20.11. Feeling, therefore, sufficiently strong on land, as well as on the sea, the Roman general advanced as far as the pass of Castulo.
20.11. sed qui uere dicionis imperiique Romani facti sunt obsidibus datis, populi amplius fuere centum uiginti. igitur terrestribus quoque copiis satis fidens Romanus usque ad saltum Castulonensem est progressus;
20.12. Hasdrubal retired into Lusitania, nearer the ocean.
20.12. Hasdrubal in Lusitaniam ac propius Oceanum concessit.
21.1. It looked as if the rest of the summer would be undisturbed, and so it would have been as far as the Phoenicians were concerned.
21.1. quietum inde fore uidebatur reliquum aestatis tempus fuissetque per Poenum hostem;
21.2. But, besides that the Spaniards themselves are constitutionally restless and eager for change, no sooner had the Romans withdrawn from the pass to the seacoast, than Mandonius and Indibilis —the latter had formerly been a chieftain of the Ilergetes —roused up their countrymen and invaded the peaceful territories of Rome's allies, on a marauding expedition.
21.2. sed praeterquam quod ipsorum Hispanorum inquieta auidaque in nouas res sunt ingenia, Mandonius Indibilisque, qui antea Ilergetum regulus fuerat, postquam Romani ab saltu recessere ad maritimam oram, concitis popularibus in agrum pacatum sociorum Romanorum ad populandum uenerunt.
21.4. To oppose them Scipio dispatched a tribune of the soldiers with light-armed auxiliaries. They easily routed the enemy —a mere hastily-organized militia —slaying a thousand of them, making some prisoners, and disarming the greater part.
21.4. aduersus eos tribuni militum cum expeditis auxiliis a Scipione missi, leui certamine ut tumultuariam manum fudere mille hominibus occisis, quibusdam captis, magnaque parte armis exuta.
21.5. Nevertheless, this outbreak induced Hasdrubal, who was retreating towards the ocean, to turn back and cross the Ebro, for the purpose of protecting his allies.
21.5. hic tamen tumultus cedentem ad Oceanum Hasdrubalem cis Hiberum ad socios tutandos retraxit.
21.6. The Phoenicians were in camp in the country of the Ilergavonenses, the Romans near Nova Classis, when tidings came which gave at once a new turn to the campaign.
21.6. castra Punica in agro Ilergauonensium, castra Romana ad Nouam Classem erant cum fama repens alio auertit bellum.
21.7. The Celtiberians, who had sent their leading men to treat with the Romans and had given hostages, incited by a message from Scipio, rose up in arms and invaded the Carthaginian province with a powerful army.
21.7. Celtiberi, qui principes regionis suae legatos <obuiam antea miserant> obsidesque dederant Romanis, nuntio misso a Scipione exciti arma capiunt prouinciamque Carthaginiensium ualido exercitu inuadunt. tria oppida ui expugnant;
21.8. They captured three towns by assault, and afterwards twice engaged successfully in battle with Hasdrubal himself, slaying some fifteen thousand of their enemies, and taking four thousand prisoners, with many military standards.
21.8. inde cum ipso Hasdrubale duobus proeliis egregie pugnantes, quindecim milia hostium occiderunt, quattuor milia cum multis militaribus signis capiunt.
22.1. Such was the position of affairs in Spain when Publius Scipio came into the province. The senate had prolonged his command after the consulship and had sent him out with thirty men-ofwar and eight thousand soldiers and a great convoy of supplies.
22.1. hoc statu rerum in Hispania P. Scipio in prouinciam uenit, prorogato post consulatum imperio ab senatu missus, cum triginta longis nauibus et octo milibus militum magnoque commeatu aduecto.
22.2. This fleet, which the number of cargo-vessels swelled to an enormous size, caused great rejoicing amongst the Romans and their allies, when it was made out in the offing and standing in dropped anchor in the harbour of Tarraco.
22.2. ea classis ingens agmine onerariarum procul uisa cum magna laetitia ciuium sociorumque portum Tarraconis ex alto tenuit.
22.3. There Scipio disembarked his troops and set out to join his brother; and from that time forward they carried on the war with perfect harmony of temper and of purpose.
22.3. ibi milite exposito profectus Scipio fratri se coniungit, ac deinde communi animo consilioque gerebant bellum.
22.4. Accordingly, while the Carthaginians were taken up with the Celtiberian campaign, they lost no time in crossing the Ebro, and seeing nothing of any enemy, marched directly on Saguntum, where it was said that hostages from all over Spain were being guarded in the citadel by a small garrison, to whose keeping they had been consigned by Hannibal.
22.4. occupatis igitur Carthaginiensibus Celtiberico bello haud cunctanter Hiberum transgrediuntur nec ullo uiso hostes Saguntum pergunt ire, quod ibi obsides totius Hispaniae traditos ab Hannibale fama erat modico in arce custodiri praesidio.
22.5. It was this pledge alone that checked the inclination of all the Spanish states to ally themselves with Rome, for fear that the blood of their own children might expiate the guilt of their defection.
22.5. id unum pignus inclinatos ad Romanam societatem omnium Hispaniae populorum animos morabatur, ne sanguine liberum suorum culpa defectionis lueretur.
22.6. From this constraint Spain was released by the machinations —more clever than honest —of one man. Abelux was his name, and he was a noble Spaniard of Saguntum.
22.6. eo uinculo Hispaniam uir unus sollerti magis quam fideli consilio exsoluit. Abelux erat Sagunti nobilis Hispanus, fidus ante Poenis; tum, qualia plerumque sunt barbarorum ingenia, cum fortuna mutauerat fidem.
22.7. Loyal hitherto to the Phoenicians, he had now —as barbarians are for the most part prone to do — altered his allegiance with the alteration in their fortunes. But reflecting that a deserter who went over to the enemy without betraying to them something of great moment was but a single worthless and dishonoured individual, he proposed to benefit his new allies to the utmost extent of his ability.
22.7. ceterum transfugam sine magnae rei proditione uenientem ad hostes nihil aliud quam unum uile atque infame corpus esse ratus, id agebat ut quam maximum emolumentum nouis sociis esset.
22.8. And considering everything that fortune could put into his power, he inclined for choice to deliver up the hostages, believing that this was the one thing that would most effectively secure for the Romans the friendship of the Spanish leaders.
22.8. circumspectis igitur omnibus quae fortuna potestatis eius poterat facere, obsidibus potissimum tradendis animum adiecit, eam unam rem maxime ratus conciliaturam Romanis principum Hispaniae amicitiam.
22.9. But since he knew that the men guarding the hostages would do nothing without the orders of Bostar, the governor, he artfully approached Bostar himself, who was encamped outside the city, on the very shore, to preclude the approach of the Romans from that quarter.
22.9. sed cum iniussu Bostaris praefecti satis sciret nihil obsidum custodes facturos esse, Bostarem ipsum arte adgreditur.
22.10. Taking him on one side, he explained the situation, as though the other had no knowledge of it. Fear, he said, had until then kept the Spaniards down, because the Romans were a long way off; now the Roman camp was on this side of the Ebro, a sure stronghold and asylum for any who wished a change; those, accordingly, who were not bound by fear must be secured by kindness and generosity.
22.10. castra extra urbem in ipso litore habebat Bostar ut aditum ea parte intercluderet Romanis. ibi eum in secretum abductum, uelut ignorantem, monet quo statu sit res: metum continuisse ad eam diem Hispanorum animos, quia procul Romani abessent; nunc cis Hiberum castra Romana esse, arcem tutam perfugiumque nouas uolentibus res; itaque quos metus non teneat beneficio et gratia deuinciendos esse.
22.12. When Bostar asked in amazement what this gift could be that should suddenly be of so great value, “Send back the hostages to their homes,” said Abelux.
22.12. miranti Bostari percontantique quodnam id subitum tantae rei donum posset esse, 'obsides' inquit, 'in ciuitates remitte.
22.13. “That will at once be grateful personally to their parents, who are the people of most consequence in their own states, and to their tribes in general.”
22.13. id et priuatim parentibus, quorum maximum nomen in ciuitatibus est suis, et publice populis gratum erit.
22.14. “Everyone wishes to be trusted: confide in people, and almost always you confirm their confidence in you. The task of restoring the hostages to their homes I request for myself, that I may work, as well as counsel, for the furtherance of my plan, and to an act that is gracious in itself lend such added grace as I am able.”
22.14. uolt sibi quisque credi et habita fides ipsam plerumque obligat fidem. ministerium restituendorum domos obsidum mihimet deposco ipse, ut opera quoque impensa consilium adiuuem meum et rei suapte natura gratae quantam insuper gratiam possim adiciam.'
22.15. Once he had brought Bostar round —for his wits were not as sharp as those of most Phoenicians —he departed secretly by night for the enemy's outposts, and encountering certain Spanish auxiliaries, who conducted him to Scipio, disclosed his plan, and when he had given pledges and received them, and had agreed upon a time and place for turning over the hostages, returned to Saguntum.
22.15. homini non ad cetera Punica ingenia callido ut persuasit, nocte clam progressus ad hostium stationes, conuentis quibusdam auxiliaribus Hispanis et ab his ad Scipionem perductus, quid adferret expromit et fide accepta dataque ac loco et tempore constituto ad obsides tradendos Saguntum redit.
22.16. The following day he spent with Bostar, receiving instructions how to carry out the enterprise, and left him with the understanding that he was to go at night, in order to elude the enemy's sentinels.
22.16. diem insequentem absumpsit cum Bostare mandatis ad rem agendam accipiendis.
22.17. At the hour agreed on with the Romans he wakened the boys' custodians, and led them all, as if unwittingly, into the trap prepared by his own treachery. They were then conducted to the Roman camp.
22.17. dimissus, cum se nocte iturum ut custodias hostium falleret constituisset, ad compositam cum iis horam excitatis custodibus puerorum profectus, ueluti ignarus in praeparatas sua fraude insidias ducit.
22.18. The remainder of the plan for the restoration of the hostages to their friends was carried out, through the agency of Abelux, exactly as he and Bostar had agreed, and everything was done as it would have been if he had been acting in the name of the Carthaginians.
22.18. in castra Romana perducti; cetera omnia de reddendis obsidibus, sicut cum Bostare constitutum erat, acta per eundem ordinem quo si Carthaginiensium nomine sic ageretur.
22.19. The gratitude which the Romans won under such circumstances was much greater than the Carthaginians would have enjoyed. For the Carthaginians had been found to be harsh and arrogant in the hour of their prosperity, and their gentleness might have appeared as the result of misfortune and timidity; but the Romans on first coming thither —and till then they were unknown —had begun with an act of clemency and liberality, and Abelux was held to have shown discernment, and not without reason to have changed his friends.
22.19. maior aliquanto Romanorum gratia fuit in re pari quam quanta futura Carthaginiensium fuerat. illos enim graues [superbos] in rebus secundis expertos fortuna et timor mitigasse uideri poterat: Romanus primo aduentu, incognitus ante, ab re clementi liberalique initium fecerat et Abelux, uir prudens, haud frustra uidebatur socios mutasse.
22.21. The Spaniards were therefore all with one accord intending to revolt, and would have drawn the sword at once, if winter had not intervened and compelled both Romans and Carthaginians to retire to their quarters.
22.21. itaque ingenti consensu defectionem omnes spectare; armaque extemplo mota forent, ni hiemps, quae Romanos quoque et Carthaginienses concedere in tecta coegit, interuenisset.
23.1. Such was the course of events in Spain in the second summer of the Punic war. In Italy meanwhile the defeated Romans had been afforded a little breathing space by Fabius's wise policy of holding back.
23.1. haec in Hispania [quoque] secunda aestate Punici belli gesta, cum in Italia paulum interualli cladibus Romanis sollers cunctatio Fabi fecisset;
23.2. This policy, though it occasioned Hannibal no small anxiety —for he saw that the Romans had finally chosen a military leader who waged war as reason and not as blind chance dictated —yet incurred the scorn of Fabius's fellow citizens, both soldiers and civilians, especially when his absence had been followed, thanks to the rashness of the master of the horse, by a battle which may truthfully be characterized as having ended with more rejoicing than success.
23.2. quae ut Hannibalem non mediocri sollicitum cura habebat, tandem eum militiae magistrum delegisse Romanos cernentem, qui bellum ratione, non fortuna gereret, ita contempta erat inter ciues armatos pariter togatosque utique postquam absente eo temeritate magistri equitum laeto uerius dixerim quam prospero euentu pugnatum fuerat.
23.4. Two things, moreover, increased the dictator's unpopularity. One was a crafty ruse of Hannibal's. Some deserters having pointed out to him the dictator's farm, he razed to the ground all the buildings in its neighbourhood, but ordered that this one place should be preserved from fire and sword and every kind of hostile violence, in order that it might appear that Fabius was in this way being rewarded for some secret compact. The other was something that he did himself, which, though perhaps open to criticism in the first place —because he had not waited for the authorization of the senate —redounded in the upshot, and in no uncertain manner, greatly to his fame.
23.4. accesserant duae res ad augendam inuidiam dictatoris, una fraude ac dolo Hannibalis quod, cum a perfugis ei monstratus ager dictatoris esset, omnibus circa solo aequatis ab uno eo ferrum ignemque et uim omnem [hostium] abstineri iussit ut occulti alicuius pacti ea merces uideri posset, altera ipsius facto, primo forsitan dubio quia non exspectata in eo senatus auctoritas est, ad extremum haud ambigue in maximam laudem uerso.
23.6. In exchanging prisoners the Roman and Phoenician generals had followed the example set in the first Punic war and had agreed that the side which recovered more men than it restored should pay for each two pounds and a half of silver.
23.6. in permutandis captiuis, quod sic primo Punico bello factum erat, conuenerat inter duces Romanum Poenumque ut, quae pars plus reciperet quam daret, argenti pondo bina et selibras in militem praestaret.
23.7. The Romans recovered two hundred and forty-seven more than the Phoenicians, but the senate, though the matter was often discussed, was slow in voting the money owing for them, on the ground that the dictator had not consulted them; till finally Fabius sent his son Quintus to Rome to sell the farm which the enemy had spared, and discharged the nation's obligation at his own expense.
23.7. ducentis quadraginta septem cum plures Romanus quam Poenus recepisset argentumque pro eis debitum, saepe iactata in senatu re, quoniam non consuluisset patres, tardius erogaretur, inuiolatum ab hoste agrum misso Romam Quinto filio uendidit, fidemque publicam impendio priuato exsoluit.
23.9. Hannibal lay encamped under the walls of Gereonium, where he had left a few buildings standing, to serve as granaries, when he captured and burned the city.
23.9. Hannibal pro Gereoni moenibus, cuius urbis captae atque incensae ab se in usum horreorum pauca reliquerat tecta, in statiuis erat.
23.10. From there he would send two-thirds of his army to gather corn; the other third, ready to march, he kept at the post under his own command, with the twofold object of protecting the camp and of guarding lest any attack be made upon his foragers.
23.10. inde frumentatum duas exercitus partes mittebat; cum tertia ipse expedita in statione erat, simul castris praesidio et circumspectans necunde impetus in frumentatores fieret.
24.1. The Roman army was at that time in the neighbourhood of Larinum. Minucius, the master of the horse, was in command, for the dictator, as has been said before, had departed for the City.
24.1. Romanus tunc exercitus in agro Larinati erat; praeerat Minucius magister equitum profecto, sicut ante dictum est, ad urbem dictatore.
24.2. The camp had been established on a high hill in a position of security, but was now brought down to level ground; and more vigorous measures were being discussed —in keeping with the temper of the general —for attacking the enemy's scattered foragers, or his camp, which was left but lightly garrisoned.
24.2. ceterum castra, quae in monte alto ac tuto loco posita fuerant, iam in planum deferuntur; agitabanturque pro ingenio ducis consilia calidiora, ut impetus aut in frumentatores palatos aut in castra relicta cum leui praesidio fieret.
24.3. Hannibal saw well enough that the change in leaders had brought a change in strategy, and that the Romans were likely to be more bold than prudent.
24.3. nec Hannibalem fefellit cum duce mutatam esse belli rationem et ferocius quam consultius rem hostes gesturos;
24.4. But though the enemy was close at hand, he himself did something that would almost seem incredible, and sent out a third part of his troops to forage, retaining two-thirds in his camp;
24.4. ipse autem, quod minime quis crederet cum hostis propius esset, tertiam partem militum frumentatum duabus in castris retentis dimisit;
24.5. then he brought the camp itself up nearer the enemy, about two miles away from Gereonium, to a hill in full sight of the Romans, that they might know that he was watching to protect his foragers, if they should be at all molested.
24.5. dein castra ipsa propius hostem mouit, duo ferme a Gereonio milia, in tumulum hosti conspectum, ut intentum <se> sciret esse ad frumentatores, si qua uis fieret, tutandos.
24.6. He then observed a hill even nearer the Romans and threatening their very camp; but since, if he should attempt to take it openly by daylight, the Romans, who had a shorter way to go, would doubtless get ahead of him, he sent some Numidians secretly in the night, and they seized the hill.
24.6. propior inde ei atque ipsis imminens Romanorum castris tumulus apparuit; ad quem capiendum si luce palam iretur quia haud dubie hostis breuiore uia praeuenturus erat, nocte clam missi Numidae ceperunt.
24.7. They were holding the place next day, when the Romans, despising their scanty numbers, dislodged them and transferred their own camp thither.
24.7. quos tenentes locum contempta paucitate Romani postero die cum deiecissent, ipsi eo transferunt castra.
24.8. There was now, at all events, but a very little space between rampart and rampart, and this the Romans had pretty well covered with their troops, which they had drawn up in line of battle. At the same time they had sent out their cavalry and skirmishers from the side of the camp which was farthest from the enemy, and these had fallen upon the scattered foragers, whom they routed with great slaughter.
24.8. [tum ut] itaque exiguum spatii uallum a uallo aberat et id ipsum totum ut prope compleuerat Romana acies, simul et per auersa castra [e castris Hannibalis] equitatus cum leui armatura emissus in frumentatores late caedem fugamque hostium palatorum fecit.
24.9. Still, Hannibal did not dare to fight a battle, for his forces were so small that he was hardly able to defend his camp, if the Romans should assault it, and he now began to wage war by the arts of Fabius, inaction and delay, and had withdrawn his troops to their former camp, which lay under the walls of Gereonium.
24.9. nec acie certare Hannibal ausus, quia tanta paucitate—pars exercitus aberat iam fame <grauante>—uix castra, si oppugnarentur, tutari poterat; iamque artibus Fabi sedendo et cunctando bellum gerebat receperatque suos in priora castra, quae pro Gereoni moenibus erant.
24.11. Some writers relate that there was even a regular pitched battle, in which the Phoenicians were driven from the field at the first encounter and pursued all the way to their camp, from which they sallied and quickly dismayed the Romans in their turn; but that Numerius Decimius the Samnite then came up and restored the day.
24.11. iusta quoque acie et conlatis signis dimicatum quidam auctores sunt; primo concursu Poenum usque ad castra fusum; inde eruptione facta repente uersum terrorem in Romanos; Numeri Decimi Samnitis deinde aduentu proelium restitutum.
24.12. They say that Decimius, who was the person of most consequence both for family and fortune, not only in his own town of Bovianum but in all Samnium, was on his way to the camp, by the dictator's order, at the head of eight thousand foot and five hundred horse, when, appearing on Hannibal's rear, he was mistaken by both armies for reinforcements coming up with Quintus Fabius from Rome.
24.12. hunc, principem genere ac diuitiis, non Bouiani modo—unde erat— sed toto Samnio, iussu dictatoris octo milia peditum et equites ad <quingentos> ducentem in castra, ab tergo cum apparuisset Hannibali, speciem parti utrique praebuisse noui praesidii cum Q. Fabio ab Roma uenientis.
24.13. Hannibal, fearing some trap as well, drew back his men, and the Romans, pressing forward and assisted by the Samnites, carried, that same day, two redoubts.
24.13. Hannibalem, insidiarum quoque aliquid timentem, recepisse suos; Romanum insecutum adiuuante Samnite duo castella eo die expugnasse.
24.14. Six thousand of the enemy were slain and fully five thousand Romans. Nevertheless, though the losses had been so nearly equal, a foolish tale was carried to Rome of an extraordinary victory, with a letter from the master of the horse that was more foolish still.
24.14. sex milia hostium caesa, quinque admodum Romanorum; tamen in tam pari prope clade famam <uanam> egregiae uictoriae cum uanioribus litteris magistri equitum Romam perlatam.
25.1. These events were the occasion of many speeches both in the senate and in the popular assembly.
25.1. de iis rebus persaepe et in senatu et in contione actum est.
25.2. The citizens rejoiced, and only the dictator refused to credit either rumour or dispatch, and declared that even though the story were all true, he feared success more than adversity.
25.2. cum laeta ciuitate dictator unus nihil nec famae nec litteris crederet, ut uera omnia essent, secunda se magis quam aduersa timere diceret, tum M.
25.3. Then Marcus Metilius, tribune of the plebs, cried out that this was past all bearing: not only had the dictator prevented a successful engagement being fought while he was present, but he even objected now that the victory was won, and persisted in drawing out the war and wasting time, in order the longer to remain in office, and to continue, both at Rome and in the army, in sole possession of authority; for one of the consuls had fallen in battle, and the other —under
25.3. Metilius tribunus plebis id unum enimuero ferendum esse negat, non praesentem solum dictatorem obstitisse rei bene gerendae sed absentem etiam gestae obstare [et in ducendo bello] ac sedulo tempus terere quo diutius in magistratu sit solusque et Romae et in exercitu imperium habeat.
25.5. the pretext of pursuing the Punic fleet —had been sent a great way off from Italy; the two praetors were employed in Sicily and Sardinia, neither of which required a praetor at this time;
25.5. quippe consulum alterum in acie cecidisse, alterum specie classis Punicae persequendae procul ab Italia ablegatum;
25.6. and Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, that he might not see the enemy or carry out any military operation, had been kept almost a prisoner.
25.6. duos praetores Sicilia atque Sardinia occupatos, quarum neutra hoc tempore prouincia praetore egeat; M. Minucium magistrum equitum, ne hostem uideret, ne quid rei bellicae gereret, prope in custodia habitum.
25.7. Thus it had actually come to pass that not only Samnium —whose territories, as though they lay beyond the Ebro, had already been surrendered to the Phoenicians —but Campania, and the districts both of Cales and Falerii had been utterly laid waste; while the dictator sat still at Casilinum and used the legions of the Roman People to protect his own estate.
25.7. itaque hercule non Samnium modo, quo iam tamquam trans Hiberum agro Poenis concessum sit, sed et Campanum Calenumque et Falernum agrum peruastatos esse sedente Casilini dictatore et legionibus populi Romani agrum suum tutante.
25.8. The army — eager as it was to fight —and the master of the horse had virtually been cooped up and confined within the rampart; and their swords, as though they had been captured enemies, had been taken from them.
25.8. exercitum cupientem pugnare et magistrum equitum clausos prope intra uallum retentos;
25.9. At last, when the dictator had gone away, they had come out from behind their works, as if released from a blockade, and had routed and put to flight their enemies.
25.9. tamquam hostibus captiuis arma adempta. tandem, ut abscesserit inde dictator, ut obsidione liberatos, extra uallum egressos fudisse ac fugasse hostes.
25.10. For all these reasons, if their ancient spirit had still animated the Roman plebs, he would boldly have proposed the abrogation of Quintus Fabius's command; as it was, he should move the adoption of a moderate measure, to wit, the elevation of the master of the horse to a footing of equality with the dictator.
25.10. quas ob res, si antiquus animus plebei Romanae esset, audaciter se laturum fuisse de abrogando Q. Fabi imperio; nunc modicam rogationem promulgaturum de aequando magistri equitum et dictatoris iure.
25.11. Yet, even so, they must not let Fabius rejoin his army till he had first installed a consul in the place of Gaius Flaminius.
25.11. nec tamen ne ita quidem prius mittendum ad exercitum Q. Fabium quam consulem in locum C. Flamini suffecisset.
25.12. The dictator refrained from making speeches to the people, in a cause that was far from popular. Even the senate listened coldly when he spoke in high terms of the enemy, and charging the reverses of the past two years to the rashness and ignorance of the Roman generals, declared that the master of the horse must answer to him for having fought against his orders.
25.12. dictator contionibus se abstinuit in actione minime populari. ne in senatu quidem satis aequis auribus audiebatur tunc, cum hostem uerbis extolleret bienniique clades per temeritatem atque inscientiam ducum acceptas referret, magistro equitum, quod contra dictum suum pugnasset, rationem diceret reddendam esse.
25.14. If his authority and strategy should be paramount, he would soon let people know that with a good commander fortune was of little moment; that mind and reason were in control; and that to have preserved the army in its hour of danger, yet without disgrace, was more glorious than to have slain many thousands of the enemy.
25.14. si penes se summa imperii consiliique sit, propediem effecturum ut sciant homines bono imperatore haud magni fortunam momenti esse, mentem rationemque dominari, et in tempore et sine ignominia seruasse exercitum quam multa milia hostium occidisse maiorem gloriam esse.
25.16. After making several speeches to this purport, yet without effect, and presiding over the election of Marcus Atilius Regulus to the consulship, that he might not take a personal part in the dispute about the command, on the day preceding the bringing forward of the resolution he left by night for the army.
25.16. huius generis orationibus frustra habitis et consule creato M. Atilio Regulo ne praesens de iure imperii dimicaret, pridie quam rogationis ferendae dies adesset, nocte ad exercitum abiit.
25.17. When at break of day the plebs assembled in their council, though at heart they were inclined to dislike the dictator and to favour the master of the horse, yet they wanted sufficient courage to come forward and advocate a course which most of them approved, so that the motion, despite its exceeding popularity, lacked support.
25.17. luce orta cum plebis concilium esset, magis tacita inuidia dictatoris fauorque magistri equitum animos uersabat quam satis audebant homines ad suadendum quod uolgo placebat prodire, et fauore superante auctoritas tamen rogationi deerat.
25.18. One man alone was found to urge the passage of the bill. This was Gaius Terentius Varro, praetor of the year before, whose antecedents were not merely base but even sordid.
25.18. unus inuentus est suasor legis C. Terentius Uarro, qui priore anno praetor fuerat, loco non humili solum sed etiam sordido ortus.
25.19. It is said that his father had been a butcher, who peddled his wares himself, and that he had employed this very son about the menial tasks associated with that calling.
25.19. patrem lanium fuisse ferunt, ipsum institorem mercis, filioque hoc ipso in seruilia eius artis ministeria usum.
26.1. The young man had no sooner inherited from his father the money gained in this kind of occupation than he felt encouraged to hope for a more liberal career, and resolved to enter public life; and by declaiming on behalf of ignoble men and causes against the property and reputation of persons of the better sort achieved first notoriety and then office.
26.1. is iuuenis, ut primum ex eo genere quaestus pecunia a patre relicta animos ad spem liberalioris fortunae fecit, togaque et forum placuere, proclamando pro sordidis hominibus causisque aduersus rem et famam bonorum primum in notitiam populi,
26.3. He had held the quaestorship and both aedileships —plebeian and curule —and finally even the praetorship. He now ventured to aspire to the consulship, and with considerable shrewdness sought to capture the favour of the populace by exploiting their animosity against the dictator, with the result that he alone reaped all the popularity growing out of the plebiscite.
26.3. deinde ad honores peruenit, quaesturaque et duabus aedilitatibus, plebeia et curuli, postremo et praetura, perfunctus, iam ad consulatus spem cum attolleret animos, haud parum callide auram fauoris popularis ex dictatoria inuidia petit scitique plebis unus gratiam tulit.
26.5. Everyone, whether in Rome or with the army, whether friend or foe, looked on the passing of this bill as an insult to the dictator —everyone, that is, but the dictator himself, who with the same unruffled spirit with which he had borne the slanders uttered against him before the multitude by his adversaries now bore the injustice of the infuriated people.
26.5. omnes eam rogationem, quique Romae quique in exercitu erant, aequi atque iniqui, praeter ipsum dictatorem in contumeliam eius latam acceperunt. ipse, qua grauitate animi criminantes se ad multitudinem inimicos tulerat, eadem et populi in se saeuientis iniuriam tulit;
26.7. While still on the way he received a dispatch from the senate about the equal division of command, but fairly confident that though the authority of the commanders had been equalized, their abilities had not, he returned to the army with a spirit that neither fellow citizens nor enemies could daunt.
26.7. acceptisque in ipso itinere litteris [s. c.] de aequato imperio, satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii iure artem imperandi aequatam, cum inuicto a ciuibus hostibusque animo ad exercitum rediit.
27.1. As for Minucius, success and the favour of the crowd had already made him well-nigh insufferable.
27.1. Minucius uero cum iam ante uix tolerabilis fuisset rebus secundis ac fauore uolgi, tum utique immodice immodesteque non Hannibale magis uicto ab se quam Q.
27.2. But now, at all events, he cast away all modesty and moderation and boasted of his triumph not only over Hannibal but over Quintus Fabius as well: that wonderful leader, to whom his countrymen had turned in their distress as a match for Hannibal, had by vote of the people been reduced to a level —the superior with his subordinate, the dictator with his master of the horse; and this action, to which history could afford no parallel, had been taken in that very state in which masters of the horse had been used to tremble and shudder at the rods and axes of the dictator; so conspicuous had been his own success and courage.
27.2. Fabio gloriari: illum in rebus asperis unicum ducem ac parem quaesitum Hannibali, maiorem minori, dictatorem magistro equitum, quod nulla memoria habeat annalium, iussu populi aequatum in eadem ciuitate, in qua magistri equitum uirgas ac secures dictatoris tremere atque horrere soliti sint;
27.4. He would therefore follow up his good fortune, if the dictator persisted in that dilatory and inactive course which gods and men had united in condemning.
27.4. tantum suam felicitatem uirtutemque enituisse. ergo secuturum se fortunam suam, si dictator in cunctatione ac segnitie deorum hominumque iudicio damnata perstaret.
27.5. Accordingly, on the day of his first meeting with Quintus Fabius, he said that the very first thing to be settled was the manner in which they should exercise the joint command:
27.5. itaque quo die primum congressus est cum Q. Fabio, statuendum omnium primum ait esse quemadmodum imperio aequato utantur:
27.6. he himself thought that the best way would be for each to have supreme command and authority either every other day, or, if longer periods seemed preferable, for equally apportioned times, to the end that he might be a match for the enemy not only in strategy but in numbers also, if he should meet with a favourable opportunity for fighting.
27.6. se optimum ducere aut diebus alternis aut, si maiora interualla placerent, partitis temporibus alterius summum ius imperiumque esse, ut par hosti non solum consilio sed uiribus etiam esset, si quam occasionem rei gerendae habuisset.
27.8. This proposal by no means suited Quintus Fabius, for he saw that everything which his rash colleague should have got control of would be controlled by Fortune: he had been made, he said, to share the supreme command with another, not deprived of it;
27.8. Q. Fabio haudquaquam id placere: omnia fortunam eam habitura quamcumque temeritas collegae habuisset; sibi communicatum cum alio, non ademptum imperium esse;
27.9. he would therefore never voluntarily relinquish that share which he possessed of the power to guide the campaign prudently; he would not divide with Minucius the times or days of commanding, but would divide the army, and in accordance with his own plans would save what he could, since he was not permitted to save everything.
27.9. itaque se nunquam uolentem parte, qua posset, rerum consilio gerendarum cessurum, nec se tempora aut dies imperii cum eo, exercitum diuisurum suisque consiliis, quoniam omnia non liceret, quae posset seruaturum.
27.10. In this way he brought about a division of the legions, such as was customary between consuls. The first and fourth fell to Minucius, the second and third to Fabius.
27.10. ita obtinuit ut legiones, sicut consulibus mos esset, inter <se> diuiderent. prima et quarta Minucio, secunda et tertia Fabio euenerunt.
27.11. In like manner they divided equally the cavalry and auxiliaries, both allies and Latins. The master of the horse chose that their camps, too, should be separated.
27.11. item equites pari numero sociumque et Latini nominis auxilia diuiserunt. castris quoque separari magister equitum uoluit.
28.1. All this caused Hannibal a twofold joy, for, fully acquainted as he was with whatever went on amongst his enemies both from much information brought in by deserters and from the discoveries of his own spies, he reckoned on entrapping the uncontrolled rashness of Minucius after his own fashion, while he saw that the sagacity of Fabius had been deprived of half its strength.
28.1. duplex inde Hannibali gaudium fuit; neque enim quicquam eorum quae apud hostes agerentur eum fallebat et perfugis multa [non] indicantibus et per suos explorantem: nam et liberam Minuci temeritatem se suo modo captaturum et sollertiae Fabi dimidium uirium decessisse.
28.3. There was a hill between the camp of Minucius and that of the Phoenicians, and it was certain that he who occupied it would place his enemy in a rather bad position.
28.3. tumulus erat inter castra Minuci et Poenorum, quem qui occupasset haud dubie iniquiorem erat hosti locum facturus.
28.4. This Hannibal was desirous not so much of capturing without a struggle —though this would have been worth while —as of using to bring on a battle with Minucius, who would sally forth, as he well knew, to oppose him.
28.4. eum non tam capere sine certamine uolebat Hannibal, quamquam id operae pretium erat, quam causam certaminis cum Minucio, quem semper occursurum ad obsistendum satis sciebat, contrahere.
28.5. It appeared at first sight that none of the ground between could be used for an ambush, since it not only had nothing on it in the shape of trees, but was nowhere so much as screened with brambles. But in fact it was formed by nature for covering an ambuscade —all the more because in a bare valley no such trap could be suspected —for in its windings there were hollow cliffs, so large that some of them would hold two hundred soldiers.
28.5. ager omnis medius erat prima specie inutilis insidiatori, quia non modo siluestre quicquam sed ne uepribus quidem uestitum habebat, re ipsa natus tegendis insidiis, eo magis quod in nuda ualle nulla talis fraus timeri poterat;
28.6. In these lurking-places Hannibal concealed five thousand foot and horse —as many in each as could readily lie in wait there.
28.6. et erant in anfractibus cauae rupes, ut quaedam earum ducenos armatos possent capere.
28.7. Lest, however, the movement of anyone who might carelessly step out or the glint of arms should betray the ruse, in a valley so bare and open, he dispatched a small party at dawn to seize the hill already mentioned and draw off the enemy's attention.
28.7. in has latebras, quot quemque locum apte insidere poterant, quinque milia conduntur peditum equitumque.
28.8. The Romans no sooner descried them than they laughed at their small numbers, and everybody asked to be assigned the duty of dislodging the Carthaginians and capturing the place.
28.8. necubi tamen aut motus alicuius temere egressi aut fulgor armorum fraudem in ualle tam aperta detegeret, missis paucis prima luce ad capiendum quem ante diximus tumulum auertit oculos hostium.
28.9. Their general himself, as fatuous and rash as anyone, called the men to arms and railed at the enemy with idle threats. First he ordered out the light infantry; then he sent the cavalry off in a solid column; finally, when he saw that the enemy too were bringing up supports, he set forth with his legions in battle array. Hannibal likewise, as the struggle waxed hotter and his men were sore bested, sent in reinforcement after reinforcement, horse and foot, till he now had a regular army in the field, and both sides were engaged with all their forces.
28.9. primo statim conspectu contempta paucitas ac sibi quisque deposcere pellendos inde hostes ac locum capiendum; dux ipse inter stolidissimos ferocissimosque ad arma uocat et uanis minis increpat hostem. principio leuem armaturam emittit, deinde conferto agmine [mitti] equites; postremo, cum hostibus quoque subsidia mitti uideret, instructis legionibus procedit. et Hannibal laborantibus suis alia atque alia accrescente certamine mittens auxilia peditum equitumque iam iustam expleuerat aciem, ac totis utrimque uiribus certatur.
28.12. The Roman light infantry, as they were advancing from the lower ground on to the height which the enemy had already occupied, was the first to suffer a repulse, and as they were driven downhill, caused a panic among the cavalry, which was coming up behind them, and fled to the standards of the legions.
28.12. prima leuis armatura Romanorum, praeoccupatum <ex> inferiore loco succedens tumulum, pulsa detrusaque terrorem in succedentem intulit equitem et ad signa legionum refugit. peditum acies inter perculsos impauida sola erat uidebaturque, si iusta ac directa pugna esset, haudquaquam impar futura;
28.13. These alone maintained their line undaunted, when all the rest were in full flight, and it looked as if, had the battle been a regular front-to-front engagement, they would have proved fully equal to their enemy —so encouraged had they been by the successful action a few days before. But the men in ambush, suddenly springing out and charging them on both flanks and in the rear, worked such havoc and alarm that not one of them had any courage left for fighting or any hope in flight.
28.13. tantum animorum fecerat prospere ante paucos dies res gesta; sed exorti repente insidiatores eum tumultum terroremque in latera utrimque ab tergoque incursantes fecerunt ut neque animus ad pugnam neque ad fugam spes cuiquam superesset.
29.1. “There it is,” said Fabius, when first the cries of the frightened soldiers were heard, and then the confusion in the distant battle-line became discernible; “misfortune has not overtaken rashness more quickly than I feared.”
29.1. tum Fabius, primo clamore pauentium audito, dein conspecta procul turbata acie, 'ita est' inquit; 'non celerius quam timui deprendit fortuna temeritatem.
29.2. “Though made equal to Fabius in authority, he finds Hannibal his superior, both in courage and in fortune. But another time will do for upbraiding and resentment; for the present, march out from your trenches, and let us wrest from the enemy his victory and from our fellow citizens a confession of their blunder.”
29.2. Fabio aequatus imperio Hannibalem et uirtute et fortuna superiorem uidet. sed aliud iurgandi suscensendique tempus erit: nunc signa extra uallum proferte; uictoriam hosti extorqueamus, confessionem erroris ciuibus.'
29.3. By this time large numbers of the Romans had either been slain or were casting about for a way to escape, when suddenly Fabius and his army appeared, as though they had come down from heaven to help them; and before they got within a javelin's range or struck a blow, had checked both the headlong flight of the Romans and the reckless fury of the enemy's attack.
29.3. iam magna ex parte caesis aliis, aliis circumspectantibus fugam, Fabiana se acies repente uelut caelo demissa ad auxilium ostendit. itaque priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniret aut manum consereret, et suos a fuga effusa et ab nimis feroci pugna hostes continuit.
29.5. Those who had quitted their ranks and dispersed this way and that came running up on every side to the unbroken line; those who had retreated in a body faced about to meet the enemy and, forming a circle, at first slowly retreated, but presently, being more compactly drawn together, stood their ground.
29.5. qui solutis ordinibus uage dissipati erant undique confugerunt ad integram aciem; qui plures simul terga dederant conuersi in hostem uoluentesque orbem nunc sensim referre pedem, nunc conglobati restare.
29.6. And now the beaten army and the fresh one had pretty much united into a single line and were ready to advance against the enemy, when Hannibal sounded the recall, declaring openly that he had beaten Minucius, but that Fabius had beaten him.
29.6. ac iam prope una acies facta erat uicti atque integri exercitus inferebantque signa in hostem, cum Poenus receptui cecinit, palam ferente Hannibale ab se Minucium, se ab Fabio uictum.
29.7. When the troops had got back to their camps, towards the close of a day of such varied fortune, Minucius called his men together and thus addressed them: “Soldiers, I have often heard that the best man is he who can himself advise us what is profitable;”
29.7. ita per uariam fortunam diei maiore parte exacta cum in castra reditum esset, Minucius conuocatis militibus 'saepe ego' inquit, 'audiui, milites, eum primum esse uirum qui ipse consulat quid in rem sit, secundum eum qui bene monenti oboediat;
29.8. “the next best he who listens to good advice; but that he who can neither counsel well nor obey: another has the meanest capacity of all.”
29.8. qui nec ipse consulere nec alteri parere sciat, eum extremi ingenii esse.
29.9. “Since to us the first rank of intelligence and capacity has been denied, let us hold fast to the second or middle state, and while we are learning to command, make up our minds to obey a man of wisdom.”
29.9. nobis quoniam prima animi ingeniique negata sors est, secundam ac mediam teneamus et, dum imperare discimus, parere prudenti in animum inducamus. castra cum Fabio iungamus.
29.10. “Let us join our camp to that of Fabius; and when we have brought our standards to his tent, and I have given him the name of 'Father' —as ” “befits his goodness to us and his great position —you, soldiers, will salute as 'patrons' those whose hands and swords just now protected you; and, if nothing else, this day shall at least have conferred on us the, glory of possessing thankful hearts.”
29.10. ad praetorium eius signa cum tulerimus, ubi ego eum parentem appellauero, quod beneficio eius erga nos ac maiestate eius dignum est, uos, milites, eos quorum uos modo arma dexterae texerunt patronos salutabitis, et, si nihil aliud, gratorum certe nobis animorum gloriam dies hic dederit.'
30.1. The moment the signal was given, the order to pack was shouted round. Setting forth they marched in column to the dictator's camp, to the astonishment of Fabius himself and all who were about.
30.1. signo dato conclamatur inde ut colligantur uasa. profecti et agmine incedentes in dictatoris castra in admirationem et ipsum et omnes qui circa erant conuerterunt.
30.2. When they had planted their ensigns before the tribunal, the master of the horse advanced in front of the rest and called upon Fabius by the name of Father, and his entire army saluted the soldiers who had gathered round them as their patrons. Then Minucius said, “To my parents, Dictator, with whom I have just made you equal in name, which is all that speech can do, I owe only my life; to you I owe not merely my own safety but the safety of all of these.”
30.2. ut constituta sunt ante tribunal signa, progressus ante alios magister equitum, cum patrem Fabium appellasset circumfusosque militum eius totum agmen patronos consalutasset, 'parentibus' inquit, 'meis, dictator, quibus te modo nomine quod fando possum aequaui, uitam tantum debeo, tibi cum meam salutem, tum omnium horum.
30.4. “Accordingly I am the first to reject and repeal that plebiscite which has been more onerous to me than honourable, and to place myself again under your command and auspices and restore to you these standards and these legions; and may good fortune come of it to you and to me and to these your armies, to the preserved and the preserver.”
30.4. itaque plebei scitum, quo oneratus <sum> magis quam honoratus, primus antiquo abrogoque et, quod exercitibus his tuis quod tibi mihique seruato ac conseruatori sit felix, sub imperium auspiciumque tuum redeo et signa haec legionesque restituo.
30.5. “Lay aside, I pray, your just resentment, and bid me retain my post of master of the horse and these their own proper companies and ranks.”
30.5. tu, quaeso, placatus me magisterium equitum, hos ordines suos quemque tenere iubeas.'
30.6. Then hands were clasped, and the assembly being dismissed, the soldiers were kindly and hospitably entertained, alike by friends and strangers, and a day which a little earlier had been very gloomy and almost accurst was turned into one of rejoicing.
30.6. tum dextrae interiunctae militesque contione dimissa ab notis ignotisque benigne atque hospitaliter inuitati laetusque dies ex admodum tristi paulo ante ac prope exsecrabili factus.
30.7. In Rome, when the report of this affair came in, and was later confirmed by letters not only from both commanders, but from the soldiers generally in both armies, all men joined in lauding Maximus to the skies.
30.7. Romae, ut est perlata fama rei gestae, dein litteris non magis ipsorum imperatorum quam uolgo militum ex utroque exercitu adfirmata, pro se quisque Maximum laudibus ad caelum ferre.
30.8. With Hannibal and the hostile Phoenicians his renown was equally great; then for the first time they realized that they were fighting with Romans and in Italy.
30.8. par gloria apud Hannibalem hostesque Poenos erat; ac tum demum sentire cum Romanis atque in Italia bellum esse;