34.9. But such heaps of bodies and arms had covered the place where the auxiliaries had stood shortly before that to make their way across was almost more difficult than it had been through the dense mass of the enemy.
34.9. ceterum tanta strages hominum armorumque locum in quo steterant paulo ante auxiliares compleuerat ut prope difficilior transitus esset quam per confertos hostes fuerat.
34.10. Accordingly the men of the front line, the hastati, pursuing the enemy wherever they could over heaps of bodies and arms and through pools of blood, broke up both their own maniples and their ranks.
34.10. itaque qui primi erant, hastati, per cumulos corporum armorumque et tabem sanguinis qua quisque poterat sequentes hostem et signa et ordines confuderunt. principum quoque signa fluctuari coeperant uagam ante se cernendo aciem.
34.11. The maniples of the principes also began to waver, as they saw the unsteady line in front of them. When Scipio saw this he ordered the recall to be sounded at once for the hastati, and after withdrawing the wounded to the rear line, he led the principes and triarii to the wings, in order that the centre, composed of hastati, might be safer and steadier.
34.11. quod Scipio ubi uidit receptui propere canere hastatis iussit et sauciis in postremam aciem subductis principes triariosque in cornua inducit quo tutior firmiorque media hastatorum acies esset.
34.12. Thus began an entirely new battle. For they had reached the real enemy, their equals in the character of their weapons and their experience in war and the celebrity of their deeds and the greatness whether of their hopes or of their danger.
34.12. ita nouum de integro proelium ortum est; quippe ad ueros hostes peruentum erat, et armorum genere et usu militiae et fama rerum gestarum et magnitudine uel spei uel periculi pares;
34.13. But the Roman was superior both in numbers and in spirit, because he had already routed the cavalry, had already routed the elephants, and was already fighting against the second line, having repulsed the first.
34.13. sed et numero superior Romanus erat et animo quod iam equites, iam elephantos fuderat, iam prima acie pulsa in secundam pugnabat.
35.1. At the right moment Laelius and Masinissa, who had pursued the routed cavalry for a considerable distance, returned and dashed into the rear of the enemy's line. That charge of the cavalry finally worsted the enemy.
35.1. in tempore Laelius ac Masinissa pulsos per aliquantum spatii secuti equites, reuertentes in auersam hostium aciem incurrere. is demum equitum impetus perculit hostem.
35.2. Many were overpowered and slain in the battle-line, many were scattered in flight over the open plain all around, and as the cavalry were in complete possession, they perished everywhere. Over twenty thousand of the Carthaginians and their allies were slain on that day.
35.2. multi circumuenti in acie caesi, <multi> per patentem circa campum fuga sparsi tenente omnia equitatu passim interierunt. Carthaginiensium sociorumque caesa eo die supra uiginti milia:
35.3. About the same number were captured, together with one hundred and thirty-two military standards and eleven elephants. Of the victors about fifteen hundred fell.
35.3. par ferme numerus captus cum signis militaribus centum triginta duobus, elephantis undecim: uictores ad mille et quingenti cecidere.
35.4. Hannibal, escaping with a few horsemen in the midst of the confusion, fled to Hadrumetum, having tried every expedient both before the battle and during the engagement before he withdrew from the fray. And even by Scipio's admission and that of all the military experts he had achieved this distinction, that he had drawn up his line that day with extraordinary skill:
35.4. Hannibal cum paucis equitibus inter tumultum elapsus Hadrumetum perfugit, omnia et ante aciem et in proelio priusquam excederet pugna expertus, et confessione etiam Scipionis omniumque peritorum militiae illam laudem adeptus singulari arte aciem eo die instruxisse:
35.6. the elephants in the very front, that their haphazard charge and irresistible strength might prevent the Romans from following their standards and keeping their ranks, upon which tactics they based most of their hopes;
35.6. elephantos in prima fronte quorum fortuitus impetus atque intolerabilis uis signa sequi et seruare ordines, in quo plurimum spei ponerent, Romanos prohiberent;
35.7. then the auxiliaries in front of the line of Carthaginians, that men who were brought together from the offscouring of all nations and held not by loyalty but by their pay might have no way of escape open to them; that at the same time, as they met the first fiery attack of the enemy, they might exhaust them, and if they could do no more, might blunt the enemy's swords by their own wounds;
35.7. deinde auxiliares ante Carthaginiensium aciem ne homines mixti ex conluuione omnium gentium, quos non fides teneret sed merces, liberum receptum fugae haberent, simul primum ardorem atque impetum hostium excipientes fatigarent ac, si nihil aliud, uolneribus suis ferrum hostile hebetarent;
35.9. next in order the soldiers in whom lay all his hopes, the Carthaginians and Africans, that being equal to the Romans in everything else, they might have the advantage in fighting with strength undiminished against the weary and the wounded; then, removed to the last line and separated by an open space as well, the Italic troops, of whom it was uncertain whether they were allies or enemies.
35.9. tum, ubi omnis spes esset, milites Carthaginienses Afrosque ut omnibus rebus aliis pares eo quod integri cum fessis ac sauciis pugnarent superiores essent; Italicos incertos socii an hostes essent in postremam aciem summotos, interuallo quoque diremptos.
35.10. Having produced this as his last masterpiece Hannibal after his flight to Hadrumetum was called away, returning to Carthage in the thirty-sixth year after he had left it as a boy. Thereupon in the Senate House he admitted that he had been defeated not only in a battle but also in the war, and that there was no hope of safety except in successfully suing for peace.
35.10. hoc edito uelut ultimo uirtutis opere, Hannibal cum Hadrumetum refugisset accitusque inde Carthaginem sexto ac tricensimo post anno quam puer inde profectus erat redisset, fassus in curia est non proelio modo se sed bello uictum, nec spem salutis alibi quam in pace impetranda esse.
36.1. Scipio immediately after the battle stormed and plundered the enemy's camp and with immense booty returned to the sea and his ships, having received word that Publius Lentulus, in command of fifty war-ships and a hundred transports with supplies of every kind, had arrived near Utica.
36.1. Scipio confestim a proelio expugnatis hostium castris direptisque cum ingenti praeda ad mare ac naues rediit, nuntio allato P. Lentulum cum quinquaginta rostratis centum onerariis cum omni genere commeatus ad Uticam accessisse.
36.3. Thinking therefore that he must bring terror to bear from every side against disheartened Carthage, after sending Laelius to Rome with a report of the victory, he ordered Gnaeus Octavius to bring the legions to Carthage by land. He himself went to his old fleet, now enlarged by the new fleet of Lentulus, and then sailed from Utica towards the harbour of Carthage.
36.3. admouendum igitur undique terrorem perculsae Carthagini ratus, misso Laelio Romam cum uictoriae nuntio, Cn. Octauium terrestri itinere ducere legiones Carthaginem iubet: ipse ad suam ueterem noua Lentuli classe adiuncta profectus ab Utica portum Carthaginis petit.
36.4. He was not far away when a Carthaginian ship bedecked with fillets and olive branches met him. There were ten envoys, leading citizens, sent at the instance of Hannibal to sue for peace.
36.4. haud procul aberat cum uelata infulis ramisque oleae Carthaginiensium occurrit nauis. decem legati erant principes ciuitatis auctore Hannibale missi ad petendam pacem.
36.5. When they approached the stern of the flagship, holding out the symbols of suppliants, begging and beseeching the help and pity of Scipio, no other answer was given them than that they should come to Tynes; that thither he would move his camp.
36.5. qui cum ad puppim praetoriae nauis accessissent uelamenta supplicum porrigentes, orantes implorantesque fidem ac misericordiam Scipionis, nullum iis aliud responsum datum quam ut Tynetem uenirent:
36.6. Scipio sailed near in order to view the situation of Carthage, not so much for the purpose of an immediate reconnaissance as to humiliate the enemy, and returned to Utica, recalling Octavius also to the same place.
36.6. eo se moturum castra. ipse ad contemplandum Carthaginis situm <prouectus in portum> non tam noscendi in praesentia quam deprimendi hostis causa, Uticam eodem et Octauio reuocato rediit.
36.7. While proceeding from there to Tynes they received news that Vermina, the son of Syphax, commanding more cavalry than infantry was coming to the help of the Carthaginians.
36.7. inde procedentibus ad Tynetem nuntius allatus Uerminam Syphacis filium cum equitibus pluribus quam peditibus uenire Carthaginiensibus auxilio.
36.8. Part of the infantry and all the cavalry attacked the column of the Numidians on the first day of the Saturnalia, and routed it after a slight engagement. As even the way of escape was cut off, with the cavalry surrounding them on all sides, fifteen thousand men were slain, twelve hundred captured alive, fifteen hundred Numidian horses taken and seventy-two military standards. The prince himself in the midst of the confusion escaped with a few men.
36.8. pars exercitus cum omni equitatu missa, Saturnalibus primis agmen adgressa, Numidas leui certamine fudit. exitu quoque fugae intercluso a parte omni circumdatis equitibus quindecim milia hominum caesa, mille et ducenti uiui capti, et equi Numidici mille et quingenti, signa militaria duo et septuaginta; regulus ipse inter tumultum cum paucis effugit.
36.9. Then camp was pitched near Tynes on the same site as before, and thirty envoys from Carthage came to Scipio. Their pleading was, to be sure, much more piteous than before, in proportion as misfortune was more compelling; but they were heard with much less pity owing to the memory, still fresh, of their treachery.
36.9. tum ad Tynetem eodem quo antea loco castra posita, legatique triginta ab Carthagine ad Scipionem uenerunt. et illi quidem multo miserabilius quam ante quo magis cogebat fortuna egerunt; sed aliquanto minore cum misericordia ab recenti memoria perfidiae auditi sunt.
36.10. In the council, although righteous indignation spurred them all to the destruction of Carthage, nevertheless they reflected how serious a matter and how protracted also was the siege of a city so well fortified and so strong. Scipio himself was also troubled as he looked forward to a successor who would come into what had been won by the hardship and danger of another —the glory of finishing the war. Consequently they all were inclined to peace.
36.10. in consilio quamquam iusta ira omnes ad delendam stimulabat Carthaginem, tamen cum et quanta res esset et quam longi temporis obsidio tam munitae et tam ualidae urbis reputarent, et ipsum Scipionem exspectatio successoris uenturi ad paratum uictoriae fructum, alterius labore ac periculo finiti belli famam, sollicitaret, ad pacem omnium animi uersi sunt.
37.1. On the following day the envoys were recalled and with repeated upbraiding for their treachery were advised that, being taught at last by so many disasters, they should believe that the gods and an oath mean something.
37.1. postero die reuocatis legatis et cum multa castigatione perfidiae monitis ut tot cladibus edocti tandem deos et ius iurandum esse crederent, condiciones pacis dictae ut liberi legibus suis uiuerent:
37.2. Whereupon the peace terms were stated to them: they were to live as free men under their own laws; to hold the cities and territories which they had held before the war, with the same boundaries; and the Roman was on that day to make an end of devastation.
37.2. quas urbes quosque agros quibusque finibus ante bellum tenuissent tenerent, populandique finem eo die Romanus faceret:
37.3. They were to deliver all deserters and runaway slaves and captives to the Romans, and to surrender their war-ships except ten triremes, and the trained elephants in their possession, and not to train others;
37.3. perfugas fugitiuosque et captiuos omnes redderent Romanis, et naues rostratas praeter decem triremes traderent elephantosque quos haberent domitos, neque domarent alios:
37.4. to wage war neither in Africa nor outside of Africa without consent of the Roman people.
37.4. bellum neue in Africa neue extra Africam iniussu populi Romani gererent: Masinissae res redderent foedusque cum eo facerent:
37.5. They were to make restitution to Masinissa and frame a treaty with him; to furnish grain and pay to the auxiliaries until the envoys should return from Rome; to pay ten thousand silver talents, divided into equal payments for fifty years; to give a hundred hostages selected by Scipio, not younger than fourteen nor older than thirty years.
37.5. frumentum stipendiumque auxiliis donec ab Roma legati redissent praestarent: decem milia talentum argenti discripta pensionibus aequis in annos quinquaginta soluerent:
37.6. He would grant an armistice, he said, provided the transports captured during the previous armistice and whatever was on board the ships should be returned; otherwise there would be no armistice nor any hope of a peace.
37.6. obsides centum arbitratu Scipionis darent ne minores quattuordecim annis neu triginta maiores. indutias ita daturum, si per priores indutias naues onerariae captae quaeque fuissent in nauibus restituerentur; aliter nec indutias nec spem pacis ullam esse.
37.7. Such terms the envoys were bidden to carry home, and as they announced them in the assembly Gisgo came forward to oppose the peace. While the multitude was listening, equally incapable of keeping a peace and of carrying on a war, Hannibal, indignant that such things should be said and heard at so critical a moment, seized Gisgo and with his own hand dragged him down from the platform.
37.7. has condiciones legati cum domum referre iussi in contione ederent et Gisgo ad dissuadendam pacem processisset audireturque a multitudine inquieta eadem et imbelli, indignatus Hannibal dici ea in tali tempore audirique arreptum Gisgonem manu sua ex superiore loco detraxit. quae insueta liberae ciuitati species cum fremitum populi mouisset, perturbatus militaris uir urbana libertate 'nouem' inquit 'annorum a uobis profectus post sextum et tricesimum annum redii.
37.9. When this novelty for a free state called forth protests from the people, the man of arms, confounded by freedom in the city, said “At nine years of age I left you, and after thirty-six years I have returned. With the soldier's arts, in which from boyhood first my own lot, and then a public exigency gave me training, I may pass as well acquainted. In the rights, laws, usages of the city and the marketplace it is you who should train me.”
37.9. militares artes, quas me a puero fortuna nunc priuata nunc publica docuit, probe uideor scire: urbis ac fori iura, leges, mores uos me oportet doceatis.'
37.10. Having apologized for his ignorance, he discoursed at length upon the peace, showing how far from unjust it was and how inevitable.
37.10. excusata imprudentia de pace multis uerbis disseruit quam nec iniqua et necessaria esset.
37.11. The most troublesome point of all was that of the ships captured during the armistice nothing was to be seen except the ships themselves, and investigation was not easy since the accused were opponents of the peace.
37.11. id omnium maxime difficile erat quod ex nauibus per indutias captis nihil praeter ipsas comparebat naues, nec inquisitio erat facilis aduersantibus paci qui arguerentur.
37.12. It was decided that the ships should be returned and the men at all costs traced; that appraisal of whatever else was lacking be committed to Scipio, and that thus the Carthaginians should pay the amount in cash.
37.12. placuit naues reddi et homines utique inquiri: cetera quae abessent aestimanda Scipioni permitti atque ita pecunia luere Carthaginienses.
37.13. —There are some historians who relate that Hannibal leaving the battle made his way to the sea and then on a ship prepared for him at once sailed to King Antiochus; and that when Scipio demanded above all things that Hannibal be surrendered to him, the answer was that Hannibal was not in Africa.
37.13. —sunt qui Hannibalem ex acie ad mare peruenisse, inde praeparata naue ad regem Antiochum extemplo profectum tradant, postulantique ante omnia Scipioni ut Hannibal sibi traderetur responsum esse Hannibalem in Africa non esse.
38.1. After his envoys had returned to Scipio the quaestors were ordered from entries in the public accounts to make a declaration of what public property had been on the ships, and owners were to do the same for private property.
38.1. postquam redierunt ad Scipionem legati, quae publica in nauibus fuerant ex publicis descripta rationibus quaestores, quae priuata, profiteri domini iussi;
38.2. In place of that sum total twenty-five thousand pounds of silver were exacted in immediate payment. And an armistice for three months was granted the Carthaginians.
38.2. pro ea summa pecuniae uiginti quinque milia pondo argenti praesentia exacta; indutiaeque Carthaginiensibus datae in tres menses.
38.3. In addition they were not to send envoys during the period of the armistice to any other place than to Rome, and in case any envoys should come to Carthage they were not to let them go until they informed the Roman commander who they were and for what purpose they had come.
38.3. additum ne per indutiarum tempus alio usquam quam Romam mitterent legatos et quicumque legati Carthaginem uenissent ne ante dimitterent eos quam Romanum imperatorem qui et quae petentes uenissent certiorem facerent.
38.4. With the Carthaginian envoys Lucius Veturius Philo and Marcus Marcius Ralla and Lucius Scipio, brother of the general-in-command, were sent to Rome.
38.4. cum legatis Carthaginiensibus Romam missi L. Ueturius Philo et M. Marcius Ralla et L. Scipio imperatoris frater.
38.5. About that time supplies from Sicily and Sardinia lowered the price of grain so much that the merchant would leave his grain to the mariners to cover the freight.
38.5. per eos dies commeatus ex Sicilia Sardiniaque tantam uilitatem annonae fecerunt ut pro uectura frumentum nautis mercator relinqueret.
38.6. At Rome upon the first news of the Carthaginians' renewed hostilities there had been alarm, and Tiberius Claudius had been ordered to take his fleet promptly to Sicily and then to cross to Africa, and the other consul, Marcus Servilius, to remain near the city until it should be known what was the state of affairs in Africa.
38.6. Romae ad nuntium primum rebellionis Carthaginiensium trepidatum fuerat iussusque erat Ti. Claudius mature classem in Siciliam ducere atque inde in Africam traicere, et alter consul M. Seruilius ad urbem morari donec quo statu res in Africa essent sciretur.
38.7. Everything in the assembling and launching of his fleet had been carried on without spirit by Tiberius Claudius, the consul, because the senate had voted that authority over the terms on which peace should be granted belonged to Scipio rather than to the consul.
38.7. segniter omnia in comparanda deducendaque classe ab Ti. Claudio consule facta erant quod patres de pace Scipionis potius arbitrium esse quibus legibus daretur quam consulis censuerant.
38.8. Reports of prodigies also at the very time when there were rumours of fresh hostilities had inspired alarm. At Cumae the sun was partially eclipsed and it rained stones, and in the district of Velitrae the ground settled in huge cavities and trees were swallowed in the depths.
38.8. prodigia quoque nuntiata sub ipsam famam rebellionis attulerant terrorem: Cumis solis orbis minui uisus et pluit lapideo imbri, et in Ueliterno agro terra ingentibus cauernis consedit arboresque in profundum haustae;
38.9. At Aricia the forum and shops round it, at Frusino the city wall at a number of places and a gate were struck by lightning; and on the Palatine there was a shower of stones. That portent was atoned for by nine days of rites according to ancestral custom, the rest by full-grown victims.
38.9. Ariciae forum et circa tabernae, Frusinone murus aliquot locis et porta de caelo tacta; et in Palatio lapidibus pluit. id prodigium more patrio nouendiali sacro, cetera hostiis maioribus expiata.
38.10. Meanwhile the unusual height of rivers was also interpreted as a portent. For the Tiber so far overflowed that, as the Circus was flooded, preparations for the Games of Apollo were made outside the Porta Collina, near the Temple of Venus of Eryx.
38.10. inter quae etiam aquarum insolita magnitudo in religionem uersa; nam ita abundauit Tiberis ut ludi Apollinares circo inundato extra portam Collinam ad aedem Erycinae Ueneris parati sint.
38.11. On the very day of the games, however, after a sudden clearing the procession, already on its way to Porta Collina, was recalled and directed into the Circus when word was received that the water had retired from it.
38.11. ceterum ludorum ipso die subita serenitate orta pompa duci coepta ad portam Collinam reuocata deductaque in circum est cum decessisse inde aquam nuntiatum esset;
38.12. Restoration of its normal scene to the customary spectacle also added to the delight of the people and to the throngs who attended the games.
38.12. laetitiamque populo et ludis celebritatem addidit sedes sua sollemni spectaculo reddita.
39.1. Claudius, the consul, had at last left the city when a very violent storm, which he encountered between the harbour of Cosa and the Portus Loretanus, caused him great alarm.
39.1. Claudium consulem profectum tandem ab urbe inter portus Cosanum Loretanumque atrox uis tempestatis adorta in metum ingentem adduxit.
39.2. Then after reaching Populonium and lying at anchor there until the rest of the storm should abate, he crossed over to the Island of Elba and from Elba to Corsica, from Corsica to Sardinia. There as he was passing the Raving Mountains, a much more savage storm, descending upon him in a much more dangerous situation, scattered the fleet. Many of the ships were leaking and had lost their rigging, some were wrecked.
39.2. Populonium inde cum peruenisset stetissetque ibi dum reliquum tempestatis exsaeuiret, Iluam insulam et ab Ilua Corsicam, a Corsica in Sardiniam traiecit. ibi superantem Insanos montes multo et saeuior et infestioribus locis tempestas adorta disiecit classem. multae quassatae armamentisque spoliatae naues, quaedam fractae;
39.3. In this storm-tossed, damaged condition the fleet reached Carales. There, while the beached ships were undergoing repairs, winter overtook him, and as the turn of the year came while no one sought to prolong his command, it was as a private citizen that Tiberius Claudius brought the fleet back to Rome.
39.3. ita uexata ac lacerata classis Carales tenuit. ubi dum subductae reficiuntur naues, hiemps oppressit circumactumque anni tempus, et nullo prorogante imperium priuatus Ti. Claudius classem Romam reduxit.
39.4. Marcus Servilius, to avoid being recalled to the city to hold the elections, named Gaius Servilius Geminus dictator and went to his province. The dictator named Publius Aelius Paetus master of the horse.
39.4. M. Seruilius, ne comitiorum causa ad urbem reuocaretur dictatore dicto C. Seruilio Gemino, in prouinciam est profectus; dictator magistrum equitum P. Aelium Paetum dixit.
39.5. Repeatedly a date for the elections was announced, but storms prevented them from taking place. Consequently, since the old magistrates had left office on the eve of the Ides of March and new men had not been elected in their places, the state had no curule magistrates.
39.5. saepe comitia indicta perfici tempestates prohibuerunt; itaque cum pridie idus Martias ueteres magistratus abissent, noui suffecti non essent, res publica sine curulibus magistratibus erat.
39.6. Titus Manlius Torquatus, the pontiff, died that year and Gaius Sulpicius Galba was named in his place. The Roman Games were repeated three times throughout by Lucius Licinius Lucullus and Quintus Fulvius, the curule aediles.
39.6. T. Manlius Torquatus pontifex eo anno mortuus; in locum eius suffectus C. Sulpicius Galba. ab L. Licinio Lucullo et Q. Fuluio aedilibus curulibus ludi Romani ter toti instaurati.
39.7. For having secretly abstracted money from the Treasury, clerks and messengers of the aediles were condemned on evidence of an informer, not without disgrace for Lucullus as aedile.
39.7. pecuniam ex aerario scribae uiatoresque aedilicii clam egessisse per indicem damnati sunt, non sine infamia Luculli aedilis.
39.8. Publius Aelius Tubero and Lucius Laetorius, owing to a defect in their election as plebeian aediles, abdicated their office after they had conducted the games and in connexion with them a banquet for Jupiter, and had placed on the Capitol three statues of which the cost was met by money paid in fines. The festival of Ceres was under the direction of the dictator and master of the horse by decree of the senate.
39.8. P. Aelius Tubero et L. Laetorius aediles plebis uitio creati magistratu se abdicauerunt cum ludos ludorumque causa epulum Ioui fecissent et signa tria ex multaticio argento facta in Capitolio posuissent. Cerialia ludos dictator et magister equitum ex senatus consulto fecerunt.
40.1. Upon the arrival at Rome of the envoys from Africa, the Roman and the Carthaginian at the same time, the senate sat in the Temple of Bellona.
40.1. legati ex Africa Romani simul Carthaginiensesque cum uenissent Romam, senatus ad aedem Bellonae habitus est.
40.2. There Lucius Veturius Philo to the great joy of the senators set forth how they had fought with Hannibal in a battle that was for the Carthaginians their last, and that at length an end had been made of a war of grievous losses.
40.2. ubi cum L. Ueturius Philo pugnatum cum Hannibale esse suprema Carthaginiensibus pugna finemque tandem lugubri bello impositum ingenti laetitia patrum exposuisset, adiecit Uerminam etiam Syphacis filium, quae parua bene gestae rei accessio erat, deuictum.
40.3. He then added that Vermina also, the son of Syphax, had been defeated —a small supplement to a victorious campaign. Upon that he was bidden to go out into the assembly and share the joyful news with the people. Then all the temples in the city were opened for the offering of thanks, and three days of thanksgiving were ordered. When the Carthaginian envoys and those of King Philip —for these also had arrived —requested that a hearing in the senate be granted them, by order of the senate the dictator replied that the new consuls would grant them a hearing in the senate.
40.3. in contionem inde prodire iussus gaudiumque id populo impertire. tum patefacta gratulationi omnia in urbe templa supplicationesque in triduum decretae. legatis Carthaginiensium et Philippi regis—nam hi quoque uenerant—petentibus ut senatus sibi daretur responsum iussu patrum ab dictatore est consules nouos iis senatum daturos esse. comitia inde habita.
40.5. Thereupon the elections were held. As consuls Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus and Publius Aelius Paetus were elected, as praetors Marcus Iunius Pennus, to whom fell the city praetorship, Marcus Valerius Falto, to whom the land of the Bruttii, Marcus Fabius Buteo, to whom Sardinia, Publius Aelius Tubero, to whom Sicily was allotted.
40.5. creati consules Cn. Cornelius Lentulus P. Aelius Paetus, praetores M. Iunius Pennus, cui sors urbana euenit— M. Ualerius Falto Bruttios, M. Fabius Buteo Sardiniam, P. Aelius Tubero Siciliam est sortitus.
40.6. As for the consuls' provinces, the senators were not disposed to take up the matter until the envoys of King Philip and those of the Carthaginians had been heard.
40.6. de prouinciis consulum nihil ante placebat agi quam legati Philippi regis et Carthaginiensium auditi essent; belli finem alterius, alterius principium prospiciebant animis.
40.7. They foresaw the end of one war, the beginning of another. Gnaeus Lentulus, the consul, was fired with the desire to have Africa as his province, aspiring to an easy victory if the war continued, or if it were already ending, to the glory of having so great a war end in his consulship.
40.7. Cn. Lentulus consul cupiditate flagrabat prouinciae Africae, seu bellum foret facilem uictoriam, seu iam finiretur finiti tanti belli se consule gloriam petens.
40.8. Accordingly he declared that he would allow nothing to be taken up before Africa had been assigned him by decree as his province. He had the consent of his colleague, a moderate man and wise who saw that a contest with Scipio for that glory not only was unfair but also would prove unequal.
40.8. negare itaque prius quicquam agi passurum quam sibi prouincia Africa decreta esset, concedente collega, moderato uiro et prudenti, qui gloriae eius certamen cum Scipione, praeterquam quod iniquum esset, etiam impar futurum cernebat.
40.9. Quintus Minucius Thermus and Manius Acilius Glabrio, tribunes of the plebs, declared that Gnaeus Cornelius was attempting what had been vainly attempted in the preceding year by Tiberius Claudius, the consul;
40.9. Q. Minucius Thermus et M'. Acilius Glabrio tribuni plebis rem priore anno nequiquam temptatam ab Ti. Claudio consule Cn. Cornelium temptare aiebant:
40.10. that by authority of the senators the question whom they wished to have the high command in Africa had been brought before the people; that all thirty-five tribes had awarded that command to Scipio.
40.10. ex auctoritate patrum latum ad populum esse cuius uellent imperium in Africa esse; omnes quinque et triginta tribus P. Scipioni id imperium decreuisse.
40.11. After many disputes, while the matter was before the senate and the people as well, the decision was ultimately left to the senate.
40.11. multis contentionibus et in senatu et ad populum acta res postremo eo deducta est ut senatui permitterent.
40.12. The senators therefore under oath — for such had been the agreement —decided that the consuls should determine their provinces by mutual agreement or by lot, which of them was to have Italy and which the fleet of fifty ships;
40.12. patres igitur iurati—ita enim conuenerat—censuerunt uti consules prouincias inter se compararent sortirenturue uter Italiam, uter classem nauium quinquaginta haberet;
40.13. that he to whom the fleet fell should sail to Sicily, and if peace could not be arranged with the Carthaginians, he should cross over to Africa; that the consul should conduct operations on the sea and Scipio on the land, with the same authority to command as heretofore;
40.13. cui classis obuenisset in Siciliam nauigaret; si pax cum Carthaginiensibus componi nequisset, in Africam traiceret; consul mari, Scipio eodem quo adhuc iure imperii terra rem gereret;
40.14. that if the peace terms should be agreed upon, the tribunes of the plebs should bring before the people the question whether to order the consul or Publius Scipio to grant peace, and, if the victorious army was to be brought back from Africa, who was to bring it back.
40.14. si condiciones conuenirent pacis, tribuni plebis populum rogarent utrum consulem an P. Scipionem iuberent pacem dare et quem, si deportandus exercitus uictor ex Africa esset, deportare.
40.15. If the people should order that peace be granted through Publius Scipio, and that the army should be brought back by him as well, the consul should not cross over from Sicily to Africa.
40.15. si pacem per P. Scipionem dari atque ab eodem exercitum deportari iussissent, ne consul ex Sicilia in Africam traiceret.
40.16. The other consul, to whom Italy should fall, was to receive two legions from Marcus Sextius, the praetor.
40.16. alter consul cui Italia euenisset duas legiones a M. Sextio praetore acciperet.
41.1. Publius Scipio's command in his province of Africa was continued with the armies which he already had. Of the praetors Marcus Valerius Falto was assigned in the land of the Bruttians two legions which Gaius Livius had commanded in the preceding year;
41.1. P. Scipioni cum exercitibus quos haberet in prouincia Africa prorogatum imperium. praetoribus M. Ualerio Faltoni duae legiones in Bruttiis quibus C. Liuius priore anno praefuerat decretae— P.
41.2. Publius Aelius was to receive two legions in Sicily from Gnaeus Tremelius; Marcus Fabius was assigned for Sardinia the one legion which Publius Lentulus had held as propraetor.
41.2. Aelius [praetor] duas legiones in Sicilia ab Cn. Tremelio acciperet, legio una M. Fabio in Sardiniam quam P. Lentulus pro praetore habuisset decernitur.
41.3. For Marcus Servilius, consul in the previous year, his command in Etruria was continued, likewise with his own two legions.
41.3. M. Seruilio prioris anni consuli cum suis duabus item legionibus in Etruria prorogatum imperium est.
41.4. As for the Spanish provinces, they said that for some years already Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus had been there; that the consuls should urge the tribunes, if it met with their approval, to bring before the people the question who by their decree should be commander in Spain.
41.4. quod ad Hispanias attineret, aliquot annos iam ibi L. Cornelium Lentulum et L. Manlium Acidinum esse; uti consules cum tribunis agerent ut si iis uideretur plebem rogarent cui iuberent in Hispania imperium esse;
41.5. Out of the two armies the general was to enrol Roman soldiers in a single legion and Latin allies in fifteen cohorts, in order that with these he might hold the province. As for the veterans, Lucius Cornelius and Lucius Manlius were to bring them back to Italy.
41.5. is ex duobus exercitibus in unam legionem conscriberet Romanos milites et in quindecim cohortes socios Latini nominis, quibus prouinciam obtineret; ueteres milites L. Cornelius et L. Manlius in Italiam deportarent.
41.6. The consul was assigned a fleet of fifty ships, made up from two fleets, that of Gnaeus Octavius, which was in African waters, and that of Publius Villius, which was defending the coast of Sicily, the consul being free to select such ships as he pleased.
41.6. consuli quinquaginta nauium classis ex duabus classibus, Cn. Octaui quae in Africa esset, et P. Uilli quae Siciliae oram tuebatur, decreta, ut quas uellet naues deligeret.
41.7. Publius Scipio was to have the forty war-ships which he had before, and if he desired that Gnaeus Octavius should command them, as he had done, Octavius was to have military authority as propraetor for that year.
41.7. P. Scipio quadraginta naues longas quas habuisset haberet; quibus si Cn. Octauium, sicut praefuisset, praeesse uellet, Octauio pro praetore in eum annum imperium esset;
41.8. If he should name Laelius commander, Octavius was to leave the province for Rome and to bring back such ships as the consul did not need. Ten war-ships also were assigned to Marcus Fabius for Sardinia.
41.8. si Laelium praeficeret, Octauius Romam decederet reduceretque naues quibus consuli usus non esset. et M. Fabio in Sardiniam decem longae naues decretae.
41.9. And the consuls were ordered to enrol two city legions, so that in that year the state was carried on with fourteen legions and a hundred war-ships.
41.9. et consules duas urbanas legiones scribere iussi, ut quattuordecim legionibus eo anno centum nauibus longis res publica administraretur.
42.1. Then the senate deliberated concerning the embassies of Philip and the Carthaginians. It was decided that the Macedonians should be brought in first.
42.1. tum de legatis Philippi et Carthaginiensium actum. priores Macedonas introduci placuit;
42.2. Their speeches were in different veins, as some of them tried to excuse acts of which envoys who were sent from Rome to the king in regard to the ravaging of allied territory had complained. Others actually turned accuser, attacking allies of the Roman people, to be sure, but Marcus Aurelius with much more violence, alleging that, being one of three envoys sent to them, he had conducted a levy, had remained and made war upon them in violation of the treaty, and had repeatedly engaged in regular battles with their commanders.
42.2. quorum uaria oratio fuit. partim purgantium quae questi erant missi ad regem ab Roma legati de populatione sociorum, partim ultro accusantium quidem et socios populi Romani sed multo infestius M. Aurelium, quem ex tribus ad se missis legatis dilectu habito substitisse et se bello lacessisse contra foedus et saepe cum praefectis suis signis conlatis pugnasse,
42.4. Still others demanded that the Macedonians and their general, Sopater, who as mercenaries had served with Hannibal and at the time were captives in chains, be restored to them.
42.4. <partim> postulantium ut Macedones duxque eorum Sopater, qui apud Hannibalem mercede militassent, tum capti in uinclis essent, sibi restituerentur.
42.5. In reply Marcus Furius, who had been sent for the very purpose from Macedonia by Aurelius, maintained that Aurelius had been left behind in order to prevent allies of the Roman people from being exhausted by raids and forced by acts of violence to go over to the king's side; that he had not gone beyond the boundaries of the allies; that he had exerted himself that raiders should not come over into the allies' lands with impunity.
42.5. aduersus ea M. Furius, missus ad id ipsum ab Aurelio ex Macedonia, disseruit Aurelium relictum ne socii populi Romani fessi populationibus ui atque iniuria ad regem deficerent; finibus sociorum non excessisse;
42.6. He said that Sopater was one of the king's high officials and of his kin; that he had been sent recently to Africa with four thousand Macedonians and money to bring aid to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.
42.6. dedisse operam ne impune in agros eorum populatores transcenderent. Sopatrum ex purpuratis et propinquis regis esse; eum cum quattuor milibus Macedonum et pecunia missum nuper in Africam esse Hannibali et Carthaginiensibus auxilio.
42.7. Inasmuch as the Macedonians, when questioned in regard to these matters, gave ambiguous answers, they in turn received an answer of a very different sort:
42.7. de his rebus interrogati Macedones cum perplexe responderent, neq<uaquam> ipsi mite responsum tulerunt: bellum quaerere regem et si pergat propediem inuenturum;
42.8. that the king was looking for war and if he kept on would soon find it; that he had twice violated the treaty, in that he wronged allies of the Roman people and harried them with war and arms, and in that he aided the enemy by reinforcements and money;
42.8. dupliciter ab eo foedus uiolatum et quod sociis populi Romani iniurias fecerit ac bello armisque lacessiuerit, et quod hostes auxiliis et pecunia iuuerit.
42.9. that not only had Scipio acted and was now acting in their opinion with perfect propriety in keeping in chains as enemies men who had been captured while bearing arms against the Roman people, but also that Marcus Aurelius was acting in conformity with the interest of the state, and that the senate was grateful that he was defending allies of the Roman people by arms, since he was unable to do so by the obligations of a treaty.
42.9. et P. Scipionem recte atque ordine fecisse uideri et facere quod eos qui arma contra populum Romanum ferentes capti sint hostium numero in uinclis habeat, et M. Aurelium e re publica facere gratumque id senatui esse quod socios populi Romani, quando iure foederis non possit, armis tueatur.
42.11. With so stern an answer as this the Macedonians were dismissed and the Carthaginian ambassadors summoned. When the senators observed the age and high station of each-for these were the very first of the citizens-thereupon all agreed that they were really treating for peace.
42.11. cum hoc tam tristi responso dimissis Macedonibus, legati Carthaginienses uocati. quorum aetatibus dignitatibusque conspectis—nam longe primi ciuitatis erant—tum pro se quisque dicere uere de pace agi.
42.12. Most conspicuous among them, however, was Hasdrubal surnamed Haedus among his people, always a supporter of peace and an opponent of the Barcine party.
42.12. insignis tamen inter ceteros Hasdrubal erat—Haedum populares cognomine appellabant—, pacis semper auctor aduersusque factioni Barcinae.
42.13. Hence he had all the more weight then, as he shifted the blame for the war from the state to the greed of the few.
42.13. eo tum plus illi auctoritatis fuit belli culpam in paucorum cupiditatem ab re publica transferenti.
42.14. His speech was in different keys, now excusing what was charged, now making some admissions, lest pardon should be harder to obtain if they shamelessly denied known facts, and now even admonishing the conscript fathers to make a moderate and restrained use of their good fortune.
42.14. qui cum uaria oratione usus esset, nunc purgando crimina, nunc quaedam fatendo ne impudenter certa negantibus difficilior uenia esset, nunc monendo etiam patres conscriptos ut rebus secundis modeste ac moderate uterentur—si se atque Hannonem audissent Carthaginienses et tempore uti uoluissent, daturos fuisse pacis condiciones quas tunc peterent;
42.15. He said that if the Carthaginians had listened to him and to Hanno and had been minded to take advantage of the right moment, the Romans would have given the terms of peace which they were at that time seeking; that seldom were men given good fortune and good judgment at the same time; that the Roman people was invincible for the reason that in its good fortune it remembered to be wise and to take counsel. And certainly, he said, it would have been wonderful if its practice were different.
42.15. raro simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari; populum Romanum eo inuictum esse quod in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit; et hercule mirandum fuisse si aliter faceret;
42.17. Men whose good fortune was new because of its strangeness went wild, unable to control their rejoicing; for the Roman people the joys of victory were familiar and now all but threadbare, and they had enlarged their empire almost more by sparing the vanquished than by conquest. The rest of the speakers employed more pathos as they stated from what wealth the Carthaginians' situation had fallen to what depths; that men who recently held almost the whole world by their arms had nothing left but the walls of Carthage. Shut up within these walls, they said, they saw nothing on land or sea subject to their rule.
42.17. ex insolentia quibus noua bona fortuna sit impotentes laetitiae insanire: populo Romano usitata ac prope iam obsoleta ex uictoria gaudia esse ac plus paene parcendo uictis quam uincendo imperium auxisse — ceterorum miserabilior oratio fuit, commemorantium ex quantis opibus quo reccidissent Carthaginiensium res: nihil iis qui modo orbem prope terrarum obtinuerint armis superesse praeter Carthaginis moenia;
42.19. Even the city itself and their homes they would hold only in case the Roman people did not choose to vent its animosity upon those possessions also, the last possible step.
42.19. his inclusos, non terra non mari quicquam sui iuris cernere; urbem quoque ipsam ac penates ita habituros si non in ea quoque, quo nihil ulterius sit, saeuire populus Romanus uelit.
42.20. When it was clear that the senators were inclining to pity, one of their number, outraged by the perfidy of the Carthaginians, is said to have called out to them, asking who were the gods in whose name they were to make the treaty, inasmuch as they had proved false to the gods in whose name the former treaty had been made. “The same” said Hasdrubal, since they are so hostile to treaty-breakers."
42.20. cum flecti misericordia patres appareret, senatorum unum infestum perfidiae Carthaginiensium succlamasse ferunt per quos deos foedus icturi essent cum eos per quos ante ictum esset fefellissent. 'per eosdem', inquit Hasdrubal 'quoniam tam infesti sunt foedera uiolantibus.'
43.1. When all were now disposed to make peace the consul Gnaeus Lentulus, to whom the fleet had been assigned, vetoed a decree of the senate.
43.1. inclinatis omnium ad pacem animis Cn. Lentulus consul, cui classis prouincia erat, senatus consulto intercessit.
43.2. Thereupon Manius Acilius and Quintus Minucius, tribunes of the plebs, brought before the people the question whether it was their will and command that the senate should decree that peace be made with the Carthaginians; and whom they should command to grant that peace, and whom to bring the army back from Africa.
43.2. tum M'. Acilius et Q. Minucius tribuni plebis ad populum tulerunt uellent iuberentne senatum decernere ut cum Carthaginiensibus pax fieret; et quem eam pacem dare quemque ex Africa exercitum deportare iuberent.
43.3. In regard to the peace all the tribes voted affirmatively: that Publius Scipio should grant the peace, that he also should bring back the army.
43.3. de pace 'uti rogas' omnes tribus iusserunt; pacem dare P. Scipionem, eundem exercitum deportare.
43.4. In accordance with this enactment the senate decreed that Publius Scipio on the advice of ten envoys should make peace with the Carthaginian people upon such terms as he saw fit.
43.4. ex hac rogatione senatus decreuit ut P. Scipio ex decem legatorum sententia pacem cum populo Carthaginiensi quibus legibus ei uideretur faceret.
43.5. The Carthaginians thereupon thanked the senators and begged permission to enter the city and to converse with fellow-citizens who as captives were in prison, saying that among them some were their own relatives and friends, men of rank, and others men for whom they had messages from their relatives.
43.5. gratias deinde patribus egere Carthaginienses, et petierunt ut sibi in urbem introire et conloqui cum ciuibus suis liceret qui capti in publica custodia essent: esse in iis partim propinquos amicosque suos, nobiles homines, partim ad quos mandata a propinquis haberent.
43.7. When this was arranged and they made a further request that they might have the opportunity of ransoming such of them as they desired, they were bidden to furnish the names.
43.7. quibus conuentis cum rursus peterent ut sibi quos uellent ex iis redimendi potestas fieret, iussi nomina edere; et cum ducenta ferme ederent, senatus consultum factum est ut legati Romani ducentos ex captiuis quos Carthaginienses uellent ad P.
43.8. And when they furnished some two hundred names a decree of the senate was passed that the Roman envoys should carry to Publius Cornelius in Africa two hundred selected by the Carthaginians from the number of the captives, and should report to him that, if the peace should be agreed to, he was to deliver the captives to the Carthaginians without ransom. When orders were being given to the fetial priests to go to Africa in order to make the treaty, at their own request a decree of the senate was passed in these terms: that they should each take one flint knife and one tuft of foliage with them, in order that when the Roman general ordered them to make the treaty they should demand of the general the sacred tufts.
43.8. Cornelium in Africam deportarent, nuntiarentque ei ut, si pax conuenisset, sine pretio eos Carthaginiensibus redderet. fetiales cum in Africam ad foedus feriundum ire iuberentur, ipsis postulantibus senatus consultum in haec uerba factum est ut priuos lapides silices priuasque uerbenas secum ferrent ut, ubi praetor Romanus imperaret ut foedus ferirent, illi praetorem sagmina poscerent.—herbae id genus ex arce sumptum fetialibus dari solet.
43.10. It is customary to gather foliage of this kind from the Citadel and give it to the fetials. Under these circumstances the Carthaginians were sent away from Rome, and having presented themselves to Scipio in Africa, they made peace upon the terms above mentioned.
43.10. ita dimissi ab Roma Carthaginienses cum in Africam uenissent ad Scipionem, quibus ante dictum est legibus pacem fecerunt.
43.11. They surrendered warships, elephants, deserters, runaway slaves, and four thousand captives, among whom was Quintus Terentius Culleo, a senator.
43.11. naues longas elephantos perfugas fugitiuos captiuorum quattuor milia tradiderunt, inter quos Q. Terentius Culleo senator fuit.
43.12. The ships Scipio ordered to be put to sea and to be burned. Some historians relate that there were five hundred of them —every type of vessel propelled by oars; and that when the Carthaginians suddenly caught sight of the fire it was as doleful for them as if Carthage itself were in flames.
43.12. naues prouectas in altum incendi iussit; quingentas fuisse omnis generis quae remis agerentur quidam tradunt; quarum conspectum repente incendium tam lugubre fuisse Poenis quam si ipsa Carthago arderet.
43.13. The deserters were more severely treated than the runaway slaves, Latin citizens being beheaded, Romans crucified.
43.13. de perfugis grauius †quam de fugitiuis† consultum: nominis Latini qui erant securi percussi, Romani in crucem sublati.
44.1. Forty years before, in the consulship of Quintus Lutatius and Aulus Manlius, peace had last been made with the Carthaginians.
44.1. annis ante quadraginta pax cum Carthaginiensibus postremo facta erat, Q. Lutatio A. Manlio consulibus.
44.2. The war which began twenty-three years later, in the consulship of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius, was brought to an end in the seventeenth year, the consulship of Gnaeus Cornelius and Publius Aelius.
44.2. bellum initum annis post tribus et uiginti, P. Cornelio Ti. Sempronio consulibus, finitum est septimo decimo anno, Cn. Cornelio P. Aelio consulibus.
44.3. Later Scipio often stated, so they say, that first Tiberius Claudius' thirst for fame, and then that of Gnaeus Cornelius had hindered him from ending that war with the destruction of Carthage.
44.3. saepe postea ferunt Scipionem dixisse Ti. Claudi primum cupiditatem, deinde Cn. Corneli fuisse in mora quo minus id bellum exitio Carthaginis finiret.
44.4. At Carthage when raising money for the first payment seemed difficult to men whose resources were drained by the long war, and in the Senate House there was mourning and weeping, they say that Hannibal was seen laughing.
44.4. Carthagini cum prima conlatio pecuniae diutino bello exhaustis difficilis uideretur, maestitiaque et fletus in curia esset, ridentem Hannibalem ferunt conspectum.
44.5. When Hasdrubal Haedus upbraided him for laughing while the people wept, he being himself the cause of their tears, he said: “If the mind within us could be seen, just as expression of face is seen by our eyes, it would readily be clear to you that this laughter which you upbraid is not that of a happy spirit but of one almost beside itself through misfortunes.”
44.5. cuius cum Hasdrubal Haedus risum increparet in publico fletu cum ipse lacrimarum causa esset, 'si, quemadmodum oris habitus cernitur oculis', inquit 'sic et animus intus cerni posset, facile uobis appareret non laeti sed prope amentis malis cordis hunc quem increpatis risum esse;
44.6. “Nevertheless it is by no means so untimely as are those senseless, misplaced tears of yours.”
44.6. qui tamen nequaquam adeo est intempestiuus quam uestrae istae absurdae atque abhorrentes lacrimae sunt.
44.7. “The time for us to weep was when our arms were taken from us, our ships burned, foreign wars forbidden; for that wound was fatal to us. And you have no reason to believe that the Romans had regard for your domestic peace. No great state can long be in peace.”
44.7. tunc flesse decuit cum adempta sunt nobis arma, incensae naues, interdictum externis bellis; illo enim uolnere concidimus. nec est cur uos otio uestro consultum ab Romanis credatis.
44.8. “If it lacks an enemy abroad it finds one at home, just as powerful bodies seem protected against infection from without, but are of themselves weighed down by their very strength.”
44.8. nulla magna ciuitas diu quiescere potest; si foris hostem non habet, domi inuenit, ut praeualida corpora ab externis causis tuta uidentur, suis ipsa uiribus onerantur.
44.9. “Of course we feel only so much of the public misfortunes as bears upon our private concerns, and in these nothing has so painful a sting as the loss of money.”
44.9. sed tantum nimirum ex publicis malis sentimus quantum ad priuatas res pertinet, nec in iis quicquam acrius quam pecuniae damnum stimulat.
44.10. “Hence when the spoils were being stripped from vanquished Carthage, although you saw her placed, now unarmed and naked, in the midst of so many armed tribes of Africa, no one moaned, while now because tribute must be raised from private property you are mourners, as it were, at a public funeral.”
44.10. itaque cum spolia uictae Carthagini detrahebantur, cum inermem iam ac nudam destitui inter tot armatas gentes Africae cerneretis, nemo ingemuit:
44.11. “How much I fear you will very soon be aware that today you have wept over a very slight misfortune!” So spoke Hannibal to the Carthaginians.
44.11. nunc quia tributum ex priuato conferendum est, tamquam in publico funere comploratis. quam uereor ne propediem sentiatis leuissimo in malo uos hodie lacrimasse.' haec Hannibal apud Carthaginienses.
44.12. Scipio summoned an assembly and assigning to him his father's kingdom, presented Masinissa with the city of Cirta in addition and the rest of the cities and lands which, he said, had passed from the kingdom of Syphax into the power of the Roman people.
44.12. Scipio contione aduocata Masinissam ad regnum paternum Cirta oppido et ceteris urbibus agrisque quae ex regno Syphacis in populi Romani potestatem uenissent adiectis donauit.
44.13. He ordered Gnaeus Octavius to take the fleet to Sicily and turn it over to Gnaeus Cornelius, the consul; also the Carthaginian envoys to go to Rome, in order that all his acts on the advice of his ten legati might be confirmed by the authority of the senate and command of the people.
44.13. Cn. Octauium classem in Siciliam ductam Cn. Cornelio consuli tradere iussit, legatos Carthaginiensium Romam proficisci ut quae ab se ex decem legatorum sententia acta essent ea patrum auctoritate populique iussu confirmarentur.
45.1. When peace had been secured by land and sea, Scipio embarked his army and crossed over to Lilybaeum in Sicily.
45.1. pace terra marique parta, exercitu in naues imposito in Siciliam Lilybaeum traiecit.
45.2. Then after sending a large part of the army by sea, he himself, making his way through Italy, which was exulting in peace no less than in the victory, while not cities only poured out to do him honour, but crowds of rustics also were blocking the roads, reached Rome and rode into the city in the most distinguished of all triumphs.
45.2. inde magna parte militum nauibus missa ipse per laetam pace non minus quam uictoria Italiam effusis non urbibus modo ad habendos honores sed agrestium etiam turba obsidente uias Romam peruenit triumphoque omnium clarissimo urbem est inuectus.
45.3. He brought into the treasury one hundred and twenty-three thousand pounds weight of silver. To his soldiers he distributed four hundred asses apiece out of the booty. The death of Syphax withdrew him rather from the eyes of spectators than from the glory of the triumphing general.
45.3. argenti tulit in aerarium pondo centum uiginti tria milia. militibus ex praeda quadringenos aeris diuisit. morte subtractus spectaculo magis hominum quam triumphantis gloriae Syphax est, Tiburi haud ita multo ante mortuus, quo ab Alba traductus fuerat.
45.4. He had died not long before at Tibur, to which he had been transferred from Alba. Nevertheless his death attracted attention because he was given a state funeral. Polybius, an authority by no means to be despised, relates that this king was led in the triumphal procession. Following Scipio as he triumphed was Quintus Terentius Culleo wearing the liberty cap; and for all the rest of his life, as was fitting, he honoured in Scipio the giver of his freedom.
45.4. conspecta tamen mors eius fuit quia publico funere est elatus. —hunc regem in triumpho ductum Polybius, haudquaquam spernendus auctor, tradit.— secutus Scipionem triumphantem est pilleo capiti imposito Q. Terentius Culleo, omnique deinde uita, ut dignum erat, libertatis auctorem coluit.
45.6. As for the surname Africanus, whether his popularity among the soldiers, or fickle favour of the people first gave it currency I am unable to state, or whether it began with the flattery of his intimates, as did the surname Felix for Sulla and Magnus for Pompey in the time of our fathers.
45.6. Africani cognomen militaris prius fauor an popularis aura celebrauerit an, sicuti Felicis Sullae Magnique Pompeii patrum memoria, coeptum ab adsentatione familiari sit parum compertum habeo;
45.7. What is certain is that he was the first general to be distinguished by the name of a nation conquered by him. Later, following his example men who were by no means his equals in their victories gained outstanding inscriptions for their masks and glorious surnames for their families.
45.7. primus certe hic imperator nomine uictae ab se gentis est nobilitatus; exemplo deinde huius nequaquam uictoria pares insignes imaginum titulos claraque cognomina familiarum fecerunt.