making it unnecessary for him to be involved in their conflicts and to follow the arms of this side or that, rejecting alliance with the other side; that if Scipio did not keep away from Africa and moved his army up to Carthage, it would be necessary for him to fight both for the land of Africa, in which he too had been born, and for the native city of his wife and for her father and her home.

> Latin: 23.9. si non abstineat Africa Scipio et Carthagini exercitum admoueat, sibi necessarium fore et pro terra Africa in qua et ipse sit genitus et pro patria coniugis suae proque parente ac penatibus dimicare.

[¶47] 24.1. With these instructions ambassadors were sent to Scipio by the king, and they met him at Syracuse.

> Latin: 24.1. cum his mandatis ab rege legati ad Scipionem missi Syracusis eum conuenerunt.

[¶48] 24.2. Scipio had lost, to be sure, an important factor for the campaign in Africa and a high hope; nevertheless, sending the messengers back to Africa promptly, before the matter should be widely reported, he gave them a letter to the king. In this he insistently admonished him not to prove false to the claims of a guest-friendship entered into with himself, nor to those of an alliance contracted with the Roman people, nor to divine law, to honour, to the clasped hands, to the gods as witnesses and arbiters of compacts.

> Latin: 24.2. Scipio quamquam magno momento rerum in Africa gerendarum magnaque spe destitutus erat, legatis propere priusquam res uolgaretur remissis in Africam litteras dat ad regem quibus etiam atque etiam monet eum ne iura hospitii secum neu cum populo Romano initae societatis neu fas fidem dexteras deos testes atque arbitros conuentorum fallat.

[¶49] 24.4. But the arrival of the Numidians could not be kept secret, for they had roamed about the city and had showed themselves at headquarters; and if the object of their mission was passed over in silence there would be danger that the facts might of themselves transpire, all the more from the very attempt to conceal them, and that the fear of having to fight at the same time with the king and the Carthaginians might overtake the army.

> Latin: 24.4. ceterum quando neque celari aduentus Numidarum poterat—uagati enim in urbe obuersatique praetorio erant—et, si sileretur quid petentes uenissent, periculum erat ne uera eo ipso quod celarentur sua sponte magis emanarent, timorque in exercitum incederet ne simul cum rege et Carthaginiensibus foret bellandum, auertit a uero falsis praeoccupando mentes hominum, et uocatis ad contionem militibus non ultra esse cunctandum ait; instare ut in Africam quam primum traiciat socios reges. Masinissam prius ipsum ad C. Laelium uenisse querentem quod cunctando tempus tereretur:

[¶50] 24.6. For that reason Scipio diverted men's attention from the truth by preoccupation with false statements, and summoning the soldiers to an assembly, he told them that there must be no further delay; that the kings, their allies, were insisting that he cross over to Africa as soon as possible.

> Latin: 24.6. nunc Syphacem mittere legatos idem admirantem quae tam diuturnae morae sit causa postulantemque ut aut traiciatur tandem in Africam exercitus aut, si mutata consilia sint, certior fiat ut et ipse sibi ac regno suo possit consulere.

[¶51] 24.7. Masinissa, he said, had previously come in person to Gaius Laelius complaining because they were wasting time in hesitation; and now Syphax was sending ambassadors, stating that he also was at a loss to explain what was the reason for a delay so protracted, and demanding either that the army be at last transported to Africa, or, if their plans had been changed, that he be informed, so that he on his part might take measures for himself and his kingdom.

> Latin: 24.7. itaque satis iam omnibus instructis apparatisque et re iam non ultra recipiente cunctationem, in animo sibi esse Lilybaeum classe traducta eodemque omnibus peditum equitumque copiis contractis quae prima dies cursum nauibus daret dis bene iuuantibus in Africam traicere. litteras ad M. Pomponium mittit ut, si ei uideretur, Lilybaeum ueniret ut communiter consulerent quas potissimum legiones et quantum militum numerum in Africam traiceret.

[¶52] 24.9. Accordingly, since now everything had been duly fitted out and made ready and the situation admitted of no further delay, Scipio said it was his intention to shift his fleet to Lilybaeum and concentrate there all his infantry and cavalry forces, then on the first day that offered a passage to his ships to cross over with the blessing of the gods to Africa.

> Latin: 24.9. item circum oram omnem maritimam misit ut naues onerariae comprensae Lilybaeum omnes contraherentur. quicquid militum nauiumque in Sicilia erat cum Lilybaeum conuenisset et nec urbs multitudinem hominum neque portus naues caperet, tantus omnibus ardor erat in Africam traiciendi ut non ad bellum duci uiderentur sed ad certa uictoriae praemia.

[¶53] 24.11. He sent a letter to Marcus Pomponius, requesting him, if he approved, to come to Lilybaeum, so that they might jointly decide which particular legions to transport to Africa and how large a number of men.

> Latin: 24.11. praecipue qui superabant ex Cannensi exercitu milites illo non alio duce credebant nauata rei publicae opera finire se militiam ignominiosam posse.

[¶54] 24.12. He likewise sent orders round the entire coastline to have all merchantmen pressed into the service and concentrated at Lilybaeum. When all the soldiers and ships in Sicily had been brought together at Lilybaeum and the city could not contain the multitude of men nor the harbour the ships, such was the ardour of every man for the passage to Africa that it seemed as though they were being led, not to a war but to assured rewards of victory.

> Latin: 24.12. et Scipio minime id genus militum aspernabatur, ut qui neque ad Cannas ignauia eorum cladem acceptam sciret neque ullos aeque ueteres milites in exercitu Romano esse expertosque non uariis proeliis modo sed urbibus etiam oppugnandis. quinta et sexta Cannenses erant legiones. eas se traiecturum in Africam cum dixisset, singulos milites inspexit, relictisque quos non idoneos credebat in locum eorum subiecit quos secum ex Italia adduxerat, suppleuitque ita eas legiones ut singulae sena milia et ducenos pedites, trecenos haberent equites.

[¶55] 24.14. Especially the soldiers who were left of the army at Cannae believed that under that general and no other, by active duty for the state they could bring their ignominious service to an end.

> Latin: 24.14. sociorum item Latini nominis pedites equitesque de exercitu Cannensi legit. quantum militum in Africam transportatum sit non paruo numero inter auctores discrepat.

[¶56] 25.2. And Scipio did not in the least scorn soldiers of that kind, as he knew that the disaster at Cannae had not been incurred by their cowardice, and that there were no soldiers in the Roman army who were such veterans and as highly trained not only in battles of different kinds but also in besieging cities.

> Latin: 25.2. alibi decem milia peditum duo milia et ducentos equites, alibi sedecim milia peditum mille et sescentos equites, alibi parte plus dimidia rem auctam, quinque et triginta milia peditum equitumque in naues imposita <inuenio>.

[¶57] 25.3. The fifth and sixth legions were those from Cannae. Having said he would transport these legions to Africa, he inspected the soldiers one by one, and leaving those whom he believed to be unfit, he substituted for them men whom he had brought with him from Italy, and recruited the legions to such an extent that each had six thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 25.3. quidam non adiecere numerum, inter quos me ipse in re dubia poni malim. Coelius ut abstinet numero, ita ad immensum multitudinis speciem auget:

[¶58] 25.4. In like manner he chose foot-soldiers and horse from the Latin allies out of the army which fought at Cannae. XXV. As to the number of soldiers transported to Africa the authorities differ by no small figure. In some I find that ten thousand infantry, two thousand two hundred cavalry were embarked; in others sixteen thousand infantry, sixteen hundred cavalry; in others the total is more than doubled —thirty-five thousand infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 25.4. uolucres ad terram delapsas clamore militum ait tantamque multitudinem conscendisse naues ut nemo mortalium aut in Italia aut in Sicilia relinqui uideretur. milites ut naues ordine ac sine tumultu conscenderent ipse eam sibi curam sumpsit:

[¶59] 25.5. Some authorities have not introduced the figures, and it is among these that I should myself prefer to be counted in view of the uncertainty.

> Latin: 25.5. nauticos C. Laelius, qui classis praefectus erat, in nauibus ante conscendere coactos continuit:

[¶60] 25.6. Coelius, while he gives no figures, nevertheless immensely increases the impression of great numbers. He says that birds fell to the ground owing to the shouts of the soldiers, and that such a multitude boarded the ships that not a human being seemed to be left either in Italy or Sicily.

> Latin: 25.6. commeatus imponendi M. Pomponio praetori cura data: quinque et quadraginta dierum cibaria, e quibus quindecim dierum cocta, imposita.

[¶61] 25.7. That the soldiers should board the ships in good order and without confusion the general took upon himself. As for the crews, Gaius Laelius, who was admiral of the fleet, ordered them to go on board first, and kept them there.

> Latin: 25.7. ut omnes iam in nauibus erant, scaphas circummisit ut ex omnibus nauibus gubernatoresque et magistri nauium et bini milites in forum conuenirent ad imperia accipienda.

[¶62] 25.8. The duty of loading supplies was assigned to Marcus Pomponius, the praetor. Rations for forty-five days —of these cooked rations for fifteen days —were placed on board.

> Latin: 25.8. postquam conuenerunt, primum ab iis quaesiuit si aquam hominibus iumentisque in totidem dies quot frumentum imposuissent.

[¶63] 25.9. When now they had all embarked, Scipio sent ships' boats round with orders that pilots and masters from all the ships and two soldiers from each should assemble before the headquarters to receive commands. When they were assembled he first asked them if they had put on board water for men and beasts for just as many days as they had grain.

> Latin: 25.9. ubi responderunt aquam dierum quinque et quadraginta in nauibus esse, tum edixit militibus ut silentium quieti nautis sine certamine ad ministeria exsequenda bene oboedientes praestarent.

[¶64] 25.10. When they replied that there was water for forty-five days on board, he thereupon gave orders to the soldiers to remain quiet and ensure silence in proper obedience to the seamen and without interference, that these might perform their duties.

> Latin: 25.10. cum uiginti rostratis se ac L. Scipionem ab dextro cornu, ab laeuo totidem rostratas et C. Laelium praefectum classis cum M. Porcio Catone —quaestor is tum erat—onerariis futurum praesidio.

[¶65] 25.11. With twenty warships, he said, he and Lucius Scipio on the right wing would protect the transports; on the left wing the same number of war-ships and Gaius Laelius, admiral of the fleet, with Marcus Porcius Cato, who was at that time quaestor; that war-ships should have one lantern for each ship, transports two for each; that on the flagship the designation at night would be three lanterns.

> Latin: 25.11. lumina in nauibus singula rostratae, bina onerariae haberent: in praetoria naue insigne nocturnum trium luminum fore. Emporia ut peterent gubernatoribus edixit.

[¶66] 25.12. He ordered the pilots to steer for the Emporia. There the soil is very fertile and for that reason the region supplies everything in abundance; and the natives are unwarlike, as is usually the case in a fertile country, and it seemed that they could be overpowered before aid could be sent from Carthage. After he had issued these commands they were ordered to return to their ships and on the following day, with the blessing of the gods, to cast off at the given signal.

> Latin: 25.12. — fertilissimus ager eoque abundans omnium copia rerum est regio, et imbelles—quod plerumque in uberi agro euenit —barbari sunt priusque quam ab Carthagine subueniretur opprimi uidebantur posse. —iis editis imperiis redire ad naues iussi et postero die bis bene iuuantibus signo dato soluere naues.

[¶67] 26.1. Many Roman fleets had sailed from Sicily and out of that very harbour. Yet not only during that war was there never a sailing so spectacular and no wonder, since most of the fleets had sailed out merely to plunder-but there had been nothing similar even in the previous war.

> Latin: 26.1. multae classes Romanae e Sicilia atque ipso illo portu profectae erant; ceterum non eo bello solum—nec id mirum; praedatum enim tantummodo pleraeque classes ierant—sed ne priore quidem ulla profectio tanti spectaculi fuit;

[¶68] 26.2. And yet if one had based his comparison upon the size of the fleet, more than once before had two consuls with two armies made the passage, and there had been almost as many war-ships in those fleets as now transports with which Scipio was crossing over. For in addition to forty war-ships only, he carried his army across on about four hundred transports.

> Latin: 26.2. quamquam, si magnitudine classis aestimares, et bini consules cum binis exercitibus ante traiecerant et prope totidem rostratae in illis classibus fuerant quot onerariis Scipio tum traiciebat;

[¶69] 26.3. But the second war was made to appear to the Romans more terrible than the first both by being carried on in Italy and by the immense losses which befell so many armies, with the death of their generals at the same time. Furthermore Scipio, whom men praised as a general partly because of his brave deeds, partly because of a good fortune peculiarly his own —a matter of the greatest importance to his growing celebrity —had commanded attention, as had also the very thought, not hazarded by any previous general in this war, of crossing the sea.

> Latin: 26.3. nam praeter quadraginta longas naues quadringentis ferme onerariis exercitum trauexit. sed et bellum bello secundum priore ut atrocius Romanis uideretur, cum quod in Italia bellabatur tum ingentes strages tot exercituum simul caesis ducibus effecerant, et Scipio dux partim factis fortibus partim suapte fortuna quadam †ingenti† ad incrementa gloriae celebratus conuerterat animos,

[¶70] 26.6. For he had spread the report that he was making the passage in order to draw Hannibal out of Italy and, shifting its scene, to bring the war to an end in Africa.

> Latin: 26.6. simul et mens ipsa traiciendi, nulli ante eo bello duci temptata, quod ad Hannibalem detrahendum ex Italia transferendumque et finiendum in Africa bellum se transire uolgauerat.

[¶71] 26.7. To see that sight there had flocked to the harbour a crowd made up, not only of all the inhabitants of Lilybaeum, but of all the delegations from Sicily which had arrived to show their respect as an escort to Scipio, and of those that had followed the praetor of the province, Marcus Pomponius.

> Latin: 26.7. concurrerat ad spectaculum in portum omnis turba non habitantium modo Lilybaei sed legationum omnium ex Sicilia quae et ad prosequendum Scipionem officii causa conuenerant et praetorem prouinciae M. Pomponium secutae fuerant;

[¶72] 26.8. In addition the legions that were being left behind in Sicily had turned out to escort their fellow-soldiers. And not only was the fleet a spectacle for those who viewed it from the shore, but also the whole densely crowded shore on this side and that was a sight for those who were sailing.

> Latin: 26.8. ad hoc legiones quae in Sicilia relinquebantur ad prosequendos commilitones processerant; nec classis modo prospectantibus e terra, sed terra etiam omnis circa referta turba spectaculo nauigantibus erat.

[¶73] 27.1. When the day dawned Scipio on his flagship, after silence had been secured by a herald, prayed: “Ye gods and goddesses who inhabit seas and lands, I pray and beseech you that whatever under my authority has been done, is being done, and shall henceforth be done, may prosper for me, for the Roman people and the commons, for allies and Latins who by land, by sea, and by rivers follow the lead, authority and auspices of the Roman people and of myself; and that ye lend your kind aid to all those acts and make them bear good fruit;”

> Latin: 27.1. ubi inluxit, Scipio e praetoria naue silentio per praeconem facto 'diui diuaeque' inquit 'qui maria terrasque colitis, uos precor quaesoque uti quae in meo imperio gesta sunt geruntur postque gerentur, ea mihi populo plebique Romanae sociis nominique Latino qui populi Romani quique meam sectam imperium auspiciumque terra mari amnibusque sequuntur bene uerruncent, eaque uos omnia bene iuuetis, bonis auctibus auxitis;

[¶74] 27.3. “that when the foe has been vanquished, ye bring the victors home with me safe and sound, adorned with spoils, laden with booty, and in triumph;”

> Latin: 27.3. saluos incolumesque uictis perduellibus uictores spoliis decoratos praeda onustos triumphantesque mecum domos reduces sistatis; inimicorum hostiumque ulciscendorum copiam faxitis;

[¶75] 27.4. “that ye grant power to punish opponents and enemies; and that ye bestow upon the Roman people and upon me the power to visit upon the state of the Carthaginians the fate that the people of Carthage have endeavoured to visit upon our state.”

> Latin: 27.4. quaeque populus Carthaginiensis in ciuitatem nostram facere molitus est, ea ut mihi populoque Romano in ciuitatem Carthaginiensium exempla edendi facultatem detis.'

[¶76] 27.5. Immediately after this prayer a victim was slain and Scipio threw the organs raw into the sea, as is customary, and by a trumpet gave the signal to sail. A favouring wind sufficiently strong quickly carried them out of sight of land.

> Latin: 27.5. secundum has preces cruda exta caesa uictima, uti mos est, in mare proiecit tubaque signum dedit proficiscendi. uento secundo uehementi satis prouecti celeriter e conspectu terrae ablati sunt;

[¶77] 27.6. And after mid-day they encountered a fog, so that with difficulty could they avoid collisions between the ships. In the open sea the wind was gentler.

> Latin: 27.6. et a meridie nebula occepit ita uix ut concursus nauium inter se uitarent; lenior uentus in alto factus.

[¶78] 27.7. Through the following night the same fog held; and when the sun was up, it was dispersed and the wind increased in force. Already they were in sight of land. Not very long afterwards the pilot told Scipio that Africa was not more than five miles away; that they sighted the Promontory of Mercury; if he should order him to steer for that, the entire fleet would soon be in port.

> Latin: 27.7. noctem insequentem eadem caligo obtinuit: sole orto est discussa, et addita uis uento. iam terram cernebant. haud ita multo post gubernator Scipioni ait non plus quinque milia passuum Africam abesse;

[¶79] 27.8. Scipio, now that the land was visible, after a prayer to the gods that his sight of Africa might be a blessing to the state and to himself, gave orders to make sail and to seek another landing-place for the ships farther down.

> Latin: 27.8. Mercuri promunturium se cernere; si iubeat eo dirigi, iam in portu fore omnem classem. Scipio, ut in conspectu terra fuit, precatus deos uti bono rei publicae suoque Africam uiderit, dare uela et alium infra nauibus accessum petere iubet.

[¶80] 27.10. They were running before the same wind; but at about the same time as on the preceding day a fog appeared cutting off the sight of land, and under the weight of fog the wind dropped.

> Latin: 27.10. uento eodem ferebantur; ceterum nebula sub idem ferme tempus quo pridie exorta conspectum terrae ademit et uentus premente nebula cecidit.

[¶81] 27.11. Then night added to all their uncertainties; so they cast anchor, that the ships might not collide or drift onto the shore. When day dawned the same wind sprang up and by dispelling the fog revealed the whole African coast.

> Latin: 27.11. nox deinde incertiora omnia fecit; itaque ancoras ne aut inter se concurrerent naues aut terrae inferrentur iecere.

[¶82] 27.12. Scipio inquired what the nearest promontory was, and upon being told it was called Cape of the Fair God, he said “A welcome omen! steer your ships this way!” There the fleet came into port and all the troops were disembarked.

> Latin: 27.12. ubi inluxit, uentus idem coortus nebula disiecta aperuit omnia Africae litora. Scipio quod esset proximum promuntorium percontatus cum Pulchri promunturium id uocari audisset, 'placet omen;' inquit 'huc dirigite naues.'

[¶83] 27.13. That the passage was successful and free from alarm and disorder I have accepted on the authority of many Greek and Latin writers. Coelius alone describes all the terrors of weather and waves —everything short of saying that the ships were overwhelmed by the seas.

> Latin: 27.13. eo classis decurrit, copiaeque omnes in terram expositae sunt. prosperam nauigationem sine terrore ac tumultu fuisse permultis Graecis Latinisque auctoribus credidi.

[¶84] 27.14. He relates that finally the fleet was swept by the storm away from Africa to the island of Aegimurus and that from there the proper course was regained with difficulty; and that as the ships were all but sinking the soldiers, without waiting for an order from the general, made their way to the shore in small boats, as though they had been shipwrecked, with no arms and in the greatest disorder.

> Latin: 27.14. Coelius unus praeterquam quod non mersas fluctibus naues ceteros omnes caelestes maritimosque terrores, postremo abreptam tempestate ab Africa classem ad insulam Aegimurum, inde aegre correctum cursum exponit, et prope obrutis nauibus iniussu imperatoris scaphis, haud secus quam naufragos, milites sine armis cum ingenti tumultu in terram euasisse.

[¶85] 28.1. After landing their troops the Romans laid out a camp on the nearest heights.

> Latin: 28.1. expositis copiis Romani castra in proximis tumulis metantur.

[¶86] 28.2. By this time, first from the sight of the fleet, and then from the commotion produced as they were disembarking, apprehension and panic had reached not only the farms near the coast but even into the cities.

> Latin: 28.2. iam non in maritimos modo agros conspectu primum classis dein tumultu egredientium in terram pauor terrorque peruenerat, sed in ipsas urbes;

[¶87] 28.3. For it was not merely the massed humanity that, interspersed with columns of women and children, had filled all the roads in every direction, but cattle also driven before them by the farmers, so that one would have said Africa was suddenly being deserted.

> Latin: 28.3. neque enim hominum modo turba mulierum puerorumque agminibus immixta omnes passim compleuerat uias, sed pecora quoque prae se agrestes agebant, ut relinqui subito Africam diceres.

[¶88] 28.4. But even in the cities they inspired greater alarm than that which they had brought with them.

> Latin: 28.4. urbibus uero ipsis maiorem quam quem secum attulerant terrorem inferebant; praecipue Carthagini prope ut captae tumultus fuit.

[¶89] 28.5. Especially at Carthage the uproar was almost like that of a captured city. For since the consulship of Marcus Atilius Regulus and Lucius Manlius, for almost fifty years they had seen no Roman forces except only predatory fleets, by means of which descents had been made on farms near the sea;

> Latin: 28.5. nam post M. Atilium Regulum et L. Manlium consules, annis prope quinquaginta, nullum Romanum exercitum uiderant praeter praedatorias classes quibus escensiones in agros maritimos factae erant, raptisque quae obuia fors fecerat prius recursum semper ad naues quam clamor agrestes conciret fuerat.

[¶90] 28.6. and seizing whatever chance had put in their way, the men had always raced back to their ships before the outcry should arouse the farmers. All the greater at this time was the flight and alarm in the city. They lacked also, to be sure, both a strong army at home and a general to confront the enemy.

> Latin: 28.6. eo maior tum fuga pauorque in urbe fuit. et hercule neque exercitus domi ualidus neque dux quem opponerent erat. Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius genere, fama, diuitiis, regia tum etiam adfinitate, longe primus ciuitatis erat;

[¶91] 28.8. Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo was far the foremost man of the state in family, reputation, wealth, and at that time also by reason of his relationship to a king. But they recalled that in a number of battles in Spain he had been routed and beaten by the self-same Scipio, and that the one general was no more a match for the other than was their own irregular army for the Roman army.

> Latin: 28.8. sed eum ab ipso illo Scipione aliquot proeliis fusum pulsumque in Hispania meminerant nec magis ducem duci parem quam tumultuarium exercitum suum Romano exercitui esse.

[¶92] 28.9. Accordingly they sounded the alarm, as if Scipio were intending forthwith to attack the city. The gates were hastily closed also and armed men posted on the walls, sentries and outposts stationed, while the following night no one slept.

> Latin: 28.9. itaque uelut si urbem extemplo adgressurus Scipio foret, ita conclamatum ad arma est portaeque raptim clausae et armati in muris uigiliaeque et stationes dispositae ac nocte insequenti uigilatum est.

[¶93] 28.10. Next day five hundred horsemen, sent to the coast to reconnoitre and to break up the disembarkation, encountered Roman outposts.

> Latin: 28.10. postero die quingenti equites, speculatum ad mare turbandosque egredientes ex nauibus missi, in stationes Romanorum inciderunt.

[¶94] 28.11. For already Scipio, after sending the fleet towards Utica, had himself advanced not very far from the sea and taken the nearest heights. He had stationed cavalry on outpost duty in suitable positions and had sent others to plunder the countryside.

> Latin: 28.11. iam enim Scipio, classe Uticam missa, ipse haud ita multum progressus a mari tumulos proximos ceperat; equites et in stationibus locis idoneis posuerat et per agros miserat praedatum.

[¶95] 29.1. These horsemen, having engaged in battle with the Carthaginian cavalry, slew a few in the actual engagement, many more as they pursued them in flight, among the number Hanno also, the commander, a young man of rank.

> Latin: 29.1. hi cum Carthaginiensi equitatu proelium cum commisissent, paucos in ipso certamine, plerosque fugientes persecuti, in quibus praefectum quoque Hannonem, nobilem iuuenem, occiderunt.

[¶96] 29.2. Scipio not only laid waste the farms all around but also captured the nearest city of the Africans, quite a prosperous place.

> Latin: 29.2. Scipio non agros modo circa uastauit sed urbem etiam proximam Afrorum satis opulentam cepit;

[¶97] 29.3. There, in addition to the other spoils which had been at once loaded on transports and sent to Sicily, eight thousand free persons and slaves were taken captive. What brought the greatest joy, however, to the Romans at the beginning of the campaign was the arrival of Masinissa.

> Latin: 29.3. ubi praeter cetera, quae extemplo in naues onerarias imposita missaque in Siciliam erant, octo milia liberorum seruorumque capitum sunt capta. laetissimus tamen Romanis in principio rerum gerendarum aduentus fuit Masinissae;

[¶98] 29.4. Some authorities relate that he came with no more than two hundred horsemen, the majority say with two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 29.4. quem quidam cum ducentis haud amplius equitibus, plerique cum duum milium equitatu tradunt uenisse.

[¶99] 29.5. But since he was far the greatest of all the kings of his time and gave the greatest aid to the Roman state, it seems worth while to digress a little to tell how checkered was the fortune he met with in losing and recovering his father's kingdom.

> Latin: 29.5. ceterum cum longe maximus omnium aetatis suae regum hic fuerit plurimumque rem Romanam iuuerit, operae pretium uidetur excedere paulum ad enarrandum quam uaria fortuna usus sit in amittendo reciperandoque paterno regno.