---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 48 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 48. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 48. Book XXX · chapters 12–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48/#p-N

[¶0] 12.18. He promptly ordered preparations to be made for a wedding the very same day, in order not to leave any decision open either to Laelius or to Scipio himself in regard to her as a captive when she should be already married to Masinissa. After the wedding Laelius arrived, and so far was he from concealing his disapproval of the act that at first he even attempted to tear her away from the marriage couch and send her to Scipio with Syphax and the rest of the captives.

> Latin: 12.18. data dextra in id quod petebatur obligandae fidei in regiam concedit. institit deinde reputare secum ipse quemadmodum promissi fidem praestaret. quod cum expedire non posset, ab amore temerarium atque impudens mutuatur consilium;

[¶1] 12.20. He was then persuaded by the entreaties of Masinissa, who begged him to refer to Scipio the decision which of the two kings was to have Sophoniba share his lot. Whereupon, after sending Syphax and the captives away, he with Masinissa's aid subdued the remaining cities of Numidia which were held by the king's garrisons. When it was announced that Syphax was being brought into the camp all the rank and file poured out, as though they were to witness a triumph.

> Latin: 12.20. nuptias in eum ipsum diem parari repente iubet ne quid relinqueret integri aut Laelio aut ipsi Scipioni consulendi uelut in captiuam quae Masinissae iam nupta foret. factis nuptiis superuenit Laelius et adeo non dissimulauit improbare se factum ut primo etiam cum Syphace et ceteris captiuis detractam eam <lecto> geniali mittere ad Scipionem conatus sit. uictus deinde precibus Masinissae orantis ut arbitrium utrius regum duorum fortunae accessio Sophoniba esset ad Scipionem reiceret, misso Syphace et captiuis ceteras urbes Numidiae quae praesidiis regiis tenebantur adiuuante Masinissa recipit. Syphacem in castra adduci cum esset nuntiatum, omnis uelut ad spectaculum triumphi multitudo effusa est.

[¶2] 13.2. First came Syphax himself in chains, followed by a company of noble Numidians. Then all the soldiers in enlarging upon their own victory did their best to magnify Syphax and the fame of his race, saying that he was the king to whose majesty the two most powerful peoples in the world, the Roman and the Carthaginian, paid such honour that Scipio, their own general, left his province of Spain and his army and with two quinqueremes sailed to Africa to court his friendship,

> Latin: 13.2. praecedebat ipse uinctus; sequebatur grex nobilium Numidarum. tum quantum quisque plurimum poterat magnitudini Syphacis famaeque gentis uictoriam suam augendo addebat: illum esse regem cuius tantum maiestati duo potentissimi in terris tribuerint populi Romanus Carthaginiensisque ut Scipio imperator suus ad amicitiam eius petendam relicta prouincia Hispania exercituque duabus quinqueremibus in Africam nauigauerit, Hasdrubal Poenorum imperator non ipse modo ad eum in regnum uenerit sed etiam filiam ei nuptum dederit.

[¶3] 13.4. while Hasdrubal, a general of the Carthaginians, not only came himself to him in his kingdom but also gave him his daughter in marriage.

> Latin: 13.4. habuisse eum uno tempore in potestate duos imperatores, Poenum Romanumque.

[¶4] 13.5. They said that he had at the same time had two generals, a Carthaginian and a Roman, in his power; that just as both sides had sought the favour of the immortal gods by offering sacrifices, so had his friendship been sought at the same time by both sides.

> Latin: 13.5. sicut ab dis immortalibus pars utraque hostiis mactandis pacem petisset, ita ab eo utrimque pariter amicitiam petitam.

[¶5] 13.6. Moreover, so great, they said, had been his power that when Masinissa had been driven out of his kingdom, Syphax brought him so low that his life was protected only by the report of his death and by hiding-places where he lived in the forest like wild animals on what they caught.

> Latin: 13.6. iam tantas habuisse opes ut Masinissam regno pulsum eo redegerit ut uita eius fama mortis et latebris ferarum modo in siluis rapto uiuentis tegeretur.

[¶6] 13.7. Honoured by such utterances of the bystanders the king was brought before Scipio at headquarters. Even Scipio was moved by the comparison of the man's former estate with his present condition, but especially by the memory of their guest-friendship and the clasp of hands, and of the compact made for the state and of that made in his own name.

> Latin: 13.7. his sermonibus circumstantium celebratus rex in praetorium ad Scipionem est perductus. mouit et Scipionem cum fortuna pristina uiri praesenti fortunae conlata, tum recordatio hospitii dextraeque datae et foederis publice ac priuatim iuncti.

[¶7] 13.8. The same considerations gave Syphax also spirit in addressing the victor. For when Scipio repeatedly asked him what he had meant by not only rejecting a Roman alliance but also taking the aggressive in war, he would admit that he had indeed done wrong and lost his reason, but not then for the first time when he had taken up arms against the Roman people.

> Latin: 13.8. eadem haec et Syphaci animum dederunt in adloquendo uictore. nam cum Scipio quid sibi uoluisset quaereret qui non societatem solum abnuisset Romanam sed ultro bellum intulisset, tum ille peccasse quidem sese atque insanisse fatebatur, sed non tum demum cum arma aduersus populum Romanum cepisset;

[¶8] 13.9. That had been the culmination, not the beginning, of his madness.

> Latin: 13.9. exitum sui furoris eum fuisse, non principium;

[¶9] 13.10. The time when he lost his reason, when he put out of his head all private guest-friendships and public treaties, was when he admitted a noble Carthaginian lady to his house.

> Latin: 13.10. tum se insanisse, tum hospitia priuata et publica foedera omnia ex animo eiecisse cum Carthaginiensem matronam domum acceperit.

[¶10] 13.11. From those nuptial torches his palace had taken fire; that baneful fury by all her blandishments had unbalanced and unhinged his mind, and she had never rested until with her own hands she had herself put on him guilt-stained arms against a guest-friend and a personal friend.

> Latin: 13.11. illis nuptialibus facibus regiam conflagrasse suam; illam furiam pestemque omnibus delenimentis animum suum auertisse atque alienasse, nec conquiesse donec ipsa manibus suis nefaria sibi arma aduersus hospitem atque amicum induerit.

[¶11] 13.12. Yet for himself, ruined and crushed, there was this consolation in his misfortunes, to see that the same baneful fury had passed into the house and home of the greatest enemy he had in the world.

> Latin: 13.12. perdito tamen atque adflicto sibi hoc in miseriis solatii esse quod in omnium hominum inimicissimi sibi domum ac penates eandem pestem ac furiam transisse uideat.

[¶12] 13.13. Masinissa was neither wiser, he said, nor more steadfast than Syphax; he was even more imprudent owing to his youth. Certainly there had been -more folly and lack of self-control in Masinissa's marriage to her than in his own.

> Latin: 13.13. neque prudentiorem neque constantiorem Masinissam quam Syphacem esse, etiam iuuenta incautiorem; certe stultius illum atque intemperantius eam quam se duxisse.

[¶13] 14.1. By speaking thus, not only out of hatred as an enemy but also under the goad of jealousy, as he saw his beloved in the possession of his rival, he aroused no slight anxiety in the mind of Scipio.

> Latin: 14.1. haec non hostili modo odio sed amoris etiam stimulis amatam apud aemulum cernens cum dixisset, non mediocri cura Scipionis animum pepulit;

[¶14] 14.2. The charges against her were substantiated both by the marriage hastily celebrated, almost on the battlefield, without either seeking the advice of Laelius or waiting for his arrival, and by such precipitate haste that on the very day on which he saw her as a captured enemy he took her to wife and performed the nuptial rites before the household gods of his foe.

> Latin: 14.2. et fidem criminibus raptae prope inter arma nuptiae neque consulto neque exspectato Laelio faciebant tamque praeceps festinatio ut quo die captam hostem uidisset eodem matrimonio iunctam acciperet et ad penates hostis sui nuptiale sacrum conficeret.

[¶15] 14.3. Again, all this seemed the more repulsive to Scipio because in Spain, in spite of his youth, he had himself never been smitten by the beauty of any captive. Such thoughts were in his mind when Laelius and Masinissa arrived.

> Latin: 14.3. et eo foediora haec uidebantur Scipioni quod ipsum in Hispania iuuenem nullius forma pepulerat captiuae. haec secum uolutanti Laelius ac Masinissa superuenerunt. quos cum pariter ambo et benigno uoltu excepisset et egregiis laudibus frequenti praetorio celebrasset, abductum in secretum Masinissam sic adloquitur:

[¶16] 14.4. Scipio welcomed them both alike with kindly expression and lauded them in distinguished terms before a crowded council, and then leading Masinissa to a place apart thus addressed him: “Some good qualities you saw in me, I suppose, Masinissa, and so came to me first in Spain, to cement a friendship with me, and later in Africa entrusted yourself and all your hopes to my protection.”

> Latin: 14.4. 'aliqua te existimo, Masinissa, intuentem in me bona et principio in Hispania ad iungendam mecum amicitiam uenisse et postea in Africa te ipsum spesque omnes tuas in fidem meam commisisse.

[¶17] 14.5. “But of those virtues on account of which my friendship might seem to you desirable there is none on which I might have prided myself so much as on self-restraint and continence. This virtue I would have you also, Masinissa, add to your other remarkable excellences.”

> Latin: 14.5. atqui nulla earum uirtus est propter quas tibi adpetendus uisus sim qua ego aeque ac temperantia et continentia libidinum gloriatus fuerim.

[¶18] 14.6. “There is no danger —believe me, there is none —so great to our time of life from armed enemies as from pleasures all about us.”

> Latin: 14.6. hanc te quoque ad ceteras tuas eximias uirtutes, Masinissa, adiecisse uelim. non est, non—mihi crede—tantum ab hostibus armatis aetati nostrae periculi quantum ab circumfusis undique uoluptatibus.

[¶19] 14.7. “Whoever has checked and mastered them by his self-control has gained for himself a far greater distinction and a greater victory than is ours by the defeat of Syphax. All that you in my absence have done with energy and courage I was glad to mention and gladly remember.”

> Latin: 14.7. qui eas temperantia sua frenauit ac domuit multo maius decus maioremque uictoriam sibi peperit quam nos Syphace uicto habemus.

[¶20] 14.8. “Upon the rest of your acts I prefer to have you reflect inwardly yourself, rather than blush at my recital. Syphax has been defeated and captured under the auspices of the Roman people.”

> Latin: 14.8. quae me absente strenue ac fortiter fecisti libenter et commemoraui et memini: cetera te ipsum reputare tecum quam me dicente erubescere malo. Syphax populi Romani auspiciis uictus captusque est.

[¶21] 14.9. “In consequence he himself, his wife, his kingdom, territory, towns, the people who inhabit them, in short whatever has belonged to Syphax, is booty of the Roman people.”

> Latin: 14.9. itaque ipse coniunx regnum ager oppida homines qui incolunt, quicquid denique Syphacis fuit, praeda populi, Romani est;

[¶22] 14.10. “And as for the king and his wife, even if she were not a Carthaginian citizen, even if we did not see in her father a high commander of the enemy, they would have to be sent to Rome, and the senate and the Roman people would properly have the right to judge and decide the case of her who is alleged to have estranged from us an allied king and driven him headlong into war.”

> Latin: 14.10. et regem coniugemque eius, etiamsi non ciuis Carthaginiensis esset, etiamsi non patrem eius imperatorem hostium uideremus, Romam oporteret mitti, ac senatus populique Romani de ea iudicium atque arbitrium esse quae regem socium nobis alienasse atque in arma egisse praecipitem dicatur.

[¶23] 14.11. “Conquer yourself; do not disfigure many good qualities by one defect and forfeit the favour earned by so many services through a fault out of all proportion to its cause.”

> Latin: 14.11. uince animum; caue deformes multa bona uno uitio et tot meritorum gratiam maiore culpa quam causa culpae est corrumpas.'

[¶24] 15.1. On hearing these words not only did Masinissa blush, but tears also came. And after saying that he on his part would be under the orders of the general and imploring him to have such regard as the case permitted for the promise he had rashly given, namely that he would not hand her over to any man's power, he withdrew from headquarters to his own tent a distracted man.

> Latin: 15.1. Masinissae haec audienti non rubor solum suffusus sed lacrimae etiam obortae; et cum se quidem in potestate futurum imperatoris dixisset orassetque eum ut quantum res sineret fidei suae temere obstrictae consuleret—promisisse enim se in nullius potestatem eam traditurum—ex praetorio in tabernaculum suum confusus concessit.

[¶25] 15.3. There, with no witnesses present, he spent considerable time, with frequent sighs and groans, so that they could easily be heard by those who stood about the tent. Then at last, after one very loud groan, he called the faithful slave in whose keeping was the poison, against the uncertainties of fortune, as usual with kings, and bade him mix. it and carry it in a cup to Sophoniba. He also ordered him at the same time to tell her that Masinissa would gladly have fulfilled the most important promise which as husband he was bound to keep for a wife;

> Latin: 15.3. ibi arbitris remotis cum crebro suspiritu et gemitu, quod facile ab circumstantibus tabernaculum exaudiri posset, aliquantum temporis consumpsisset, ingenti ad postremum edito gemitu fidum e seruis unum uocat, sub cuius custodia regio more ad incerta fortunae uenenum erat, et mixtum in poculo ferre ad Sophonibam iubet ac simul nuntiare Masinissam libenter primam ei fidem praestaturum fuisse quam uir uxori debuerit:

[¶26] 15.5. that since the freedom to do so was taken away by those who had the power, he was keeping the promise next to it in importance, namely, that she should not come into the Romans' power alive.

> Latin: 15.5. quoniam eius arbitrium qui possint adimant, secundam fidem praestare ne uiua in potestatem Romanorum ueniat.

[¶27] 15.6. Mindful of her father the general, and of her native city, and of the two kings to whom she had been married, she was to decide for herself. When the slave bearing this message together with the poison had reached Sophoniba she said, “I receive the wedding gift, and it is not unwelcome if my husband has been able to bestow nothing better upon his wife. But tell him this, that it would have been easier for me to die if I had not married at my funeral.”

> Latin: 15.6. memor patris imperatoris patriaeque et duorum regum quibus nupta fuisset, sibi ipsa consuleret. hunc nuntium ac simul uenenum ferens minister cum ad Sophonibam uenisset, 'accipio' inquit 'nuptiale munus, neque ingratum, si nihil maius uir uxori praestare potuit. hoc tamen nuntia, melius me morituram fuisse si non in funere meo nupsissem.'

[¶28] 15.8. No less high-spirited than her words was her acceptance of the cup, fearlessly drained without a sign of wavering.

> Latin: 15.8. non locuta est ferocius quam acceptum poculum nullo trepidationis signo dato impauide hausit.

[¶29] 15.9. As soon as this was reported to Scipio he at once summoned Masinissa, for fear the high-spirited young man in his distress of mind might do something desperate. He offered now consolation, now gentle rebuke because he atoned for one reckless act by another and made the matter more deplorable than was necessary.

> Latin: 15.9. quod ubi nuntiatum est Scipioni, ne quid aeger animi ferox iuuenis grauius consuleret accitum eum extemplo nunc solatur, nunc quod temeritatem temeritate alia luerit tristioremque rem quam necesse fuerit fecerit leniter castigat.

[¶30] 15.11. On the following day, in order to divert Masinissa's thoughts from the emotion of the moment, Scipio mounted the tribune and ordered that an assembly be called. There for the first time he addressed Masinissa as king, bestowing upon him the highest terms of praise, and presented him with a golden wreath, a golden patera, a curule chair and ivory sceptre, an embroidered toga and a tunic adorned with palms.

> Latin: 15.11. postero die ut a praesenti motu auerteret animum eius, in tribunal escendit et contionem aduocari iussit. ibi Masinissam, primum regem appellatum eximiisque ornatum laudibus, aurea corona aurea patera sella curuli et scipione eburneo toga picta et palmata tunica donat.

[¶31] 15.12. He added this tribute: that there was no higher distinction among the Romans than a triumph, and that those who triumphed had no more magnificent array than that of which Masinissa alone of all foreigners was accounted worthy by the Roman people. He then warmly.

> Latin: 15.12. addit uerbis honorem: neque magnificentius quicquam triumpho apud Romanos neque triumphantibus ampliorem eo ornatum esse quo unum omnium externorum dignum Masinissam populus Romanus ducat.

[¶32] 15.13. praised Laelius also and presented him with a golden wreath. Other officers also and men were rewarded, each according to the service he had performed.

> Latin: 15.13. Laelium deinde et ipsum conlaudatum aurea corona donat; et alii militares uiri, prout a quoque nauata opera erat, donati.

[¶33] 15.14. By these distinctions the king was appeased and roused to the hope, soon to be fulfilled, that with Syphax removed he would gain possession of all Numidia.

> Latin: 15.14. his honoribus mollitus regis animus erectusque in spem propinquam sublato Syphace omnis Numidiae potiundae.

[¶34] 16.1. Scipio, having sent Gaius Laelius with Syphax and other captives to Rome, while with these went Masinissa's legates also, himself moved his camp back again to Tynes and completed the fortifications he had already begun.

> Latin: 16.1. Scipio C. Laelio cum Syphace aliisque captiuis Romam misso, cum quibus et Masinissae legati profecti sunt, ipse ad Tyneta rursus castra refert et quae munimenta incohauerat permunit.

[¶35] 16.2. The Carthaginians, on account of their attack upon the fleet with considerable success for the moment, had been filled with a joy not only short-lived but almost unfounded. But on hearing of the capture of Syphax, on whom they had rested their hopes almost more than on Hasdrubal and their own army, they were discouraged. No longer listening to any advocate of war, they sent their thirty elder statesmen to plead for peace. This was their privy council, and it had great influence even in guiding the senate.

> Latin: 16.2. Carthaginienses non breui solum sed prope uano gaudio ab satis prospera in praesens oppugnatione classis perfusi, post famam capti Syphacis in quo plus prope quam in Hasdrubale atque exercitu suo spei reposuerant perculsi, iam nullo auctore belli ultra audito oratores ad pacem petendam mittunt triginta seniorum principes;

[¶36] 16.3. When they reached the Roman camp and headquarters they fell to the ground after the custom of courtiers, having derived that ceremony, I suppose, from the region from which they sprang.

> Latin: 16.3. id erat sanctius apud illos consilium maximaque ad ipsum senatum regendum uis.

[¶37] 16.4. Such humble obeisance was matched by their discourse, as they did not try to clear themselves of blame, but shifted the original blame to Hannibal and to those who supported his power.

> Latin: 16.4. qui ubi in castra Romana et in praetorium peruenerunt more adulantium—accepto, credo, ritu ex ea regione ex qua oriundi erant—procubuerunt.

[¶38] 16.5. They craved pardon for a state now twice overthrown by the rashness of its citizens, to be saved a second time by the favour of its foes.

> Latin: 16.5. conueniens oratio tam humili adulationi fuit non culpam purgantium sed transferentium initium culpae in Hannibalem potentiaeque eius fautores.

[¶39] 16.6. It was power, they said, that the Roman people sought from vanquished enemies, not their destruction.

> Latin: 16.6. ueniam ciuitati petebant ciuium temeritate bis iam euersae, incolumi futurae iterum hostium beneficio;

[¶40] 16.7. They were ready to be obedient servants; let him give them whatever commands he pleased.

> Latin: 16.7. imperium ex uictis hostibus populum Romanum, non perniciem petere; paratis oboedienter seruire imperaret quae uellet.

[¶41] 16.8. Scipio said he had come to Africa in the hope that he would carry home a victory, not a treaty of peace; that his hope had been also confirmed by a successful issue of the war.

> Latin: 16.8. Scipio et uenisse ea spe in Africam se ait, et spem suam prospero belli euentu auctam, uictoriam se non pacem domum reportaturum esse;

[¶42] 16.9. Nevertheless, although he had victory almost within his grasp, he was not rejecting a peace, in order that all nations might know that the Roman people acted fairly both in beginning and ending wars.

> Latin: 16.9. tamen cum uictoriam prope in manibus habeat, pacem non abnuere, ut omnes gentes sciant populum Romanum et suscipere iuste bella et finire.

[¶43] 16.10. He said that he announced the following terms of peace: that they restore captives and deserters and fugitive slaves; that they withdraw their armies from Italy and Gaul; that they have nothing to do with Spain; that they give up ownership of all the islands lying between Italy and Africa; that they deliver all their war-ships except twenty, and 500,000 pecks of wheat, 300,000 pecks of barley.

> Latin: 16.10. leges pacis se has dicere: captiuos et perfugas et fugitiuos restituant; exercitus ex Italia et Gallia deducant; Hispania abstineant; insulis omnibus quae inter Italiam atque Africam sint decedant;

[¶44] 16.11. —As for money, there is no agreement as to the sum which he imposed.

> Latin: 16.11. naues longas praeter uiginti omnes tradant, tritici quingenta, hordei trecenta milia modium.

[¶45] 16.12. In one source I find that 5,000 talents were imposed, in another 5,000 pounds of silver, in another double the pay of his soldiers.

> Latin: 16.12. —pecuniae summam quantam imperauerit parum conuenit; alibi quinque milia talentum, alibi quinque milia pondo argenti, alibi duplex stipendium militibus imperatum inuenio.

[¶46] 16.13. — “Whether on these terms,” said he, “you are disposed to make peace, on that point three days will be given you for deliberation. If that shall be your decision, make an armistice with me, send your embassy to the senate at Rome.”

> Latin: 16.13. —'his condicionibus' inquit 'placeatne pax triduum ad consultandum dabitur. si placuerit, mecum indutias facite, Romam ad senatum mittite legatos.'

[¶47] 16.14. Dismissed with these words, the Carthaginians agreed that no peace terms should be rejected, since they were seeking to gain time for Hannibal to cross over to Africa. Accordingly they sent one embassy to Scipio to arrange an armistice and another to Rome to sue for peace, taking with them a few captives and deserters and fugitive slaves for appearance' sake, that they might more readily obtain peace.

> Latin: 16.14. ita dimissi Carthaginienses nullas recusandas condiciones pacis cum censuissent quippe qui moram temporis quaererent dum Hannibal in Africam traiceret, legatos alios ad Scipionem ut indutias facerent, alios Romam ad pacem petendam mittunt ducentes paucos in speciem captiuos perfugasque et fugitiuos quo impetrabilior pax esset.

[¶48] 17.1. Many days before this, together with Syphax and the leading Numidian captives, Laelius reached Rome and set forth to the senate in order everything that had been done in Africa, in the midst of great rejoicing for the present and high hopes for the future.

> Latin: 17.1. multis ante diebus Laelius cum Syphace primoribusque Numidarum captiuis Romam uenit quaeque in Africa gesta essent omnia ordine exposuit patribus ingenti hominum et in praesens laetitia et in futurum spe.

[¶49] 17.2. Thereupon the senate after deliberation voted that the king should be sent to Alba to be interned; that Laelius should be detained until the Carthaginian embassy arrived.

> Latin: 17.2. consulti inde patres regem in custodiam Albam mittendum censuerunt, Laelium retinendum donec legati Carthaginienses uenirent.

[¶50] 17.3. A thanksgiving for four days was decreed. Publius Aelius, the praetor, having dismissed the senate, then summoned an assembly and with Gaius Laelius mounted the Rostra.

> Latin: 17.3. supplicatio in quadriduum decreta est. P. Aelius praetor senatu misso et contione inde aduocata cum C. Laelio in rostra escendit.

[¶51] 17.4. Thereupon, hearing that the Carthaginian armies had been routed, a famous king conquered and captured, all Numidia overrun in a series of extraordinary victories, they were unable to keep their joy to themselves, but expressed their unbounded delight by shouting and such other means as the multitude commonly employs.

> Latin: 17.4. ibi uero audientes fusos Carthaginiensium exercitus, deuictum et captum ingentis nominis regem, Numidiam omnem egregia uictoria peragratam, tacitum continere gaudium non poterant quin clamoribus quibusque aliis multitudo solet laetitiam immodicam significarent.

[¶52] 17.6. Accordingly the praetor at once gave orders that the temple wardens should open all the shrines throughout the city, and that people should have all day long the opportunity to make the rounds and pay their respects to the gods and return thanks to them. On the next day he introduced Masinissa's envoys into the senate.

> Latin: 17.6. itaque praetor extemplo edixit uti aeditui aedes sacras omnes tota urbe aperirent, circumeundi salutandique deos agendique grates per totum diem populo potestas fieret. postero die legatos Masinissae in senatum introduxit.

[¶53] 17.7. They began by congratulating the senate on Publius Scipio's successful campaign in Africa.

> Latin: 17.7. gratulati primum senatui sunt quod P. Scipio prospere res in Africa gessisset;

[¶54] 17.8. They then thanked the senators because he had not only saluted Masinissa as king but had made him king in restoring him to his father's kingdom, in which he would reign without fear and without contest since the removal of Syphax, if that should be the mind of the senators; also because, after warmly praising him before an assembly, he had conferred upon him the highest decorations, of which Masinissa had striven and would continue to strive to be not unworthy.

> Latin: 17.8. deinde gratias egerunt quod Masinissam non appellasset modo regem sed fecisset restituendo in paternum regnum, in quo post Syphacem sublatum si ita patribus uisum esset sine metu et certamine esset regnaturus, dein conlaudatum pro contione amplissimis decorasset donis, quibus ne indignus esset et dedisse operam Masinissam et porro daturum esse.

[¶55] 17.10. He begged the senate, they said, by a decree to confirm the kingly title and the rest of Scipio's favours and gifts; and unless objection was made, another request of Masinissa's was this, that they return the Numidian captives who were interned at Rome. That would bring him great credit, he felt, among his countrymen.

> Latin: 17.10. petere ut regium nomen ceteraque Scipionis beneficia et munera senatus decreto confirmaret; et, nisi molestum esset, illud quoque petere Masinissam, ut Numidas captiuos qui Romae in custodia essent remitterent;

[¶56] 17.11. The response to these words of the envoys was that the senators reciprocated the king's congratulations on successes in Africa; that Scipio in their opinion had been entirely correct in saluting him as king, and that they approved and commended all else that he had done which gave pleasure to Masinissa.

> Latin: 17.11. id sibi amplum apud populares futurum esse. ad ea responsum legatis rerum gestarum prospere in Africa communem sibi cum rege gratulationem esse; Scipionem recte atque ordine uideri fecisse quod eum regem appellauerit, et quicquid aliud fecerit quod cordi foret Masinissae id patres comprobare ac laudare.

[¶57] 17.13. In addition gifts were decreed, to be carried to the king by the envoys: two purple military cloaks, each with a golden brooch, and tunics having the broad stripe, two horses with their trappings, two sets of arms with cuirasses for a horseman, and tents and field furniture such as were customarily furnished to a consul. These things the praetor was ordered to send to the king.

> Latin: 17.13. munera quoque quae legati ferrent regi decreuerunt, sagula purpurea duo cum fibulis aureis singulis et lato clauo tunicis, equos duo phaleratos, bina equestria arma cum loricis, et tabernacula militaremque supellectilem qualem praeberi consuli mos esset.

[¶58] 17.14. For the envoys gifts were decreed, not less than five thousand asses for each of them, for their attendants one thousand each; and two garments apiece for the envoys, one each for their attendants, and for the Numidians who were ordered to be released from internment and restored to the king. In addition dwellings were ordered to be placed at the envoys' disposal, and places of honour, and hospitable entertainment were provided.

> Latin: 17.14. haec regi praetor mittere iussus: legatis in singulos dona ne minus quinum milium, comitibus eorum <singulorum> milium aeris, et uestimenta bina legatis, singula comitibus Numidisque, qui ex custodia emissi redderentur regi; ad hoc aedes liberae loca lautia legatis decreta.

[¶59] 18.1. In the same summer in which these measures were taken at Rome and these operations carried on in Africa, Publius Quinctilius Varus, a praetor, and Marcus Cornelius, the proconsul, fought a pitched battle with Mago the Carthaginian in the territory of the Insubrian Gauls. The praetor's legions were in the first line.

> Latin: 18.1. eadem aestate qua haec decreta Romae et in Africa gesta sunt P. Quinctilius Uarus praetor et M. Cornelius proconsul in agro Insubrum Gallorum cum Magone Poeno signis conlatis pugnarunt.

[¶60] 18.2. Cornelius kept his legions in reserve while he himself rode up to the front. And from in front of the two wings praetor and proconsul kept urging the soldiers to advance their ranks against the enemy with all their strength.

> Latin: 18.2. praetoris legiones in prima acie fuerunt: Cornelius suas in subsidiis tenuit, ipse ad prima signa equo aduectus; proque duobus cornibus praetor ac proconsul milites ad inferenda in hostes signa summa ui hortabantur. postquam nihil commouebant, tum Quinctilius Cornelio:

[¶61] 18.3. When they failed to drive the enemy back, Quinctilius then said to Cornelius: “The battle is slowing down, as you see, and their unexpected resistance is hardening the enemy against fright, and the danger is that fear may turn into daring. We must rouse our cavalry to a sudden charge if we wish to confuse and dislodge them.”

> Latin: 18.3. 'lentior, ut uides, fit pugna, et induratur praeter spem resistendo hostium timor, ac ne uertat in audaciam periculum est.

[¶62] 18.4. “Accordingly, either do you in the front line keep up the fight, and I will lead the cavalry into the fray. Or I will command here at the front, and you shall send out the horse of four legions into the enemy.”

> Latin: 18.4. equestrem procellam excitemus oportet si turbare ac statu mouere uolumus. itaque uel tu ad prima signa proelium sustine, ego inducam in pugnam equites; uel ego hic in prima acie rem geram, tu quattuor legionum equites in hostem emitte.'

[¶63] 18.5. As the proconsul was ready to accept whichever part of the task the praetor wished him to take, Quinctilius, the praetor, with his son, an active youth whose praenomen was Marcus, made his way to the cavalry and ordering them to mount suddenly sent them out against the enemy.

> Latin: 18.5. utram uellet praetor muneris partem proconsule accipiente, Quinctilius praetor cum filio, cui Marco praenomen erat, impigro iuuene, ad equites pergit iussosque escendere in equos repente in hostem emittit.

[¶64] 18.6. The confusion wrought by the cavalry was heightened also by the shouting of the legions, and the enemy's line would not have kept its position if Mago at the first movement of the cavalry had not at once led the elephants, which were kept in readiness, into battle.

> Latin: 18.6. tumultum equestrem auxit clamor ab legionibus additus, nec stetisset hostium acies ni Mago ad primum equitum motum paratos elephantos extemplo in proelium induxisset;

[¶65] 18.7. Terrified by their roar and odour and by the sight of them the horses made the assistance of the cavalry useless. And although, so long as they were in the thick of the fight, where they could make use of the lance and, at close quarters, of the sword, the Roman horsemen were the stronger, still when they were carried to a distance by frightened horses, the Numidians were the more successful in hurling javelins from a longer range.

> Latin: 18.7. ad quorum stridorem odoremque et adspectum territi equi uanum equestre auxilium fecerunt. et ut rem† permixtus, ubi cuspide uti et comminus gladio posset, roboris maioris Romanus eques erat, ita in ablatum pauentibus procul equis melius ex interuallo Numidae iaculabantur.

[¶66] 18.8. Of the infantry also the twelfth legion at the same time was largely cut to pieces and holding its ground more from a sense of honour than by its strength.

> Latin: 18.8. simul et peditum legio duodecima magna ex parte caesa pudore magis quam uiribus tenebat locum;

[¶67] 18.9. And it would not have held on long if the thirteenth legion, brought up from the reserves into the front line, had not taken over the indecisive battle.

> Latin: 18.9. nec diutius tenuisset ni ex subsidiis tertia decima legio in primam aciem inducta proelium dubium excepisset. Mago quoque ex subsidiis Gallos integrae legioni opposuit.

[¶68] 18.10. Mago likewise brought up Gauls from his reserves to face the fresh legion. After these had been routed with no great effort, the hastati of the eleventh legion massed together and attacked the elephants, which by this time were bringing disorder even to the-infantry line.

> Latin: 18.10. quibus haud magno certamine fusis hastati legionis undecimae conglobant sese atque elephantos iam etiam peditum aciem turbantes inuadunt;

[¶69] 18.11. When the legionaries had hurled javelins against them in their close order, scarcely one missile being without effect, they drove all the elephants back into their own battle-line.

> Latin: 18.11. in quos cum pila confertos coniecissent nullo ferme frustra emisso, omnes retro in aciem suorum auerterunt; quattuor grauati uolneribus corruerunt.

[¶70] 18.12. Four of them, hampered by wounds, fell to the ground. Then for the first time the enemy's line was driven back, since all the cavalry, on seeing the elephants in flight, dashed out to increase the panic and confusion.

> Latin: 18.12. tum primum commota hostium acies, simul omnibus equitibus, ut auersos uidere elephantos, ad augendum pauorem ac tumultum effusis. sed donec stetit ante signa Mago, gradum sensim referentes, ordines et tenorem pugnae seruabant:

[¶71] 18.13. But so long as Mago stood before the standards, his men as they slowly retired kept their ranks and continued to fight. After they saw him falling with his thigh pierced, and then borne almost lifeless from the battlefield, at once they all took to flight.

> Latin: 18.13. postquam femine transfixo cadentem auferrique ex proelio prope exsanguem uidere, extemplo in fugam omnes uersi. ad quinque milia hostium eo die caesa et signa militaria duo et uiginti capta.

[¶72] 18.14. About five thousand of the enemy were slain that day and twenty-two military standards were captured. Nor was it a bloodless victory for the Romans. Two thousand three hundred were lost from the army of the praetor, much the larger part of them from the twelfth legion; from it also two tribunes of the soldiers, Marcus Cosconius and Marcus Maevius.

> Latin: 18.14. nec Romanis incruenta uictoria fuit; duo milia et trecenti de exercitu praetoris, pars multo maxima ex legione duodecima, amissi; inde et tribuni militum duo, M. Cosconius et M. Maeuius;

[¶73] 18.15. Of the thirteenth legion also, which had taken part in the last phase of the battle, Gaius Helvius, tribune of the soldiers, fell while rallying the men. And about twenty-two knights of the upper class were trampled by the elephants and perished together with a number of centurions. Also the engagement would have lasted even longer, had not victory been conceded because of the general's wound.

> Latin: 18.15. tertiae decimae quoque legionis, quae postremo proelio adfuerat, C. Heluius tribunus militum in restituenda pugna cecidit; et duo et uiginti ferme equites inlustres, obtriti ab elephantis, cum centurionibus aliquot perierunt. et longius certamen fuisset ni uolnere ducis concessa uictoria esset.

[¶74] 19.1. Mago set out in the stillness of the following night and, lengthening the day's marches as much as he could endure by reason of his wound, he reached the sea in the country of the Ligurian Ingauni.

> Latin: 19.1. Mago proximae silentio noctis profectus quantum pati uiae per uolnus poterat itineribus extentis ad mare in Ligures Ingaunos peruenit.

[¶75] 19.2. There envoys from Carthage came to him, having put in a few days before into the Gallic Gulf, bringing him orders to cross over to Africa as soon as possible.

> Latin: 19.2. ibi eum legati ab Carthagine paucis ante diebus in sinum Gallicum adpulsis nauibus adierunt, iubentes primo quoque tempore in Africam traicere;

[¶76] 19.3. His brother Hannibal, they said, would do the same; for to him also envoys had gone bearing the same command; that the Carthaginian state was in no position to hold Gaul and Italy by armed forces.

> Latin: 19.3. id et fratrem eius Hannibalem—nam ad eum quoque isse legatos eadem iubentes—facturum; non in eo esse Carthaginiensium res ut Galliam atque Italiam armis obtineant.

[¶77] 19.4. Mago was not only swayed by the command from the senate and the danger of his city, but also feared that if he delayed the victorious enemy might be upon him, and the Ligurians themselves, seeing that the Carthaginians were abandoning Italy, might go over to the side of those in whose power they would presently be.

> Latin: 19.4. Mago non imperio modo senatus periculoque patriae motus sed metuens etiam ne uictor hostis moranti instaret Liguresque ipsi relinqui Italiam a Poenis cernentes ad eos quorum mox in potestate futuri essent deficerent, simul sperans leniorem in nauigatione quam in uia iactationem uolneris fore et curationi omnia commodiora, impositis copiis in naues profectus uixdum superata Sardinia ex uolnere moritur.

[¶78] 19.5. Hoping at the same time that motion would be less painful to his wound on shipboard than on the road and everything more convenient for treatment, he embarked his troops and sailed, but had hardly passed Sardinia when he died of his wound. In addition a considerable number of the Carthaginian ships, being scattered in the open sea, were captured by the Roman fleet which was off Sardinia. Such were the events on land and sea in that part of Italy which borders upon the Alps.

> Latin: 19.5. naues quoque aliquot Poenorum disiectae in alto ab classe Romana quae circa Sardiniam erat capiuntur. haec terra marique in parte Italiae quae iacet ad Alpes gesta. consul C. Seruilius, nulla memorabili re in prouincia Etruria Galliaque—nam eo quoque processerat—gesta, patre C.

[¶79] 19.7. The consul Gaius Servilius, who had accomplished nothing that deserves mention in his province of Etruria and in Gaul —for he had advanced into that country as well-rescued from slavery after fifteen years his father Gaius Servilius and Gaius Lutatius, who had been captured near the village of Tannetum by the Boii. Upon that he returned to Rome escorted by his father on one side and Catulus on the other, gaining distinction for an act that was personal rather than official.

> Latin: 19.7. Seruilio et C. Lutatio ex seruitute post sextum decimum annum receptis qui ad uicum Tannetum a Boiis capti fuerant, hinc patre hinc Catulo lateri circumdatis priuato magis quam publico decore insignis Romam rediit.

[¶80] 19.9. A bill was brought before the people that it should not be a ground for charges against Gaius Servilius that while his father, who had occupied a curule chair, was still alive-a fact of which he was unaware-he had been tribune of the plebs and plebeian aedile, contrary to provisions of the laws.

> Latin: 19.9. latum ad populum est ne C. Seruilio fraudi esset quod patre qui sella curuli sedisset uiuo, cum id ignoraret, tribunus plebis atque aedilis plebis fuisset contra quam sanctum legibus erat. hac rogatione perlata in prouinciam rediit.

[¶81] 19.10. This bill became a law, whereupon he returned to his province. As for Gnaeus Servilius, the consul, who was in the land of the Bruttii, Consentia, Aufugum, Bergae, Baesidiae, Ocriculum, Lymphaeum, Argentanum, Clampetia and many other unimportant communities, came over to his side, seeing that the Punic war was failing.

> Latin: 19.10. ad Cn. Seruilium consulem, qui in Bruttiis erat, Consentia Aufugum Bergae Baesidiae Ocriculum Lymphaeum Argentanum Clampetia multique alii ignobiles populi senescere Punicum bellum cernentes defecere.

[¶82] 19.11. The same consul engaged in battle with Hannibal in the territory of Croton. The story of that battle is not clear. Valerius Antias says five thousand of the enemy were slain-a victory on such a scale as to have been either shamelessly fabricated or else carelessly passed over.

> Latin: 19.11. idem consul cum Hannibale in agro Crotoniensi acie conflixit. obscura eius pugnae fama est. Ualerius Antias quinque milia hostium caesa ait, quae tanta res est ut aut impudenter ficta sit aut neglegenter praetermissa.

[¶83] 19.12. What is certain is that nothing further was accomplished by Hannibal in Italy. For to him also came emissaries from Carthage to recall him to Africa just at the time, it chanced, that others came to Mago.

> Latin: 19.12. nihil certe ultra rei in Italia ab Hannibale gestum. nam ad eum quoque legati ab Carthagine reuocantes in Africam, iis forte diebus quibus ad Magonem, uenerunt.

[¶84] 20.1. Gnashing his teeth and groaning-so they say-and scarcely keeping back the tears he listened to the words of the emissaries. After they had delivered their message he said: “It is no longer obscurely but openly that I am being ” “recalled by men who, in forbidding the sending of reinforcements and money, were long ago trying to drag me back.” “The conqueror of Hannibal is therefore not the Roman people, so often ” “cut to pieces and put to flight, but the Carthaginian senate by carping and envy.” “And over this inglorious return of mine it will not be Publius Scipio who ” “wildly exults, so much as Hanno,” “” “who, unable to do so by any other means, has ruined our family by the downfall of Carthage.” Already foreboding this very thing he had previously put his ships in readiness. Accordingly, after distributing the mass of useless troops, nominally as garrisons, among the few Bruttian towns that were being held rather by fear than by loyalty, he transported the flower of his army to Africa. Many men of Italic race refusing to follow him to Africa had retired to the shrine of Juno Lacinia, never desecrated until that day, and had been cruelly slain actually within the temple enclosure. They say that rarely has any other man leaving his country to go into exile departed so sorrowfully as Hannibal on withdrawing from the enemy's land; that he repeatedly looked back upon the shores of Italy and, accusing gods and men, called down a curse upon himself also and his own head because he had not led his soldiers blood-stained from the victory of Cannae to Rome. Scipio had dared, he said, to approach Carthage —a man who in his consulship had not seen a Carthaginian enemy in Italy —whereas he himself, after a hundred thousand armed men had been slain at Trasumennus, at Cannae, had grown old round Casilinum and Cumae and Nola. Such were his accusations and laments as he was dragged away from his long occupation of Italy. XXI. At Rome the news of Mago's departure and that of Hannibal were received about the same time. Rejoicing over this two-fold ground for congratulation was tempered by two circumstances: that men thought the generals had lacked either the spirit or the strength to detain them, although this had been ordered by the senate; and that they were concerned for the outcome, now that the whole burden of the war came down upon one army and one commander. About the same time envoys arrived from Saguntum bringing Carthaginians alleged to have crossed over into Spain to hire auxiliaries, having been seized together with the money. They set down two hundred and fifty pounds of gold and eight hundred pounds of silver in the forecourt of the Senate House. After accepting the captives, remanding them to prison and returning the gold and silver, the senate thanked the envoys; and in addition presents were made to them and ships furnished for their return to Spain. The older members thereupon observed that men are slower to recognize blessings than evils; that upon Hannibal's passage into Italy they remembered what alarm and panic there had been. Since that time what disasters, what sorrows had befallen them! The enemy's camp had been visible from the walls of the city; what prayers had been said by individuals and by the entire people! How often in their deliberations had men been heard to say, as they lifted their hands to heaven, Would the day ever come when they should see Italy cleared of the enemy and prospering in a blessed peace!

> Latin: 20.1. frendens gemensque ac uix lacrimis temperans dicitur legatorum uerba audisse. postquam edita sunt mandata, 'iam non perplexe' inquit 'sed palam reuocant qui uetando supplementum et pecuniam mitti iam pridem retrahebant. uicit ergo Hannibalem non populus Romanus totiens caesus fugatusque sed senatus Carthaginiensis obtrectatione atque inuidia; neque hac deformitate reditus mei tam P. Scipio exsultabit atque efferet sese quam Hanno qui domum nostram quando alia re non potuit ruina Carthaginis oppressit.' iam hoc ipsum praesagiens animo praeparauerat ante naues. itaque inutili militum turba praesidii specie in oppida Bruttii agri quae pauca metu magis quam fide continebantur dimissa, quod roboris in exercitu erat in Africam transuexit, multis Italici generis, quia in Africam secuturos abnuentes concesserant in Iunonis Laciniae delubrum inuiolatum ad eam diem, in templo ipso foede interfectis. raro quemquam alium patriam exsilii causa relinquentem tam maestum abisse ferunt quam Hannibalem hostium terra excedentem; respexisse saepe Italiae litora, et deos hominesque accusantem in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput exsecratum quod non cruentum ab Cannensi uictoria militem Romam duxisset; Scipionem ire ad Carthaginem ausum qui consul hostem Poenum in Italia non uidisset: se, centum milibus armatorum ad Trasumennum ad Cannas caesis, circa Casilinum Cumasque et Nolam consenuisse. haec accusans querensque ex diutina possessione Italiae est detractus. Romam per eosdem dies et Magonem et Hannibalem profectos allatum est. cuius duplicis gratulationis minuit laetitiam et quod parum duces in retinendis iis, cum id mandatum ab senatu esset, aut animi aut uirium habuisse uidebantur et quod solliciti erant omni belli mole in unum exercitum ducemque inclinata quo euasura esset res. per eosdem dies legati Saguntini uenerunt comprensos cum pecunia adducentes Carthaginienses qui ad conducenda auxilia in Hispaniam traiecissent. ducenta et quinquaginta auri, octingenta pondo argenti in uestibulo curiae posuerunt. hominibus acceptis et in carcerem conditis auro argentoque reddito gratiae legatis actae, atque insuper munera data ac naues quibus in Hispaniam reuerterentur. mentio deinde ab senioribus facta est segnius homines bona quam mala sentire; transitu in Italiam Hannibalis quantum terroris pauorisque esset meminisse; quas deinde clades, quos luctus incidisse. uisa castra hostium e muris urbis; quae uota singulorum uniuersorumque fuisse. quotiens in conciliis uoces manus ad caelum porrigentium auditas en unquam ille dies futurus esset quo uacuam hostibus Italiam bona pace florentem uisuri essent. dedisse id deos tandem sexto decimo demum anno, nec esse qui dis grates agendas censeat; adeo ne aduenientem quidem gratiam homines benigne accipere, nedum ut praeteritae satis memores sint. conclamatum deinde ex omni parte curiae est uti referret P. Aelius praetor; decretumque ut quinque dies circa omnia puluinaria supplicaretur uictimaeque maiores immolarentur centum uiginti. iam dimisso Laelio legatisque Masinissae cum Carthaginiensium legatos de pace ad senatum uenientes Puteolis uisos inde terra uenturos allatum esset, reuocari C. Laelium placuit ut coram eo de pace ageretur. Q. Fuluius Gillo legatus Scipionis Carthaginienses Romam adduxit; quibus uetitis ingredi urbem hospitium in uilla publica, senatus ad aedem Bellonae datus est. orationem eandem ferme quam apud Scipionem habuerunt, culpam omnem belli a publico consilio in Hannibalem uertentes: eum iniussu senatus non Alpes modo sed Hiberum quoque transgressum, nec Romanis solum sed ante etiam Saguntinis priuato consilio bellum intulisse; senatui ac populo Carthaginiensi, si quis uere aestimet, foedus ad eam diem inuiolatum esse cum Romanis; itaque nihil aliud sibi mandatum esse uti peterent quam ut in ea pace quae postremo cum C. Lutatio facta esset manere liceret. cum more tradito [a] patribus potestatem interrogandi, si quis quid uellet, legatos praetor fecisset, senioresque qui foederibus interfuerant alia alii interrogarent, nec meminisse se per aetatem—etenim omnes ferme iuuenes erant— dicerent legati, conclamatum ex omni parte curiae est Punica fraude electos qui ueterem pacem repeterent cuius ipsi non meminissent. emotis deinde curia legatis sententiae interrogari coeptae. M. Liuius C. Seruilium consulem qui propior esset arcessendum ut coram eo de pace ageretur censebat; cum de re maiore quam quanta ea esset consultatio incidere non posset, non uideri sibi absente consulum altero ambobusue eam rem agi satis ex dignitate populi Romani esse.

[¶85] 23.3. At last, they said, but not before the sixteenth year, the gods had granted that prayer; and yet there was no one to propose a vote of thanks to the gods; so true was it that men did not gratefully receive a blessing upon its coming, much less duly remember it when past. Upon that shouts came from every part of the Senate House that Publius Aelius, the praetor, should bring up the question. And it was voted that for five days thanks should be offered at all the pulvinaria, also that a hundred and twenty full-grown victims should be sacrificed. After Laelius and the envoys of Masinissa had been dismissed, word came that the Carthaginian envoys, on their way to the senate to sue for peace, had been seen at Puteoli and would proceed thence by land. Whereupon it was decided that Gaius Laelius should be recalled, in order that the discussion of peace might be in his presence. Quintus Fulvius Gillo, Scipio's lieutenant, conducted the Carthaginians to Rome. Being forbidden to enter the city, they were entertained in the Villa Publica and a hearing in the senate was granted them in the Temple of Bellona. XXII. They made substantially the same plea as they had done before Scipio, shifting all blame for the war from public responsibility to Hannibal: that he had crossed not merely the Alps but even the Ebro without orders from the senate, and on his own responsibility had waged war not only on the Romans but before that upon the Saguntines also. The senate and the Carthaginian people, they claimed, had a treaty with the Romans which in any fair judgment was to that day unbroken; consequently they had no other instructions than to beg permission to abide by the last peace-treaty, made with Gaius Lutatius. When the praetor, following traditional practice, had given the senators permission to ask any question of the envoys if any one was so disposed, and older members, who had been present when action was taken on the treaties, were asking various questions, the envoys kept saying that on account of their age they did not remember —nearly all of them being young men. Upon that there were shouts from every part of the house that Punic trickery had led them to choose men who did not themselves remember it, to ask that the old treaty should be revived. XXIII. Then after the envoys had been ushered out of the house, opinions began to be called for. Marcus Livius moved that Gaius Servilius, the consul, being the nearer, should be summoned, in order that discussion of peace might be in his presence. Since there could be no more important subject for deliberation than that, it did not seem to him, he said, that debate on the question in the absence of one or both of the consuls was quite in keeping with the dignity of the Roman people. Quintus Metellus, who had been consul three years before and also dictator, said that, whereas Publius Scipio by slaying their armies and ravaging their lands had reduced the enemy to such straits that as suppliants they were suing for peace, and whereas no man in the world could more correctly judge of the spirit in which they were seeking that peace than he who was conducting a war at the gates of Carthage, peace must be accepted or rejected according to the advice of none other than Scipio. Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had twice been consul, contended that spies, not envoys, had come to them, and that they should be ordered to depart from Italy, and guards sent with them all the way to their ships, and that a written order should be sent to Scipio not to relax effort in the war. Laelius and Fulvius added that Scipio also had based his hope of peace only upon the supposition that Hannibal and Mago were not to be recalled from Italy. But while waiting for those generals and their armies, they said, the Carthaginians would use every pretence, and then, forgetful of treaties however recent and of all the gods, would carry on the war. Consequently a still larger number voted for Laevinus' motion. The envoys were sent away without securing peace and almost without an answer. About that time Gnaeus Servilius, the consul, who had no doubt that to him belonged the glory of giving peace to Italy, as if in pursuit of a Hannibal whom he had driven out himself, crossed over to Sicily, intending to cross from there to Africa. When this was noised abroad at Rome, at first the senators had voted that the praetor should write to the consul that the senate thought it proper for him to return to Italy. Then, as the praetor said that Servilius would disregard his letter, Publius Sulpicius was made dictator for that very purpose; and by virtue of his higher authority he recalled the consul to Italy. The rest of the year he spent with his master of the horse, Marcus Servilius, in making the rounds of such cities in Italy as had been estranged by the war and in hearing their cases one after another. During the armistice a hundred transports sent from Sardinia by the praetor Publius Lentulus with supplies and convoyed by twenty war-ships crossed to Africa over a sea safe from the enemy and safe from storms.

> Latin: 23.3. Q. Metellus, qui triennio ante consul dictatorque fuerat: cum P. Scipio caedendo exercitus agros populando in eam necessitatem hostes compulisset ut supplices pacem peterent, et nemo omnium uerius existimare posset qua mente ea pax peteretur quam qui ante portas Carthaginis bellum gereret, nullius alterius consilio quam Scipionis accipiendam abnuendamue pacem esse. M. Ualerius Laeuinus, qui bis consul fuerat, speculatores non legatos uenisse arguebat, iubendosque Italia excedere et custodes cum iis usque ad naues mittendos, Scipionique scribendum ne bellum remitteret. Laelius Fuluiusque adiecerunt et Scipionem in eo positam habuisse spem pacis si Hannibal et Mago ex Italia non reuocarentur; ceterum omnia simulaturos Carthaginienses, duces eos exercitusque exspectantes; deinde quamuis recentium foederum et deorum omnium oblitos bellum gesturos. eo magis in Laeuini sententiam discessum. legati pace infecta ac prope sine responso dimissi. per eos dies Cn. Seruilius consul, haud dubius quin pacatae Italiae penes se gloria esset, uelut pulsum ab se Hannibalem persequens, in Siciliam, inde in Africam transiturus, traiecit. quod ubi Romae uolgatum est, primo censuerant patres ut praetor scriberet consuli senatum aequum censere in Italiam reuerti eum; dein, cum praetor spreturum eum litteras suas diceret, dictator ad id ipsum creatus P. Sulpicius pro iure maioris imperii consulem in Italiam reuocauit. reliquum anni cum M. Seruilio magistro equitum circumeundis in Italia urbibus quae bello alienatae fuerant noscendisque singularum causis consumpsit. per indutiarum tempus ex Sardinia a P. Lentulo praetore centum onerariae naues cum commeatu uiginti rostratarum praesidio, et ab hoste et ab tempestatibus mari tuto, in Africam transmiserunt.

[¶86] 24.6. Gnaeus Octavius, crossing over from Sicily with two hundred transports and thirty war-ships, was not so fortunate. When he had almost come in sight of Africa after a favourable passage, the wind at first failed him;

> Latin: 24.6. Cn. Octauio ducentis onerariis triginta longis nauibus ex Sicilia traicienti non eadem fortuna fuit.

[¶87] 24.7. then shifting into a southwester, it damaged and scattered the ships far and wide.

> Latin: 24.7. in conspectum ferme Africae prospero cursu uectum primo destituit uentus, deinde uersus in Africum turbauit ac passim naues disiecit.

[¶88] 24.8. He himself with the war-ships battled against head seas by great efforts on the part of the oarsmen and reached the Promontory of Apollo. Most of the transports were carried to the island of Aegimurus —which on the seaward side closes the bay upon which lies Carthage, about thirty miles from the city —the rest of them to Aquae Calidae, opposite the city itself. Everything could be seen from Carthage; and so from all parts of the city people ran to the market-place.

> Latin: 24.8. ipse cum rostratis per aduersos fluctus ingenti remigum labore enisus Apollinis promunturium tenuit: onerariae pars maxima ad Aegimurum insulam—ea sinum ab alto claudit in quo sita Carthago est, triginta ferme milia ab urbe—, aliae aduersus urbem ipsam ad Calidas Aquas delatae sunt. omnia in conspectu Carthaginis erant.