---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Book XXXI · chapters 1–14](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1.md)
2. [Book XXXI · chapters 14–27](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/2.md)
3. [Book XXXI · chapters 27–39](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3.md)
4. [Book XXXI · chapters 39–50](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/4.md)
5. [Book XXXII · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/5.md)
6. [Book XXXII · chapters 12–21](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6.md)
7. [Book XXXII · chapters 21–29](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/7.md)
8. [Book XXXII · chapters 29–40](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8.md)
9. [Book XXXIII · chapters 1–13](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/9.md)
10. [Book XXXIII · chapters 13–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/10.md)
11. [Book XXXIII · chapters 24–36](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/11.md)
12. [Book XXXIII · chapters 37–49](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/12.md)
13. [Book XXXIV · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/13.md)
14. [Book XXXIV · chapters 10–25](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/14.md)
15. [Book XXXIV · chapters 25–35](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15.md)
16. [Book XXXIV · chapters 35–49](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/16.md)
17. [Book XXXIV · chapters 50–62](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/17.md)
18. [Book XXXV · chapters 1–14](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18.md)
19. [Book XXXV · chapters 14–27](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/19.md)
20. [Book XXXV · chapters 27–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/20.md)
21. [Book XXXV · chapters 38–51](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21.md)
22. [Book XXXVI · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/22.md)
23. [Book XXXVI · chapters 10–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/23.md)
24. [Book XXXVI · chapters 20–34](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24.md)
25. [Book XXXVI · chapters 34–45](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/25.md)
26. [Book XXXVII · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/26.md)
27. [Book XXXVII · chapters 12–25](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/27.md)
28. [Book XXXVII · chapters 25–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/28.md)
29. [Book XXXVII · chapters 38–50](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/29.md)
30. [Book XXXVII · chapters 51–60](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/30.md)
31. [Book XXXVIII · chapters 1–14](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/31.md)
32. [Book XXXVIII · chapters 14–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/32.md)
33. [Book XXXVIII · chapters 25–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33.md)
34. [Book XXXVIII · chapters 38–48](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/34.md)
35. [Book XXXVIII · chapters 48–60](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/35.md)
36. [Book XXXIX · chapters 1–13](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36.md)
37. [Book XXXIX · chapters 13–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/37.md)
38. [Book XXXIX · chapters 25–34](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/38.md)
39. [Book XXXIX · chapters 34–44](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/39.md)
40. [Book XXXIX · chapters 44–56](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/40.md)
41. [Book XL · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41.md)
42. [Book XL · chapters 12–22](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42.md)
43. [Book XL · chapters 22–34](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/43.md)
44. [Book XL · chapters 35–45](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/44.md)
45. [Book XL · chapters 46–59](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45.md)

## 1. Book XXXI · chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. I also am relieved, just as if I myself had shared the labour and the peril, that I have come to the end of the Punic War.

> Latin: 1.1. me quoque iuvat, velut ipse in parte laboris ac periculi fuerim, ad finem belli Punici pervenisse.

[¶1] 1.2. For while it is not at all fitting that one who has ventured to promise to write the whole history of Rome should grow wearied in dealing with the single portions of so great a task, nevertheless, when I reflect that sixty-three years — the space between the outbreak of the First and the end of the Second Punic War — have filled as many books for me as were required for the four hundred and

> Latin: 1.2. nam etsi profiteri ausum perscripturum res omnis Romanas in partibus singulis tanti operis fatigari minime conveniat, tamen, cum in mentem venit tris et sexaginta annos— tot enim sunt a primo Punico ad secundum bellum finitum—

[¶2] 1.4. eighty-seven years from the founding of the city to the consulship of Appius Claudius (who began the first war with the Carthaginians), already I see in my mind's eye that, like men who, attracted by the shallow water near the shore, wade out into the sea, I am being carried on, whatever progress I make, into depths more vast and, as it were, into the abyss, and that the task almost waxes greater which, as I finished each of the earlier portions, seemed to be growing smaller.

> Latin: 1.4. aeque multa volumina occupasse mihi, quam occupaverint quadringenti octoginta septem anni a condita urbe ad Ap. Claudium consulem, qui primum bellum Carthaginiensibus intulit, iam provideo animo, velut qui proximis litori vadis inducti mare pedibus ingrediuntur, quidquid progredior, in vastiorem me altitudinem ac velut profundum invehi, et crescere paene opus, quod prima quaeque perficiendo minui videbatur.

[¶3] 1.6. The Punic peace was followed by the Macedonian war, which, although in no wise comparable as regards its danger, or the prowess of the leader, or the strength of the military forces employed, yet, because of the fame of Macedonia's ancient kings and the ancient glory of the nation and the vast extent of its empire, in which it had at one time gained by its arms dominion over large portions of Europe and the greater part of Asia, was almost more celebrated.

> Latin: 1.6. pacem Punicam bellum Macedonicum excepit, periculo haudquaquam comparandum aut virtute ducis aut militum robore, claritate regum antiquorum vetustaque fama gentis et magnitudine imperii, quo multa quondam Europae, maiorem partem Asiae obtinuerant armis, prope nobilius.

[¶4] 1.8. Now the war with Philip, begun about ten years before this time, had some time before been laid aside for a period of three years, the Aetolians being the cause of the truce as they had been of the beginning of hostilities.

> Latin: 1.8. ceterum coeptum bellum adversus Philippum decem ferme ante annis triennio prius depositum erat, cum Aetoli et belli et pacis fuissent causa.

[¶5] 1.9. Then later the Romans, being at last unoccupied by any war, as a result of the peace with Carthage, and being indignant with Philip both because of the treacherous peace which he had concluded with the Aetolians and the other allies in that region, and because of the military assistance and money which he had recently sent to Hannibal and the Carthaginians in Africa, were aroused by the prayers of the Athenians, whom Philip had driven into the city by the ravaging of their fields, into renewing the war.

> Latin: 1.9. vacuos deinde pace Punica iam Romanos et infensos Philippo cum ob infidam adversus Aetolos aliosque regionis eiusdem socios pacem, tum ob auxilia cum pecunia nuper in Africam missa Hannibali Poenisque preces Atheniensium, quos agro pervastato in urbem compulerat, excitaverunt ad renovandum bellum.

[¶6] 2.1. At about the same time, ambassadors both from King Attalus of Pergamum and from the Rhodians arrived in Rome and brought word that the cities of Asia also were being stirred up to discontent.

> Latin: 2.1. sub idem fere tempus et ab Attalo rege et Rhodiis legati venerunt nuntiantes Asiae quoque civitates sollicitari.

[¶7] 2.2. To these embassies the senate replied that they would look into the matter, and the whole question of the Macedonian war was referred to the consuls who were then in the provinces.

> Latin: 2.2. his legationibus responsum est curae eam rem senatui fore; consultatio de Macedonico bello integra ad consules, qui tunc in provinciis erant, reiecta est.

[¶8] 2.3. Meanwhile three ambassadors, Gaius Claudius Nero, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, were sent to King Ptolemy of Egypt, to announce the defeat of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, to thank the king because, in a critical time, when even allies nearer home had revolted, he had remained loyal, and to ask that if the Romans, compelled by their wrongs, should declare war on Philip, he should preserve his ancient attitude toward the Roman people.

> Latin: 2.3. interim ad Ptolomaeum, Aegypti regem, legati tres missi, C. Claudius Nero, M. Aemilius Lepidus, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, ut nuntiarent victum Hannibalem Poenosque et gratias agerent regi, quod in rebus dubiis, cum finitimi etiam socii Romanos desererent, in fide mansisset, et peterent, ut, si coacti iniuriis bellum adversus Philippum suscepissent, pristinum animum erga populum Romanum conservaret.

[¶9] 2.5. At about the same time the consul, Publius Aelius, who was in Gaul, having learned that before his arrival the Boi had been raiding the fields of the allies, enrolled an emergency force of two legions, to deal with this uprising, and adding to them four cohorts from his own army, he ordered Gaius Ampius, the commander of the allied forces, to take this improvised force and with it to invade the territory of the Boi, marching by way of Umbria, through the district known as the tribus Sapinia.

> Latin: 2.5. eodem fere tempore P. Aelius consul in Gallia, cum audisset a Boiis ante suum adventum incursiones in agros sociorum factas, duabus legionibus subitariis tumultus eius causa scriptis additisque ad eas quattuor cohortibus de exercitu suo C.

[¶10] 2.6. Aelius himself led his forces thither by the open road over the mountains. Ampius, after entering the enemy's country, at first conducted raids with considerable success and without losses; then, choosing, near the fortified town of Mutilum, a camp-site suitable for reaping the crops — for the grain was now ripe — he set out without reconnoitring the neighbourhood or establishing sufficiently strong posts of armed men to protect the unarmed parties who were intent upon the work, and, when the Gauls made an unexpected attack, he and his foragers were surrounded.

> Latin: 2.6. Ampium. praefectum socium, hac tumultuaria manu per Umbriam, qua tribum Sapiniam vocant, agrum Boiorum invadere iussit; ipse eodem aperto itinere per montes duxit. Ampius ingressus hostium fines primo populationes satis prospere ac tuto fecit; delecto deinde ad castrum Mutilum satis idoneo loco ad demetenda frumenta—iam enim maturae erant segetes—profectus neque explorato circa nec stationibus satis firmis, quae armatae inermis atque operi intentos tutarentur, positis improviso impetu Gallorum cum frumentatoribus est circumventus.

[¶11] 2.8. Thereupon terror and panic laid hold even of those who were under arms.

> Latin: 2.8. inde pavor fugaque etiam armatos cepit.

[¶12] 2.9. About seven thousand men, scattered through the grain-fields, were killed, among them Gaius Ampius himself, the officer in command; the rest were driven by terror into the camp.

> Latin: 2.9. ad septem milia hominum palata per segetes sunt caesa, inter quos ipse C. Ampius praefectus;

[¶13] 2.10. Thence, on the next night, there being no one definitely in command, the soldiers by general consent abandoned most of their possessions, and travelling through well-nigh impassable forests rejoined the consul.

> Latin: 2.10. ceteri in castra metu compulsi. inde sine certo duce consensu militari proxima nocte relicta magna parte rerum suarum ad consulem per saltus prope invios pervenere.

[¶14] 2.11. He, having in his province accomplished nothing worth mentioning, except that he had ravaged the fields of the Boi and had made a treaty with the Ingauni Ligures, returned to Rome.

> Latin: 2.11. qui, nisi quod populatus est Boiorum finis et cum Ingaunis Liguribus foedus icit, nihil quod esset memorabile aliud in provincia cum gessisset, Romam rediit.

[¶15] 3.1. At the first meeting of the senate, when all the members insisted that no business should have precedence over the question of Philip and the allies' complaints, the matter was at once taken up for consideration and a motion passed in a full session, that Publius Aelius the consul should send a suitable person of his own selection, vested with military authority, to take over the fleet which Gnaeus Octavius was bringing from Sicily, and then cross over to Macedonia.

> Latin: 3.1. cum primum senatum habuit, universis postulantibus, ne quam prius rem quam de Philippo ac sociorum querellis ageret, relatum extemplo est; decrevitque frequens senatus, ut P. Aelius consul quem videretur ei cum imperio mitteret, qui classe accepta, quam ex Sicilia Cn. Octavius reduceret, in Macedoniam traiceret.

[¶16] 3.3. Marcus Valerius Laevinus was sent with the rank of propraetor, and receiving thirty-eight ships from Gnaeus Octavius in the neighbourhood of Vibo, he took them across to Macedonia.

> Latin: 3.3. M. Valerius Laevinus propraetor missus circa Vibonem duodequadraginta navibus ab Cn. Octavio acceptis in Macedoniam transmisit.

[¶17] 3.4. There Marcus Aurelius the commissioner met him and informed him what mighty armies, what a great number of ships the king had assembled, and in what fashion he was rousing men to armed revolt, not only in all the cities of the mainland but in the islands as well, partly by visiting them in person, partly through his agents;

> Latin: 3.4. ad quem cum M. Aurelius legatus venisset edocuissetque eum, quantos exercitus, quantum navium numerum comparasset rex, quem ad modum circa omnis non continentis modo urbes sed etiam insulas partim ipse adeundo, partim per legatos conciret homines ad arma:

[¶18] 3.6. and the two agreed that the Romans must undertake the war with greater vigour, lest while they delayed Philip should venture to do what Pyrrhus before him had done, with a considerably less powerful empire, and that Aurelius should forward this information in writing to the consuls and senate.

> Latin: 3.6. maiore conatu Romanis id capessendum bellum esse, ne cunctantibus iis auderet Philippus, quod Pyrrhus prius ausus ex aliquanto minore regno esset, haec scribere eadem Aurelium consulibus senatuique placuit.

[¶19] 4.1. At the end of this year, when a proposal was made for a distribution of land to the veterans who had brought to an end the war in Africa under the leadership and auspices of Publius Scipio, the Fathers voted that Marcus Junius, the praetor of the city, should, if it seemed advisable to him, appoint a board of ten to survey and assign such lands in Samnium and Apulia as were the public property of this the Roman people.

> Latin: 4.1. exitu huius anni cum de agris veterum militum relatum esset, qui ductu atque auspicio P. Scipionis in Africa bellum perfecissent, decreverunt patres, ut M. Iunius praetor urbanus, si ei videretur, decemviros agro Samniti Apuloque, quod eius publicum populi Romani esset, metiendo dividendoque crearet.

[¶20] 4.3. The board selected consisted of Publius Servilius, Quintus Caecilius Metellus, Gaius and Marcus Servilius (both having the surname Geminus), Lucius and Aulus Hostilius Cato, Publius Villius Tappulus, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, Publius Aelius Paetus, and Titus Quinctius Flamininus.

> Latin: 4.3. creati P. Servilius, Q. Caecilius Metellus, C. et M. Servilii —Geminis ambobus cognomen erat—, L. et A. Hostilii Catones, P. Villius Tappulus, M. Fulvius Flaccus, P. Aelius Paetus, T. Quinctius Flamininus.

[¶21] 4.4. At this time, the consul Publius Aelius holding the elections, Publius Sulpicius Galba and Gaius Aurelius Cotta were chosen consuls, and later Quintus Minucius Rufus, Lucius Furius Purpurio, Quintus Fulvius Gillo, and Gaius Sergius Plautus were elected praetors.

> Latin: 4.4. per eos dies P. Aelio consule comitia habente creati consules P. Sulpicius Galba, C. Aurelius Cotta. praetores exinde facti Q. Minucius Rufus, L. Furius Purpurio, Q. Fulvius Gillo, C. Sergius Plautus.

[¶22] 4.5. Dramatic performances at the Roman Games in that year were given with splendour and magnificence by the curule aediles, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Lucius Quinctius Flamininus; the performance of two days was renewed;

> Latin: 4.5. ludi Romani scaenici eo anno magnifice apparateque facti ab aedilibus curulibus L. Valerio Flacco et L. Quinctio Flaminino;

[¶23] 4.6. a huge quantity of grain, sent from Africa by Publius Scipio, they sold to the populace at four asses a measure, with the most scrupulous fairness and to the great satisfaction of the people.

> Latin: 4.6. biduum instauratum est; frumentique vim ingentem, quod ex Africa P. Scipio miserat, quaternis aeris populo cum summa fide et gratia diviserunt.

[¶24] 4.7. Also the Plebeian Games, entire, were thrice repeated by the plebeian aediles, Lucius Apustius Fullo and Quintus Minucius Rufus; the latter was chosen praetor at the close of his term as aedile. A banquet to Jupiter was likewise held in connection with the games.

> Latin: 4.7. et plebeii ludi ter toti instaurati ab aedilibus plebi L. Apustio Fullone et Q. Minucio Rufo, qui ex aedilitate praetor creatus erat. et Iovis epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[¶25] 5.1. In the five hundred and fifty-first year from B.. 200 the founding of the city, in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius Galba and Gaius Aurelius, war was declared against King Philip, a few months after peace had been granted to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 5.1. anno quingentesimo quinquagesimo primo ab urbe condita, P. Sulpicio Galba C. Aurelio consulibus, bellum cum rege Philippo initum est, paucis mensibus post pacem Carthaginiensibus datam.

[¶26] 5.2. On the Ides of March, the day on which the new magistrates were inaugurated at that period, the consul Publius Sulpicius first of all offered a motion, which the senate passed, that the consuls should perform a sacrifice of full-grown victims to whatever gods should seem best to them, and should at the same time make this prayer:

> Latin: 5.2. omnium primum eam rem idibus Martiis, quo die tum consulatus inibatur, P. Sulpicius consul rettulit, senatusque decrevit, uti consules maioribus hostiis rem divinam facerent quibus diis ipsis videretur cum precatione ea:

[¶27] 5.4. “Whatever the senate and the Roman people shall resolve for the common good and with reference to beginning a new war, may this decision turn out well and happily for the Roman people, the allies, and the Latin name;” that after the sacrifice and prayer they should lay before the senate the question of the public weal and of the provinces.

> Latin: 5.4. ‘quod senatus populusque Romanus de re publica deque ineundo novo bello in animo haberet, ea res uti populo Romano sociisque ac nomini Latino bene ac feliciter eveniret’; secundum rem divinam precationemque ut de re publica deque provinciis senatum consulerent.

[¶28] 5.5. In these days two things occurred opportunely for arousing popular sentiment in favour of the war: the arrival of the dispatches from the commissioner Marcus Aurelius and Marcus Laevinus the propraetor, and the coming of a new embassy from the Athenians, which brought word that the king was approaching their borders and that in a short time not only their farms but Athens itself would be in his power unless there should be some assistance from the Romans.

> Latin: 5.5. per eos dies opportune irritandis ad bellum animis et litterae ab M. Aurelio legato et M. Valerio Laevino propraetore adlatae et Atheniensium nova legatio venit, quae regem appropinquare finibus suis nuntiaret, brevique non agros modo, sed urbem etiam in dicione eius futuram, nisi quid in Romanis auxilii foret.

[¶29] 5.7. When the consuls had reported that the sacrifices had been duly performed and that the gods had given approval to their prayers, that the soothsayers had given answer that the entrails were propitious and portended an extension of territory, victory, and a triumph, then the letters of Valerius and Aurelius were read and the Athenian embassy given audience.

> Latin: 5.7. cum renuntiassent consules rem divinam rite peractam esse et precationi annuisse deos haruspices respondere laetaque exta fuisse et prolationem finium victoriamque et triumphum portendi, tum litterae Valerii Aureliique lectae et legati Atheniensium auditi.

[¶30] 5.8. The senate next decreed that the allies should be thanked because, though long harassed, they had not been led even by fear of siege to break their faith;

> Latin: 5.8. senatus inde consultum factum est, ut sociis gratiae agerentur, quo diu sollicitati ne obsidionis quidem metu fide decessissent;

[¶31] 5.9. with regard to sending aid, it was the senate's intention to answer their appeal when the consuls had been allotted their provinces and that consul to whom the province of Macedonia had fallen had proposed to the people a declaration of war upon Philip, King of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 5.9. de auxilio mittendo tum responderi placere, cum consules provincias sortiti essent atque is consul, cui Macedonia provincia evenisset, ad populum tulisset, ut Philippo, regi Macedonum, indiceretur bellum. P. Sulpicio provincia Macedonia sorti evenit, isque rogationem promulgavit, vellent iuberent Philippo regi Macedonibusque, qui sub regno eius essent, ob iniurias armaque illata sociis populi Romani bellum indici.

[¶32] 6.1. Macedonia was assigned by lot to Publius Sulpicius as his province, and he submitted to the popular assembly the question whether they wished and ordered that war be declared upon King Philip and the Macedonians over whom he ruled, on account of the injuries he had inflicted and the war he had made on the allies of the Roman people. To the other consul, Aurelius, the province of Italy was assigned.

> Latin: 6.1. alteri consulum Aurelio Italia provincia obtigit. praetores exinde sortiti sunt C. Sergius Plautus urbanam, Q. Fulvius Gillo Siciliam, Q. Minucius Rufus Bruttios, L. Furius Purpurio Galliam.

[¶33] 6.3. Next the praetors received their assignments, Gaius Sergius Plautus the praetorship of the city, Quintus Fulvius Gillo the governorship of Sicily, while Bruttium fell to Quintus Minucius Rufus and Gaul to Lucius Furius Purpurio. The motion regarding the Macedonian war was defeated at the first meeting of the assembly by the votes of almost all the centuries.

> Latin: 6.3. rogatio de bello Macedonico primis comitiis ab omnibus ferme centuriis antiquata est. id cum fessi diuturnitate et gravitate belli sua sponte homines taedio periculorum laborumque fecerant, tum Q.

[¶34] 6.4. This action was taken spontaneously by men who were worn out by a war of long duration and great severity, so weary were they of hardships and perils; furthermore, Quintus Baebius, the tribune of the plebs, pursuing the once-usual course of attacking the Fathers, had taunted them with sowing the seeds of war upon war, that the common people might never enjoy peace.

> Latin: 6.4. Baebius tribunus plebis, viam antiquam criminandi patres ingressus, incusaverat bella ex bellis seri, ne pace umquam frui plebs posset.

[¶35] 6.5. The senate was annoyed at this; the tribune was assailed with abuse in the senate, and each member independently urged the consul to summon the assembly again to consider the motion, to upbraid the people for its supineness, and to make clear what danger and disgrace such postponement of the war would cause.

> Latin: 6.5. aegre eam rem passi patres, laceratusque probris in senatu tribunus plebis, et consulem pro se quisque hortari, ut de integro comitia rogationi ferendae ediceret castigaretque segnitiam populi atque edoceret, quanto damno dedecorique dilatio ea belli futura esset.

[¶36] 7.1. The consul therefore, at the meeting in the Campus Martius, calling an informal meeting before he put the question to the centuries, spoke thus: “It seems to me, citizens, that you do not realize that the question before you is not whether you will have peace or war — for Philip will not leave that matter open for your decision, seeing that he is preparing a mighty war on land and sea — but whether you are to send your legions across to Macedonia or meet the enemy ”

> Latin: 7.1. consul in campo Martio comitiis, priusquam centurias in suffragium mitteret, contione advocata ‘ ignorare’ inquit ‘mihi videmini, Quirites, non, utrum bellum an pacem habeatis, vos consuli—neque enim liberum id vobis Philippus permittet, qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur—, sed, utrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis, an hostes in Italiam accipiatis.

[¶37] 7.3. “in Italy. What a difference that makes, if you never knew before, you found out at least in the recent Punic war. For who doubts that if, when the Saguntines were besieged and were invoking our protection, we had promptly sent aid to them, as our fathers did to the Mamertines, we should have diverted the whole war to Spain, whereas by our delay we admitted it to Italy, with infinite losses ” “to ourselves?

> Latin: 7.3. hoc quantum intersit, si numquam alias, [Punico] proximo certe bello experti estis. quis enim dubitat, quin, si Saguntinis obsessis fidemque nostram inplorantibus inpigre tulissemus opem, sicut patres nostri Mamertinis tulerant, totum in Hispaniam aversuri bellum fuerimus, quod cunctando cum summa clade nostra in Italiam accepimus?

[¶38] 7.4. Nor is there any doubt in the case of this same Philip, when he had already bargained with Hannibal, through ambassadors and by means of letters, to invade Italy, that when we sent Laevinus with a fleet to begin an offensive campaign against him, we kept him ” “in Macedonia.

> Latin: 7.4. ne illud quidem dubium est, quin hunc ipsum Philippum, pactum iam per legatos litterasque cum Hannibale, ut in Italiam traiceret, misso cum classe Laevino, qui ultro ei bellum inferret, in Macedonia continuerimus.

[¶39] 7.5. And that which we did then, when we had Hannibal fighting in Italy, do we hesitate to do now, when Hannibal has been driven out and the ” “Carthaginians conquered?

> Latin: 7.5. et quod tunc fecimus, cum hostem Hannibalem in Italia haberemus, id nunc pulso Italia Hannibale, devictis Carthaginiensibus cunctamur facere?

[¶40] 7.6. Let us permit the king by the capture of Athens, as we permitted Hannibal by the capture of Saguntum, to see how slow we are ” “to act: not in five months, as when Hannibal came from Saguntum, but in five days after he sets sail from Corinth, Philip will arrive ”

> Latin: 7.6. patiamur expugnandis Athenis, sicut Sagunto expugnando Hannibalem passi sumus, segnitiam nostram experiri regem: non quinto inde mense, quem ad modum ab Sagunto Hannibal, sed quinto [inde] die, quam ab Corintho solverit naves, in Italiam perveniet.

[¶41] 7.8. “in Italy! You need not compare Philip with Hannibal nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians; you will compare him at least with Pyrrhus. Compare, did I say? How great is the superiority, man to man or nation ” “to nation!

> Latin: 7.8. ne aequaveritis Hannibali Philippum nec Carthaginiensibus Macedonas; Pyrrho certe aequabitis. aequabitis dico? quantum vel vir viro vel gens genti praestat! minima accessio semper Epirus regno Macedoniae fuit et hodie est.

[¶42] 7.9. Epirus has always been and is to-day a mere appendage to the Macedonian empire. Philip has under his control the whole of the Peloponnesus and Argos itself, famed not so much in ancient story as for the death ” “of Pyrrhus.

> Latin: 7.9. Peloponnesum totam in dicione Philippus habet Argosque ipsos, non vetere fama magis quam morte Pyrrhi nobilitatos.

[¶43] 7.10. Now compare our situation: How much more prosperous was Italy, how much greater her resources; her leaders alive, so many armies intact, which the Punic war later destroyed. Yet when Pyrrhus attacked he shattered her at a blow and came a conqueror almost to the gates ” “of Rome!

> Latin: 7.10. nostra nunc compara. quanto magis florentem Italiam, quanto magis integras res, salvis ducibus, salvis tot exercitibus, quos Punicum postea bellum absumpsit, adgressus Pyrrhus tamen concussit et victor prope ad ipsam urbem Romanam venit!

[¶44] 7.11. Not only the Tarentines and that part of the Italian coast which men call' Greater Greece,' so that one would expect them to have followed the Greek language and name, but the Lucanian, the Bruttian, the Samnite revolted ” “from us.

> Latin: 7.11. nec Tarentini modo oraque illa Italiae, quam maiorem Graeciam vocant, ut linguam, ut nomen secutos crederes, sed Lucanus et Bruttius et Samnis ab nobis defecerunt.

[¶45] 7.12. Do you think that these peoples will remain quiet and steadfast if Philip invades Italy? 'Yes,' you say, ' for they did in the later Punic war.' Never will these peoples fail to revolt unless there is no enemy at hand for them ” “to join.

> Latin: 7.12. haec vos, si Philippus in Italiam transmiserit, quietura aut mansura in fide creditis? manserunt enim Punico postea bello. numquam isti populi, nisi cum deerit, ad quem desciscant, ab nobis non deficient.

[¶46] 7.13. If you had been reluctant to invade Africa, you would have Hannibal and the Carthaginians fighting in Italy to-day. Let Macedonia, not Italy, have war; let it be the enemy's farms and cities that are laid waste with fire and sword. We have already learned from experience that our arms are more fortunate and powerful abroad than ” “at home.

> Latin: 7.13. si piguisset vos in Africam traicere, hodie in Italia Hannibalem et Carthaginiensis hostis haberetis. Macedonia potius quam Italia bellum habeat;

[¶47] 7.14. Go to vote, then, with the blessing of the gods, and ratify what the senate ” “has proposed. It is not the consul alone who supports this opinion before you: the immortal gods themselves favour it, for when I offered sacrifice and prayer that this war should turn out successfully for me, the senate and for you, for the allies and the Latin confederacy, and for our fleets and armies, they gave all favourable and propitious signs.”

> Latin: 7.14. hostium urbes agrique ferro atque igni vastentur; experti iam sumus foris nobis quam domi feliciora potentioraque arma esse. ite in suffragium bene iuvantibus divis et, quae patres censuerunt, sed etiam dii immortales, qui mihi sacrificanti precantique, ut hoc bellum mihi, senatui vobisque, sociis ac nomini Latino, classibus exercitibusque nostris bene ac feliciter eveniret, laeta omnia prosperaque portendere.

[¶48] 8.1. After this speech they were dismissed to vote and ordered the war.

> Latin: 8.1. ’ ab hac oratione in suffragium missi, uti rogaret, bellum iusserunt.

[¶49] 8.2. A three-day period of supplication was then declared by the consuls on the authorization of the senate, and the gods were implored at all their seats, that this war which the people had declared upon Philip might succeed and prosper.

> Latin: 8.2. supplicatio inde a consulibus in triduum ex senatus consulto indicta est, obsecratique circa omnia pulvinaria dii, ut, quod bellum cum Philippo populus iussisset, id bene ac feliciter eveniret, consultique fetiales ab consule Sulpicio, bellum, quod indiceretur regi Philippo, utrum ipsi utique nuntiari iuberent, an satis esset, in finibus regni quod proximum praesidium esset, eo nuntiari.

[¶50] 8.3. The fetials were consulted by the consul whether they would direct that the declaration of war against King Philip be delivered to him in person, or whether it was sufficient to announce it at the first fortified post in his territory. The fetials replied that in whichever way he acted he would act correctly. The consul was permitted by the Fathers to send anyone he chose, other than a senator, to declare war upon the king. They then took up the question of armies for the consuls and praetors.

> Latin: 8.3. fetiales decreverunt, utrum eorum fecisset, recte facturum. consuli a patribus permissum, ut, quem videretur ex iis, qui extra senatum essent, legatum mitteret ad bellum regi indicendum.

[¶51] 8.5. The consuls were authorized to enrol two legions each and to discharge the veterans.

> Latin: 8.5. tum de exercitibus consulum praetorumque actum. consules binas legiones scribere iussi, veteres dimittere exercitus.

[¶52] 8.6. Sulpicius, to whom had been assigned the command in a new and important war, was allowed to enlist volunteers, as he could, from the army brought back from Africa by Publius Scipio, but was permitted to enrol no veteran against his will.

> Latin: 8.6. Sulpicio, cui novum ac magni nominis bellum decretum erat, permissum, ut de exercitu, quem P. Scipio ex Africa deportasset, voluntarios, quos posset, duceret; invitum ne quem militem veterem ducendi ius esset.

[¶53] 8.7. To each of the praetors, Lucius Furius Purpurio and Quintus Minucius Rufus, the consuls were to give five thousand allies of the Latin confederacy, and with these garrisons they were to guard their provinces of Gaul and Bruttium respectively.

> Latin: 8.7. praetoribus L. Furio Purpurioni et Q. Minucio Rufo quina milia socium Latini nominis consules darent, quibus praesidiis alter Galliam, alter Bruttios provinciam obtineret.

[¶54] 8.8. Quintus Fulvius Gillo likewise was authorized to draft soldiers from the army which Publius Aelius had commanded as consul, choosing those who had been in the ranks for the shortest periods, until he too had made up the number of five thousand of the allies and the Latin confederacy; this force was to garrison the province of Sicily.

> Latin: 8.8. Q. Fulvius Gillo ipse iussus ex eo exercitu, quem P. Aelius consul habuisset, ut quisque minime multa stipendia haberet, legere, donec et ipse quinque milia socium ac nominis Latini effecisset:

[¶55] 8.9. The command of Marcus Valerius Falto, who, as praetor, had held the province of Campania the year before, was extended for a year, so that, as propraetor, he should cross to Sardinia;

> Latin: 8.9. id praesidii Siciliae provinciae esset. M. Valerio Faltoni, qui praetor priore anno Campaniam provinciam habuerat, prorogatum in annum imperium est, uti propraetor in Sardiniam traiceret:

[¶56] 8.10. he too was to enlist, from the army there, five thousand of the allies and the Latin confederacy, choosing those who had served for the shortest periods.

> Latin: 8.10. is quoque de exercitu, qui ibi esset, quinque milia socium nominis Latini, qui eorum minime multa stipendia haberent, legeret.

[¶57] 8.11. The consuls were authorized to enrol two city legions as well, to be sent wherever need arose, since many tribes of Italy had been affected by the contagion of the Punic war and were in a restless state. Thus Rome proposed to use six legions that year.

> Latin: 8.11. et consules duas urbanas legiones scribere iussi, quae, si quo res posceret, multis in Italia contactis gentibus Punici belli societate iraque inde tumentibus, mitterentur. sex legionibus Romanis eo anno usura res publica erat.

[¶58] 9.1. In the midst of the preparations for the war, ambassadors arrived from King Ptolemy, to say that the Athenians had asked the king's aid against Philip, but that, although they were allies in common, the king would send no fleet or army to Greece to defend or attack anyone without the authorization of the Roman people;

> Latin: 9.1. in ipso adparatu belli legati a rege Ptolomaeo venerunt, qui nuntiarent Athenienses adversus Philippum petisse ab rege auxilium; ceterum, etsi communes socii sint, tamen nisi ex auctoritate populi Romani neque classem neque exercitum defendendi aut oppugnandi cuiusquam causa regem in Graeciam missurum esse;

[¶59] 9.3. he would either remain quiet at home, if the Romans planned to defend their allies, or permit the Romans to stay at home, if they preferred, and himself send such forces as could easily defend Athens against Philip.

> Latin: 9.3. vel quieturum eum in regno, si populo Romano socios defendere libeat, vel Romanos quiescere, si malint, passurum atque ipsum auxilia, quae facile adversus Philippum tueri Athenas possent, missurum.

[¶60] 9.4. The senate thanked the king, saying that it was the intention of the Roman people to defend its allies; if need of anything for this war arose, they would inform the king, knowing that the resources of his kingdom were firm and trustworthy supports of the republic. Gifts of five thousand asses each were then presented to the ambassadors by order of the senate.

> Latin: 9.4. gratiae regi ab senatu actae responsumque tutari socios populo Romano in animo esse; si qua re ad id bellum opus sit, indicaturos regi regnique eius opes scire subsidia firma ac fidelia suae rei publicae esse.

[¶61] 9.5. While the consuls were levying troops and preparing what was needful for the war, the state, ever concerned with religion, especially at the outset of new wars, having held thanksgivings and offered prayers at all the seats of the gods, that nothing might be left undone which had ever been done before, ordered the consul to whom the province of Macedonia had been assigned to vow games and a gift to Jupiter.

> Latin: 9.5. munera deinde legatis in singulos quinum milium aeris ex senatus consulto missa. cum dilectum consules haberent pararentque, quae ad bellum opus essent, civitas religiosa, in principiis maxime novorum bellorum, supplicationibus habitis iam et obsecratione circa omnia pulvinaria facta, ne quid praetermitteretur, quod aliquando factum esset, ludos Iovi donumque vovere consulem, cui provincia Macedonia evenisset, iussit.

[¶62] 9.7. A delay in the matter of this public vow was caused by Licinius the pontifex maximus, who said that a vow for an indefinite sum was not allowable; that a specific sum should be vowed, because this money could not be used for war, but should be set aside at once and not mixed with other moneys; if this happened, he said, the vow could not be fulfilled in strict conformity to its terms. Although the consul was moved both by the argument and its author, he was nevertheless directed to appeal to the college of priests, to learn whether a vow for an indeterminate sum could properly be undertaken.

> Latin: 9.7. moram voto publico Licinius pontifex maximus attulit, qui negavit ex incerta pecunia vovere licere; ex certa voveri debere, quia ea pecunia non posset in bellum usui esse seponique statim deberet nec cum alia pecunia misceri; quod si factum esset, votum rite solvi non posse.

[¶63] 9.8. The pontiffs replied that it was possible and even more correct. The consul, at the dictation of the pontifex maximus, recited his vow in the language formerly used in connection with the quinquennial games, with the exception that he promised games and a gift of an amount to be determined by the senate at the time the vow was paid.

> Latin: 9.8. quamquam et res et auctor movebat, tamen ad collegium pontificum referre consul iussus, si posset recte votum incertae pecuniae suscipi. posse rectiusque etiam esse pontifices decreverunt. vovit in eadem verba consul praeeunte maximo pontifice, quibus antea quinquennalia vota suscipi solita erant, praeterquam quod tanta pecunia, quantam tum, cum solveretur, senatus censuisset, ludos donaque facturum vovit.

[¶64] 9.10. The great games had been vowed eight times before for definite sums; this was the first vow for an indefinite amount.

> Latin: 9.10. octiens ante ludi magni de certa pecunia voti erant; hi primi de incerta.

[¶65] 10.1. While the thoughts of all were concentrated on the Macedonian war and fearful of nothing less at the moment, news came of an uprising in Gaul.

> Latin: 10.1. omnium animis in bellum Macedonicum versis repente, nihil minus eo tempore timentibus, Gallici tumultus fama exorta.

[¶66] 10.2. The Insubres, the Cenomani, and the Boi had roused the Celines, the Ilvates and the other Ligustini, and these tribes, under the leadership of Hamilcar the Carthaginian, who had remained in that region, a survivor of Hasdrubal's army, had attacked Placentia.

> Latin: 10.2. Insubres Cenomanique et Boii excitis Celinibus Ilvatibusque et ceteris Ligustinis populis Hamilcare Poeno duce, qui in iis locis de Hasdrubalis exercitu substiterat, Placentiam invaserant;

[¶67] 10.3. After plundering the city and burning most of it in their fury, they had left barely two thousand men alive among the flames and ruins, and then had crossed the Po and gone to destroy Cremona.

> Latin: 10.3. et direpta urbe ac per iram magna ex parte incensa, vix duobus milibus hominum inter incendia ruinasque relictis, traiecto Pado ad Cremonam diripiendam pergunt.

[¶68] 10.4. The news of the disaster to the neighbouring city gave the colonists time to close the gates and man the walls, so that, in spite of these measures, a siege began before the town was assaulted and before they could send messengers to the Roman praetor.

> Latin: 10.4. vicinae urbis audita clades spatium colonis dedit ad claudendas portas praesidiaque per muros disponenda, ut obsiderentur tamen prius quam expugnarentur nuntiosque mitterent ad praetorem Romanum.

[¶69] 10.5. Lucius Furius Purpurio was then governor of the province, and had discharged the rest of his army by order of the senate, retaining only five thousand of the allies and the Latin confederacy; with these troops he was encamped in the vicinity of Ariminum, in the part of the province nearest Rome.

> Latin: 10.5. L. Furius Purpurio tum provinciae praeerat cetero ex senatus consulto exercitu dimisso praeter quinque milia socium ac Latini nominis; cum iis copiis in proxima regione provinciae circa Ariminum substiterat. is tum senatui scripsit, quo in tumultu provincia esset:

[¶70] 10.6. He thereupon sent a message to the senate, telling in what confusion the province was: one of the two colonies which had escaped the mighty storm of the Punic war had been captured and sacked by the enemy, the other was besieged;

> Latin: 10.6. duarum coloniarum, quae ingentem illam tempestatem Punici belli subterfugissent, alteram captam ac direptam ab hostibus, alteram oppugnari;

[¶71] 10.7. his own army would be too weak to assist the colonists in their need, unless the senate wishes to deliver five thousand allies to be butchered by forty thousand enemies — for so many were in arms — and the minds of the enemy, already puffed up by the destruction of a Roman colony, to be further encouraged by the slaughter of so many of his own men.

> Latin: 10.7. nec in exercitu suo satis praesidii colonis laborantibus fore, nisi quinque milia socium quadraginta milibus hostium—tot enim in armis esse—trucidanda obicere velit, et tanta sua clade iam inflatos excidio coloniae Romanae augeri hostium animos.

[¶72] 11.1. When this news came, the senate voted that Gaius Aurelius the consul should order that the army, for which he had designated a date on which to assemble in Etruria, should come together the same day at Ariminum, and that either Aurelius himself, if the interests of the state permitted, should set out to suppress the Gallic revolt, or else he should notify the praetor that when the legions from Etruria joined him he should send in their stead five thousand of the allies, to serve as a temporary garrison for Etruria, and that he himself should march to raise the siege of the colony.

> Latin: 11.1. his litteris recitatis decreverunt, ut C. Aurelius consul exercitum, cui in Etruriam ad conveniendum diem edixerat, Arimini eadem die adesse iuberet et aut ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, ad opprimendum Gallicum tumultum proficisceretur aut Q. Minucio praetori scriberet, ut, cum ad eum legiones ex Etruria venissent, missis in vicem earum quinque milibus sociorum, quae interim Etruriae praesidio essent, proficisceretur ipse ad coloniam liberandam obsidione.

[¶73] 11.4. The senate also voted that ambassadors be sent to Africa on a mission to Carthage and likewise to Masinissa in Numidia.

> Latin: 11.4. legatos item mittendos in Africam censuerunt, eosdem Carthaginem, eosdem in Numidiam ad Masinissam:

[¶74] 11.5. Their message to the Carthaginians was that their fellow-citizen Hamilcar, left in Gaul — it was not certainly known whether he was from Hasdrubal's earlier army or the later expedition of Mago — was making war contrary to the treaty and had raised armies of Gauls and Ligures against the Roman people; if they wanted peace they should recall him and surrender him to the Roman people.

> Latin: 11.5. Carthaginem, ut nuntiarent civem eorum Hamilcarem relictum in Gallia—haud satis scire ex Hasdrubalis prius, an ex Magonis postea exercitu—bellum contra foedus facere, exercitus Gallorum Ligurumque excivisse ad arma contra populum Romanum; eum, si pax placeret, revocandum illis et dedendum populo Romano esse.

[¶75] 11.7. At the same time they were ordered to give notice that the Roman deserters had not all been restored to them, but that, according to report, many of them were openly living at Carthage; these were to be sought out and arrested, for return to Rome according to the treaty. Such was their mission to Carthage.

> Latin: 11.7. simul nuntiare iussi perfugas sibi non omnis redditos esse, ac magnam partem eorum palam Carthagini obversari dici; quos comprehendi conquirique debere, ut sibi ex foedere restituantur. haec ad Carthaginienses mandata.

[¶76] 11.8. As to Masinissa, they were ordered to congratulate him because he had not only recovered his ancestral possessions but had also enlarged them by the addition of the most prosperous part of the territory of Syphax.

> Latin: 11.8. Masinissae gratulari iussi, quod non patrium modo recuperasset regnum, sed parte florentissima Syphacis finium adiecta etiam auxisset.

[¶77] 11.9. They were also to say that war with King Philip had been begun, because he had sent aid to Carthage; because he had, by attacking the allies of the Roman people when Italy was being consumed by the flames of war, compelled the dispatch of fleets and armies to Greece, and, by dividing their forces, had been a chief cause of postponing the invasion of Africa. They were to ask that Masinissa send assistance in the form of Numidian cavalry.

> Latin: 11.9. nuntiare praeterea iussi bellum cum rege Philippo susceptum, quod Carthaginienses auxiliis iuvisset iniuriasque inferendo sociis populi Romani flagrante bello Italia coegisset classes exercitusque in Graeciam mitti et distinendo copias causa in primis fuisset serius in Africam traiciendi; peterentque, ut ad id bellum mitteret auxilia Numidarum equitum.

[¶78] 11.11. Ample gifts — vases of gold and silver, a purple toga, a tunic adorned with palms, an ivory sceptre, a robe of state and a curule chair — were given them to be presented to the king.

> Latin: 11.11. dona ampla data, quae ferrent regi, vasa aurea argenteaque, toga purpurea et palmata tunica cum eburneo scipione et toga praetexta cum curuli sella;

[¶79] 11.12. The ambassadors were directed to promise him that if he pointed out anything he needed to strengthen and enlarge his kingdom, the Roman people would make every effort to secure it for him, in recognition of his services to them.

> Latin: 11.12. iussique polliceri, si quid eis ad firmandum augendumque regnum opus esse indicasset, enixe id populum Romanum merito eius praestaturum.

[¶80] 11.13. At this time ambassadors to the senate came also from Vermina, the son of Syphax, who sought to make excuses for his mistakes, which were due to his youth, and placing all the blame for them on the bad faith of the Carthaginians:

> Latin: 11.13. Verminae quoque, Syphacis filii, legati per eos dies senatum adierunt excusantes errorem adulescentiamque et culpam omnem in fraudem Carthaginiensium avertentes:

[¶81] 11.14. Masinissa, they said, had become a friend to the Roman people after having been their enemy; so Vermina too would strive earnestly not to be outdone by Masinissa or anyone else in services to the Roman people; they asked that he be named king and ally and friend by the senate.

> Latin: 11.14. et Masinissam Romanis ex hoste amicum factum; Verminam quoque adnisurum, ne officiis in populum Romanum aut a Masinissa aut ab ullo alio vincatur; petere, ut rex sociusque et amicus ab senatu appellaretur.

[¶82] 11.15. The senators replied to the ambassadors that his father Syphax, once an ally and friend, had suddenly and without cause become an enemy of the Roman people; that Vermina himself had spent the beginnings of his youth in harassing the Romans in war.

> Latin: 11.15. responsum legatis est, et patrem eius Syphacem sine causa ex socio et amico hostem repente populi Romani factum, et eum ipsum rudimentum adulescentiae bello lacessentem Romanos posuisse.

[¶83] 11.16. Therefore he should seek peace from the Roman people before asking for recognition as king and ally and friend, the honour of which titles the Roman people usually conferred in return for conspicuous services towards themselves on the part of kings.

> Latin: 11.16. itaque pacem illi prius petendam ab populo Romano esse, quam ut rex sociusque et amicus appelletur; nominis eius honorem pro magnis erga se regum meritis dare populum Romanum consuesse.

[¶84] 11.17. Roman ambassadors, they said, would soon be in Africa, whom the senate would instruct to offer terms of peace to Vermina, who was to leave full discretion thereon to the Roman people; if he wished anything added to, taken from, or modified in, these terms, he should make a new request to the senate. The ambassadors sent to Africa with these instructions were Gaius Terentius Varro, Spurius Lucretius and Gnaeus Octavius.

> Latin: 11.17. legatos Romanos in Africa fore, quibus mandaturum senatum, ut Verminae pacis dent leges, liberum arbitrium eius populo Romano permittenti; si quid ad eas addi, demi mutarive vellet, rursus ab senatu ei postulandum fore.

[¶85] 11.18. One quinquereme was assigned to each. A letter from Quintus Minucius, the praetor in charge of the province of Bruttium, was then read in the senate: money had been stealthily removed at night from the treasure-house of Persephone at Locri, nor were there any clues as to the perpetrators of the crime.

> Latin: 11.18. legati cum iis mandatis in Africam missi C. Terentius Varro, Sp. Lucretius, Cn. Octavius. quinqueremes singulis datae. litterae deinde in senatu recitatae sunt Q. Minucii praetoris, cui Bruttii provincia erat: pecuniam Locris ex Proserpinae thensauris nocte clam sublatam, nec, ad quos pertineat facinus, vestigia ulla extare.

[¶86] 12.2. The senate was indignant that such sacrileges should continue to be committed, and that even the case of Pleminius, so recent an example of crime and its punishment, did not deter criminals.

> Latin: 12.2. indigne passus senatus non cessari ab sacrilegiis, et ne Pleminium quidem, tam clarum recensque noxae simul ac poenae exemplum, homines deterrere.

[¶87] 12.3. The consul Gaius Aurelius was directed to communicate to the praetor in Bruttium the senate's desire that the plundering of the treasury should be investigated in the manner adopted by the praetor Marcus Pomponius three years before; that any money discovered be restored; that if there was any shortage, it should be made up, and that, if he saw fit, expiatory sacrifices should be performed as the priests had prescribed in the previous case.

> Latin: 12.3. C. Aurelio consuli negotium datum, ut ad praetorem in Bruttios scriberet senatui placere, quaestionem de expilatis thensauris eodem exemplo haberi, quo M. Pomponius praetor triennio ante habuisset;

[¶88] 12.4. The concern to atone for the violation of this temple was increased by the prodigies which were reported in numerous parts of the country at the same time.

> Latin: 12.4. quae inventa pecunia esset, reponi; si quo minus inventum foret, expleri, ac piacularia, si videretur, sicut ante pontifices censuissent, fieri.

[¶89] 12.5. In Lucania, flames in the sky were reported; at Privernum, the sun shone red throughout the day in clear weather; at Lanuvium, in the temple of Juno Sospita, a mighty noise was heard during the night.

> Latin: 12.5. curam expiandae violationis eius templi prodigia etiam sub idem tempus pluribus locis nuntiata accenderunt. in Lucanis caelum arsisse adferebant, Priverni sereno per diem totum rubrum solem fuisse, Lanuvi in templo Sospitae Iunonis nocte strepitum ingentem exortum.

[¶90] 12.6. Further, dread forms of animals were reported in several places: among the Sabines, a child of uncertain sex was born, while another was found whose sex, at the age of sixteen, could not be determined. At Frusino there was born a lamb with a pig's head, at Sinuessa a pig with a man's head, on the public land in Lucania, a colt with five feet.

> Latin: 12.6. iam animalium obsceni fetus pluribus locis nuntiabantur: in Sabinis incertus infans natus, masculus an femina esset, alter sedecim iam annorum item ambiguo sexu inventus;

[¶91] 12.7. All these disgusting and monstrous creatures seemed to be signs that nature was confusing species; but beyond all else the hermaphrodites caused terror, and they were ordered to be carried out to sea, as had been done with a similar monstrosity not long before in the consulship of Gaius Claudius and Marcus Livius.

> Latin: 12.7. Frusinone agnus cum suillo capite, Sinuessae porcus cum capite humano natus, in Lucanis in agro publico eculeus cum quinque pedibus.

[¶92] 12.8. Nevertheless, the decemvirs were ordered to consult the Books regarding the portent. They, as a result of the investigation, ordered the same rites that had been performed when such a prodigy had appeared before. In addition, they directed that a hymn be sung throughout the city by thrice nine maidens, and that an offering be made to Queen Juno.

> Latin: 12.8. foeda omnia et deformia errantisque in alienos fetus naturae visa; ante omnia abominati semimares iussique in mare extemplo deportari, sicut proxime C. Claudio M. Livio consulibus deportatus similis prodigii fetus erat.

[¶93] 12.9. Gaius Aurelius the consul saw to the performance of these rites in accordance with the answer of the decemvirs. The hymn, composed in the memory of our fathers by Livius, was on this occasion written by Publius Licinius Tegula. XIII. When all these scruples had been allayed — for the sacrilege at Locri had been investigated by Quintus Minucius and the money replaced in the treasury out of the property of the guilty — and the consuls were on the point of leaving for their provinces, many private citizens, to whom was due this year the third payment on the loans made in the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Marcus Claudius, appealed to the senate because the consuls had declared that, since the treasury hardly sufficed for the new war, which was to be waged with a great fleet and large armies, there was no money at their command with which to make the payment.

> Latin: 12.9. nihilo minus decemviros adire libros de portento eo iusserunt. decemviri ex libris res divinas easdem, quae proxime secundum id prodigium factae essent, imperarunt. carmen praeterea ab ter novenis virginibus cani per urbem iusserunt donumque Iunoni reginae ferri. ea uti fierent, C. Aurelius consul ex decemvirorum responso curavit. carmen, sicut patrum memoria Livius, ita tum condidit P. Licinius Tegula. expiatis omnibus religionibus—nam etiam Locris sacrilegium pervestigatum ab Q. Minucio erat, pecuniaque ex bonis noxiorum in thensauros reposita—cum consules in provincias proficisci vellent, privati frequentes, quibus ex pecunia, quam M. Valerio M. Claudio consulibus mutuam dederant, tertia pensio debebatur eo anno, adierunt senatum, quia consules, cum ad novum bellum, quod magna classe magnisque exercitibus gerendum esset, vix aerarium sufficeret, negaverant esse, unde iis in praesentia solveretur.

[¶94] 13.4. The senate could not resist their complaints: If the state wished to use for the Macedonian war, the petitioners argued, the money loaned for the Punic war, since one conflict followed hard upon another, what else would be the result than the confiscation of their property in return for an act of generosity, as if it had been a crime?

> Latin: 13.4. senatus querentes eos non sustinuit: si in Punicum bellum pecunia data in Macedonicum quoque bellum uti res publica vellet, aliis ex aliis orientibus bellis quid aliud quam publicatam pro beneficio tamquam noxia suam pecuniam fore?

[¶95] 13.5. Since the request of these citizens was reasonable, and since nevertheless the state could not repay the loan, the senate took an action which was midway between justice and expediency, namely, that, since many of the creditors said that there was much land for sale, to purchase which cash was needed, the opportunity should be given them to receive public land lying within the fiftieth milestone;

> Latin: 13.5. cum et privati aecum postularent, nec tamen solvendo aere alieno res publica esset, quod medium inter aecum et utile erat decreverunt, ut, quoniam magna pars eorum agros volgo venales esse diceret et sibimet emptis opus esse, agri publici, qui intra quinquagesimum lapidem esset, copia iis fieret:

[¶96] 13.7. the consuls were to appraise this land and to impose an annual rental of one as per iugerum by way of attesting that this was public land; consequently, if anyone, when the state should be in funds, should prefer money to the land, he could restore the land to the people.

> Latin: 13.7. consules agrum aestimaturos et in iugera asses vectigal testandi causa publicum agrum esse imposituros, ut, si quis, cum solvere posset populus, pecuniam habere quam agrum mallet, restitueret agrum populo.

[¶97] 13.9. The creditors gladly accepted this offer, and the land was called “trientabulum” because it was allotted in discharge of one-third of the debts.

> Latin: 13.9. laeti eam condicionem privati accepere; trientabulumque is ager, quia pro tertia parte pecuniae datus erat, appellatus.

[¶98] 14.1. Thereupon Publius Sulpicius, after the announcement of the vows on the Capitoline, left the city with his lictors in uniform, arrived at Brundisium and there, enrolling in the legions veteran volunteers from the African army and selecting ships from the fleet of Gnaeus Cornelius, he arrived in Macedonia the second day after he set sail from Brundisium.

> Latin: 14.1. tum P. Sulpicius secundum vota in Capitolio nuncupata paludatis lictoribus profectus ab urbe Brundisium venit et veteribus militibus voluntariis ex Africano exercitu in legiones discriptis navibusque ex classe Cn. Cornelii electis altero die, quam a Brundisio solvit, in Macedoniam traiecit.

[¶99] 14.3. There Athenian ambassadors met him, begging that he release them from siege. He at once sent to Athens Gaius Claudius Cento with twenty warships and a thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 14.3. ibi ei praesto fuere Atheniensium legati orantes, ut se obsidione eximeret. missus extemplo Athenas est C. Claudius Cento cum viginti longis navibus et mille militum.

[¶100] 14.4. For the king himself was not conducting the siege of Athens, but was principally occupied with the attack on Abydus, and was now trying his strength in naval battles with the Rhodians and Attalus, in neither case with conspicuous success;

> Latin: 14.4. neque enim ipse rex Athenas obsidebat; eo maxime tempore Abydum oppugnabat, iam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro feliciter proelio, vires expertus;

## 2. Book XXXI · chapters 14–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/2/#p-N

[¶0] 14.5. however, his spirits were kept up, partly by his naturally impetuous disposition, partly by a treaty which he had concluded with Antiochus, king of Syria, according to which the wealth of Egypt, which both coveted when they heard of the death of King Ptolemy, was soon to be divided between them.

> Latin: 14.5. sed animos ei faciebat praeter ferociam insitam foedus ictum cum Antiocho, Syriae rege, divisaeque iam cum eo Aegypti opes, cui morte audita Ptolomaei regis ambo imminebant.

[¶1] 14.6. Now the Athenians had undertaken the war against Philip for no sufficient reason, since they retained nothing of their ancient greatness except their spirit.

> Latin: 14.6. contraxerant autem sibi cum Philippo bellum Athenienses haudquaquam digna causa, dum ex vetere fortuna nihil praeter animos servant.

[¶2] 14.7. Two young men from Acarnania, during the celebration of the mysteries at Eleusis, though not initiated, had entered the temple of Ceres, ignorant that they were committing a sacrilege, and merely following the crowd.

> Latin: 14.7. Acarnanes duo iuvenes per initiorum dies non initiati templum Cereris inprudentes religionis cum cetera turba ingressi sunt.

[¶3] 14.8. Their words easily betrayed them, since they asked foolish questions, and though it was clear that they had come in openly and by mistake they were put to death as if they had committed some heinous crime.

> Latin: 14.8. facile eos sermo prodidit absurde quaedam percunctantis, deductique ad antistites templi, cum palam esset per errorem ingressos, tamquam ob infandum scelus interfecti sunt.

[¶4] 14.9. The Acarnanians reported this revolting and unfriendly act to Philip, and prevailed upon him to send them Macedonian aid and permit them to attack Athens.

> Latin: 14.9. id tam foede atque hostiliter factum gens Acarnanum ad Philippum detulit impetravitque ab eo, ut datis Macedonum auxiliis bellum se inferre Atheniensibus pateretur.

[¶5] 14.10. This army at first laid waste Attica with fire and sword and returned to Acarnania laden with every kind of booty. This was the original provocation; later regular war was declared and waged by decree of the state after formal notification.

> Latin: 14.10. hic exercitus primo terram Atticam ferro ignique depopulatus cum omnis generis praeda in Acarnaniam rediit. et irritatio quidem animorum ea prima fuit; postea iustum bellum decretis civitatis ultro indicendo factum.

[¶6] 14.11. Now when King Attalus and the Rhodians had arrived at Aegina in pursuit of Philip, who was retiring to Macedonia, Attalus crossed to Piraeus to renew and confirm his alliance with the Athenians.

> Latin: 14.11. Attalus enim rex Rhodiique persecuti cedentem in Macedoniam Philippum cum Aeginam venissent, rex Piraeum renovandae confirmandaeque cum Atheniensibus societatis causa traiecit.

[¶7] 14.12. The whole body of citizens, with their wives and children, poured out to meet him; the priests in their vestments and the very gods, so to speak, starting up from their thrones, welcomed him as he entered the city.

> Latin: 14.12. civitas omnis obviam effusa cum coniugibus ac liberis, sacerdotes cum insignibus suis intrantem urbem ac di prope ipsi exciti sedibus suis acceperunt.

[¶8] 15.1. The citizens were at once summoned to an assembly, that the king might declare publicly what he desired; then it seemed more consonant with his dignity that he should write his message, on whatever matters he pleased, than deliver it in person and be embarrassed by his own recital of his services to the state or by the extravagant applause and eulogies of the crowd, which would overwhelm his modesty with its uncontrolled adulation.

> Latin: 15.1. in contionem extemplo populus vocatus, ut rex, quae vellet, coram ageret; deinde ex dignitate magis visum scribere eum, de quibus videretur, quam praesentem aut referendis suis in civitatem beneficiis erubescere aut significationibus adclamationibusque multitudinis adsentatione immodica pudorem onerantis.

[¶9] 15.3. The letter which was sent and read to the assembly contained, first, a review of his acts of generosity towards Athens; second, an account of the campaigns he had carried on against Philip, and, lastly, an exhortation to undertake the war against Philip while they had him, the Rhodians, and now particularly the Romans also as allies; in vain, later on, if they now hesitated, would they seek to grasp the opportunity they had let slip.

> Latin: 15.3. in litteris autem, quae missae in contionem recitataeque sunt, commemoratio erat beneficiorum primum in civitatem suorum, deinde rerum, quas adversus Philippum gessisset, ad postremum adhortatio capessendi belli, dum se, dum Rhodios, tum quidem dum etiam Romanos haberent: nequiquam postea, si tum cessassent praetermissam occasionem quaesituros.

[¶10] 15.5. The Rhodian envoys were next heard, whose recent display of good-will had consisted in sending back four Athenian war-vessels which had, not long before, been captured by the Macedonians and recovered. So by a roar of voices war was declared on Philip.

> Latin: 15.5. Rhodii deinde legati auditi sunt; quorum recens erat beneficium, quod naves longas quattuor Atheniensium, captas nuper ab Macedonibus recuperatasque, remiserant. itaque ingenti consensu bellum adversus Philippum decretum.

[¶11] 15.6. Extravagant honours were conferred first upon Attalus and then upon the Rhodians as well. At this time occurs the first mention of the tribe which they called “Attalis,” to be added to the ten old tribes. The people of Rhodes, moreover, was presented with a golden crown, - the symbol of valour, and the Athenian citizenship was given the Rhodians, just as they had previously granted the same distinction to the Athenians.

> Latin: 15.6. honores regi primum Attalo immodici, deinde et Rhodiis habiti. tum primum mentio inlata de tribu, quam Attalida appellarent, ad decem veteres tribus addenda, et Rhodiorum populus corona aurea virtutis ergo donatus, civitasque Rhodiis data, quem ad modum Rhodii prius Atheniensibus dederant.

[¶12] 15.8. After this Attalus rejoined his fleet at Aegina; the Rhodians went back from Aegina to Cia, thence to Rhodes by way of the islands, receiving into their alliance all of them but Andros, Paros and Cythnos, which were held by Macedonian garrisons. Attalus was kept idle for some time in Aegina, by sending messengers to Aetolia and waiting for ambassadors from there.

> Latin: 15.8. secundum haec rex Attalus Aeginam ad classem se recipit; Rhodii Ciam ab Aegina, inde per insulas Rhodum navigarunt omnibus praeter Andrum Parumque et Cythnum, quae praesidiis Macedonum tenebantur, in societatem acceptis.

[¶13] 15.9. But he could not induce them to declare war, since they felt satisfaction at the composition — however accomplished — of their difficulties with Philip; and Attalus and the Rhodians, although, if they had pressed their campaign against Philip, they might have won the fair fame of having liberated Greece, by permitting him to cross again to the Hellespont and to increase his army by the occupation of strongholds in Thrace, protracted the war and left to the Romans the glory of conducting and finishing it.

> Latin: 15.9. Attalum Aeginae missi in Aetoliam nuntii expectatique inde legati aliquamdiu nihil agentem tenuere. sed neque illos excire ad arma potuit, gaudentes utcumque composita cum Philippo pace, et ipse Rhodiique, cum, si institissent Philippo, egregium liberatae per se Graeciae titulum habere potuissent, patiendo rursus eum in Hellespontum traicere occupantemque Thraeciae opportuna loca vires colligere bellum aluere gloriamque eius gesti perfectique Romanis concesserunt.

[¶14] 16.1. Philip displayed a spirit that more befitted a king. Though he had not withstood Attalus and the Rhodians, he was unterrified even by the threatening war with Rome. Sending Philocles, one of his prefects, with two thousand infantry and two hundred horse to harry the Athenian country, and entrusting a fleet to Heraclides, that he might proceed to Maronea, he himself set out by land to that place with two thousand light-armed infantry and two hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 16.1. Philippus magis regio animo est usus; qui cum Attalum Rhodiosque hostis non sustinuisset, ne Romano quidem, quod imminebat, bello territus Philocle quodam ex praefectis suis cum duobus milibus peditum, equitibus ducentis ad populandos Atheniensium agros misso, classe tradita Heraclidi, ut Maroneam peteret, ipse terra eodem cum expeditis duobus milibus peditum, equitibus ducentis pergit.

[¶15] 16.4. And Maronea, indeed, - he took at the first assault; Aenus then, after great labour in besieging it, he finally captured through the treachery of Callimedes, the prefect of Ptolemy. Next he occupied other fortresses, Cypsela, Doriscus, and Serrheum. Proceeding thence toward the Chersonesus, he received in voluntary submission Elaeus and Alopeconnesus.

> Latin: 16.4. et Maroneam quidem primo impetu expugnavit; Aenum inde cum magno labore obsedit, postremo per proditionem Callimedis, praefecti Ptolomaei, cepit. deinceps alia castella, Cypsela et Doriscon et Serrheum, occupat.

[¶16] 16.5. Callipolis too and Madytus were surrendered, and some unimportant strongholds. The people of Abydus, not even admitting his ambassadors, closed their gates against the king.

> Latin: 16.5. inde progressus ad Chersonesum Elaeunta et Alopeconnesum tradentibus ipsis recipit; Callipolis quoque et Madytos dedita et castella quaedam ignobilia;

[¶17] 16.6. This siege delayed Philip a long time, and the people could have been quickly relieved of the siege if Attalus and the Rhodians had not delayed.

> Latin: 16.6. Abydeni ne legatis quidem admissis regi portas clauserunt. ea oppugnatio diu Philippum tenuit, eripique ex obsidione, ni cessatum ab Attalo et Rhodiis foret, potuerunt.

[¶18] 16.7. Attalus sent only three hundred soldiers for the garrison, the Rhodians one quadrireme from the fleet, although it was lying off Tenedos.

> Latin: 16.7. Attalus trecentos tantum milites in praesidium, Rhodii quadriremem unam ex classe, cum ad Tenedum staret, miserunt.

[¶19] 16.8. Later, the city being by that time scarce able to resist the siege, when Attalus in person arrived there, he gave only the hope of aid from near by, but did not help the allies by either land or sea.

> Latin: 16.8. eodem postea, cum iam vix sustinerent obsidionem, et ipse Attalus cum traiecisset, spem tantum auxilii ex propinquo ostendit neque terra neque mari adiutis sociis.

[¶20] 17.1. The citizens of Abydus at first, placing their artillery along the walls, not only on land denied approach to the assaulting parties, but rendered the anchorage of the fleet dangerous to the enemy; later, when part of the rampart had been laid in ruins, and, in addition, mines had been driven almost to the inner wall which had been hastily constructed, they sent ambassadors to the king regarding terms of surrender for the

> Latin: 17.1. Abydeni primo tormentis per muros dispositis non terra modo adeuntis aditu arcebant, sed navium quoque stationem infestam hosti faciebant; postea, cum et muri pars strata ruinis et ad interiorem raptim oppositum murum cuniculis iam perventum esset, legatos ad regem de condicionibus tradendae urbis miserunt.

[¶21] 17.3. city. They proposed, however, that they be allowed to send away the Rhodian quadrireme with the naval allies, and the garrison of Attalus, and that they be permitted to leave the city with one garment each.

> Latin: 17.3. paciscebantur autem, ut Rhodiam quadriremem cum sociis navalibus Attalique praesidium emitti liceret atque ipsis urbe excedere cum singulis vestimentis.

[¶22] 17.4. When Philip answered them that there would no peace without their unconditional surrender, the message when reported kindled such passion, arising from anger and despair together, that, imitating the madness of the Saguntines, they ordered all the matrons to be shut up in the temple of Diana, the free-born boys and maidens and even the young babes with their nurses in the gymnasium, the gold and

> Latin: 17.4. quibus cum Philippus nihil pacati nisi omnia permittentibus respondisset, adeo renuntiata haec legatio ab indignatione simul ac desperatione iram accendit, ut ad Saguntinam rabiem versi matronas omnis in templo Dianae, pueros ingenuos virginesque, infantes etiam cum suis nutricibus in gymnasio includi iuberent,

[¶23] 17.6. silver to be collected in the market-place and the valuable garments to be placed on the Rhodian and Cyzicene ships which were in the harbour, the priests and victims to be brought and the altars erected for sacrifice.

> Latin: 17.6. aurum et argentum in forum deferri, vestem pretiosam in navis Rhodiam Cyzicenamque, quae in portu erant, coici, sacerdotes victimasque adduci et altaria in medio poni.

[¶24] 17.7. Then they chose certain men who, when they saw their soldiers slaughtered as they fought before the ruined wall, were forthwith to slay their wives and children, throw into the sea all the gold, silver and garments which were in the ships, and set fire to the public and private buildings in every possible place. This crime they bound themselves by oath to commit, while the priests dictated to them the formula of execration.

> Latin: 17.7. ibi delecti primum, qui, ubi caesam aciem suorum pro diruto muro pugnantem vidissent, extemplo coniuges liberosque interficerent, aurum argentum vestemque, quae in navibus esset, in mare deicerent, tectis publicis privatisque, quam plurimis locis possent, ignes subicerent;

[¶25] 17.9. The soldiers then swore that no one would leave the battle-line alive except as victor, and they, mindful of the gods, fought so courageously that, when night was about to end the battle, the king was the first to retire from the field, in fear of their

> Latin: 17.9. id se facinus perpetraturos praeeuntibus exsecrabile carmen sacerdotibus iureiurando adacti; tum militaris aetas iurat neminem vivum nisi victorem acie excessurum. hi memores deorum adeo pertinaciter pugnaverunt, ut, cum proelium nox diremptura esset, rex prior, territus rabie eorum, pugna abstiterit.

[¶26] 17.11. madness. The chiefs, to whom the more cruel part in the crime had been assigned, when they saw only a few surviving the battle, and these exhausted by wounds and weariness, at daybreak sent the priests, wearing their fillets, to surrender the city to Philip.

> Latin: 17.11. principes, quibus atrocior pars facinoris delegata erat, cum paucos et confectos vulneribus ac lassitudine superesse proelio cernerent, luce prima sacerdotes cum infulis ad urbem dedendam Philippo mittunt.

[¶27] 18.1. Before the surrender, Marcus Aemilius, the youngest of the three ambassadors who had been sent to Alexandria, hearing of the siege of Abydus, came to Philip with the consent of his colleagues. He protested against the attack on Attalus and the Rhodians, and because Philip was at that very moment besieging Abydus, and when the king replied that Attalus and the Rhodians had made an unprovoked attack upon him, Aemilius asked, “Did the people of Abydus also take up arms against you, unprovoked?”

> Latin: 18.1. ante deditionem ex iis legatis, qui Alexandream missi erant, M. Aemilius trium consensu, minimus natu, audita obsidione Abydenorum ad Philippum venit. qui questus Attalo Rhodiisque arma illata, et quod tum maxime Abydum oppugnaret, cum rex ab Attalo et Rhodiis ultro se bello lacessitum diceret, ‘num Abydeni quoque’

[¶28] 18.3. This speech seemed to the king, who was unused to hearing the truth, too arrogant for delivery in the royal presence. “Your age,” he replied, “your good looks, and, above all, the Roman name, make you too arrogant.”

> Latin: 18.3. inquit ‘ultro tibi intulerunt arma?’ insueto vera audire ferocior oratio visa est, quam quae habenda apud regem esset. ‘aetas’ inquit ‘et forma et super omnia Romanum nomen te ferociorem facit.

[¶29] 18.4. “I should myself prefer first that you remember the treaties and keep the peace with me; but if you attack me in war, you will find that I too have the resolution to make both the kingdom and the name of Macedonia no less renowned than those of Rome.”

> Latin: 18.4. ego autem primum velim vos foederum memores servare mecum pacem; sin bello lacessitis, mihi quoque animos facere et regnum et Macedonum nomen haud minus quam Romanum nobile sentietis.

[¶30] 18.5. Thus dismissing the envoy, Philip took possession of all the gold, silver, and other accumulated treasure, but lost all the human booty.

> Latin: 18.5. ’ ita dimisso legato Philippus auro, argento quaeque coacervata erant acceptis hominum praedam omnem amisit.

[¶31] 18.6. For such madness laid hold of the people that all at once, thinking that those who had fallen in the fight had met death from treachery, each reproaching another's perjury, and especially that of the priests, who had delivered alive to the enemy those whom they had consecrated to death, they hastily ran to kill their wives and children and then themselves sought death by every path.

> Latin: 18.6. tanta enim rabies multitudinem invasit, ut repente, proditos rati qui pugnantes mortem occubuissent periuriumque alius alii exprobrantes et sacerdotibus maxime, qui, quos ad mortem devovissent, eorum deditionem vivorum hosti fecissent, repente omnes ad caedem coniugum liberorumque discurrerent seque ipsi per omnes vias leti interficerent.

[¶32] 18.7. The king, astounded by this frenzy, checked the assaults of his soldiers and announced that he would give the Abydenians three days in which to die.

> Latin: 18.7. obstupefactus eo furore rex suppressit impetum militum et triduum se ad moriendum Abydenis dare dixit.

[¶33] 18.8. In this time the conquered did themselves more violence than they would have suffered from their enraged conquerors, and no living man fell into Philip's hands save those whom chains or some other constraint forbade to die. Philip, leaving a garrison at Abydus, returned to his kingdom.

> Latin: 18.8. quo spatio plura facinora in se victi ediderunt, quam infesti edidissent victores, nec, nisi quem vincula aut alia necessitas mori prohibuit, quisquam vivus in potestatem venit. Philippus imposito Abydi praesidio in regnum rediit.

[¶34] 18.9. When, as Hannibal's destruction of Saguntum had aroused the Romans to war against him, so now the slaughter of the people of Abydus had roused them against Philip, word came that the Roman consul was already in Epirus and had sent his army to Apollonia and his fleet to Corcyra to winter.

> Latin: 18.9. cum velut Sagunti excidium Hannibali, sic Philippo Abydenorum clades ad Romanum bellum animos fecisset, nuntii occurrerunt consulem iam in Epiro esse et Apolloniam terrestris copias, navalis Corcyram in hiberna deduxisse.

[¶35] 19.1. In the meantime, the ambassadors who had been sent to Africa had been informed by the Carthaginians that, regarding Hamilcar, the leader of the Gallic army, they could do nothing but declare him an outlaw and confiscate his property;

> Latin: 19.1. inter haec legatis, qui in Africam missi erant, de Hamilcare, Gallici exercitus duce, responsum a Carthaginiensibus est nihil ultra se facere posse, quam ut exilio eum multarent, bona eius publicarent;

[¶36] 19.2. as to the deserters and fugitives, they had already sent back all they could find after search, and would send an embassy to Rome to give satisfaction to the senate on that point. They sent two hundred thousand modii of wheat to Rome and the same quantity to the army in Macedonia.

> Latin: 19.2. perfugas et fugitivos, quos inquirendo vestigare potuerint, reddidisse et de ea re missuros legatos Romam, qui senatui satisfacerent. ducenta milia modium tritici Romam, ducenta ad exercitum in Macedoniam miserunt.

[¶37] 19.3. The embassy then proceeded to Numidia, where they delivered their gifts and messages to Masinissa. When the king offered them two thousand Numidian cavalry, they accepted one thousand.

> Latin: 19.3. inde in Numidiam ad reges profecti legati. dona data Masinissae mandataque edita.

[¶38] 19.4. The king himself supervised their embarkation and sent them to Macedonia with two hundred thousand modii of wheat and as much barley.

> Latin: 19.4. equites mille Numidae, cum duo milia daret, accepti. ipse in navis imponendos curavit et cum ducentis milibus modium tritici, ducentis hordei in Macedoniam misit. tertia legatio ad Verminam erat.

[¶39] 19.5. The third errand was to Vermina, who met the ambassadors at the frontier and left it to them to lay down terms of peace satisfactory to Rome, while for his own part he promised to maintain a just and lawful peace with the Roman people.

> Latin: 19.5. is ad primos fines regni legatis obviam progressus, ut scriberent ipsi, quas vellent, pacis condiciones permisit:

[¶40] 19.6. The conditions of peace were imposed, and he was instructed to send an embassy to Rome to ratify them.

> Latin: 19.6. omnem pacem bonam iustamque fore sibi cum populo Romano. datae leges pacis, iussusque ad eam confirmandam mittere legatos Romam.

[¶41] 20.1. At the same time Lucius Cornelius Lentulus the proconsul returned from Spain.

> Latin: 20.1. per idem tempus L. Cornelius Lentulus pro consule ex Hispania rediit.

[¶42] 20.2. When he had given the senate an account of his vigorous and successful administration, extending over many years, and had asked that he be permitted to enter Rome in triumph, the senate decreed that his achievements deserved the honour, but that there was no precedent handed down from antiquity that one who had not been in command as dictator or consul or praetor should celebrate a triumph. He had held the province of Spain as proconsul and not as consul or praetor.

> Latin: 20.2. qui cum in senatu res ab se per multos annos fortiter feliciterque gestas exposuisset postulassetque, ut triumphanti sibi invehi liceret in urbem, res triumpho dignas esse censebat senatus, sed exemplum a maioribus non accepisse, ut, qui neque dictator neque consul neque praetor res gessisset, triumpharet:

[¶43] 20.4. Nevertheless, it was proposed that he enter the city in ovation, though the tribune Tiberius Sempronius Longus objected that this would be no more in accordance with ancestral custom or any precedent.

> Latin: 20.4. pro consule illum Hispaniam provinciam, non consulem aut praetorem obtinuisse. decurrebatur tamen eo, ut ovans urbem iniret, intercedente Ti. Sempronio Longo tribuno plebis, qui nihilo magis id more maiorum aut ullo exemplo futurum diceret.

[¶44] 20.6. Finally, prevailed upon by the general agreement of the senators, the tribune withdrew his veto, and Lucius Cornelius, by authority of the senate, was allowed to enter the city in ovation. He brought home forty-three thousand pounds of silver and two thousand four hundred and fifty pounds of gold from the booty, and presented to each of his soldiers a sum amounting to one hundred and twenty asses.

> Latin: 20.6. postremo victus consensu patrum tribunus cessit, et ex senatus consulto L. Lentulus ovans urbem est ingressus. argenti tulit [ex praeda] quadraginta tria milia pondo, auri duo milia quadringenta quinquaginta. militibus ex praeda centenos vicenos asses divisit.

[¶45] 21.1. The consular army had now moved from Arretium to Ariminum, and five thousand allies of the Latin confederacy from Gaul to Etruria.

> Latin: 21.1. iam exercitus consularis ab Arretio Ariminum transductus erat et quinque milia socium Latini nominis ex Gallia in Etruriam transierant.

[¶46] 21.2. Therefore Lucius Furius proceeded by forced marches from Ariminum against the Gauls who were still besieging Cremona, and bivouacked about a mile and a half from the enemy.

> Latin: 21.2. itaque L. Furius, magnis itineribus ab Arimino adversus Gallos Cremonam etiam tum obsidentes profectus, castra mille quingentorum passuum intervallo ab hoste posuit.

[¶47] 21.3. There was an excellent chance for a victory if he had attacked their camp immediately after his march; the Gauls had scattered through the neighbourhood without leaving a strong guard on duty.

> Latin: 21.3. occasio egregie rei gerendae fuit, si protinus de via ad castra oppugnanda duxisset;

[¶48] 21.4. But Furius spared his weary troops because he had made a strenuous march. The Gauls, called back by the shouts of their comrades, dropped the booty which they had in hand and hurried back to their camp. The next day they moved out in battle-array, nor did the Roman refuse the engagement.

> Latin: 21.4. palati passim vagabantur per agros nullo satis firmo relicto praesidio. lassitudinem militum timuit, quod raptim ductum agmen erat. Galli clamore suorum ex agris revocati omissa praeda, quae in manibus erat, castra repetivere. [et] postero die in aciem progressi;

[¶49] 21.6. But the Romans had barely time to form inline, with such speed did the enemy advance to the attack.

> Latin: 21.6. nec Romanus moram pugnandi fecit. sed vix spatium instruendi fuit; eo cursu hostes in proelium venerunt.

[¶50] 21.7. The right squadron — he had the allied army divided into squadrons — occupied the front line, with two Roman legions in reserve. Commanders were designated: Marcus Furius of the right squadron, Marcus Caecilius of the legions, Lucius Valerius Flaccus of the cavalry — all were lieutenants.

> Latin: 21.7. dextra ala—in alas divisum socialem exercitum habebat—in prima acie locata est, in subsidiis duae Romanae legiones.

[¶51] 21.8. The praetor kept with him two lieutenants, Gaius Laetorius and Publius Titinius, by whose aid he planned to watch the whole engagement and meet all sudden attacks of the enemy.

> Latin: 21.8. M. Furius dextrae alae, legionibus M. Caecilius, equitibus L. Valerius Flaccus —legati omnes erant—praepositi. praetor secum duos legatos, C. Laetorium et P. Titinium, habebat, cum quibus circumspicere et obire ad omnis hostium subitos conatus posset.

[¶52] 21.10. At first the Gauls hoped, concentrating the mass of their force on one place, to be able to overwhelm and destroy the right squadron which was in the van.

> Latin: 21.10. primo Galli omni multitudine in unum locum conixi obruere atque obterere sese dextram alam, quae prima erat, sperarunt posse.

[¶53] 21.11. When this did not succeed, they tried to outflank and envelop the enemy's line, a plan which seemed easy on account of their great numbers arrayed against a few.

> Latin: 21.11. ubi id parum procedebat, circuire a cornibus et amplecti hostium aciem, quod in multitudine adversus paucos facile videbatur, conati sunt.

[¶54] 21.12. When the praetor saw this, that he too might extend his front, he threw in two legions from his reserves on the right and left flanks of the front-line force and vowed a temple to Diiovis if he routed the enemy on that day.

> Latin: 21.12. id ubi vidit praetor, ut et ipse dilataret aciem, duas legiones ex subsidiis dextra laevaque alae, quae in prima acie pugnabat, circumdat aedemque Diiovi vovit, si eo die hostis fudisset.

[¶55] 21.13. He ordered Lucius Valerius to send the cavalry of two legions to one side against the flank of the enemy and to the other the allied cavalry, and not to allow the enemy to envelop his lines.

> Latin: 21.13. L. Valerio imperat, ut parte una duarum legionum equites, altera sociorum equitatum in cornua hostium emittat nec circuire eos aciem patiatur;

[¶56] 21.14. Seeing too that the Gallic centre was weakened by the extension of the line, at the same time he gave his men the order to charge in mass formation and to break through, and the flanks were thrown back by the cavalry, the centre by the infantry.

> Latin: 21.14. simul et ipse, ut extenuatam mediam diductis cornibus aciem Gallorum vidit, signa inferre confertos milites et perrumpere ordines iubet.

[¶57] 21.15. The Gauls, suffering heavy losses in every quarter, suddenly broke and in complete rout fled to their camp.

> Latin: 21.15. et cornua ab equitibus et medii a pedite pulsi. ac repente, cum in omni parte caede ingenti sternerentur, Galli terga verterunt fugaque effusa repetunt castra.

[¶58] 21.16. The cavalry pursued them in their flight, and presently the legions too followed and stormed the camp. Less than six thousand Gauls escaped;

> Latin: 21.16. fugientes persecutus eques; mox et legiones insecutae in castra impetum fecerunt.

[¶59] 21.17. more than thirty-five thousand were killed or captured, along with seventy standards and more than two hundred Gallic wagons laden with abundant spoils. Hamilcar the Carthaginian general and three noble Gallic commanders fell in the battle.

> Latin: 21.17. minus sex milia hominum inde effugerunt; caesa aut capta supra quinque et triginta milia cum signis militaribus septuaginta, carpentis Gallicis multa praeda oneratis plus ducentis.

[¶60] 21.18. About two thousand of the captives from Placentia were recovered and restored to the colonists.

> Latin: 21.18. Hamilcar, dux Poenus, eo proelio cecidit et tres imperatores nobiles Gallorum. Placentini captivi, ad duo milia liberorum capitum, redditi colonis.

[¶61] 22.1. This great victory brought joy to Rome, and when the news came a thanksgiving of three days was proclaimed. About two thousand of the Romans and allies perished in that battle, most of them from the right squadron, against which at the first attack the enemy's main effort had been directed.

> Latin: 22.1. magna victoria laetaque Romae fuit. litteris adlatis supplicatio in triduum decreta est. Romanorum sociorumque ad duo milia eo proelio ceciderunt, plurimi dextrae alae, in quam primo impetu vis hostium ingens illata est.

[¶62] 22.3. Although the war had been practically ended by the praetor, the consul Gaius Aurelius, having transacted the necessary business in Rome, also set out for Gaul and took over the victorious army from the praetor.

> Latin: 22.3. quamquam per praetorem prope debellatum erat, consul quoque C. Aurelius, perfectis quae Romae agenda fuerant, profectus in Galliam victorem exercitum a praetore accepit.

[¶63] 22.4. The other consul, having arrived in his province near the end of autumn, was wintering around Apollonia.

> Latin: 22.4. consul alter cum autumno ferme exacto in provinciam venisset, circa Apolloniam hibernabat.

[¶64] 22.5. From the fleet which was moored at Corcyra, Gaius Claudius and the Roman triremes, as has been related, had been sent to Athens, and when they arrived at Piraeus they had inspired great hopes in the allies who were now in despair.

> Latin: 22.5. ab classe, quae Corcyrae subducta erat, C. Claudius triremesque Romanae, sicut ante dictum est, Athenas missae cum Piraeum pervenissent, despondentibus iam animos sociis spem ingentem attulerant.

[¶65] 22.6. For the customary raids on the fields which were made by land from Corinth by way of Megara were stopped, and the ships of the pirates from Chalcis, which had made both the sea and the farm-lands on the coast dangerous for the Athenians, not only would not venture past Sunium, but did not dare to enter the open sea beyond the strait of Euripus. In addition to these, three Rhodian quadriremes arrived, and there were three Athenian vessels without protecting decks, assembled to defend the lands on the coast.

> Latin: 22.6. nam et terrestres ab Corintho quae per Megara incursiones in agros fieri solitae erant non fiebant, et praedonum a Chalcide naves, quae non mare solum infestum, sed etiam omnis maritumos agros Atheniensibus fecerant, non modo Sunium superare sed nec extra fretum Euripi committere aperto mari se audebant.

[¶66] 22.8. Just as Claudius had made up his mind that it was sufficient for the present if the city and fields of the Athenians could be guarded with this fleet, an opportunity for a greater feat was presented to him.

> Latin: 22.8. supervenerunt his tres Rhodiae quadriremes, et erant Atticae tres apertae naves, ad tuendos maritimos agros comparatae. hac classe si urbs agrique Atheniensium defenderentur, satis in praesentia existimanti Claudio esse maioris etiam rei fortuna oblata est.

[¶67] 23.1. Exiles from Chalcis, driven out by the violence of Philip's garrison, brought the news that Chalcis could be captured without any opposition:

> Latin: 23.1. exules ab Chalcide, regiorum iniuriis pulsi, attulerunt occupari Chalcidem sine certamine ullo posse;

[¶68] 23.2. for the Macedonians, because there was no fear of an enemy near by, were straggling about the country, and the citizens likewise, trusting in their Macedonian garrison, were careless in their guarding of the city. Acting on this information, Claudius started out, and although he reached Sunium so early that he could have made the opening of the Euboean straits, he held his fleet at anchor until night-fall, lest he be seen after rounding the promontory; at dusk he moved, and after a calm voyage reached Chalcis a little before daybreak.

> Latin: 23.2. nam et Macedonas, quia nullus in propinquo sit hostium metus, vagari passim, et oppidanos, praesidio Macedonum fretos, custodiam urbis neglegere. his auctoribus profectus quamquam Sunium ita mature pervenerat, ut inde provehi ad primas angustias Euboeae posset, ne superato promunturio conspiceretur, classem in statione usque ad noctem tenuit;

[¶69] 23.4. With a few soldiers using scaling ladders, he captured the nearest tower and the adjoining wall in a thinly-populated section of the city, the sentinels being found in some places asleep, in others absent from their posts.

> Latin: 23.4. primis tenebris movit et tranquillo pervectus Chalcidem paulo ante lucem, qua infrequentissima urbis sunt, paucis militibus turrim proximam murumque circa scalis cepit alibi sopitis custodibus, alibi nullo custodiente.

[¶70] 23.5. The Romans then advanced to the centre of the city, and killing the guards and breaking down the gates they admitted the rest of their forces.

> Latin: 23.5. progressi inde ad frequentia aedificiis loca custodibus interfectis refractaque porta ceteram multitudinem armatorum acceperunt.

[¶71] 23.6. Thence they scattered throughout the town, the confusion being further increased by a fire which broke out in the buildings around the forum.

> Latin: 23.6. inde in totam urbem discursum est aucto etiam tumultu, quod circa forum ignis tectis iniectus erat.

[¶72] 23.7. Both the royal granaries and the arsenal were burned, with a great store of munitions and artillery. Indiscriminate slaughter of fugitives and fighting men followed.

> Latin: 23.7. conflagrarunt et horrea regia et armamentarium cum ingenti apparatu machinarum tormentorumque. caedes inde passim fugientium pariter ac repugnantium fieri coepta est.

[¶73] 23.8. When there was no longer anyone of military age who had not perished or fled, Sopater the Acarnanian, commander of the garrison, having fallen, all the booty was first collected in the forum and then loaded on the ships. The prison also was broken open by the Rhodians, who released the captives whom Philip had confined there, thinking they would be in safest custody.

> Latin: 23.8. nec ullo iam, qui militaris aetatis esset, non aut caeso aut fugato, Sopatro etiam Acarnane, praefecto praesidii, interfecto praeda omnis primo in forum collata, deinde in naves imposita.

[¶74] 23.9. The king's statues were then thrown down and broken up, and when the recall was sounded the Romans embarked and returned to Piraeus, whence they had set out.

> Latin: 23.9. carcer etiam ab Rhodiis refractus, emissique captivi, quos Philippus tamquam in tutissimam custodiam condiderat.

[¶75] 23.10. But if the Roman force had been large enough, so that they could have held Chalcis without abandoning the defence of Athens, this event would have been an auspicious beginning of hostilities: Chalcis and the Euripus would have been lost to the king, for as on the land the pass of

> Latin: 23.10. statuis inde regis deiectis truncatisque, signo receptui dato conscenderunt naves et Piraeum, unde profecti erant, redierunt. quod si tantum militum Romanorum fuisset, ut et Chalcis teneri et non deseri praesidium Athenarum potuisset, magna res principio statim belli, Chalcis et Euripus adempta regi forent;

[¶76] 23.12. Thermopylae is the gateway to Greece, so by sea is the strait of Euripus.

> Latin: 23.12. nam ut terra Thermopylarum angustiae Graeciam, ita mari fretum Euripi claudit.

[¶77] 24.1. Philip was then at Demetrias. When the news of the destruction of Chalcis reached him there, although it was too late to send aid, the city having been lost, nevertheless, seeking revenge, as the next best thing after assistance, he at once set out with five thousand light infantry and three hundred cavalry and made all speed for Chalcis, not doubting that the Romans could be destroyed.

> Latin: 24.1. Demetriade tum Philippus erat. quo cum esset nuntiata clades sociae urbis, quamquam serum auxilium perditis rebus erat, tamen, quae proxima auxilio est, ultionem petens, cum expeditis quinque milibus et trecentis equitibus extemplo profectus cursu prope Chalcidem contendit, haudquaquam dubius opprimi Romanos posse.

[¶78] 24.3. Disappointed in this hope, and finding only the ugly spectacle of the friendly town lying half-ruined, with its embers still smoking, and only a few left to bury those who were slain in the battle, he recrossed the strait by the bridge as rapidly as he had come and hurried through Boeotia toward Athens, thinking that a not dissimilar result would follow a similar course of action.

> Latin: 24.3. a qua destitutus spe nec quicquam aliud quam ad deforme spectaculum semirutae ac fumantis sociae urbis cum venisset, paucis vix, qui sepelirent bello absumptos, relictis aeque raptim ac venerat transgressus ponte Euripum per Boeotiam Athenas ducit, pari incepto haud disparem eventum ratus responsurum.

[¶79] 24.4. And this would have happened, had not a scout-the Greeks call them “all-day runners,” and they cover great distances in a day's run — seen the king's army from a watch-tower, set out at midnight and reached Athens before him.

> Latin: 24.4. et respondisset, ni speculator—hemerodromos vocant Graeci, ingens die uno cursu emetientis spatium—, contemplatus regium agmen ex specula quadam, praegressus nocte media Athenas pervenisset.

[¶80] 24.5. There was the same sleep and the same carelessness that had betrayed Chalcis a few days earlier.

> Latin: 24.5. idem ibi somnus eademque neglegentia erat, quae Chalcidem dies ante paucos prodiderat.

[¶81] 24.6. The Athenian praetor and Dioxippus, who commanded an auxiliary force of mercenaries, aroused by the alarming message, assembling the soldiers in the forum, ordered the trumpet sounded from the citadel, to inform all that the enemy was coming. So there was a rush from all sides to the walls and gates.

> Latin: 24.6. excitati nuntio trepido et praetor Atheniensium et Dioxippus, praefectus cohortis mercede militantium auxiliorum, convocatis in forum militibus tuba signum ex arce dari iubent, ut hostis adesse omnes scirent.

[¶82] 24.7. Some hours later, but still before daybreak, Philip approached the city, and seeing the numerous lights and hearing the shouts of frightened men, usual in such a crisis, halted and ordered his men to pitch camp and rest, intending to employ open force, since stratagem had failed. He attacked on the side of the Dipylon Gate. This gate, placed, so to speak, at the forefront of the city, was somewhat wider and more extensive than the rest, and inside and outside there were wide avenues, so that the citizens could form their line from the market-place to the gate, and so that the road, about a mile long, outside the city and leading to the gymnasium of the Academy, offered ample space for infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 24.7. ita undique ad portas, ad muros discurrunt. paucas post horas Philippus, aliquanto tamen ante lucem, appropinquans urbi, conspectis luminibus crebris et fremitu hominum trepidantium, ut in tali tumultu, exaudito sustinuit signa et considere ac conquiescere agmen iussit vi aperta propalam usurus, quando parum dolus profuerat.

[¶83] 24.9. The Athenians with the garrison of Attalus and the mercenaries of Dioxippus, formed their array within the gate and marched out by this road. Philip, seeing this, thought that he had the Athenians in his hands and that he was about to sate his rage with long-desired slaughter — r he hated no other Greek city so much as Athens — and urged his soldiers to take him as their example in the fight and to remember that the standards and the battle-line should be where their king was, and put spurs to his horse, inspired by rage and by the hope of glory alike, because he thought that his fighting would be a glorious sight, since the walls were lined with a great crowd, as for a show.

> Latin: 24.9. ab Dipylo accessit. porta ea, velut in ore urbis posita, maior aliquanto patentiorque quam ceterae est, et intra eam extraque latae viae sunt, ut et oppidani derigere aciem a foro ad portam possent, et extra limes mille ferme passus longus, in Academiae gymnasium ferens, pediti equitique hostium liberum spatium praeberet. eo limite Athenienses cum Attali praesidio et cohorte Dioxippi acie intra portam instructa signa extulerunt. quod ubi Philippus vidit, habere se hostis in potestate ratus et diu optata caede—neque enim ulli Graecarum civitatium infestior pugnarent scirentque ibi signa, ibi aciem esse debere, ubi rex esset, concitat ecum non ira tantum,

[¶84] 24.13. Riding with a few companions far in front of the line, and even into the press of the enemy, he inspired both enthusiasm in his own troops and terror in his foes.

> Latin: 24.13. sed etiam gloria elatus, quod ingenti turba completis etiam ad spectaculum muris conspici se pugnantem egregium ducebat.

[¶85] 24.14. Pursuing many soldiers whom he had wounded, either at long range or hand to hand, and driving them inside the gate, when he had done greater damage to the Athenians as they crowded together in the narrow space, yet he escaped safely after his rash venture, since the troops who manned the towers on the walls withheld their weapons, from fear of harming their own men mingled with the enemy. Afterwards when the Athenians held their men within the walls, Philip, giving the signal for a retirement, pitched camp at Cynosarges, where there was a temple to Hercules and a gymnasium with a grove around it.

> Latin: 24.14. aliquantum ante aciem cum equitibus paucis evectus in medios hostis ingentem cum suis ardorem, tum pavorem hostibus iniecit. plurimos manu sua comminus eminusque vulneratos compulsosque in portam consecutus et ipse, cum maiorem in angustiis trepidantium edidisset caedem, in temerario incepto tutum tamen receptum habuit, quia, qui in turribus portae erant, sustinebant tela, ne in permixtos hostibus suos conicerent. intra muros deinde tenentibus milites Atheniensibus Philippus signo receptui dato castra ad Cynosarges—templum Herculis gymnasiumque et lucus erat circumiectus— posuit.

[¶86] 24.18. But Cynosarges, the Lyceum, and all the sacred and pleasant sites around the city were burned; the buildings and even the tombs were destroyed, and nothing consecrated to divine or human use escaped his uncontrollable passion.

> Latin: 24.18. sed et Cynosarges et Lycium et quidquid sancti amoenive circa urbem erat incensum est, dirutaque non tecta solum, sed etiam sepulcra, nec divini humanive iuris quicquam prae impotenti ira est servatum.

[¶87] 25.1. Next day, when the gates had been closed and then suddenly thrown open, because troops of Attalus from Aegina and Romans from Piraeus had entered the city, the king moved his camp about three miles from the city.

> Latin: 25.1. postero die cum primo clausae fuissent portae, deinde subito apertae, quia praesidium Attali ab Aegina Romanique ab Piraeo intraverant urbem, castra ab urbe rettulit rex tria ferme milia passuum.

[¶88] 25.2. Thence, making for Eleusis, in the hope of capturing, by an unexpected attack, the temple and the citadel which commands and surrounds the temple, when he found that vigilance was not in the least relaxed and that reinforcements were coming from the fleet at Piraeus, he gave up that plan and marched toward Megara and straight on to Corinth, and hearing that the Achaean council was in session at Argos, he suddenly appeared at the meeting itself, to the surprise of the Achaeans.

> Latin: 25.2. inde Eleusinem profectus spe improviso templi castellique, quod et imminet et circumdatum est templo, capiendi, cum haudquaquam neglectas custodias animadvertisset et classem a Piraeo subsidio venire, omisso incepto Megara ac protinus Corinthum ducit et, cum Argis Achaeorum concilium esse audisset, inopinantibus Achaeis contioni ipsi supervenit.

[¶89] 25.3. They were deliberating about a war against Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, who, - seeing that the military power of the Achaeans had declined with the transfer of command from Philopoemen to Cycliadas, by no means his equal as a general, had renewed the war and was ravaging their territories and was now even threatening their towns.

> Latin: 25.3. consultabant de bello adversus Nabim, tyrannum Lacedaemoniorum, qui tralato imperio a Philopoemene ad Cycliadam, nequaquam parem illi ducem, dilapsa cernens Achaeorum auxilia, redintegraverat bellum agrosque finitimorum vastabat et iam urbibus quoque erat terribilis.

[¶90] 25.4. While they were debating how many men should be enlisted from each city for the war against this enemy, Philip promised that, so far as Nabis and the Spartans were concerned, he would free them from that responsibility, and by the immediate despatch of an army would not only prevent Nabis from ravaging the lands of the allies, but would transfer the whole terror of the war into Laconia itself.

> Latin: 25.4. adversus hunc hostem cum, quantum ex quaque civitate militum scriberetur, consultarent, Philippus dempturum se eis curam, quod ad Nabim et Lacedaemonios attineret, pollicitus nec tantum agros sociorum populationibus prohibiturum, sed terrorem omnem belli in ipsam Laconicam ducto eo extemplo exercitu tralaturum.

[¶91] 25.6. When this offer was received with great applause, “nevertheless,” he said, “it is proper that your possessions be defended by my arms in such a way that meantime mine shall not be deprived of protection.”

> Latin: 25.6. haec oratio cum ingenti adsensu hominum acciperetur, ‘ita tamen aequum est’ inquit ‘me vestra meis armis tutari, ne mea interim nudentur praesidiis.

[¶92] 25.7. “Prepare, then, if it seems wise, a force of soldiers sufficient to hold Oreus and Chalcis and Corinth, that, with my rear protected, I may safely make war upon Nabis and the Spartans.”

> Latin: 25.7. itaque, si vobis videtur, tantum parate militum, quantum ad Oreum et Chalcidem et Corinthum tuenda satis sit, ut meis ab tergo tutis securus bellum Nabidi inferam et Lacedaemoniis.

[¶93] 25.8. The Achaeans were not deceived as to the real meaning of so generous an offer and promise of aid against the Lacedaemonians: the purpose was to lead the Achaean youth as hostages from the Peloponnesus in order to commit the people to war with Rome.

> Latin: 25.8. ’ non fefellit Achaeos, quo spectasset tam benigna pollicitatio auxiliumque oblatum adversus Lacedaemonios: id quaeri, ut obsidem Achaeorum iuventutem educeret ex Peloponneso ad inligandam Romano bello gentem.

[¶94] 25.9. So Cycliadas, praetor of the Achaeans, thinking it not at all to the point to argue about that, when he had simply replied that it was not allowable under the laws of the Achaeans to vote upon other subjects than those for which the meeting was called, after passing a decree regarding raising an army against Nabis, adjourned the congress that was held fearlessly and spiritedly, although up to that time he had been counted among the king's partisans.

> Latin: 25.9. et id quidem coarguere Cycliadas, praetor Achaeorum, nihil attinere ratus, id modo cum dixisset, non licere legibus Achaeorum de aliis rebus referre, quam propter quas convocati essent, decreto de exercitu parando adversus Nabim facto consilium fortiter ac libere habitum dimisit, inter adsentatores regios ante eam diem habitus.

[¶95] 25.11. Philip, disappointed in this great hope, enlisted a few volunteer soldiers and returned to Corinth and to the land of Attica.

> Latin: 25.11. Philippus, magna spe depulsus, voluntariis paucis militibus conscriptis Corinthum atque in Atticam terram rediit.

[¶96] 26.1. During this same period while Philip was in Achaea, his prefect Philocles left Euboea with two thousand Thracians and Macedonians to plunder the territory of the Athenians in the region of Eleusis, and crossed the pass of Cithaeron.

> Latin: 26.1. per eos ipsos dies, quibus Philippus in Achaia fuit, Philocles, praefectus regius, ex Euboea profectus cum duobus milibus Thracum Macedonumque ad depopulandos Atheniensium fines regione Eleusinis saltum Cithaeronis transcendit;

[¶97] 26.2. Sending half his force to plunder far and wide through the country, he with the rest made camp secretly in a suitable place for an ambuscade, that, if an attack were made by the Eleusinians from the citadel upon his foragers, he might fall upon the enemy suddenly and unexpectedly as they were dispersed.

> Latin: 26.2. inde dimidia parte militum ad praedandum passim per agros dimissa cum parte ipse occultus loco ad insidias opportuno consedit, ut, si ex castello ab Eleusine in praedantis suos impetus fieret, repente hostis effusos ex improviso adoriretur.

[¶98] 26.4. His ambush did not go undetected. So recalling the troops that had gone forth to forage and forming them for battle, he set out for Eleusis to assault the citadel, but was repulsed from there with many casualties and joined Philip on his return from Achaea.

> Latin: 26.4. non fefellere insidiae. itaque revocatis, qui discurrerant ad praedandum, militibus instructisque, ad oppugnandum castellum Eleusinem profectus cum multis inde vulneribus recessit Philippoque se venienti ex Achaia coniunxit.

[¶99] 26.5. An attack on the same fortress was attempted by the king as well; but Roman ships arriving from the Piraeus and the garrison admitted into the city compelled him to abandon his undertaking.

> Latin: 26.5. temptata et ab ipso rege oppugnatio eiusdem castelli est; sed naves Romanae a Piraeo venientes intromissumque praesidium absistere incepto coegerunt.

[¶100] 26.6. The king then divided his army and sent Philocles to Athens with half of them and himself proceeding to Piraeus, in the hope that while Philocles was keeping the Athenians within the city by approaching the walls and threatening an attack, the opportunity might be offered himself of taking Piraeus, left with a small guard.

> Latin: 26.6. diviso deinde exercitu rex cum parte Philoclem Athenas mittit, cum parte Piraeum pergit, ut, dum Philocles subeundo muros et comminanda oppugnatione contineret urbe Athenienses, ipsi Piraeum levi cum praesidio relictum expugnandi facultas esset.

[¶101] 26.7. But, with practically the same defenders, the capture of Piraeus was in no wise easier for him than that of Eleusis. Suddenly he marched from Piraeus to Athens.

> Latin: 26.7. ceterum nihilo ei Piraei quam Eleusinis facilior iisdem fere defendentibus oppugnatio fuit. a Piraeo Athenas repente duxit.

[¶102] 26.8. Driven thence by a sudden sally of cavalry and infantry in the narrow space between the half-ruined walls which with their two arms join Piraeus and Athens, he gave up the attempt on the city and, again dividing his force with Philocles and setting out to plunder the country districts, while he had devoted his former raid to destroying the tombs around the city, that he might leave nothing inviolate, he ordered the temples

> Latin: 26.8. inde eruptione subita peditum equitumque inter angustias semiruti muri, qui bracchiis duobus Piraeum Athenis iungit, repulsus, omissa oppugnatione urbis, diviso cum Philocle rursus exercitu ad agros vastandos profectus, cum priorem populationem sepulcris circa urbem diruendis exercuisset, ne quid inviolatum relinqueret,

[¶103] 26.10. of the gods which the Athenians had consecrated in all the demes to be torn down and burned;

> Latin: 26.10. templa deum, quae pagatim sacrata habebant, dirui atque incendi iussit;

[¶104] 26.11. and the land of Attica, with its wonderful adornment of works of art and its abundance of native marble and the skill of its artists offered material for his rage.

> Latin: 26.11. et ornata eo genere operum eximie terra Attica et copia domestici marmoris et ingeniis artificum praebuit huic furori materiam.

[¶105] 26.12. For he was not satisfied merely to destroy the temples and statues themselves, but even ordered the separate stones to be broken up, lest they be left whole upon the piles of ruins.

> Latin: 26.12. neque enim diruere modo ipsa templa ac simulacra evertere satis habuit, sed lapides quoque, ne integri cumularent ruinas, frangi iussit.

[¶106] 26.13. And after his wrath, or rather objects on which to expend his wrath, had been exhausted, he retired from the enemy's country to Boeotia, and did nothing else worth mentioning in Greece.

> Latin: 26.13. et postquam non tam ira erat satiata quam irae exercendae materia deerat, agro hostium in Boeotiam excessit nec aliud quicquam dignum memoria in Graecia egit.

[¶107] 27.1. The consul Sulpicius was at that time encamped along the Apsus river between Apollonia and Dyrrachium, and summoning to him there his lieutenant Lucius Apustius he sent him with part of the troops to ravage the enemy's country.

> Latin: 27.1. consul Sulpicius eo tempore inter Apolloniam ac Dyrrachium ad Apsum flumen habebat castra, quo arcessitum L. Apustium legatum cum parte copiarum ad depopulandos hostium fines mittit.

[¶108] 27.2. Apustius, having plundered the frontiers of Macedonia and having captured at the first assault the towns of Corrhagum, Gerronius and Orgessum, arrived at Antipatrea, a city situated in a narrow pass.

> Latin: 27.2. Apustius, extrema Macedoniae populatus, Corrhago et Gerrunio et Orgesso castellis primo impetu captis ad Antipatream, in faucibus angustis sitam urbem, venit.

[¶109] 27.3. There he first summoned the leading men to a conference and tried to induce them to put themselves under Roman protection; then, when they scorned his suggestions, relying on the size and walls and site of the city, he stormed and captured it by force of arms and killing all the men of military age and giving the booty to the soldiers he tore down the walls and burned the city.

> Latin: 27.3. ac primo evocatos principes ad colloquium, ut fidei Romanorum se committerent, perlicere est conatus; deinde, ubi magnitudine ac moenibus situque urbis freti dicta aspernabantur, vi atque armis adortus expugnavit puberibusque interfectis, praeda omni militibus concessa diruit muros atque urbem incendit.

## 3. Book XXXI · chapters 27–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3/#p-N

[¶0] 27.5. Fear of a similar fate caused Codrio, a strong and well-fortified town, to be surrendered to the Romans without resistance.

> Latin: 27.5. hic metus Codrione, satis validum et munitum oppidum, sine certamine ut dederetur Romanis, effecit.

[¶1] 27.6. Leaving a garrison there, he took by storm Cnidus — a name better known than the town because of the other Cnidus in Asia. As the lieutenant was returning to the consul with a satisfactory amount of booty, Athenagoras, one of the king's prefects, attacked his rear while it was crossing a river and caused some confusion to his rearguard.

> Latin: 27.6. praesidio ibi relicto Cnidus—nomen propter alteram in Asia urbem quam oppidum notius—vi capitur. revertentem legatum ad consulem cum satis magna praeda Athenagoras quidam, regius praefectus, in transitu fluminis a novissimo agmine adortus postremos turbavit.

[¶2] 27.7. The lieutenant, hastily riding back when he heard their shouts and uproar, faced the troops about and formed line of battle, placing the baggage in the centre, whereupon the king's soldiers did not withstand the Romans' charge. Many of them were killed and more captured.

> Latin: 27.7. ad quorum clamorem et trepidationem cum revectus equo propere legatus signa convertisset et coniectis in medium sarcinis aciem derexisset, non tulere impetum Romanorum militum regii. multi ex iis occisi, plures capti.

[¶3] 27.8. The lieutenant returned to the consul with his army intact and thence was at once sent back to the fleet.

> Latin: 27.8. legatus incolumi exercitu reducto ad consulem remittitur inde extemplo ad classem.

[¶4] 28.1. The war having been begun with this sufficiently successful expedition, the petty kings and princes, neighbours to the Macedonians, came to the Roman camp; Pleuratus, son of Scerdilaedus, and Amynander, king of the Athamanes, and from the Dardani Bato, son of Longarus.

> Latin: 28.1. hac satis felici expeditione bello commisso reguli ac principes accolae Macedonum in castra Romana veniunt, Pleuratus Scerdilaedi filius et Amynander Athamanum rex et ex Dardanis Bato Longari filius.

[¶5] 28.2. Longarus on his own account had waged war with Demetrius, father of Philip. To their proffers of assistance, the consul replied that he would accept the aid of the Dardani and Pleuratus when he led the army into Macedonia; to Amynander he assigned the task of winning the Aetolians over for the war.

> Latin: 28.2. bellum suo nomine Longarus cum Demetrio, Philippi patre, gesserat. pollicentibus auxilia respondit consul, Dardanorum et Pleurati opera, cum exercitum in Macedoniam induceret, se usurum;

[¶6] 28.3. To the ambassadors of Attalus — for they too had arrived at this time — he gave instructions that the king should await the Roman fleet at Aegina, where he was wintering, and uniting with it should continue as before the naval warfare on Philip.

> Latin: 28.3. Amynandro Aetolos concitandos ad bellum attribuit. Attali legatis—nam ii quoque per id tempus venerant—mandat, ut Aeginae rex, ubi hibernabat, classem Romanam opperiretur, qua adiuncta bello maritimo, sicut ante, Philippum urgeret.

[¶7] 28.4. Ambassadors were sent to the Rhodians also, that they should take up their share in the war. Nor did Philip — for he had by now reached Macedonia — carry on less vigorously his preparations for the war.

> Latin: 28.4. ad Rhodios quoque missi legati, ut capesserent partem belli. nec Philippus segnius—iam enim in Macedoniam pervenerat— adparabat bellum.

[¶8] 28.5. He sent his son Perseus, who was still a boy, with guardians from among his friends to guide his youth, with part of the troops to hold the passes which lead to Pelagonia.

> Latin: 28.5. filium Persea, puerum admodum, datis ex amicorum numero, qui aetatem eius regerent, cum parte copiarum ad obsidendas angustias, quae ad Pelagoniam sunt, mittit.

[¶9] 28.6. He destroyed Sciathus and Peparethus, cities not unknown to fame, to prevent their becoming prize and prey to the fleet of the enemy. He sent ambassadors to the Aetolians, lest that restless people should, on the arrival of the Romans, change its allegiance.

> Latin: 28.6. Sciathum et Peparethum, haud ignobiles urbes, ne classi hostium praedae ac praemio essent, diruit. ad Aetolos mittit legatos, ne gens inquieta adventu Romanorum fidem mutaret.

[¶10] 29.1. The council of the Aetolians, which they call Panaetolian, was to be held on the appointed day. To be present at it, both the king's representatives hastened their journey and Lucius Furius Purpurio the lieutenant, arrived, sent by the consul; ambassadors of the Athenians also came to this council.

> Latin: 29.1. concilium Aetolorum stata die, quod Panaetolium vocant, futurum erat. huic ut occurrerent, et regis legati iter adcelerarunt, et a consule missus L. Furius Purpurio legatus venit;

[¶11] 29.2. The Macedonians, with whom the latest treaty had been made, were first heard.

> Latin: 29.2. Atheniensium quoque legati ad id concilium occurrerunt. primi Macedones, cum quibus recentissimum foedus erat, auditi sunt.

[¶12] 29.3. They said that they had nothing new to say since nothing new had happened; inasmuch as, for the same reasons for which they had made peace with Philip after trying the useless Roman alliance, they should wish to keep a peace once for all established.

> Latin: 29.3. qui in nulla nova re nihil se novi habere, quod adferrent, dixerunt; quibus enim de causis experta inutili societate Romana pacem cum Philippo fecissent, compositam semel pacem servare eos debere.

[¶13] 29.4. “Or do you prefer,” said one of the ambassadors, “to imitate Roman presumption, or shall I call it fickleness? After ordering that your ambassadors at Rome should receive the answer, 'Why do you come to us, Aetolians, when without our authority you made peace with Philip?”

> Latin: 29.4. ‘an imitari’ inquit unus ex legatis Romanorum ‘licentiam, an levitatem dicam, mavultis? qui cum legatis vestris Romae responderi ita iussissent; ‘quid ad nos venitis, Aetoli, sine quorum auctoritate pacem cum Philippo fecistis?

[¶14] 29.5. ', these same Romans now demand that you make war -on Philip along with them; as they formerly pretended that they had taken arms against him on your account and for your sakes, now they forbid you to be at peace with Philip.

> Latin: 29.5. ’, iidem nunc, ut bellum secum adversus Philippum geratis, postulant; et antea propter vos et pro vobis arma sumpta adversus eum simulabant, nunc vos in pace esse cum Philippo prohibent.

[¶15] 29.6. “They crossed to Sicily first to assist Messina; the second time, to rescue and restore to liberty Syracuse, besieged by the Carthaginians; now they themselves hold both Messina and Syracuse and all Sicily and they have made it a province, tributary and subject to their rods and axes.”

> Latin: 29.6. Messanae ut auxilio essent, primo in Siciliam transcenderunt; iterum, ut Syracusas oppressas ab Carthaginiensibus in libertatem eximerent;

[¶16] 29.7. “No doubt, just as you hold your council at Naupactus, under your own ” “laws, with magistrates elected by yourselves, able to choose freely whomsoever you wish as friend and enemy, able to have peace or war at your own discretion, so a council of the Sicilian cities is called at Syracuse or Messina or Lilybaeum: the Roman praetor presides at the council; the men whom he has summoned by his authority assemble;”

> Latin: 29.7. et Messanam et Syracusas et totam Siciliam ipsi habent vectigalemque provinciam securibus et fascibus subiecerunt. scilicet sicut vos Naupacti legibus vestris per magistratus a vobis creatos concilium habetis, socium hostemque libere quem velitis lecturi, pacem ac bellum arbitrio habituri vestro, sic Siculorum civitatibus Syracusas aut Messanam aut Lilybaeum indicitur concilium:

[¶17] 29.9. “they see him seated on his lofty platform, rendering haughty justice, with a throng of lictors around him; their rods threaten their backs, the axes their throats; and year by year the lots grant them one master after another.”

> Latin: 29.9. —praetor Romanus conventus agit; eo imperio evocati conveniunt; excelso in suggestu superba iura reddentem, stipatum lictoribus vident; virgae tergo, secures cervicibus imminent; et quotannis alium atque alium dominum sortiuntur.

[¶18] 29.10. “At that they should not marvel, nor can they, when they see the Italian cities, Rhegium, Tarentum, Capua, subject to the same rule, not to mention the nearer cities on whose ruins Rome rose to power.”

> Latin: 29.10. nec id mirari debent aut possunt, cum Italiae urbes Regium, Tarentum, Capuam, ne finitimas, quarum ruinis crevit urbs Roma, nominem, eidem subiectas videant imperio.

[¶19] 29.11. “Capua indeed, tomb and monument of the Campanian race, survives, its people buried, exiled, driven away, a city despoiled, without senate, without people, without magistrates, a monstrosity, more cruelly left habitable than if it had been destroyed.”

> Latin: 29.11. Capua quidem, sepulcrum ac monumentum Campani populi, elato et extorri eiecto ipso populo, superest, urbs trunca sine senatu, sine plebe, sine magistratibus, prodigium, relicta crudelius habitanda, quam si deleta foret.

[¶20] 29.12. “It is madness to hope that anything will remain in the same condition if foreigners, separated from us more by language, manners and laws than by the space of land and sea, shall gain control.”

> Latin: 29.12. furor est, si alienigenae homines, plus lingua et moribus et legibus quam maris terrarumque spatio discreti, haec tenuerint, sperare quicquam eodem statu mansurum.

[¶21] 29.13. “The rule of Philip seems to interfere somewhat with your liberty; but he, though he would justly be angry with you, has asked nothing from you except peace and to-day desires nothing but your loyalty to your pledge of peace.”

> Latin: 29.13. Philippi regnum officere aliquid videtur libertati vestrae; qui, cum merito vestro vobis infensus esset, nihil a vobis ultra quam pacem petiit fidemque hodie pacis pactae desiderat.

[¶22] 29.14. “Make foreign armies at home in this land and wear their yoke: too late and all in vain will you call upon Philip to aid you when you have the Roman as master.”

> Latin: 29.14. adsuefacite his terris legiones externas et iugum accipite: sero ac nequiquam, cum dominum Romanum habebitis, socium Philippum quaeretis.

[¶23] 29.15. “The Aetolians, the Acarnanians, the Macedonians, men of the same speech, are united or disunited by trivial causes that arise from time to time; with aliens, with barbarians, all Greeks wage and will wage eternal war; for they are enemies by the will of nature, which is eternal, and not from reasons that change from day to day.”

> Latin: 29.15. Aetolos, Acarnanas, Macedonas, eiusdem linguae homines, leves ad tempus ortae causae diiungunt coniunguntque; cum alienigenis, cum barbaris aeternum omnibus Graecis bellum est eritque; natura enim, quae perpetua est, non mutabilibus in diem causis hostes sunt.

[¶24] 29.16. “But my speech shall end just where it began: in this same place you, the same men, decided three years ago on peace with this same Philip, with the disapproval of these same Romans who are now trying to break the peace we pledged and signed. In this situation fortune has made no change; why you should change, I do not see.”

> Latin: 29.16. sed unde coepit oratio mea, ibi desinet: hoc eodem loco iidem homines de eiusdem Philippi pace triennio ante decrevistis iisdem improbantibus eam pacem Romanis, qui nunc pactam et compositam turbare volunt. in qua consultatione nihil fortuna mutavit, cur vos mutetis, non video.

[¶25] 30.1. After the Macedonians, with the permission and indeed at the bidding of the Romans themselves, - the Athenians were brought in, who were able, having suffered dreadfully, to assail with greater reason the savageness and cruelty of the king.

> Latin: 30.1. ’ secundum Macedonas ipsis Romanis ita concedentibus iubentibusque Athenienses, qui foeda passi iustius in crudelitatem saevitiamque regis invehi poterant, introducti sunt.

[¶26] 30.2. They lamented the devastation and miserable ruin of their land: they did not complain because they suffered the treatment of an enemy from an enemy, for there are certain laws of war which are legitimately to be experienced as well as practised:

> Latin: 30.2. deploraverunt vastationem populationemque miserabilem agrorum: neque id se queri, quod hostilia ab hoste passi forent; esse enim quaedam belli iura, quae ut facere, ita pati sit fas:

[¶27] 30.3. it is sad, rather than unjust to the sufferer, that crops be burned, homes be destroyed, men and animals driven off as booty;

> Latin: 30.3. sata exuri, dirui tecta, praedas hominum pecorumque agi misera magis quam indigna patienti esse;

[¶28] 30.4. but they did, however, complain that he who calls the Romans aliens and barbarians had so polluted human and divine law alike that on his first raid he had waged impious war on the gods of the world below, on his second, with the gods above.

> Latin: 30.4. verum enim vero id se queri, quod is, qui Romanos alienigenas et barbaros vocet, adeo omnia simul divina humanaque iura polluerit, ut priore populatione cum infernis deis, secunda cum superis bellum nefarium gesserit.

[¶29] 30.5. All the tombs and monuments in their land had been destroyed, the shades of all the dead left naked, no man's bones left with their covering of earth.

> Latin: 30.5. omnia sepulcra monumentaque diruta esse in finibus suis, omnium nudatos manes, nullius ossa terra tegi.

[¶30] 30.6. They had had shrines, which their ancestors dwelling in the country demes had once consecrated in their little villages and towns and which, even when united in one city, they had not left deserted. About all these temples Philip had built his destroying fires; half-burned, mutilated images of gods lay amid the fallen portals of their shrines.

> Latin: 30.6. delubra sibi fuisse, quae quondam pagatim habitantes in parvis illis castellis vicisque consecrata ne in unam urbem quidem contributi maiores sui deserta reliquerint.

[¶31] 30.7. The sort of land he had made of Attica, once so rich in art and treasure, such, if he were permitted, he would make of Aetolia and all Greece.

> Latin: 30.7. circa ea omnia templa Philippum infestos circumtulisse ignes; semusta, truncata simulacra deum inter prostratos iacere postes templorum.

[¶32] 30.8. Their city too would have suffered the same despoliation if the Romans had not come to its aid.

> Latin: 30.8. qualem terram Atticam fecerit, exornatam quondam opulentamque, talem eum, si liceat, Aetoliam Graeciamque omnem facturum.

[¶33] 30.9. For in the same criminal fashion the gods that keep the city and Athena, guardian of its citadel, had been attacked, so too the temple of Demeter at Eleusis, so Zeus and Athena at Piraeus;

> Latin: 30.9. urbis quoque suae similem deformitatem futuram fuisse, nisi Romani subvenissent. eodem enim scelere urbem colentis deos praesidemque arcis Minervam petitam, eodem Eleusine Cereris templum, eodem Piraei Iovem Minervamque;

[¶34] 30.10. but, repulsed not only from their temples but also from the walls by force of arms, he had spent his wrath on those shrines which were protected by a sense of reverence alone.

> Latin: 30.10. sed ab eorum non templis modo sed etiam moenibus vi atque armis repulsum in ea delubra, quae sola religione tuta fuerint, saevisse.

[¶35] 30.11. They therefore begged and besought the Aetolians to pity the Athenians and under the leadership, first of the immortal gods, second of the Romans, who were next to the gods in power, to undertake the war.

> Latin: 30.11. itaque se orare atque obsecrare Aetolos, ut miseriti Atheniensium ducibus diis immortalibus, deinde Romanis, qui secundum deos plurimum possent, bellum susciperent.

[¶36] 31.1. Then the Roman delegate spoke: “First the Macedonians, then the Athenians, have changed the whole tenor of my argument.”

> Latin: 31.1. tum Romanus legatus: ‘totam orationis meae formam Macedones primum, deinde Athenienses mutarunt.

[¶37] 31.2. “For the Macedonians, when I had come to complain of the injuries inflicted by Philip upon so many states allied with us, by taking the lead in accusing the Romans, have caused me to prefer a defence ” “of ourselves to an accusation of them, and when the Athenians have described his cruel and inhuman crimes against the gods above and below, what have they left for me or anyone else with which to reproach him further?”

> Latin: 31.2. nam et Macedones, cum ad conquerendas Philippi iniurias in tot socias nobis urbes venissem, ultro accusando Romanos, defensionem ut accusatione potiorem haberem effecerunt, et Athenienses in deos inferos superosque nefanda atque inhumana scelera eius referendo quid mihi aut cuiquam reliquerunt, quod obicere ultra possim?

[¶38] 31.4. “Consider that these same complaints are made by the people of Cius, Abydus, Aenus, Maronea, Thasos, Paros, Samos, Larisa, Messene here from Achaea, and that those complaints are of more grievous and cruel treatment wherever he had greater power to do harm.”

> Latin: 31.4. eadem haec Cianos, Abydenos, Aenios, Maronitas, Thasios, Parios, Samios, Larisenses, Messenios hinc ex Achaia existimate queri, graviora acerbioraque eos, quibus nocendi maiorem facultatem habuit.

[¶39] 31.5. “For as to those matters with which he has charged us, unless they merit glory, I confess that they cannot be defended. He has reproached us with Rhegium and Capua and Syracuse.”

> Latin: 31.5. nam quod ad ea attinet, quae nobis obiecit, nisi gloria digna sunt, fateor ea defendi non posse. Regium et Capuam et Syracusas nobis obiecit.

[¶40] 31.6. “Take Rhegium: in the war with Pyrrhus a legion sent by us when the townspeople of Rhegium themselves begged us to send troops for their protection, criminally seized the city it was sent to guard.”

> Latin: 31.6. regium Pyrrhi bello legio a nobis Reginis ipsis, ut mitteremus, orantibus in praesidium missa urbem, ad quam defendendam missa erat, per scelus possedit.

[¶41] 31.7. “Did we, then, approve this crime? Or did we, making war upon the guilty legion and reducing it to submission, when we had made it pay to the allies the penalty, with scourgings and beheadings, did we restore to the people of Rhegium their city, their lands and all their possessions along with their liberty and laws?”

> Latin: 31.7. comprobavimus ergo id facinus? an bello persecuti sceleratam legionem, in potestatem nostram redactam, tergo et cervicibus poenas sociis pendere cum coegissemus, urbem, agros suaque omnia cum libertate legibusque Reginis reddidimus?

[¶42] 31.8. “When we had given aid to the Syracusans, oppressed by foreign tyrants, a thing which made their fate more pitiable, and when we had been worn out by besieging, for nearly three years, the city strongly fortified by land and sea, since now the Syracusans themselves preferred to be ruled by tyrants to being captured by us, we delivered to them a city taken and liberated by these same arms.”

> Latin: 31.8. Syracusanis oppressis ab externis tyrannis, quo indignius esset, cum tulissemus opem et fatigati fagitati prope per triennium terra marique urbe munitissima oppugnanda essemus, cum iam ipsi Syracusani servire tyrannis quam capi a nobis mallent, captam iisdem armis et liberatam urbem reddidimus.

[¶43] 31.9. “We do not deny that Sicily is our province and that the cities which were on the side of Carthage and in agreement with her made war on us are our vassals and tributaries; nay, on the contrary, we wish both you and all nations to know this, that each one's fortune is proportioned to his services to us.”

> Latin: 31.9. neque infitias imus Siciliam provinciam nostram esse et civitates, quae in parte Carthaginiensium fuerunt et uno animo cum illis adversus nos bellum gesserunt, stipendiarias nobis ac vectigales esse; quin contra hoc et vos et omnes gentes scire volumus, pro merito cuique erga nos fortunam esse.

[¶44] 31.10. “Or should we be ashamed of the punishment of the Campanians, of which not even they can complain?” “These people, when we had warred with the Samnites on their behalf for almost seventy years, with great losses to ourselves, and when after that we had bound them to us, first by treaty, then by intermarriages ” “and personal ties, finally by the gift of citizenship, were the first of all the states of Italy who in our time of stress foully murdered our garrison and went over to Hannibal, and then, enraged because they were besieged by us, sent Hannibal to attack Rome.”

> Latin: 31.10. an Campanorum poenae, de qua ne ipsi quidem queri possunt, nos paeniteat? hi homines, cum pro iis bellum adversus Samnites per annos prope septuaginta cum magnis nostris cladibus gessissemus, ipsos foedere primum, deinde conubio atque cognationibus, postremo civitate nobis coniunxissemus, tempore nostro adverso primi omnium Italiae populorum, praesidio nostro foede interfecto, ad Hannibalem defecerunt, deinde indignati se obsideri a nobis Hannibalem ad oppugnandam Romam miserunt.

[¶45] 31.13. “If neither their city nor any man of them survived, who could say that they had been punished more severely than they themselves deserved?”

> Latin: 31.13. horum si neque urbs ipsa neque homo quisquam superesset, quis id durius quam pro merito ipsorum statutum indignari posset?

[¶46] 31.14. “More of them, from consciousness of their guilt, committed suicide than were punished by us.” “From the rest we did indeed take away their town and their fields, but in such a way that we left them enough land and room to dwell in, and we permitted the city itself to stand safe and uninjured, so that he who sees it to-day finds no sign of its assault and capture. But why do I mention Capua, when we gave peace and liberty to conquered Carthage?”

> Latin: 31.14. plures sibimet ipsi conscientia scelerum mortem consciverunt, quam ab nobis supplicio adfecti sunt. ceteris ita oppidum, ita agros ademimus, ut agrum locumque ad habitandum daremus, urbem innoxiam stare incolumem pateremur, ut, qui hodie videat eam, nullum oppugnatae captaeve ibi vestigium inveniat. sed quid ego Capuam dico, cum Carthagini victae pacem ac libertatem dederimus?

[¶47] 31.16. “This is the greater danger, that by treating the vanquished too generously we may thereby incite more peoples to try the fortune of war against us.”

> Latin: 31.16. magis illud est periculum, ne nimis facile victis ignoscendo plures ob id ipsum ad experiundam adversus nos fortunam belli incitemus.

[¶48] 31.17. “Let this be our defence of ourselves and our answer to Philip, whose murders within his family, whose slaughterings of friends and relatives, whose passions, more unnatural almost than his cruelty, you know better than I, as you are nearer neighbours to Macedonia.”

> Latin: 31.17. haec pro nobis dicta sint, haec adversus Philippum, cuius domestica parricidia et cognatorum amicorumque caedes et libidinem inhumaniorem prope quam crudelitatem vos, quo propiores Macedoniae estis, melius nostis.

[¶49] 31.18. “So far as you are concerned, men of Aetolia, we undertook the war with Philip for you and you made peace with him without us.”

> Latin: 31.18. quod ad vos attinet, Aetoli, nos pro vobis bellum suscepimus adversus Philippum, vos sine nobis cum eo pacem fecistis.

[¶50] 31.19. “And perhaps you will argue that when we were busy with the Punic war, you, compelled by fear, received terms of peace from him who was at that time more powerful; and that we, in the press of greater matters, ourselves neglected the war which you abandoned.”

> Latin: 31.19. et forsitan dicatis bello Punico occupatis nobis coactos metu vos leges pacis ab eo, qui tum plus poterat, accepisse; et nos, cum alia maiora urgerent, depositum a vobis bellum et ipsi omisimus.

[¶51] 31.20. “But now, by the grace of the gods, having finished the Punic war, we have addressed ourselves with all our energy to Macedonia, and to you, accordingly, is offered the opportunity of reinstating yourselves in our alliance and friendship, unless you prefer perishing with Philip to conquering with the Romans.”

> Latin: 31.20. nunc et nos deum benignitate Punico perfecto bello totis viribus nostris in Macedoniam incubuimus, et vobis restituendi vos in amicitiam societatemque nostram fortuna oblata est, nisi perire cum Philippo quam vincere cum Romanis mavultis.

[¶52] 32.1. After this had been said by the Roman commissioner, and the opinions of all were turning toward the Romans, Damocritus, chief of the Aetolians, bribed — so men say — by the king, argued, not agreeing in any way with either side, that nothing was so inconsistent with wisdom in a great crisis as haste; for repentance, swift yet none the less late and unavailing, followed, when hastily-formed plans could not be recalled or annulled.

> Latin: 32.1. ’ haec dicta ab Romano cum essent, inclinatis omnium animis ad Romanos Damocritus, praetor Aetolorum, pecunia, ut fama est, ab rege accepta nihil aut huic aut illi parti adsensus, rem magni discriminis consiliis nullam esse tam inimicam quam celeritatem dixit; celerem enim paenitentiam, sed eandem seram atque inutilem sequi, cum praecipitata raptim consilia neque revocari neque in integrum restitui possint.

[¶53] 32.3. The time for making the decision, the ripe moment for which should, in his judgment, be awaited, could be fixed even now: since it was provided by the laws that questions concerning peace or war should not be debated except at the Panaetolian and Pylaic council, they should at once decree that the praetor should call a council, in good faith, when he wished to discuss the question of peace or war, and that whatever was then proposed and decreed should be valid and legal just as if determined at a Panaetolian or Pylaic session.

> Latin: 32.3. deliberationis eius, cuius ipse maturitatem expectandam putaret, tempus ita iam nunc statui posse: cum legibus cautum esset, ne de pace belloque nisi in Panaetolico et Pylaico concilio ageretur, decernerent extemplo, ut praetor sine fraude, cum de bello et pace agere velit, advocet concilium, et quod tum referatur decernaturque ut perinde ius ratumque sit ac si in Panaetolico aut Pylaico concilio actum esset. dimissis ita suspensa re legatis egregie consultum genti aiebat: nam utrius partis melior fortuna belli esset, ad eius societatem inclinaturos. haec in concilio Aetolorum acta. Philippus impigre terra marique parabat bellum. navalis copias Demetriadem in Thessaliam contrahebat; Attalum Romanamque classem principio veris ab Aegina ratus moturos, navibus maritumaeque orae praefecit Heraclidam, quem et ante praefecerat;

[¶54] 33.3. The ambassadors being thus dismissed with the decision hanging in the balance, he said that this was wise conduct for the League: for whichever side enjoyed the better fortune of war, to an alliance with that side they would turn. Such were the proceedings of the Aetolian council. XXXIII. Philip was energetically preparing for war on land and sea.

> Latin: 33.3. ipse terrestris copias comparabat, magna se duo auxilia Romanis detraxisse credens, ex una parte Aetolos, ex altera Dardanos, faucibus ad Pelagoniam a filio Perseo interclusis.

[¶55] 33.4. He assembled his navy at Demetrias in Thessaly; expecting that Attalus and the Roman fleet would move from Aegina in the beginning of spring, he placed Heraclides, to whom he had previously given the same post, in command of the fleet and the coast;

> Latin: 33.4. ab consule non parabatur, sed gerebatur iam bellum. per Dassaretiorum fines exercitum ducebat, frumentum, quod ex hibernis extulerat, integrum vehens, quod in usum militi satis esset praebentibus agris.

[¶56] 33.5. he himself collected the land forces, thinking that he had detached from the Romans two powerful allies, the Aetolians on one side, the Dardani on the other, since the passes to Pelagonia were held by his son Perseus. The consul was not preparing, but actually waging, war.

> Latin: 33.5. oppida vicique partim voluntate, partim metu se tradebant; quaedam vi expugnata, quaedam deserta in montis propinquos refugientibus barbaris inveniebantur.

[¶57] 33.6. He was leading the army through the territory of the Dassaretii, carrying with him untouched the grain he had brought from winter quarters, since the country supplied adequately the needs of the soldiers. The forts and towns surrendered, some voluntarily, others through fear; some were carried by assault, some were found abandoned as the barbarians fled to the neighbouring mountains. He established a base near Lyncus on the river Bevus; from there he sent troops to forage among the granaries of the Dassaretii.

> Latin: 33.6. ad Lyncum stativa posuit prope flumen Bevum; inde frumentatum circa horrea Dassaretiorum mittebat. Philippus consternata quidem omnia circa pavoremque ingentem hominum cernebat, sed parum gnarus, quam partem petisset consul, alam equitum ad explorandum, quonam hostes iter intendissent, misit.

[¶58] 33.7. Philip, it is true, saw that everything round about was in confusion and that the people were greatly terrified, but not knowing in which direction the consul had marched, he sent a squadron of cavalry to ascertain where the enemy had gone.

> Latin: 33.7. idem error apud consulem erat; movisse ex hibernis regem sciebat, quam regionem petisset, ignorans.

[¶59] 33.8. The consul was equally at a loss; he knew that the king had left his winter quarters, though ignorant of the region to which he had marched. He too sent out cavalry to scout. These two cavalry forces, coming from different directions, after they had wandered long and aimlessly over the roads in the land of the Dassaretii, finally met on the same highway. Neither was unaware, since they heard the sound of men and horses from far off, that the enemy was approaching.

> Latin: 33.8. is quoque speculatum miserat equites. hae duae alae ex diverso, cum diu incertis itineribus vagatae per Dassaretios essent, tandem in unum iter convenerunt. neutros fefellit, ut fremitus procul hominum equorumque exauditus est, hostes appropinquare. itaque priusquam in conspectum venirent, equos armaque expedierant; nec mora, ubi primum hostem videre, concurrendi facta est.

[¶60] 33.9. So, before they came in sight of one another, they had prepared horses and arms for battle, nor was there any delay in charging as soon as the enemy came in sight. Not unequal, as it chanced, in either numbers or courage, since both consisted of picked men, they fought on equal terms for some hours.

> Latin: 33.9. forte et numero et virtute, utpote lecti utrimque, haud impares, aequis viribus per aliquot horas pugnarunt. fatigatio ipsorum equorumque incerta victoria diremit proelium.

[¶61] 33.10. The weariness of men and horses ended the struggle without a decision in favour of either party. Of the Macedonians, forty troopers fell; of the Romans, thirty-five.

> Latin: 33.10. Macedonum quadraginta equites, Romanorum quinque et triginta ceciderunt. neque eo magis explorati quicquam, in qua regione castra hostium essent, aut illi ad regem aut hi ad consulem rettulerunt;

[¶62] 33.11. Nor did either side, the king's or the consul's, have to report any more definite information as to where the enemy's camp lay; but this information was secured through deserters, whom in every war their fickleness causes to furnish information to the enemy.

> Latin: 33.11. per transfugas cognitum est, quos levitas ingeniorum ad cognoscendas hostium res in omnibus bellis praebet.

[¶63] 34.1. Philip, thinking that he would do something to secure the affection of his people and increase their readiness to encounter danger on his behalf if he undertook the burial of the cavalrymen who had fallen on the expedition, ordered their bodies brought into camp, that the funeral honour might be seen by all.

> Latin: 34.1. Philippus aliquid et ad caritatem suorum et ut promptius pro eo periculum adirent ratus profecturum se, si equitum, qui ceciderant in expeditione, sepeliendorum curam habuisset, adferri eos in castra iussit, ut conspiceretur ab omnibus funeris honos.

[¶64] 34.3. Nothing is so uncertain or so unpredictable as the mental reaction of a crowd. What he thought would make them more ready to enter any conflict caused, instead, reluctance and fear;

> Latin: 34.3. nihil tam incertum nec tam inaestimabile est quam animi multitudinis. quod promptiores ad subeundam omnem dimicationem videbatur facturum, id metum pigritiamque incussit;

[¶65] 34.4. for men who had seen the wounds dealt by javelins and arrows and occasionally by lances, since they were used to fighting with the Greeks and Illyrians, when they had seen bodies chopped to pieces by the Spanish sword, arms torn away, shoulders and all, or heads separated from bodies, with the necks completely severed, or vitals laid open, and the other fearful wounds, realized in a general panic with what weapons and what men they had to fight.

> Latin: 34.4. nam qui hastis sagittisque et rara lanceis facta vulnera vidissent, cum Graecis Illyriisque pugnare adsueti, postquam gladio Hispaniensi detruncata corpora, bracchiis cum humero abscisis, aut tota cervice desecta divisa a corpore capita patentiaque viscera et foeditatem aliam vulnerum viderunt, adversus quae tela quosque viros pugnandum foret, pavidi vulgo cernebant.

[¶66] 34.5. Fear seized the king as well, who had never met the Romans in ordered combat.

> Latin: 34.5. ipsum quoque regem terror cepit nondum iusto proelio cum Romanis congressum.

[¶67] 34.6. So, recalling his son and the guard which was at the passes to Pelagonia, - that he might increase his own strength with these forces, he opened to Pleuratus and the Dardani the road into Macedonia.

> Latin: 34.6. itaque revocato filio praesidioque, quod in faucibus Pelagoniae erat, ut iis copiis suas augeret, Pleurato Dardanisque iter in Macedoniam patefecit.

[¶68] 34.7. Using deserters as guides, he himself marched towards the enemy with twenty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, and fortified with a wall and ditch a hill near Athacus, a little more than a mile from the Roman camp, and seeing the Roman camp which lay at his feet, it is said that he admired its whole arrangement and each section allotted its own place, with the rows of tents and also the well-spaced streets between, and that he remarked that no one could believe that that camp belonged to barbarians.

> Latin: 34.7. ipse cum viginti milibus peditum, duobus milibus equitum ducibus transfugis ad' hostem profectus paulo plus mille passus a castris Romanis tumulum propinquum Athaco fossa ac vallo communivit; ac subiecta cernens Romana castra, admiratus esse dicitur et universam speciem castrorum et discripta suis quaeque partibus cum tendentium ordine tum itinerum intervallis et negasse barbarorum ea castra ulli videri posse.

[¶69] 34.9. For two days the consul and the king remained in camp, each waiting for the other to assume the offensive; on the third day the Roman led out all his forces to the battleground.

> Latin: 34.9. biduum consul et rex, alter alterius conatus expectantes, continuere suos intra vallum; tertio die Romanus omnis in aciem copias eduxit.

[¶70] 35.1. The king, fearing the gamble of a decisive battle at this early moment, sent four hundred Tralles — a people of Illyria, as I have elsewhere said — and three hundred Cretans, adding to the infantry an equal number of cavalry under command of Athenagoras, one of his nobles, to harass the Roman cavalry.

> Latin: 35.1. rex [non] tam celerem aleam universi certaminis timens quadringentos Trallis—Illyriorum id, sicut alio diximus loco, est genus—et Cretenses trecentos, addito his peditibus pari numero equitum, cum duce Athenagora, uno ex purpuratis, ad lacessendos hostium equites misit.

[¶71] 35.2. The Romans, on the other hand — their battle-line was a little more than half a mile away — sent out skirmishers and about two squadrons of cavalry, that the infantry and cavalry might equal the enemy in number also.

> Latin: 35.2. ab Romanis autem—aberat acies eorum paulo plus quingentos passus—velites et equitum duae ferme alae emissae, ut numero quoque eques pedesque hostem aequarent.

[¶72] 35.3. The king's forces assumed that the type of fighting would be that to which they were accustomed, that the cavalry, alternately advancing and retreating, would now discharge their weapons and now retire, that the swift movements of the Illyrians would be useful for sallies and sudden charges, and that the Cretans would shower arrows upon the enemy advancing in disorder.

> Latin: 35.3. credere regii genus pugnae, quo adsueverant, fore, ut equites in vicem insequentes refugientesque nunc telis uterentur, nunc terga darent, Illyriorum velocitas ad excursiones et impetus subitos usui esset, Cretenses in invehentem se effuse hostem sagittas conicerent.

[¶73] 35.4. The Roman attack, no more vigorous than stubborn, prevented the carrying out of this plan;

> Latin: 35.4. turbavit hunc ordinem pugnandi non acrior quam pertinacior impetus Romanorum;

[¶74] 35.5. for just as if they were in regular line of battle, both the skirmishers, after hurling their spears, came to a hand-to-hand combat with their swords, and the cavalry, as soon as they had charged the enemy, stopping their horses either fought from horseback or leaped from their saddles and fought mingled with the footmen.

> Latin: 35.5. nam haud secus, quam si tota acie dimicarent, et velites emissis hastis comminus gladiis rem gerebant, et equites, ut semel in hostem evecti sunt, stantibus equis, partim ex ipsis equis, partim desilientes immiscentesque se peditibus pugnabant.

[¶75] 35.6. So neither the king's cavalry, unused to a stationary battle, could stand against the Romans, nor his infantry, running to and fro and almost unprotected by armour, against the light-armed Romans, equipped with shield and sword and prepared alike for defence or offence.

> Latin: 35.6. ita nec eques regius equiti par erat, insuetus ad stabilem pugnam, nec pedes concursator et vagus et prope seminudus genere armorum veliti Romano parmam gladiumque habenti pariterque et ad se tuendum et ad hostem petendum armato.

[¶76] 35.7. So they did not sustain the struggle, but relying on nothing else than their swiftness of foot they fled to the camp.

> Latin: 35.7. non tulere itaque dimicationem nec alia re quam velocitate tutantes se in castra refugerunt.

[¶77] 36.1. Then, after an interval of a day, when the king was determined to engage with all his cavalry and light infantry, he had concealed his targeteers, those whom they call “peltasts,” in ambush in a suitable place between the two camps, and had instructed Athenagoras and the cavalry that if things went well in the open battle they should exploit their advantage, but if not, they should by retiring gradually draw the enemy towards the place of ambush.

> Latin: 36.1. uno deinde intermisso die, cum omnibus copiis equitum levisque armaturae pugnaturus rex esset, nocte caetratos, quos peltastas vocant, loco opportuno inter bina castra in insidiis abdiderat praeceperatque Athenagorae et equitibus, ut, si aperto proelio procederet res, uterentur fortuna, si minus, cedendo sensim ad insidiarum locum hostem pertraherent.

[¶78] 36.3. And the cavalry did in fact retire, but the commanders of the peltasts, not waiting long enough for the signal and disclosing their forces prematurely, lost the opportunity for a victory. The Roman, both successful in the open battle and safe from the ambuscade, returned to camp.

> Latin: 36.3. et equitatus quidem cessit, duces caetratae cohortis non satis expectato signo ante tempus excitatis suis occasionem bene gerendae rei amisere. Romanus et aperto proelio victor et tutus a fraude insidiarum in castra sese recepit.

[¶79] 36.4. Next day the consul led out all his army in battleline, placing in front of the ranks his elephants, an auxiliary which the Romans then used for the first time, because they had some which they had taken in the Punic war.

> Latin: 36.4. postero die consul omnibus copiis in aciem descendit ante prima signa locatis elephantis, quo auxilio tum primum Romani, quia captos aliquot bello Punico habebant, usi sunt.

[¶80] 36.5. When he saw the enemy lurking behind his ramparts, he advanced to the hills and even against the wall itself, taunting him with being afraid. When he could not even then gain the opportunity to fight, since foraging was unsafe because his base was so close to that of the enemy, the cavalry being ready at any moment to attack the soldiers scattered through the fields, he moved his camp about eight miles from there to Ottolobum — so they call the place — that he might provision himself more safely because of the distance.

> Latin: 36.5. ubi latentem intra vallum hostem vidit, in tumulos quoque ac sub ipsum vallum exprobrans metum successit. postquam ne tum quidem potestas pugnandi dabatur, quia ex tam propinquis stativis parum tuta frumentatio erat, dispersos milites per agros equitibus extemplo invasuris, octo fere inde milia, intervallo tutiorem frumentationem habiturus, castra ad Ottolobum—id est loco nomen —

[¶81] 36.7. While the Romans were gathering grain in the neighbouring fields, the king at first kept his men within the camp, that carelessness might increase in the enemy along with boldness.

> Latin: 36.7. movit. cum in propinquo agro frumentarentur Romani, primo rex intra vallum suos tenuit, ut cresceret simul [et] neglegentia cum audacia hosti.

[¶82] 36.8. When he saw them well scattered, he set out with all his cavalry and the Cretan auxiliaries, in so far as these fast-moving infantrymen could keep up with the cavalry, and marching at full speed set up his standards between the Roman camp and the foragers.

> Latin: 36.8. ubi effusos vidit, cum omni equitatu et Cretensium auxiliaribus, quantum equitem velocissimi pedites cursu aequare poterant, citato profectus agmine inter castra Romana et frumentatores constituit signa.

[¶83] 36.9. Then, dividing his forces, he sent part to pursue the scattered foragers, giving the word to leave no man alive, and himself with the remainder stood and blocked the roads by which the enemy seemed likely to return to camp.

> Latin: 36.9. inde copiis divisis partem ad consectandos vagos frumentatores emisit dato signo, ne quem vivum relinquerent, cum parte ipse substitit itineraque, quibus ad castra recursuri videbantur hostes, obsedit.

[¶84] 36.10. Now there was slaughter and flight everywhere, nor had any news of the disaster yet reached the Roman camp, because the fugitives fell in with the king's patrols, and more were killed by the men who blocked the roads than by those who were sent out to destroy them.

> Latin: 36.10. iam passim caedes ac fuga erat, necdum quisquam in castra Romana nuntius cladis pervenerat, quia refugientes in regiam stationem incidebant, et plures ab obsidentibus vias quam ab emissis ad caedem interficiebantur.

[¶85] 36.11. Finally, however, some of them slipped through the line of enemy guards and in their panic brought confused rumours rather than definite news to the camp.

> Latin: 36.11. tandem inter medias hostium stationes elapsi quidam trepidi tumultum magis quam certum nuntium intulerunt castris.

[¶86] 37.1. The consul sent the cavalry to aid the harassed in any way they could, and himself led out the legions from the camp and forming a hollow square marched towards the enemy.

> Latin: 37.1. consul equitibus iussis, qua quisque posset, opem ferre laborantibus ipse legiones e castris educit et agmine quadrato ad hostem ducit.

[¶87] 37.2. Some of the cavalry wandered aimlessly about the country, misled by the shouts that rose from this place and that, others met the enemy face to face.

> Latin: 37.2. dispersi equites per agros quidam aberrarunt decepti clamoribus aliis ex alio existentibus loco, pars obvios habuerunt hostis.

[¶88] 37.3. The battle began in several places at once. The royal guard put up the stiffest fight, for by reason of the number of infantry and cavalry it was practically a regular battle and most of the Romans encountered them, since they blocked the central road.

> Latin: 37.3. pluribus locis simul pugna coepit. regia statio atrocissimum proelium edebat; nam et ipsa multitudine equitum peditumque prope iusta acies erat, et Romanorum, quia medium obsederat iter, plurimi in eam inferebantur.

[¶89] 37.4. In this too the Macedonians had the advantage, because the king himself was there to urge them on, and the Cretan auxiliaries dealt many unexpected wounds, fighting in close array and according to plan against men who were scattered and not in formation.

> Latin: 37.4. eo quoque superiores Macedones erant, quod et rex ipse hortator aderat, et Cretensium auxiliares multos ex improviso vulnerabant, conferti praeparatique in dispersos et effusos pugnantes.

[¶90] 37.5. But if they had observed discretion in the pursuit, it would have meant not only success in the present engagement, but final victory in the war as well;

> Latin: 37.5. quod si modum in insequendo habuissent, non in praesentis modo certaminis gloriam, sed in summam etiam belli profectum foret;

[¶91] 37.6. as it was, in their greed for slaughter, following too incautiously, they met the Roman cohorts advancing under command of the tribunes, and the fleeing cavalry, as soon as they saw the standards of their friends, faced about and attacked the disordered enemy, and in a moment, the tide of battle turning, the pursuers became the pursued.

> Latin: 37.6. nunc aviditate caedis intemperantius secuti in praegressas cum tribunis militum cohortes Romanas incidere, et fugiens eques, ut prima signa suorum vidit, convertit in effusum hostem equos, versaque momento temporis fortuna pugnae est terga dantibus, qui modo secuti erant. multi comminus congressi, multi fugientes interfecti;

[¶92] 37.8. Many were struck down in hand-to-hand fight, many killed in flight; and they died not by the sword alone, but some of them were swallowed up, horses and all, when they became entangled in the swamps. Even the king was in danger; for, thrown headlong to the ground when his wounded horse fell, he narrowly escaped being trampled to death. A trooper saved him, who quickly leaped down and lifted the terrified king to the back of his own horse;

> Latin: 37.8. nec ferro tantum periere, sed in paludes quidam coniecti profundo limo cum ipsis equis hausti sunt. rex quoque in periculo fuit; nam ruente saucio equo praeceps ad terram datus, haud multum afuit, quin iacens opprimeretur.

[¶93] 37.10. he himself, since on foot he could not equal the speed of the fleeing cavalry, perished, struck down by the cavalry who rushed up at the fall of the king. The king, riding about the marshes over roads and blind paths in full flight, came at length to his camp, when nearly all had given up hope of his safe return.

> Latin: 37.10. saluti fuit eques, qui raptim ipse desiluit pavidumque regem in equum subiecit; ipse, cum pedes aequare cursu fugientes non posset equites, ab hostibus ad casum regis concitatis confossus perit.

[¶94] 37.11. Two hundred of the Macedonian cavalry fell in this battle, and about one hundred were captured;

> Latin: 37.11. rex circumvectus paludes per vias inviaque trepida fuga in castra tandem, iam desperantibus plerisque incolumem evasurum, pervenit.

[¶95] 37.12. about eighty horses, with their trappings, some spoils of weapons being also recovered among the booty, were driven off.

> Latin: 37.12. ducenti Macedonum equites eo proelio periere, centum ferme capti; octoginta admodum ornati equi spoliis simul armorum relatis abducti.

[¶96] 38.1. There have been some who accused the king of rashness and others the consul of lack of energy on that day: Philip, they said, should have remained quiet, knowing that in a few days the enemy would be reduced to extreme need by the consumption of all the grain in the adjacent country, while the consul, after routing the enemy's cavalry and light infantry and almost capturing the king himself, should have immediately attacked the enemy's camp;

> Latin: 38.1. fuere, qui hoc die regem temeritatis, consulem segnitiae accusarent: nam et Philippo quiescendum fuisse, cum paucis diebus hostes exhausto circa omni agro ad ultimum inopiae venturos sciret, et consulem, cum equitatum hostium levemque armaturam fudisset ac prope regem ipsum cepisset, protinus ad castra hostium ducere debuisse;

[¶97] 38.3. for the enemy, dismayed as they were, would not have awaited his onslaught, and the war could have been finished at one stroke.

> Latin: 38.3. nec enim mansuros ita perculsos hostis fuisse, debellarique momento temporis potuisse. id dictu quam re, ut pleraque, facilius erat.

[¶98] 38.4. This, as usual, was easier to say than to do. For if the king had made his attack with all his infantry in addition, perhaps in the confusion, when they were all rushing, beaten and panic-stricken, from the battle-field into the camp, if they had at once fled before a conquering foe that was overrunning the defences, the king might have been driven from his camp;

> Latin: 38.4. nam si omnibus peditum quoque copiis congressus rex fuisset, forsitan inter tumultum, cum omnes victi metuque perculsi ex proelio intra vallum, protinus inde supervadentem munimenta victorem hostem fugerent, exui castris potuerit rex;

[¶99] 38.5. but since his entire infantry had remained in camp, with outposts and patrols stationed before the gates, what could he have accomplished, except to imitate the rashness of the king, who had a little before pursued the scattered and fleeing cavalry?

> Latin: 38.5. cum vero integrae copiae peditum in castris mansissent, stationes ante portas praesidiaque disposita essent, quid, nisi ut temeritatem regis, effuse paulo ante secuti perculsos equites, imitaretur, profecisset?

[¶100] 38.6. Nor would there be any criticism even of the king's original plan, of attacking the foragers scattered over the fields, had he limited his objective to success in this attack.

> Latin: 38.6. neque enim ne regis quidem primum consilium, quo impetum in frumentatores palatos per agros fecit, reprehendendum foret, si modum prosperae pugnae imposuisset.

[¶101] 38.7. It is less strange, too, that he tempted fortune in this way, because there was a report that Pleuratus and the Dardani had already left home with great forces and had invaded Macedonia;

> Latin: 38.7. eo quoque minus est mirum temptasse eum fortunam, quod fama erat Pleuratum Dardanosque ingentibus copiis profectos domo iam in Macedoniam transcendisse;

[¶102] 38.8. and if he were surrounded by these encircling forces, it might well be believed that the Roman could end the war by sitting still.

> Latin: 38.8. quibus si undique circumventus copiis foret, sedentem Romanum debellaturum credi poterat.

[¶103] 38.9. So Philip, thinking it far less safe to remain in the same camp after two cavalry defeats, wanting to withdraw from there and to escape detection while so doing, at sunset sent a herald to the consul to ask a truce for burying the cavalrymen, and eluding the enemy stole away silently during the second watch, leaving numerous fires burning throughout the camp.

> Latin: 38.9. itaque secundum duas adversas equestris pugnas multo minus tutam moram in iisdem stativis fore Philippus ratus, cum abire inde et fallere abiens hostem vellet, caduceatore sub occasum solis misso ad consulem, qui indutias ad sepeliendos equites peteret, frustratus hostem secunda vigilia multis ignibus per tota castra relictis silenti agmine abit.

[¶104] 39.1. The consul was engaged in refreshing himself at the time it was announced that the herald had come and why he had come.

> Latin: 39.1. corpus iam curabat consul, cum, venisse caduceatorem et quid venisset, nuntiatum est.

[¶105] 39.2. Replying merely that in the morning there would be opportunity for a conference, he gave Philip what he sought, the chance to retire rapidly during the night and a part of the next day.

> Latin: 39.2. responso tantum dato mane postero die fore copiam conveniendi, id quod quaesitum erat, nox dieique insequentis pars ad praecipiendum iter Philippo data est. montes, quam viam non ingressurum gravi agmine Romanum sciebat, petit.

[¶106] 39.3. He made for the mountains, choosing a road which he knew the Roman, with his heavy-armed column, would not take. At daybreak the consul sent the herald away after granting the truce, and when he learned, no long time later, that the enemy had gone, not knowing where to pursue him, he spent some days in the same camp while gathering supplies.

> Latin: 39.3. consul prima luce caduceatore datis indutiis dimisso haud ita multo post abisse hostem cum sensisset, ignarus, qua sequeretur, iisdem stativis frumentando dies aliquot consumpsit.

[¶107] 39.4. Thence he marched to Stuberra and brought there from Pelagonia the grain which was in the fields. He then marched to Pluinna, still ignorant as to where the enemy had gone.

> Latin: 39.4. Stuberram deinde petit atque ex Pelagonia frumentum, quod in agris erat, convexit. inde ad Pluinnam est progressus nondum conperto, quam regionem hostes petissent.

[¶108] 39.5. When Philip had established a base near Bruanium, marching from there across country he inspired sudden terror in the enemy. On that account the Romans moved from Pluinna and encamped on the Osphagus river.

> Latin: 39.5. Philippus cum primo ad Bruanium stativa habuisset, profectus inde transversis limitibus terrorem praebuit subitum hosti. movere itaque ex Pluinna Romani et ad Osphagum flumen posuerunt castra.

[¶109] 39.6. The king also pitched camp not far away, throwing up a rampart along the bank of a river — the natives call it Erigonus.

> Latin: 39.6. rex haud procul inde et ipse vallo super ripam amnis ducto—Erigonum incolae vocant— consedit.

## 4. Book XXXI · chapters 39–50

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/4/#p-N

[¶0] 39.7. Then, feeling certain that the Romans would move toward Eordaea, he hurried forward to gain the pass, that the Romans might not force the road, which was closed by the narrow entrance.

> Latin: 39.7. inde satis comperto Eordaeam petituros Romanos, ad occupandas angustias, ne superare hostes artis faucibus inclusum aditum possent, praecessit.

[¶1] 39.8. There he threw up hasty fortifications, using sometimes a rampart, sometimes a ditch, sometimes piles of stones to serve as a wall, sometimes cut-down trees, as the nature of the terrain and the material at hand permitted, and, as he thought, rendered a road which was already naturally difficult impassable by the obstacles which he placed in all the open places.

> Latin: 39.8. ibi alia vallo, alia fossa, alia lapidum congerie, ut pro muro essent, alia arboribus obiectis, ut aut locus postulabat aut materia suppeditabat, propere permuniit atque, ut ipse rebatur, viam suapte natura difficilem obiectis per omnes transitus operibus inexpugnabilem fecit.

[¶2] 39.10. There were many forests in the neighbourhood, a great hindrance to the Macedonian phalanx, which was of absolutely no use except where it could thrust, so to speak, a rampart in front of the shields with its very long spears, and for this purpose they needed open country.

> Latin: 39.10. erant pleraque silvestria circa, incommoda phalangi maxime Macedonum, quae nisi ubi praelongis hastis velut vallum ante clipeos obiecit, quod ut fiat libero campo opus est, nullius admodum usus est.

[¶3] 39.11. The Thracians too were impeded by their lances, which were likewise of great length, among the branches which projected in every direction.

> Latin: 39.11. Thracas quoque rumpiae, ingentis et ipsae longitudinis, inter obiectos undique ramos impediebant.

[¶4] 39.12. Only the Cretan contingent was of much service, but even they, since they could only, if there was an attack, direct their arrows against unprotected horses and riders, so against the Roman shields they lacked the power of penetration, and there were left no unexposed parts at which they could aim.

> Latin: 39.12. Cretensium una cohors non inutilis erat; sed ea quoque ipsa, ut, si quis impetum faceret, in patentem vulneri ecum equitemque sagittas conicere poterat, ita adversus scuta Romana nec ad traiciendum satis magnam vim habebat, nec aperti quicquam erat, quod peterent.

[¶5] 39.13. And so, when they perceived that weapons of this kind were ineffective, they harassed the enemy with the stones which lay everywhere through the whole valley. The clash of these against the shields, causing more noise than damage, delayed the advancing Romans for a little while.

> Latin: 39.13. itaque id ut vanum teli genus senserunt esse, saxis passim tota valle iacentibus incessebant hostem. ea maiore cum sonitu quam vulnere ullo pulsatio scutorum parumper succedentis Romanos tenuit.

[¶6] 39.14. Then, scorning these also, part of the Romans, forming a testudo, advanced in face of the enemy, while others, gaining the saddle by a short detour, dislodged the terrified Macedonians from their strong points and outposts, and even killed some of them, since flight was slow in the difficult country.

> Latin: 39.14. deinde, iis quoque spretis, partim testudine facta per adversos vadunt hostis, partim brevi circuitu cum in iugum collis evasissent, trepidos ex praesidiis stationibusque Macedonas deturbant et, ut in locis impeditis difficili fuga, plerosque etiam obtruncant.

[¶7] 40.1. So the pass was won with less trouble than had been anticipated, and the consul marched to Eordaea, and after laying waste the country in all directions, proceeded toward Elimia. Then he made an attack on Orestis and assaulted the town of Celetrum, which lay on a peninsula; a lake surrounds its walls; a narrow tongue of land offers the only approach from the mainland.

> Latin: 40.1. ita angustiae minore certamine, quam quod animis proposuerant, superatae et in Eordaeam perventum, ubi pervastatis passim agris in Elimiam consul se recepit. inde impetum in Orestidem facit et oppidum Celetrum est adgressus in paene insula situm;

[¶8] 40.2. At first the natives, relying on their position, closed the gates and refused the demand to surrender;

> Latin: 40.2. lacus moenia cingit; angustis faucibus unum ex continenti iter est. primo situ ipso freti clausis portis abnuere imperium;

[¶9] 40.3. but when they saw the standards brought forward and the testudo advancing towards the gates and the isthmus filled with a throng of hostile troops, in panic they surrendered before they tried the issue of a battle.

> Latin: 40.3. deinde, postquam signa ferri ac testudine succedi ad portam obsessasque fauces agmine hostium viderunt, priusquam experirentur certamen, metu in deditionem venerunt.

[¶10] 40.4. From Celetrum he proceeded to the land of the Dassaretii and took the city of Pelium by storm. He carried off the slaves from there with the rest of the booty, dismissed the freemen without ransom, and restored the town to them, leaving a strong garrison; for the town was favourably situated as a base for conducting raids into Macedonia.

> Latin: 40.4. ab Celetro in Dassaretios processit urbemque Pelion vi cepit. servitia inde cum cetera praeda abduxit [et], libera capita sine pretio dimisit oppidumque iis reddidit praesidio valido imposito; nam et sita opportune urbs erat ad impetus in Macedoniam faciendos.

[¶11] 40.6. So the consul, having traversed the enemy's country, led his troops back to the peaceful region around Apollonia, whence he had begun the war.

> Latin: 40.6. ita peragratis hostium agris consul in loca pacata ad Apolloniam, unde orsus bellum erat, copias reduxit.

[¶12] 40.7. Philip was distracted by the Aetolians, the Athamanes and the Dardani and so many wars breaking out in one place after another.

> Latin: 40.7. Philippum averterant Aetoli et Athamanes et Dardani et tot bella repente alia ex aliis locis exorta.

[¶13] 40.8. Against the Dardani, who were by this time withdrawing from Macedonia, he sent Athenagoras with the light infantry and the greater part of the cavalry, with orders to press on them from behind as they withdrew, and by nibbling at their rearguard to make them less inclined to move their army from home.

> Latin: 40.8. adversus Dardanos, iam recipientes ex Macedonia sese, Athenagoran cum expeditis peditibus ac maiore parte equitatus misit, iussum instare ab tergo abeuntibus et carpendo postremum agmen segniores eos ad movendos domo exercitus efficere.

[¶14] 40.9. Damocritus, the same president who had caused the delay in declaring war at Naupactus, had, at the next council, stirred up the Aetolians to war after they had heard of the cavalry battle at Ottolobum and the invasion of Macedonia by the Dardani and Pleuratus with the Illyrians, and, in addition, of the arrival of the Roman fleet at Oreus and the naval blockade which threatened so many Macedonian cities on the coast.

> Latin: 40.9. Aetolos Damocritus praetor, qui morae ad decernendum bellum ad Naupactum [auctor] fuerat, idem proximo concilio ad arma conciverat post famam equestris ad Ottolobum pugnae Dardanorumque et Pleurati cum Illyriis transitum in Macedoniam, ad hoc classis Romanae adventum Oreum et super circumfusas tot Macedoniae gentes maritimam quoque instantem obsidionem.

[¶15] 41.1. These causes had reunited Damocritus and the Aetolians with the Romans; and joining Amynander, the king of the Athamanes, they set out and besieged Cercinium. The inhabitants closed its gates, whether willingly or under compulsion, since they had a royal garrison.

> Latin: 41.1. hae causae Damocritum Aetolosque restituerant Romanis; et Amynandro, rege Athamanum, adiuncto profecti Cercinium obsedere. clauserant portas, incertum vi an voluntate, quia regium habebant praesidium.

[¶16] 41.3. But within a few days Cercinium was captured and burned; both the slave and free inhabitants who survived from the great disaster were carried off with the rest of the booty.

> Latin: 41.3. ceterum intra paucos dies captum est Cercinium atque incensum; qui superfuerunt e magna clade, liberi servique, inter ceteram praedam abducti.

[¶17] 41.4. Fear of the same fate drove all the dwellers around the marsh of Boëbe to leave their homes and flee to the mountains.

> Latin: 41.4. is timor omnis, qui circumcolunt Boeben paludem, relictis urbibus montis coegit petere.

[¶18] 41.5. The Aetolians then turned away and began to march toward Perrhaebia, by reason of the shortage of plunder. They captured and ruthlessly destroyed Cyretiae; they received in voluntary surrender and alliance the people of Maloea.

> Latin: 41.5. Aetoli inopia praedae inde aversi in Perrhaebiam ire pergunt. Cyretias ibi vi capiunt foedeque diripiunt; qui Maloeam incolunt, voluntate in deditionem societatemque accepti.

[¶19] 41.6. After Perrhaebia, Amynander made the proposal that they march against Gomphi; Athamania lies close to this town, and it seemed possible to capture it without a great struggle.

> Latin: 41.6. ex Perrhaebia Gomphos petendi Amynander auctor erat; et imminet Athamania huic urbi, videbaturque expugnari sine magno certamine posse.

[¶20] 41.7. The Aetolians sought the fields of Thessaly, rich booty for the pillager, with Amynander following, though he did not approve either the haphazard raids of the Aetolians or their habit of pitching camp wherever chance suggested, without any deliberate choice of position or any care as to defence.

> Latin: 41.7. Aetoli campos Thessaliae opimos ad praedam petiere sequente, quamquam non probante Amynandro nec effusas populationes Aetolorum nec castra, quo fors tulisset loco, sine ullo discrimine aut cura muniendi posita.

[¶21] 41.8. Therefore, lest their rashness and carelessness cause any disaster to himself and his men, when he saw them encamping in the plains, exposed to attack from the town of Pharcado, he occupied a hill a little more than a mile away, that was safe even though weakly fortified.

> Latin: 41.8. itaque ne temeritas eorum neglegentiaque sibi ac suis etiam cladis alicuius causa esset, cum campestribus locis subicientis eos castra Pharcadoni urbi videret, ipse paulo plus mille passuum inde tumulum suis, quamvis levi munimento tutum, cepit.

[¶22] 41.10. When the Aetolians, except that they were plundering, seemed scarcely to remember that they were in hostile territory, some wandering about half-armed, some lying around the unguarded camp, spending days and nights alike in sleeping and drinking, Philip fell upon them unawares.

> Latin: 41.10. cum Aetoli, nisi quod populabantur, vix meminisse viderentur se in agro hostium esse, alii palati semermes vagarentur, alii in castris sine stationibus per somnum vinumque dies noctibus aequarent, Philippus inopinantibus advenit.

[¶23] 41.11. When some frightened fugitives from the fields had brought the news that he was approaching, Damocritus and the other commanders were terrified — for it was about the hour of noon, when most of them lay asleep and heavy with food — men were rousing one another, ordering them to arm, sending out messengers to recall the pillagers who were straggling through the fields, and so great was the panic that some of the cavalry went out without swords and most of them without putting on their breastplates.

> Latin: 41.11. quem cum adesse refugientes ex agris quidam pavidi nuntiassent, trepidare Damocritus ceterique duces—et erat forte meridianum tempus, quo plerique graves cibo sopiti iacebant— , excitare alii alios, iubere arma capere, alios dimittere ad revocandos, qui palati per agros praedabantur; tantaque trepidatio fuit, ut sine gladiis quidam equitum exirent, loricas plerique non induerent.

[¶24] 41.13. Led out in such haste, when they had been able with difficulty to collect six hundred out of the whole number, infantry and cavalry, they encountered the king's cavalry, - superior in numbers, in equipment and in courage.

> Latin: 41.13. ita raptim educti, cum universi sescentorum aegre simul equites peditesque numerum explessent, incidunt in regium equitatum numero, armis animisque praestantem.

[¶25] 41.14. And so at the first shock, barely essaying a battle, they made for the camp in disgraceful rout; those who were cut off by the cavalry were killed and captured.

> Latin: 41.14. itaque primo impetu fusi vix temptato certamine turpi fuga repetunt castra; caesi captique, quos equites ab agmine fugientium interclusere.

[¶26] 42.1. Philip ordered the recall sounded as his men approached the rampart; for men and horses were wearied less by the battle than by the length and especially the excessive speed of the march.

> Latin: 42.1. Philippus iam suis vallo appropinquantibus receptui cani iussit; fatigatos enim equos virosque non tam proelio quam itineris simul longitudine, simul praepropera celeritate habebat.

[¶27] 42.2. So he ordered the cavalry by troops, the companies of light infantry in succession, to go to get water and to take their meal, and kept some on guard under arms, as he awaited the column of infantry which moved more slowly on account of the weight of their equipment.

> Latin: 42.2. itaque turmatim equites, in vicem manipulos levis armaturae aquatum ire et prandere iubet, alios in statione armatos retinet, opperiens agmen peditum tardius ductum propter gravitatem armorum.

[¶28] 42.4. When they arrived, they too were ordered to set up their standards, stack their arms, and take a hasty meal, only two or three from each company at a time being sent for water; meanwhile the cavalry and light infantry stood ready in formation in case the enemy should make any move.

> Latin: 42.4. quod ubi advenit, et ipsis imperatum, ut statutis signis armisque ante se positis raptim cibum caperent binis ternisve summum ex manipulis aquandi causa missis; interim eques cum levi armatura paratus instructusque stetit, si quid hostis moveret.

[¶29] 42.5. The Aetolians — for now even those who had been scattered through the country had returned to camp — stationed armed guards around the gates and wall to defend the fortification, while, themselves in high spirits, they watched from safety their inactive foes.

> Latin: 42.5. Aetoli—iam enim et quae per agros sparsa multitudo fuerat receperat se in castra—ut defensuri munimenta circa portas vallumque armatos disponunt, dum quietos hostes ipsi feroces ex tuto spectabant.

[¶30] 42.6. After the Macedonian standards were moved and the soldiers arrayed and formed for battle began to approach the wall, all suddenly left their posts and fled through the rear part of the camp to the hill and the camp of the Athamanes. Many of the Aetolians were killed or captured in their headlong flight.

> Latin: 42.6. postquam mota signa Macedonum sunt et succedere ad vallum parati atque instructi coepere, repente omnes relictis stationibus per aversam partem castrorum ad tumulum ad castra Athamanum perfugiunt. multi in hac quoque tam trepida fuga capti caesique sunt Aetolorum.

[¶31] 42.7. If enough of the day had remained, Philip could without doubt have driven the Athamanes also from their camp, but having used up the day in fighting and then in plundering the camp, he bivouacked in a nearby plain beneath the hill, intending to attack the enemy at the following dawn.

> Latin: 42.7. Philippus, si satis diei superesset, non dubius, quin Athamanes quoque exui castris potuissent, die per proelium, deinde per direptionem castrorum absumpto sub tumulo in proxima planitie consedit prima luce insequentis diei hostem adgressurus.

[¶32] 42.8. But the Aetolians, still in the grip of the panic in which they had left their own camp, during the ensuing night fled in every direction. Amynander was of the greatest service, under whose leadership the Athamanes who knew the roads led them back to Aetolia over the mountains by paths unknown to the pursuing enemy.

> Latin: 42.8. sed Aetoli eodem pavore, quo sua castra reliquerant, nocte proxima dispersi fugerunt. maximo usui fuit Amynander, quo duce Athamanes itinerum periti summis montibus per calles ignotas sequentibus eos hostibus in Aetoliam perduxerunt.

[¶33] 42.9. Aimless wandering in the disorderly flight threw no large number into the hands of the Macedonian cavalry, whom Philip had sent out to harass the enemy's column when at daybreak he saw the hill deserted.

> Latin: 42.9. non ita multos in dispersa fuga error intulit in Macedonum equites, quos prima luce Philippus, ut desertum tumulum videt, ad carpendum hostium agmen misit.

[¶34] 43.1. At the same time, moreover, Athenagoras, the king's prefect, overtaking the Dardani as they retired into their own country, threw the rear of the column into confusion; then, after the Dardani had faced about and formed their line, there was a regular battle on equal terms.

> Latin: 43.1. per eos dies et Athenagoras regius praefectus Dardanos recipientes se in finis adeptus postremum agmen turbavit;

[¶35] 43.2. When the Dardani had begun again to proceed on their march, the king's forces with their cavalry and light infantry harried the Dardani, who had no such auxiliaries, and were burdened with weapons that were hard to handle; the terrain too favoured the Macedonians.

> Latin: 43.2. dein, postquam Dardani conversis signis direxere aciem, aequa pugna iusto proelio erat. ubi rursus procedere Dardani coepissent, equite et levi armatura regii nullum tale auxilii genus habentes Dardanos oneratosque inmobilibus armis vexabant; et loca ipsa adiuvabant.

[¶36] 43.3. A very few were killed, more wounded, none captured, for it is their way not to leave their ranks rashly, but to fight and give ground in close formation.

> Latin: 43.3. occisi perpauci sunt, plures vulnerati, captus nemo, quia non excedunt temere ordinibus suis, sed confertim et pugnant et cedunt.

[¶37] 43.4. In this way Philip, by checking two nations with timely attacks, undertaken with boldness not merely successful in the result, had recouped the losses sustained in the Roman war. Then another piece of good fortune diminished the number of his enemies in Aetolia.

> Latin: 43.4. ita damna Romano accepta bello duabus per opportunas expeditiones coercitis gentibus restituerat Philippus incepto forti, non prospero solum eventu. minuit deinde ei forte oblata res hostium Aetolorum numerum.

[¶38] 43.5. Scopas, a prominent man among the tribe, sent by King Ptolemy from Alexandria with a great quantity of gold, had transported to Egypt six thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry whom he had hired; nor would he have left a single fighting-man of the Aetolians, if Damocritus, now warning them of the present war, now of the future depopulation of the state, had not by his reproofs kept at home a part of the younger men, though it is uncertain whether his action was due to concern for the state or a desire to thwart Scopas, who had not been generous with gifts to him.

> Latin: 43.5. Scopas, princeps gentis, ab Alexandrea magno cum pondere auri ab rege Ptolomaeo missus, sex milia peditum et quingentos equites mercede conductos Aegyptum vexit; nec ex iuventute Aetolorum quemquam reliquisset, ni Damocritus nunc belli, quod instaret, nunc futurae solitudinis admonens, incertum cura gentis an ut adversaretur Scopae parum donis cultus, partem iuniorum castigando domi continuisset.

[¶39] 44.1. Such were the actions of the Romans and Philip on land during that summer; in the beginning of the same summer, the fleet, under the lieutenant Lucius Apustius, leaving Corcyra and rounding Malea joined King Attalus in the neighbourhood of Scyllaeum in the territory of Hermione.

> Latin: 44.1. haec ea aestate ab Romanis Philippoque gesta terra; classis a Corcyra eiusdem principio aestatis cum L. Apustio legato profecta Maleo superato circa Scyllaeum agri Hermionici Attalo regi coniuncta est.

[¶40] 44.2. Then indeed the Athenian people, whose hatred for Philip had long been restrained by fear, in view of the prospect of aid at hand, gave full vent to their anger.

> Latin: 44.2. tum vero Atheniensium civitas, cui odio in Philippum per metum iam diu moderata erat, id omne in auxilii praesentis spem effudit.

[¶41] 44.3. Tongues ready to incite the mob are never lacking in that city; and this conduct is encouraged by popular applause, not only in free states generally, but especially in Athens, where oratory has greatest influence.

> Latin: 44.3. nec umquam ibi desunt linguae promptae ad plebem concitandam; quod genus cum in omnibus liberis civitatibus, tum praecipue Athenis, ubi oratio plurimum pollet, favore multitudinis alitur.

[¶42] 44.4. They immediately proposed and the people passed a motion that all statues of Philip, all representations of him, and their inscriptions, and also those of his ancestors, male and female, should be removed and done away with, that all the feast-days, sacred observances and priesthoods which had been established in honour of him or his ancestors should be abolished;

> Latin: 44.4. rogationem extemplo tulerunt plebesque scivit, ut Philippi statuae, imagines omnes nominaque earum, item maiorum eius virile ac muliebre secus omnium tollerentur delerenturque diesque festi, sacra, sacerdotes, quae ipsius maiorumque eius honoris causa instituta essent, omnia profanarentur;

[¶43] 44.5. even the places in which any memorials or inscriptions in his honour had been set up should be accursed, and that it should not be lawful to place or dedicate in them thereafter anything that could lawfully be placed or dedicated in any unpolluted spot;

> Latin: 44.5. loca quoque, in quibus positum aliquid inscriptumve honoris eius causa fuisset, detestabilia esse, neque in iis quicquam postea poni dedicarique placere eorum, quae in loco puro poni dedicarique fas esset;

[¶44] 44.6. the public priests, as often as they offered prayers on behalf of the people of Athens and their allies, their armies and fleets, should so often curse and execrate Philip, his children and his kingdom, his military and naval forces, and the whole race and name of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 44.6. sacerdotes publicos, quotienscumque pro populo Atheniensi sociisque, exercitibus et classibus eorum precarentur, totiens detestari atque exsecrari Philippum, liberos eius regnumque, terrestres navalesque copias, Macedonum genus omne nomenque.

[¶45] 44.7. It was added to the decree that if anyone thereafter made any proposal that had to do with bringing disgrace or ignominy on Philip, the Athenian people would adopt it in toto; that if anyone said or did anything to lessen his ignominy or increase his honour, any person who slew such an one would be deemed to have slain him lawfully.

> Latin: 44.7. additum decreto, si quis quid postea, quod ad notam ignominiamque Philippi pertineret, ferret, id omne populum Atheniensem iussurum;

[¶46] 44.8. Finally, it was added that all the decrees which had once been passed against the Pisistratidae should be kept in force in the case of Philip.

> Latin: 44.8. si quis contra ignominiam prove honore eius dixisset fecissetve, qui occidisset eum, iure caesurum. postremo inclusum, ut omnia, quae adversus Pisistratidas decreta quondam erant, eadem in Philippo servarentur.

[¶47] 44.9. This was the Athenians' war against Philip, conducted by means of letters and words, which constitute their sole strength.

> Latin: 44.9. Athenienses quidem litteris verbisque, quibus solis valent, bellum adversus Philippum gerebant;

[¶48] 45.1. Attalus and the Romans, putting in first at Piraeus after leaving Hermione, and tarrying there a few days and being loaded down with decrees as effusive in the praise of the allies as those others in condemnation of the enemy, sailed from Piraeus to Andros.

> Latin: 45.1. Attalus Romanique, cum Piraeum primo ab Hermione petissent, paucos ibi morati dies oneratique aeque inmodicis ad honores sociorum, atque in ira adversus hostem fuerant, Atheniensium decretis navigant a Piraeo Andrum.

[¶49] 45.3. And when they had anchored in the harbour which they call Gaurium, sending ashore agents to test the disposition of the people, whether they preferred to surrender the city voluntarily rather than endure an attack, after the citizens replied that the citadel was held by a garrison of the king and that they were powerless, Attalus and the Roman lieutenant landed troops and all the equipment for assaulting cities and approached the city from different directions.

> Latin: 45.3. et cum in portu, quem Gaurion vocant, constitissent, missis, qui temptarent oppidanorum animos, si voluntate tradere urbem quam vim experiri mallent, postquam praesidio regio arcem teneri nec se potestatis suae esse respondebant, expositis copiis apparatuque omni urbium oppugnandarum diversis partibus rex et legatus Romanus ad urbem subeunt.

[¶50] 45.5. The Roman arms and standards, which they had never seen before, and the spirit of the soldiers, so ready to advance to storm the walls, caused no small terror among the Greeks; so they straightway took refuge in the citadel and the enemy possessed the town.

> Latin: 45.5. plus aliquanto Graecos Romana arma signaque non ante visa animique militum tam prompte succedentium muros terruere;

[¶51] 45.6. And after holding the citadel for two days, trusting to the strength of the place rather than to their arms, on the third day they bargained that they and the garrison be transferred to Delium in Boeotia with one garment each, and surrendered the city and the citadel.

> Latin: 45.6. itaque fuga extemplo in arcem facta est, urbe hostes potiti. et in arce cum biduum loci se magis quam armorum fiducia tenuissent, tertio die pacti ipsi praesidiumque, ut cum singulis vestimentis Delium Boeotiae transveherentur, urbem arcemque tradiderunt.

[¶52] 45.7. The Romans gave these to King Attalus; the booty and the ornaments of the city they took for themselves. Attalus, rather than possess a deserted island, persuaded both nearly all of the Macedonians and some of the Andrians to remain.

> Latin: 45.7. ea ab Romanis regi Attalo concessa; praedam ornamentaque urbis ipsi avexerunt. Attalus, ne desertam haberet insulam, et Macedonum fere omnibus et quibusdam Andriorum, ut manerent, persuasit.

[¶53] 45.8. Later on those who had already crossed under the agreement were brought back from Delium by the king's promises, since longing too for their native land increased their inclination to trust him.

> Latin: 45.8. postea et ab Delio, qui ex pacto travecti eo fuerant, promissis regis, cum desiderium quoque patriae facilius ad credendum inclinaret animos, revocati.

[¶54] 45.9. From Andros they proceeded to Cythnos. After spending some days in vain in attacking the city, because it seemed scarcely worth the effort, they departed.

> Latin: 45.9. ab Andro Cythnum traiecerunt. ibi dies aliquot oppugnanda urbe nequiquam absumpti, et, quia vix operae pretium erat, abscessere.

[¶55] 45.10. At Prasiae — this is a place on the Attic mainland — twenty light-draft vessels of the Issaei joined the Roman fleet. These were sent to ravage the territory of the Carystii, while the rest put into Geraestus, a famous port of Euboea, to wait until the Issaei should return from Carystus.

> Latin: 45.10. ad Prasias—continentis Atticae is locus est—Issaeorum viginti lembi classi Romanorum adiuncti sunt. ii missi ad populandos Carystiorum agros; cetera classis Geraestum, nobilem Euboeae portum, dum ab Carysto Issaei redirent, tenuit.

[¶56] 45.11. Then all of them, setting sail for the open sea, went past the island of Scyros to Icos. Being delayed there a few days by strong north winds, as soon as calm weather returned, they sailed past Sciathus, a city recently looted and destroyed by Philip.

> Latin: 45.11. inde omnes velis in altum datis mari medio praeter Scyrum insulam Icum pervenere. ibi paucos dies saeviente Borea retenti, ubi prima tranquillitas data est, Sciathum traiecere, vastatam urbem direptamque nuper a Philippo.

[¶57] 45.13. The soldiers, wandering around the country, brought to the ships the grain and whatever food-stuffs they found; of booty there was none, nor had the Greeks done anything to deserve being plundered.

> Latin: 45.13. per agros palati milites frumentum et si qua alia usui esse ad vescendum poterant ad naves rettulere; praedae nec erat quicquam, nec meruerant Graeci, cur diriperentur.

[¶58] 45.14. Thence, on their way to Cassandrea, they held their course first for Mendaeus, the seaport of that city. Then, when they had rounded the promontory and were trying to bring the fleet up close to the city walls, a violent storm arising and the ships having been almost buried under the waves or scattered, they escaped to the shore with the loss of a great part of their rigging. This storm at sea was an omen of their fortunes on land.

> Latin: 45.14. inde Cassandream petentes primo ad Mendaeum, maritimum civitatis eius vicum, tenuere. inde cum superato promunturio ad ipsa moenia urbis circumagere classem vellent, saeva coorta tempestate prope obruti fluctibus, dispersi, magna ex parte amissis armamentis in terram effugerunt.

[¶59] 45.15. For when, after re-assembling the ships and landing the troops, they attacked the city, they were repulsed with considerable loss — there was a strong royal garrison there — and retiring after the failure of their enterprise they steered for Canastraeum in Pallene. Thence sailing around the cape of Torona they made for Acanthus. There they first plundered the country and then captured and sacked the town.

> Latin: 45.15. omen quoque ea maritima tempestas ad rem terra gerendam fuit. nam conlectis in unum navibus expositisque copiis adgressi urbem, cum multis vulneribus repulsi—et erat validum ibi regium praesidium—irrito incepto regressi ad Canastraeum Pallenes traiecere. inde superato Toronae promunturio navigantes Acanthum petiere.

[¶60] 45.16. They went no farther — for by now the ships were laden with booty — but returned to Sciathos and thence to Euboea by the way they had come.

> Latin: 45.16. ibi primo ager vastatus, deinde ipsa urbs vi capta ac direpta. nec ultra progressi—iam enim et graves praeda naves habebant—retro, unde venerant, Sciathum et ab Sciatho Euboeam repetunt.

[¶61] 46.1. There they left the fleet and with ten light vessels entered the Malian gulf for a conference with the Aetolians regarding the plan of campaign.

> Latin: 46.1. ibi relicta classe decem navibus expeditis sinum Maliacum intravere ad colloquendum cum Aetolis de ratione gerendi belli.

[¶62] 46.2. Pyrrhias the Aetolian was the head of the embassy Which came to Heraclea to discuss plans with the king and the Roman lieutenant.

> Latin: 46.2. Pyrrhias Aetolus princeps legationis eius fuit, quae ad communicanda consilia Heracleam cum rege et cum Romano legato venit.

[¶63] 46.3. Attalus was asked to furnish one thousand soldiers in accordance with the treaty; for he was bound to supply that number for the armies fighting against Philip.

> Latin: 46.3. petitum ex foedere ab Attalo est, ut mille milites praestaret; tantum enim numerum bellum gerentibus adversus Philippum debebat.

[¶64] 46.4. This was refused the Aetolians because they had previously objected to marching out to devastate Macedonia, - at the time when they might have compelled Philip, who was burning everything sacred and profane around Pergamum, to withdraw through concern for his own property.

> Latin: 46.4. id negatum Aetolis, quod illi quoque gravati prius essent ad populandam Macedoniam exire, quo tempore, Philippo circa Pergamum urente sacra profanaque, abstrahere eum inde respectu rerum suarum potuissent.

[¶65] 46.5. So the Aetolians were dismissed with hopes rather than actual assistance, the Romans making lavish promises; Apustius with Attalus returned to the fleet.

> Latin: 46.5. ita Aetoli cum spe magis, Romanis omnia pollicentibus, quam cum auxilio dimissi; Apustius cum Attalo ad classem redit.

[¶66] 46.6. The question of an attack on Oreus was next discussed. The city was defended both by walls and, because it had been attacked before, by a strong garrison. After the capture of Andros twenty Rhodian ships, all decked, under command of Agesimbrotus, had joined the fleet.

> Latin: 46.6. inde agitari de Oreo oppugnando coeptum. valida ea civitas et moenibus et, quia ante fuerat temptata, firmo erat praesidio. coniunxerant se iis post expugnationem Andri cum praefecto Agesimbroto viginti Rhodiae naves, tectae omnes.

[¶67] 46.7. They were left on guard off Zelasium — this promontory in Phthiotis occupied a very strategic position beyond Demetrias — to watch if any movement from there was made by the Macedonian fleet.

> Latin: 46.7. eam classem in stationem ad Zelasium miserunt—Phthiotidis super Demetriadem promunturium est peropportune obiectum—, ut, si quid inde moverent Macedonum naves, in praesidio essent.

[¶68] 46.8. Heraclides, the king's prefect, was in command of the fleet there, intending to take advantage of any opportunity which was offered by the enemy's negligence rather than to undertake anything by open force.

> Latin: 46.8. Heraclides, praefectus regius, classem ibi tenebat, magis per occasionem, si quam neglegentia hostium dedisset, quam aperta vi quicquam ausurus.

[¶69] 46.9. The Romans and King Attalus attacked Oreus from opposite sides, the Romans by way of the maritime citadel, the king's troops up the valley lying between the two citadels, where the city was guarded by a wall as well.

> Latin: 46.9. Oreum diversi Romani et rex Attalus oppugnabant, Romani a marituma arce, regii adversus vallem inter duas iacentem arces, qua et muro intersaepta urbs est.

[¶70] 46.10. And as they occupied different places, so they fought in different ways: the Romans by moving against the walls the mantlets, and sheds and battering-ram, the king's troops hurling missiles and huge stones with balistae, catapults, and every sort of artillery; they dug tunnels too, and whatever else had proved useful in the former siege.

> Latin: 46.10. et ut loca diversa, sic dispari modo etiam oppugnabant: Romanus testudinibus et vineis et ariete admovendo muris, regii ballistis catapultisque et alio omni genere tormentorum tela ingerentes et pondere ingenti saxa; faciebant et cuniculos et quidquid aliud priore oppugnatione expertum profuerat.

[¶71] 46.11. But the Macedonians defending the city and citadels were not only more numerous than before, but they fought with greater courage, mindful at once of the king's rebuke for their former error and also of his threats and promises for the future. Accordingly, when more time than was expected was being spent there, and a blockade and siege-works held out more hope than a sudden assault, the lieutenant, thinking that something else should be done in the meantime, leaving what seemed a sufficient force to complete the works, crossed to the nearest part of the mainland, to Larisa — this is not the famous Larisa in Thessaly, but another, which they call Cremaste — and by a surprise attack captured everything but the citadel.

> Latin: 46.11. ceterum non plures tantum Macedones quam ante tuebantur urbem arcesque, sed etiam praesentioribus animis, et castigationis regis in admissa culpa et simul minarum, simul promissorum in futurum memores. itaque cum praeter spem tempus ibi traheretur, plusque in obsidione et in operibus quam in oppugnatione celeri spei esset, interim et aliud agi posse ratus legatus, relictis quot satis videbantur ad opera perficienda, traicit in proxima continentis Larisamque—non illam in Thessalia nobilem urbem, sed alteram, quam Cremasten vocant—subito adventu praeter arcem cepit.

[¶72] 46.13. Attalus too took Pteleum when the citizens were fearing nothing of the sort, while the siege of the other city was going on.

> Latin: 46.13. Attalus quoque Pteleon nihil minus quam tale quicquam in alterius oppugnatione urbis timentibus oppressit.

[¶73] 46.14. And now not only were the siege-works completed around Oreus, but the garrison which was inside was exhausted by continuous toil, by watchfulness day and night alike, and by wounds.

> Latin: 46.14. et iam cum opera in effectu erant circa Oreum, tum praesidium, quod intus erat, labore adsiduo, vigiliis diurnis pariter nocturnisque et vulneribus confectum.

[¶74] 46.15. Parts of the wall, moreover, fell in several places under the blows of the battering-ram; and the Romans, entering through the breaches by night penetrated to the citadel which is above the harbour. Attalus at daybreak, when the signal was given by the Romans from the citadel, also assailed the city, large parts of the wall having collapsed;

> Latin: 46.15. muri quoque pars ariete incusso subruta multis iam locis prociderat; perque apertum ruina iter nocte Romani in arcem, quae super portum est, perruperunt.

[¶75] 46.16. the garrison and the townspeople fled to the other citadel, where they surrendered two days later. The city was given to the king, the prisoners to the Romans.

> Latin: 46.16. Attalus luce prima signo ex arce dato ab Romanis et ipse urbem invasit stratis magna ex parte muris; praesidium oppidanique in arcem alteram perfugere, unde biduo post deditio facta. urbs regi, captiva corpora Romanis cessere.

[¶76] 47.1. The autumnal equinox was now at hand, and the Euboean gulf, which they call Coela, is dangerous to mariners. So, wanting to get away from there before the winter storms, they returned to Piraeus, whence they had set out on the campaign.

> Latin: 47.1. iam autumnale aequinoctium instabat; et est sinus Euboicus, quem Coela vocant, suspectus nautis. itaque ante hiemales motus evadere inde cupientes Piraeum, unde profecti ad bellum erant, repetunt.

[¶77] 47.2. Apustius left thirty ships there and sailed past Malea to Corcyra. The king waited for the day of the mysteries of Ceres, that he might take part in the ceremonies; after the celebration he too departed for Asia, having previously sent Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians home.

> Latin: 47.2. Apustius triginta navibus ibi relictis super Maleum navigat Corcyram. regem statum initiorum Cereris, ut sacris interesset, tenuit; secundum initia et ipse in Asiam se recepit Agesimbroto et Rhodiis domum remissis.

[¶78] 47.3. This is the record of the actions of this summer on land and sea performed against Philip and his allies by the Roman consul and lieutenant with the aid of King Attalus and the Rhodians.

> Latin: 47.3. haec ea aestate terra marique adversus Philippum sociosque eius ab consule et legato Romanis adiuvantibus rege Attalo et Rhodiis gesta.

[¶79] 47.4. The other consul, Gaius Aurelius, having arrived in his province and found the campaign finished, made no secret of his anger at the praetor for having fought in his absence.

> Latin: 47.4. consul alter C. Aurelius ad confectum bellum cum in provinciam venisset, haud clam tulit iram adversus praetorem, quod absente se rem gessisset.

[¶80] 47.5. Sending him accordingly to Etruria, he himself led the legions into the enemy's country, and, laying it waste, carried on the war with more booty than glory.

> Latin: 47.5. misso igitur eo in Etruriam ipse in agrum hostium legiones induxit populandoque cum praeda maiore quam gloria bellum gessit.

[¶81] 47.6. Lucius Furius, partly because there was nothing for him to do in Etruria, partly because he was ambitious for a triumph over the Gauls, which he thought he could more easily obtain in the absence of the angry and jealous consul, when he had unexpectedly appeared in Rome, summoned the senate in the temple of Bellona, gave an account of his achievements and asked that he be allowed to enter the city in triumph.

> Latin: 47.6. L. Furius, simul quod in Etruria nihil erat rei, quod gereret, simul Gallico triumpho imminens, [quem] absente consule irato atque invidente facilius impetrari posse ratus Romam inopinato cum venisset, senatum in aede Bellonae habuit expositisque rebus gestis, ut triumphanti sibi in urbem invehi liceret, petit.

[¶82] 48.1. On many of the senators he made a favourable impression, because of the greatness of his achievements and through his personal influence.

> Latin: 48.1. apud magnam partem senatus et magnitudine rerum gestarum valebat et gratia.

[¶83] 48.2. The older members were for refusing the triumph, - partly because he had fought with an army legally under another's command, partly because he had left his province as a result of his ardent desire to petition for a triumph when the opportunity offered itself; but this conduct was unprecedented;

> Latin: 48.2. maiores natu negabant triumphum, et quod alieno exercitu rem gessisset et quod provinciam reliquisset cupiditate rapiendi per occasionem triumphi; id vero eum nullo exemplo fecisse; consulares praecipue expectandum fuisse consulem censebant;

[¶84] 48.4. the senators of consular rank especially urged that he should have waited for the consul; for he might, while defending the colony by locating his camp near the city, without committing himself to a decisive engagement, have delayed matters until the consul's arrival;

> Latin: 48.4. potuisse enim castris prope urbem positis tutanda colonia ita, ut acie non decerneret, in adventum eius rem extrahere; quod praetor non fecisset, senatui faciendum esse, ut consulem expectaret;

[¶85] 48.5. the senate's proper conduct would be to wait for the consul, as the praetor had not done; when they had heard consul and praetor debating face to face, they would, they said, judge more fairly concerning the issue.

> Latin: 48.5. ubi coram disceptantis consulem et praetorem audissent, verius de causa existimaturos esse.

[¶86] 48.6. A great part of the senate thought that the senators should consider only his record, and whether he had fought during his term of office and under his own auspices.

> Latin: 48.6. magna pars senatus nihil praeter res gestas, et an in magistratu suisque auspiciis gessisset, censebant spectare senatum debere.

[¶87] 48.7. When one of the two colonies which had been established as, so to speak, barriers to restrain Gallic uprisings had been sacked and burned, and the flames were about to leap over to the other, so close at hand, as from one building to another in a continuous row, what, pray, was the praetor to do?

> Latin: 48.7. ex duabus coloniis, quae velut claustra ad cohibendos Gallicos tumultus oppositae fuissent, cum una direpta et incensa esset, traiecturumque id incendium velut ex continentibus tectis in alteram tam propinquam coloniam esset, quid tandem praetori faciendum fuisse?

[¶88] 48.8. For if it was improper to take any action without the consul, either the senate was at fault for entrusting an army to the praetor — for it would have been possible to order by senatorial decree that nothing should be done by the praetor, but only by the consul, if it had been desired that the consul's army and not the praetor's should do the fighting — or else the consul was at fault, who had not joined the army at Ariminum, when he had ordered it to move from Etruria to Gaul, to participate in a war which could not be legally - conducted without him.

> Latin: 48.8. nam si sine consule geri nihil oportuerit, aut senatum peccasse, qui exercitum praetori dederit—potuisse enim, sicut non praetoris sed consulis exercitu rem geri voluerit, ita finire senatus consulto, ne per praetorem sed per consulem gereretur— aut consulem, qui non, cum exercitum ex Etruria transire in Galliam iussisset, ipse Arimini occurrerit, ut bello interesset, quod sine eo geri fas non esset.

[¶89] 48.10. The emergencies of war, they argued, do not wait for the delays and postponements of commanders, and sometimes you must fight, not because you wish it, but because the enemy compels it.

> Latin: 48.10. non expectare belli tempora moras et dilationes imperatorum, et pugnandum esse interdum, non quia velis, sed quia hostis cogat.

[¶90] 48.11. The battle itself and its results should be considered. The enemy had been routed and slaughtered, their camp captured and plundered, the siege of the colony raised, the prisoners from the other colony recovered and restored to their friends, the war finished in a single battle.

> Latin: 48.11. pugnam ipsam eventumque pugnae spectari debere. fusos caesosque hostis, castra capta ac direpta, coloniam liberatam obsidione, alterius coloniae captivos recuperatos restitutosque suis, debellatum uno proelio esse.

[¶91] 48.12. Not only had men rejoiced at that victory, but also a three-day period of thanksgiving had been decreed to the immortal gods, because Lucius Furius the praetor had conducted affairs, not poorly and rashly, but well and successfully. Finally, Gallic wars were by the will of fate, so to speak, entrusted to the Furii.

> Latin: 48.12. non homines tantum ea victoria laetatos, sed diis quoque immortalibus per triduum supplicationes habitas, quod bene ac feliciter, non quod male ac temere res publica a L. Furio praetore gesta esset. data fato etiam quodam Furiae genti Gallica bella.

[¶92] 49.1. Through speeches of this kind, delivered by the praetor and his friends, the prestige of the consul, who was absent, was outweighed by the personal influence of the praetor, who was present, and a full session voted a triumph to Lucius Furius.

> Latin: 49.1. huius generis orationibus ipsius amicorumque victa est praesentis gratia praetoris, absentis consulis maiestas, triumphumque frequentes L. Furio decreverunt.

[¶93] 49.2. Lucius Furius the praetor triumphed over the Gauls while still in office, and deposited in the treasury three hundred and twenty thousand asses of bronze, and one hundred thousand five hundred pieces of silver.

> Latin: 49.2. triumphavit de Gallis in magistratu L. Furius praetor et in aerarium tulit trecenta viginti milia aeris, argenti centum milia quingentos neque captivi ulli ante currum ducti neque spolia praelata neque milites secuti.

[¶94] 49.3. There were no captives led before his chariot, no spoils displayed, no soldiers in his train.

> Latin: 49.3. omnia praeter victoriam penes consulem esse apparebat.

[¶95] 49.4. Everything but the victory was in possession of the consul. Next the games which had been vowed by Publius Cornelius Scipio during his consulship in Africa were celebrated with great splendour.

> Latin: 49.4. ludi deinde a P. Cornelio Scipione, quos consul in Africa voverat, magno apparatu facti.

[¶96] 49.5. It was also decreed, regarding lands for his soldiers, that each should receive two iugera of land for each year of their service in Spain or Africa; the decemvirate should make the distribution.

> Latin: 49.5. et de agris militum eius decretum, ut, quot quisque eorum annos in Hispania aut in Africa militasset, in singulos annos bina iugera agri acciperet; eum agrum decemviri adsignarent.

[¶97] 49.6. Also, a commission of three was created to fill up the number of colonists for the people of Venusia, because the strength of that colony had been diminished in the Hannibalic war. The commissioners chosen were Gaius Terentius Varro, Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, and they enrolled the colonists for Venusia.

> Latin: 49.6. triumviri item creati ad supplendum Venusinis colonorum numerum, quod bello Hannibalis attenuatae vires eius coloniae erant, C. Terentius Varro, T. Quinctius Flammininus, P. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio. hi colonos Venusiam adscripserunt.

[¶98] 49.7. In the same year Gaius Cornelius Cethegus, who as proconsul was governing Spain, defeated a large hostile force in the territory of the Sedetani. According to report, fifteen thousand Spaniards were killed in this battle and seventy-eight standards captured.

> Latin: 49.7. eodem anno C. Cornelius Cethegus, qui proconsul Hispaniam obtinebat, magnum hostium exercitum in agro Sedetano fudit. quindecim milia Hispanorum eo proelio dicuntur caesa, signa militaria capta octo et septuaginta.

[¶99] 49.8. Gaius Aurelius the consul, when he returned from the province to Rome to hold the elections, did not make the complaint that they had anticipated, that the senate had not waited for him nor given the consul an opportunity to debate with the praetor, but he did protest that they had decreed the triumph in such a way that they had heard the testimony of no one except the man who was to

> Latin: 49.8. C. Aurelius consul, cum ex provincia Romam comitiorum causa venisset, non id, quod animis praeceperant, questus est, non expectatum se ab senatu, neque disceptandi cum praetore consuli potestatem factam, sed ita triumphum decresse senatum, ut nullius nisi eius, qui triumphaturus esset, et non eorum, qui bello interfuissent, verba audiret.

[¶100] 49.10. triumph, and not of those who had been present at the battle. Their ancestors had ordained that the lieutenants, tribunes, centurions, and even the common soldiers should attend a triumph, to the end that the Roman people might see the witnesses to the deeds of the man to whom so signal an honour was given. Was there no one from the army which had fought against the Gauls, no camp-follower at least, if there was no soldier, whom the senate could ask how much truth or untruth there was in the praetor's report?

> Latin: 49.10. maiores ideo instituisse, ut legati, tribuni, centuriones, milites denique triumpho adessent, ut testes rerum gestarum eius, cui tantus honos haberetur, populus Romanus videret. ecquem ex eo exercitu, qui cum Gallis pugnaverit, si non militem, lixam saltem fuisse, quem percunctari posset senatus, quid veri praetor vanive adferret?

[¶101] 49.12. He then announced the date of the elections, at which Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Publius Villius Tappulus were chosen consuls. Then Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Lucius Villius Tappulus, and Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus were elected praetors.

> Latin: 49.12. comitiis deinde diem edixit, quibus creati sunt consules L. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Villius Tappulus. praetores inde facti L. Quinctius Flamininus, L. Valerius Flaccus, L. Villius Tappulus, Cn. Baebius Tamphilus.

[¶102] 50.1. Also, grain was very cheap this year; a great quantity of grain which was brought from Africa was distributed to the people at two asses per modius by the curule aediles Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Sextus Aelius Paetus.

> Latin: 50.1. annona quoque eo anno pervilis fuit; frumenti vim magnam ex Africa advectam aediles curules M. Claudius Marcellus et Sex.

[¶103] 50.2. They also celebrated the Roman Games with great magnificence; they repeated one day's performance; they set up in the treasury five bronze statues out of the money collected as fines.

> Latin: 50.2. Aelius Paetus binis aeris in modios populo diviserunt. et ludos Romanos magno apparatu fecerunt; diem unum instaurarunt; signa aenea quinque ex multaticio argento in aerario posuerunt. plebeii ludi ab aedilibus L. Terentio Massiliota et Cn. Baebio Tamphilo, qui praetor designatus erat, ter toti instaurati.

[¶104] 50.4. The Plebeian Games were thrice repeated entire by the aediles Lucius Terentius Massiliota and Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, who had been chosen praetor.

> Latin: 50.4. et ludi funebres eo anno per quadriduum in foro mortis causa M. Valeri Laevini a Publio et Marco filiis eius facti, et munus gladiatorium datum ab iis; paria quinque et viginti pugnarunt. M. Aurelius Cotta decemvir sacrorum mortuus;

[¶105] 50.5. Funeral games lasting four days were exhibited in the forum in commemoration of the death of Marcus Valerius Laevinus, by his sons Publius and Marcus, and a gladiatorial show was given by them; twenty-five pairs of gladiators fought. Marcus Aurelius Cotta, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, died; in his stead Manius Acilius Glabrio was appointed.

> Latin: 50.5. in eius locum M'. Acilius Glabrio suffectus. comitiis aediles curules creati sunt forte ambo, qui statim occipere magistratum non possent. nam C. Cornelius Cethegus absens creatus erat, cum Hispaniam obtineret provinciam;

[¶106] 50.7. It happened that both the curule aediles chosen at the election were men who could not be inaugurated at once. For Gaius Cornelius Cethegus was elected in his absence, since he was engaged in administering the province of Spain; Gaius Valerius Flaccus, who was present when he was elected, could not take the oath to observe the laws because he was the flamen of Jupiter, and no magistrate was allowed to hold office for more than five days unless he had taken that oath.

> Latin: 50.7. C. Valerius Flaccus, quem praesentem creaverant, quia flamen Dialis erat, iurare in leges non poterat; magistratum autem plus quinque dies, nisi qui iurasset in leges, non licebat gerere. petente Flacco, ut legibus solveretur, senatus decrevit, ut, si aedilis, qui pro se iuraret, arbitratu consulum daret, consules, si iis videretur, cum tribunis plebis agerent, uti ad plebem ferrent. datus, qui iuraret pro fratre, L. Valerius Flaccus, praetor designatus. tribuni ad plebem tulerunt, plebesque scivit, ut perinde esset, ac si ipse aedilis iurasset.

[¶107] 50.10. At the request of Flaccus that he be exempted from the operation of the law, the senate decreed that if the aedile could find someone, approved by the consuls, who would take the oath on his behalf, the consuls, if it seemed wise to them, should request the tribunes to bring a resolution before the assembly.

> Latin: 50.10. et de altero aedile scitum plebi est factum; rogantibus tribunis, quos duos in Hispaniam cum imperio ad exercitus ire iuberent, ut C. Cornelius aedilis curulis ad magistratum gerendum veniret, et L.

[¶108] 50.11. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, the praetor-elect, was proposed to take the oath in his brother's place. The tribunes proposed and the people voted, that it should be as if the aedile himself had sworn. Regarding the other aedile, the assembly passed a decree; when the tribunes put the question what two men they would order to go to the armies in Spain, in order that Gaius Cornelius the curule aedile might come to enter upon his office, and that Lucius Manlius Acidinus might be relieved of his province after many years, the assembly ordered Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Stertinius to exercise authority in Spain with the rank of proconsuls. The consuls and praetors, having entered upon their offices on the Ides of March, drew lots for the provinces. The result gave Italy to Lucius Lentulus, Macedonia to Publius Villius, while of the praetors, the city jurisdiction fell to Lucius Quinctius, Ariminum to Gnaeus Baebius, Sicily to Lucius Valerius, and Sardinia to Lucius Villius.

> Latin: 50.11. Manlius Acidinus decederet de provincia multos post annos, plebes Cn. Cornelio Lentulo et L. Stertinio pro consulibus imperium esse in Hispania iussit. consules praetoresque, cum idibus Martiis magistratum inissent, provincias sortiti sunt. L. Lentulo Italia, P. Villio Macedonia, praetoribus L. Quinctio urbana, Cn. Baebio Ariminum, L. Valerio Sicilia, L. Villio Sardinia evenit.

## 5. Book XXXII · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/5/#p-N

[¶0] 1.3. The consul Lentulus was directed to enlist new legions, Villius to take over the army from Publius Sulpicius; he was allowed, as addition thereto, to enroll whatever number of soldiers he saw fit.

> Latin: 1.3. Lentulus consul novas legiones scribere iussus, Villius a P. Sulpicio exercitum accipere; in supplementum eius, quantum militum videretur, ut scriberet, ipsi permissum.

[¶1] 1.4. The legions which Gaius Aurelius the consul had had were decreed to the praetor Baebius, with the proviso that he should keep them until the consul with the new army should relieve him;

> Latin: 1.4. praetori Baebio legiones, quas C. Aurelius consul habuisset, ita decretae, ut retineret eas, donec consul novo cum exercitu succederet;

[¶2] 1.5. when he arrived in Gaul, all the soldiers who had served their terms were to be sent home except five thousand of the allies; this number seemed sufficient to hold the province around Ariminum.

> Latin: 1.5. in Galliam ubi is venisset, omnes milites exauctorati domum dimitterentur praeter quinque milia socium;

[¶3] 1.6. The authority of two praetors of the preceding year was extended, that of Gaius Sergius, to permit him to organize the distribution of land to the soldiers who had served for many years in Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia, and that of Quintus Minucius, to enable him to complete the inquiry regarding conspiracies in Bruttium, which he had carried on as praetor with loyalty and energy, to return to Locri for punishment the men he had sent in chains to Rome after they were found guilty of sacrilege, and to arrange to replace the money stolen from the shrine of Persephone, along with the sin-offerings.

> Latin: 1.6. iis obtineri circa Ariminum provinciam satis esse. prorogatum imperium praetoribus prioris anni, C. Sergio, ut militibus, qui in Hispania, Sicilia, Sardinia stipendia per multos annos fecissent, agrum adsignandum curaret, Q. Minucio, ut in Bruttiis idem de coniurationibus quaestiones, quas praetor cum fide curaque exercuisset, perficeret et eos, quos sacrilegii compertos in vinculis Romam misisset, Locros mitteret ad supplicium, quaeque sublata ex delubro Proserpinae essent, reponenda cum piaculis curaret.

[¶4] 1.9. The Latin Festival was repeated by order of the pontiffs, because delegates from Ardea had made complaint in the senate that the flesh of the animals sacrificed on the Alban Mount had not been given to them, as was the custom.

> Latin: 1.9. feriae Latinae pontificum decreto instauratae sunt, ab Suessa nuntiatum est duas portas quodque inter eas muri erat de caelo tactum;

[¶5] 1.10. News came from Suessa that two gates and the adjacent portion of the wall had been struck by lightning; and ambassadors from Formiae reported that the same thing had happened to the temple of Jupiter, from Ostia, to the temple of Jupiter, from Velitrae, to the shrines of Apollo and Sangus; and it was said that the hair had grown in the temple of Hercules;

> Latin: 1.10. et Formiani legati aedem Iovis, item Ostienses aedem Iovis, et Veliterni Apollinis et Sangus aedes, et in Herculis aede capillum enatum;

[¶6] 1.11. also, Quintus Minucius the propraetor wrote from Bruttium that a five-legged colt had been born, and three chicks each with three feet.

> Latin: 1.11. et ex Bruttiis ab Q. Minucio propraetore scriptum eculeum cum quinque pedibus, pullos gallinaceos tris cum ternis pedibus natos esse.

[¶7] 1.12. Letters were brought from Macedonia, from the proconsul Publius Sulpicius, in which, among other things, it was said that a laurel had grown out of the stern of a war-ship.

> Latin: 1.12. a P. Sulpicio proconsule ex Macedonia litterae adlatae, in quibus inter cetera scriptum erat lauream in puppi navis longae enatam.

[¶8] 1.13. By reason of the former prodigies, the senate had decreed that the consuls should sacrifice full-grown victims to whatever gods it seemed wise; on account of this last event, the haruspices were called into the senate, and on their advice a period of prayer was proclaimed to the people for one day, and sacrifices were performed at all the banquet tables of the gods.

> Latin: 1.13. priorum prodigiorum causa senatus censuerat, ut consules maioribus hostiis, quibus diis videretur, sacrificarent; ob hoc unum prodigium haruspices in senatum vocati, atque ex responso eorum supplicatio populo in diem unum indicta et ad omnia pulvinaria res divinae factae.

[¶9] 2.1. The Carthaginians that year brought to Rome the first instalment of the tribute imposed upon them.

> Latin: 2.1. Carthaginienses eo anno argentum in stipendium impositum primum Romam advexerunt.

[¶10] 2.2. Because the quaestors reported that it was not pure silver and since a fourth part of it melted away - while they were testing it, the Carthaginians made up the shortage in the amount of money by borrowing in Rome.

> Latin: 2.2. id quia probum non esse quaestores renuntiaverant, experientibusque pars quarta decocta erat, pecunia Romae mutua sumpta intertrimentum argenti expleverunt.

[¶11] 2.3. At their request that, if the senate was now favourably disposed, their hostages should be returned to them, one hundred hostages were given back;

> Latin: 2.3. petentibus deinde, ut, si iam videretur senatui, obsides sibi redderentur, centum redditi obsides; de ceteris, si in fide permanerent, spes facta.

[¶12] 2.4. hope for the rest was offered if they remained faithful. When they asked also that the hostages who were not returned should be moved from Norba, where they were not comfortable, to some other place, it was permitted them to go to Signia or Ferentinum.

> Latin: 2.4. petentibus iisdem, qui non reddebantur obsides ut ab Norba, ubi parum commode essent, alio traducerentur, concessum, ut Signiam et Ferentinum transirent. Gaditanis item petentibus remissum, ne praefectus Gadis mitteretur adversus id, quod iis in fidem populi Romani venientibus cum L. Marcio Septimo convenisset.

[¶13] 2.6. A concession was also made to the people of Gades, who asked that no prefect should be sent to Gades contrary to what had been agreed upon with Lucius Marcius Septimus when they put themselves under the protection of the Roman people. Also, when ambassadors from Narnia complained that the colonists there were not up to the number determined, and that some persons of alien race, mingling with them, were conducting themselves as colonists, by reason of this report the consul Lucius Cornelius was directed to appoint a board of three to investigate. This board consisted of Publius and Sextus Aelius — both surnamed Paetus — and Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus. What had been granted to the people of Narnia, to wit, the increasing of the number of colonists, the people of Cosa asked but did not obtain.

> Latin: 2.6. et Narniensium legatis querentibus ad numerum sibi colonos non esse et immixtos quosdam non sui generis pro colonis se gerere, earum rerum causa tresviros creare L. Cornelius consul iussus. creati P. et Sex. Aelii — Paetis fuit ambobus cognomen — et Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. quod Narniensibus datum, ut colonorum numerus augeretur, id Cosani petentes non impetraverunt.

[¶14] 3.1. The consuls transacted the necessary business at Rome and departed for their provinces.

> Latin: 3.1. rebus, quae Romae agendae erant, perfectis consules in provincias profecti.

[¶15] 3.2. Publius Villius, on his arrival in Macedonia, found a dangerous mutiny in the army, begun some time before and not repressed with sufficient vigour at the outset.

> Latin: 3.2. P. Villius in Macedoniam cum venisset, atrox seditio militum iam ante irritata nec satis in principio compressa excepit.

[¶16] 3.3. There were about two thousand soldiers who had been brought back from Africa to Sicily after the defeat of Hannibal, and about a year later moved to Macedonia as volunteers. They asserted that this had not been done with their consent; they had been put on board by their tribunes in spite of their protests.

> Latin: 3.3. duo milia ea militum fuere, quae ex Africa post devictum Hannibalem in Siciliam, inde anno fere post in Macedoniam pro voluntariis transportata erant, id voluntate factum negabant:

[¶17] 3.4. But whatever the facts were, whether their service was compulsory or voluntary, it was, they said, finished, and it was right that there be some end to their soldiering.

> Latin: 3.4. ab tribunis recusantes in naves impositos. sed utcumque, seu iniuncta seu suscepta foret militia, et eam exhaustam, et finem aliquem militandi fieri aequum esse.

[¶18] 3.5. For many years they had not seen Italy; they had grown old under arms in Sicily, Africa, Macedonia; they were now worn out by labour and exertion and drained of blood by the many wounds they had received.

> Latin: 3.5. multis annis sese Italiam non vidisse; consenuisse sub armis in Sicilia, Africa, Macedonia; confectos iam se labore opere, exangues tot acceptis vulneribus esse.

[¶19] 3.6. The consul replied that their demand for discharge seemed to have merit if properly presented; but neither this cause nor any other justified mutiny.

> Latin: 3.6. consul causam postulandae missionis probabilem, si modeste peteretur, videri dixit; seditionis nec eam nec ullam aliam satis iustam causam esse.

[¶20] 3.7. Accordingly, if they chose to remain with the standards and obey orders, he would write to the senate regarding their discharge; they would obtain what they wanted more easily by obedience than by resistance.

> Latin: 3.7. itaque si manere ad signa et dicto parere velint, se de missione eorum ad senatum scripturum; modestia facilius quam pertinacia quod velint impetraturos.

[¶21] 4.1. Philip was at that time besieging Thaumaci with the greatest energy, using terraces and mantlets, and was on the point of using his battering-ram against the walls;

> Latin: 4.1. Thaumacos eo tempore Philippus summa vi oppugnabat aggeribus vineisque et iam arietem muris admoturus erat;

[¶22] 4.2. but he was compelled to give up his enterprise by the sudden attack of the Aetolians, who, under the command of Archidamus, slipped through the screen of Macedonian patrols into the city, and never, either by night or day, ceased making sallies, now against the Macedonian outposts, now against their siege-works. The nature of the place, - too, aided them.

> Latin: 4.2. ceterum incepto absistere eum coegit subitus Aetolorum adventus, qui Archidamo duce inter custodias Macedonum moenia ingressi nec nocte nec die finem ullum erumpendi nunc in stationes nunc in opera Macedonum faciebant. et adiuvabat eos natura ipsa loci.

[¶23] 4.3. For Thaumaci lies high above the road as you come from Pylae and the Malian Gulf by way of Lamia, on the very pass, overlooking what they call Hollow Thessaly;

> Latin: 4.3. namque Thaumaci a Pylis sinuque Maliaco per Lamiam eunti loco alto siti sunt in ipsis faucibus, imminentes, quam Coelen vocant, Thessaliae;

[¶24] 4.4. the country is rough as you pass through, over roads that wind their way through twisting valleys, and when you reach the city, suddenly the whole plain spreads out before you like an expanse of open sea, so that you can hardly measure with your eyes the fields beneath you.

> Latin: 4.4. quae transeunti confragosa loca inplicatasque flexibus vallium vias, ubi ventum ad hanc urbem est, repente velut maris vasti sic universa panditur planities, ut subiectos campos terminare oculis haud facile queas.

[¶25] 4.5. From this marvellous sight is derived the name “Thaumaci.” The city is defended both by its lofty site and by the fact that it lies on cliffs with steep descents on all sides.

> Latin: 4.5. ab eo miraculo Thaumaci appellati. nec altitudine solum tuta urbs, sed quod saxo undique absciso rupibus imposita est.

[¶26] 4.6. These difficulties, together with the fact that it was scarcely a due reward for so much effort and risk, induced Philip to abandon his design.

> Latin: 4.6. hae difficultates et quod haud satis dignum tanti laboris periculique pretium erat, ut absisteret incepto Philippus, effecerunt.

[¶27] 4.7. Winter, too, was now at hand when he retired from there and led his troops into winter quarters in Macedonia.

> Latin: 4.7. hiems quoque iam instabat, cum inde abscessit et in Macedoniam in hiberna copias reduxit.

[¶28] 5.1. There the rest devoted to relaxation of mind and body alike whatever little quiet time was allowed them;

> Latin: 5.1. ibi ceteri quidem data quanticunque quiete temporis simul animos corporaque remiserant;

[¶29] 5.2. Philip, however great relief of mind he had obtained after the ceaseless labour of marching and fighting, was so much the more concerned and worried about the final outcome of the war, not only fearing the enemy, who was pressing upon him by land and sea, but distrusting the attitude now of his allies, now even of his subjects, fearing both that the former should revolt, in the hope of an alliance with the Romans, and that the Macedonians themselves should be inspired by a desire for revolution.

> Latin: 5.2. Philippum, quantum ab adsiduis laboribus itinerum pugnarumque laxaverat animum, tanto magis intentum in universum eventum belli curae angunt, non hostis modo timentem, qui terra marique urgebant, sed nunc sociorum, nunc etiam popularium animos, ne et illi ad spem amicitiae Romanorum deficerent, et Macedonas ipsos cupido novandi res caperet.

[¶30] 5.4. So he sent ambassadors to Achaea, partly to demand the oath — for they had agreed to renew annually their pledges of loyalty to him — and partly to restore to the Achaeans Orchomenus and Heraea, and also Triphylia which had been taken from the Eleans, and to the Megalopolites Aliphera, since they argued that this city had never belonged to Triphylia, but should be given back to them, since it was one of the towns that had been turned over to form the city of Megalopolis in accordance with the decree of the Arcadian council.

> Latin: 5.4. itaque et in Achaiam legatos misit, simul qui iusiurandum — ita enim pepigerant, quotannis iuraturos in verba Philippi — exigerent, simul qui redderent Achaeis Orchomenon et Heraean et Triphylian Eleis ademptam, Megalopolitis Alipheran, contendentibus numquam eam urbem fuisse ex Triphylia, sed sibi debere restitui, quia una esset ex iis, quae ad condendam Megalen polin ex concilio Arcadum contributae forent.

[¶31] 5.6. And with the Achaeans indeed he did by these measures strengthen the alliance;

> Latin: 5.6. et cum Achaeis quidem per haec societatem firmabat;

[¶32] 5.7. but with regard to the disposition of the Macedonians, since he realized that his friendship with Heraclides was particularly a source of unpopularity for him, he heaped accusations upon him and threw him into prison, to the great joy of the people. Philip at this time made preparation with great energy, if he had ever done so before, on any occasion, and drilled both his Macedonians and his mercenary troops, and in the beginning of spring sent all his foreign auxiliaries and what light-armed troops he had, under Athenagoras, to Chaonia by way of Epirus, to hold the passes leading to Antigonea — the Greeks call them The Narrows.

> Latin: 5.7. ad Macedonum animos cum Heracliden amicum maxime invidiae sibi esse cerneret, multis criminibus oneratum in vincla coniecit ingenti popularium gaudio. bellum si quando umquam ante alias, tum magna cura apparavit exercuitque in armis et Macedonas et mercennarios milites principioque veris cum Athenagora omnia externa auxilia quodque levis armaturae erat in Chaoniam per Epirum ad occupandas quae ad Antigoneam fauces sunt —

[¶33] 5.10. He himself followed a few days later with the heavier troops, and when he had reconnoitred the whole region, he determined upon a site near the river Aous as the most suitable place for a fortified base of operations.

> Latin: 5.10. Stena vocant Graeci — misit. ipse post paucis diebus graviore secutus agmine, cum situm omnem regionis adspexisset, maxime idoneum ad muniendum locum credidit esse praeter amnem Aoum.

[¶34] 5.11. This river, flowing through a defile between ranges, one called by the natives Meropus, the other Asnaus, leaves a narrow road along the bank. He ordered Athenagoras and the light troops to hold and fortify Asnaus; he himself pitched camp on Meropus.

> Latin: 5.11. is inter montes, quorum alterum Meropum, alterum Asnaum incolae vocant, angusta valle fluit, iter exiguum super ripam praebens. Asnaum Athenagoram cum levi armatura tenere et communire iubet; ipse in Meropo posuit castra.

[¶35] 5.12. Where the cliffs were steep, a guard of a few armed men held them; where they were less defensible, they were protected, some by ditches, some by ramparts, some by towers. Numerous pieces of artillery were also posted in suitable places, to keep the enemy at a distance with their missiles.

> Latin: 5.12. qua abscisae rupes erant, statio paucorum armatorum tenebat; qua minus tuta erant, alia fossis, alia vallo, alia turribus muniebat.

[¶36] 5.13. The royal headquarters he established in plain sight on a hill in front of the rampart, to inspire terror in the enemy and in his own men the hope that springs from confidence.

> Latin: 5.13. magna tormentorum etiam vis, ut missilibus procul arcerent hostem, idoneis locis disposita est. tabernaculum regium pro vallo in conspecto maxime tumulo, ut terrorem hostibus suisque spem ex fiducia faceret, positum.

[¶37] 6.1. The consul had learned through Charopus the Epirote what passes the king had occupied with his army, and after wintering in Corcyra he crossed to the mainland at the coming of spring and began to lead his army against the enemy.

> Latin: 6.1. consul per Charopum Epiroten certior factus, quos saltus cum exercitu insedisset rex, et ipse, cum Corcyrae hibernasset, vere primo in continentem travectus ad hostem ducere pergit.

[¶38] 6.2. When he was about five miles from the king's camp, after fortifying the place and leaving behind the legions, he himself went forward to reconnoitre with some light troops, and on the next day held a council, whether he should try to force a passage through the valley which was held by the enemy, although great labour and danger were involved, or should follow the same circuitous route by which Sulpicius had entered Macedonia the previous year.

> Latin: 6.2. quinque milia ferme ab regiis castris cum abesset, loco munito relictis legionibus ipse cum expeditis progressus ad speculanda loca postero die consilium habuit, utrum per insessum ab hoste saltum, quamquam labor ingens periculumque proponeretur, transitum temptaret, an eodem itinere, quo priore anno Sulpicius Macedoniam intraverat, circumduceret copias.

[¶39] 6.4. While he was spending many days in discussing this question, word came to him that Titus Quinctius had been elected consul, had obtained from the lots the province of Macedonia, had hastened his journey, and had already arrived at Corcyra.

> Latin: 6.4. hoc consilium per multos dies agitanti ei nuntius venit T. Quinctium consulem factum sortitumque provinciam Macedoniam maturato itinere iam Corcyram traiecisse.

[¶40] 6.5. Valerius Antias writes that Villius, because he could not use the direct road, since the whole country was held by the king, entered the defile, followed the valley through the midst of which the river Aous flows, and, hastily throwing a bridge over the river to the bank on which the king's camp lay, - crossed and engaged the enemy; that he defeated the king and put him to flight and expelled him from his camp;

> Latin: 6.5. Valerius Antias intrasse saltum Villium tradit, quia recto itinere nequiverit omnibus ab rege insessis, secutum vallem, per quam mediam fertur Aous amnis, ponte raptim facto in ripam, in qua erant castra regia, transgressum acie conflixisse; fusum fugatumque regem, castris exutum;

[¶41] 6.7. that he killed twelve thousand of the enemy in that battle and captured- two thousand two hundred, together with one hundred thirty-two standards and two hundred thirty horses; and that he vowed a temple to Jupiter in this battle, if success attended him.

> Latin: 6.7. duodecim milia hostium eo proelio caesa, capta duo milia et ducentos et signa militaria centum triginta duo, equos ducentos triginta; aedem etiam Iovi in eo proelio votam, si res prospere gesta esset.

[¶42] 6.8. The other Greek and Latin writers, at least those whose annals I have consulted, report that Villius did nothing worthy of remark, but handed over to the next consul, Titus Quinctius, the war in the same state that he had received it.

> Latin: 6.8. ceteri Graeci Latinique auctores, quorum quidem ego legi annales, nihil memorabile a Villio actum integrumque bellum insequentem consulem T. Quinctium accepisse tradunt.

[¶43] 7.1. While this was happening in Macedonia, the other consul, Lucius Lentulus, who had remained at Rome, held the meeting for the election of censors.

> Latin: 7.1. dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, consul alter L. Lentulus, qui Romae substiterat, comitia censoribus creandis habuit.

[¶44] 7.2. Although many distinguished men were candidates, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus and Publius Aelius Paetus were elected censors.

> Latin: 7.2. multis claris petentibus viris creati censores P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus et P. Aelius Paetus.

[¶45] 7.3. They selected the members of the senate in complete harmony with one another and without putting the brand of infamy on any man, let the contract for the collection of the sales-tax at Capua and Puteoli and the port-duties of Castra, where there is now a town, and for this place enrolled three hundred colonists — for this number had been fixed by the senate — and sold the land of Capua at the foot of Mount Tifata. At this same time Lucius Manlius Acidinus, on his return from Spain, was prevented by Publius Porcius Laeca, tribune of the people, from entering the city in ovation, although the privilege had been granted him by the senate, and, entering the city as a private person, deposited in the treasury twelve hundred pounds of silver and about thirty pounds of gold.

> Latin: 7.3. ii magna inter se concordia et senatum sine ullius nota legerunt et portoria venalicium Capuae Puteolisque, item Castrum portorium, quo in loco nunc oppidum est, fruendum locarunt colonosque eo trecentos — is enim numerus finitus ab senatu erat — adscripserunt et sub Tifatis Capuae agrum vendiderunt. sub idem tempus L. Manlius Acidinus ex Hispania decedens, prohibitus a P. Porcio Laeca tribuno plebis ne ovans rediret, cum ab senatu impetrasset, privatus urbem ingrediens mille ducenta pondo argenti, triginta pondo ferme auri in aerarium tulit.

[¶46] 7.5. During the same year, Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, who had succeeded Gaius Aurelius, consul of the preceding year, as governor of the province of Gaul, rashly invaded the territory of the Insubrian Gauls and was cut off with almost his entire army;

> Latin: 7.5. eodem anno Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, qui ab C. Aurelio, consule anni prioris, provinciam Galliam acceperat, temere ingressus Gallorum Insubrum finis prope cum toto exercitu est circumventus:

[¶47] 7.6. he lost more than six thousand seven hundred men; such a disaster was suffered in a war that no one any longer feared. This event summoned Lucius Lentulus the consul from the city.

> Latin: 7.6. supra sex milia et septingentos milites amisit; tanta ex eo bello, quod iam timeri desierat, clades accepta est.

[¶48] 7.7. When he arrived in a province full of terror and had taken over a panic-stricken army, he roundly upbraided the praetor and ordered him to leave the province and return to Rome.

> Latin: 7.7. ea res L. Lentulum consulem ab urbe excivit. qui ut in provinciam venit plenam tumultus, trepido exercitu accepto praetorem multis probris increpitum provincia decedere atque abire Romam iussit.

[¶49] 7.8. Nor did the consul, even, accomplish anything worth recording, being recalled to Rome to hold the elections; the actual meetings were blocked by the plebeian tribunes Marcus Fulvius and Manius Curius, because they would not allow Titus Quinctius Flamininus to stand for the consulship immediately after the quaestorship:

> Latin: 7.8. neque ipse consul memorabile quicquam gessit, comitiorum causa Romam revocatus; quae ipsa per M. Fulvium et M'. Curium tribunos plebis impediebantur, quod T. Quinctium Flamininum consulatum ex quaestura petere non patiebantur:

[¶50] 7.10. the aedileship and praetorship, they said, were already treated with contempt, and the nobles, without passing through the offices in succession, and so giving proof of their worth, were aiming straight at the consulship and, leaping over the intermediate stages, were making the highest distinctions continuous with the lowest.

> Latin: 7.10. iam aedilitatem praeturamque fastidiri, nec per honorum gradus, documentum sui dantis, nobiles homines tendere ad consulatum, sed transcendendo media summa imis continuare.

[¶51] 7.11. - After being debated in the assembly, the matter was referred to the senate. The Fathers voted that it seemed proper that the right should reside in the people to elect anyone they chose who sought an office it was legally permissible to him to hold.

> Latin: 7.11. res ex campestri certamine in senatum pervenit. patres censuerunt, qui honorem, quem sibi capere per leges liceret, peteret, in eo populo creandi, quem velit, potestatem fieri aequum esse.

[¶52] 7.12. The tribunes yielded to the senate's will. Sextus Aelius Paetus and Titus Quinctius Flamininus were chosen consuls.

> Latin: 7.12. in auctoritate patrum fuere tribuni. creati consules Sex. Aelius Paetus et T. Quinctius Flamininus.

[¶53] 7.13. Then the praetorian elections were held. The choice fell on Lucius Cornelius Merula, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Marcus Porcius Cato, and Gaius Helvius, who had been plebeian aediles. By them the Plebeian Games were repeated, and a banquet to Jupiter was held on the occasion of the games.

> Latin: 7.13. inde praetorum comitia habita. creati L. Cornelius Merula, M. Claudius Marcellus, M. Porcius Cato, C. Helvius, qui aediles plebis fuerant. ab iis ludi plebeii instaurati; et epulum Iovis fuit ludorum causa.

[¶54] 7.14. Also, the Roman Games were celebrated with great splendour by the curule aediles Gaius Valerius Flaccus (who was Flamen Dialis) and Gaius Cornelius Cethegus.

> Latin: 7.14. et ab aedilibus curulibus C. Valerio Flacco, flamine Diali, et C. Cornelio Cethego ludi Romani magno apparatu facti.

[¶55] 7.15. Servius and Gaius Sulpicius Galba, pontiffs, died that year; in their place Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio were appointed pontiffs.

> Latin: 7.15. Ser. et C. Sulpicii Galbae pontifices eo anno mortui sunt; in eorum locum M. Aemilius Lepidus et Cn. Cornelius Scipio pontifices suffecti sunt.

[¶56] 8.1. When Sextus Aelius Paetus and Titus - Quinctius Flamininus had been inaugurated and had convened the senate on the Capitoline, the senate decreed that the consuls should arrange between themselves or cast lots for the provinces of Macedonia and Italy;

> Latin: 8.1. sex. Aelius Paetus T. Quinctius Flamininus magistratu inito senatum in Capitolio cum habuissent, decreverunt patres, ut provincias Macedoniam atque Italiam consules compararent inter se sortirenturve;

[¶57] 8.2. whichever of them was allotted Macedonia was authorized to enlist, as reinforcement to the legions, three thousand Roman infantry and three hundred cavalry, and besides five thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy.

> Latin: 8.2. utri eorum Macedonia evenisset, in supplementum legionum tria milia militum Romanorum scriberet et trecentos equites, item sociorum Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, quingentos equites.

[¶58] 8.3. An entirely new army was provided for the other consul. The command of Lucius Lentulus, consul of the previous year, was extended, and he was ordered not to leave the province himself or to discharge the veteran troops until the consul arrived with the new legions.

> Latin: 8.3. alteri consuli novus omnis exercitus decretus. L. Lentulo, prioris anni consuli, prorogatum imperium, vetitusque aut ipse provincia decedere prius aut veterem deducere exercitum, quam cum legionibus novis consul venisset.

[¶59] 8.4. The consuls drew lots for the provinces: Italy fell to Aelius, Macedonia to Quinctius.

> Latin: 8.4. sortiti consules provincias; Aelio Italia, Quinctio Macedonia evenit.

[¶60] 8.5. The praetors then drew, Lucius Cornelius Merula receiving the city jurisdiction, Marcus Claudius Sicily, Marcus Porcius Sardinia, Gaius Helvius Gaul.

> Latin: 8.5. praetores L. Cornelius Merula urbanam, M. Claudius Siciliam, M. Porcius Sardiniam, C. Helvius Galliam est sortitus.

[¶61] 8.6. They then began to conduct the levy; for in addition to the consular armies the enlistment of troops for the praetors as well was ordered; for Marcellus, for service in Sicily, four thousand infantry of the allies and the Latin confederacy and three hundred cavalry; for Cato, two thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry from the same source for Sardinia, so that these two praetors, on arrival in their provinces, could send home their veteran infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 8.6. dilectus inde haberi est coeptus; nam praeter consulares exercitus praetoribus quoque iussi scribere milites erant, Marcello in Siciliam quattuor milia peditum socium et Latini nominis et trecentos equites, Catoni in Sardiniam ex eodem genere militum duo milia peditum,

[¶62] 8.8. The consuls then presented to the senate ambassadors from King Attalus.

> Latin: 8.8. ducentos equites, ita ut ii praetores ambo, cum in provincias venissent, veteres dimitterent pedites equitesque.

[¶63] 8.9. When they had explained that the king was aiding the Roman cause on land and sea with his fleet and all his forces, and had up to that day zealously and loyally performed whatever the Roman consuls ordered, they said that there was ground for fear that by reason of the activity of King Antiochus he could not guarantee to continue;

> Latin: 8.9. Attali deinde regis legatos in senatum consules introduxerunt. ii regem classe sua copiisque omnibus terra marique rem Romanam iuvare quaeque imperarent Romani consules, impigre atque oboedienter ad eam diem fecisse cum exposuissent, vereri dixerunt, ne id praestare ei per Antiochum regem ultra non liceret;

[¶64] 8.10. for Antiochus had invaded the kingdom of Attalus when it was stripped of the protection of its navy and army.

> Latin: 8.10. vacuum namque praesidiis navalibus terrestribusque regnum Attali Antiochum invasisse.

[¶65] 8.11. Therefore Attalus begged the senators, if they wished to employ his fleet and forces for the Macedonian war, themselves to send forces to defend his kingdom; if they did not, to permit him to return to defend his possessions with his fleet and other troops.

> Latin: 8.11. itaque Attalum orare patres conscriptos, si sua classi suaque opera uti ad Macedonicum bellum vellent, mitterent ipsi praesidium ad regnum eius tutandum; si id nollent, ipsum ad sua defendenda cum classe ac reliquis copiis redire paterentur.

[¶66] 8.12. - The senate ordered this reply given the ambassadors: that the senate appreciated the fact that King Attalus had aided the Roman generals with his fleet and other forces; that they would neither themselves send aid to Attalus against Antiochus, an ally and friend of the Roman people, nor keep Attalus' troops longer than was convenient for the king;

> Latin: 8.12. senatus legatis ita responderi iussit: quod rex Attalus classe copiisque aliis duces Romanos iuvisset, id gratum senatui esse;

[¶67] 8.13. that the Roman people had always employed the property of others at the pleasure of those others;

> Latin: 8.13. auxilia nec ipsos missuros Attalo adversus Antiochum, socium et amicum populi Romani, nec Attali auxilia retenturos ultra, quam regi commodum esset;

[¶68] 8.14. that both the beginning and the end of rendering assistance was under the control of those who wished the Roman people to enjoy their aid; that they would send ambassadors to Antiochus to point out that the Roman people was employing the aid of Attalus and his ships and soldiers against the common enemy Philip;

> Latin: 8.14. semper populum Romanum alienis rebus arbitrio alieno usum; et principium et finem in potestatem ipsorum, qui ope sua velint adiutos Romanos, esse;

[¶69] 8.15. that he would oblige the senate by keeping away from the kingdom of Attalus and refraining from war, and that it was proper that kings who were allies and friends of the Roman people should likewise be at peace with one another.

> Latin: 8.15. legatos ad Antiochum missuros, qui nuntient Attali naviumque eius et militum opera adversus Philippum communem hostem uti populum Romanum; gratum eum facturum senatui, si regno Attali abstineat belloque absistat; aequum esse socios et amicos populi Romani reges inter se quoque ipsos pacem servare.

[¶70] 9.1. The consul Titus Quinctius, when he had conducted his levy in such a way as to select generally soldiers of tried courage who had served in Spain or Africa, and was hastening his departure for his province, was detained by reports of prodigies and by their expiation.

> Latin: 9.1. consulem T. Quinctium ita habito dilectu, ut eos fere legeret, qui in Hispania aut Africa meruissent, spectatae virtutis milites, properantem in provinciam prodigia nuntiata atque eorum procuratio Romae tenuerunt.

[¶71] 9.2. Lightning struck a public highway at Veii, the forum and temple of Jupiter at Lanuvium, the temple of Hercules at Ardea, the wall and towers and the so-called “White Temple” at Capua; flames were seen in the sky at Arretium;

> Latin: 9.2. de caelo tacta erant via publica Veis, forum et aedes Iovis Lanuvi, Herculis aedes Ardeae, Capuae murus et turres et aedes, quae alba dicitur;

[¶72] 9.3. the earth subsided in a great cavern three iugera in extent at Velitrae; at Suessa Aurunca men said that a two-headed lamb was born, and at Sinuessa a pig with a man's head.

> Latin: 9.3. caelum ardere visum erat Arreti; terra Velitris trium iugerum spatio caverna ingenti desederat; Suessae Auruncae nuntiabant agnum cum duobus capitibus natum et Sinuessae porcum cum humano capite.

[¶73] 9.4. By reason of these prodigies a day of prayer was proclaimed, and the consuls attended to the sacrifices and, having appeased the gods, departed to their provinces, Aelius with the praetor Helvius to Gaul;

> Latin: 9.4. eorum prodigiorum causa supplicatio unum diem habita, et consules rebus divinis operam dederunt placatisque diis in provincias profecti sunt, Aelius cum Helvio praetore in Galliam;

[¶74] 9.5. and the army which he received from Lucius Lentulus, and which he was under obligation to discharge, he turned over to the praetor, intending himself to conduct the war with the new legions which he had brought with him. Nor did he accomplish anything noteworthy.

> Latin: 9.5. exercitumque ab L. Lentulo acceptum, quem dimittere debebat, praetori tradidit, ipse novis legionibus, quas secum adduxerat, bellum gesturus. neque memorabilis rei quicquam gessit.

[¶75] 9.6. When the other consul, Titus Quinctius, had crossed from Brundisium earlier than previous consuls had been wont to leave, he proceeded to Corcyra with eight thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry. From Corcyra he crossed in a quinquereme to the nearest parts of Epirus and hastened rapidly to the Roman camp.

> Latin: 9.6. T. Quinctius alter consul maturius, quam priores soliti erant consules, a Brundisio cum tramisisset, Corcyram tenuit cum octo milibus peditum, equitibus octingentis.

[¶76] 9.7. There he delayed a few days after sending Villius home, until the troops from Corcyra overtook him, and held a council, whether to attempt to force a passage straight through the enemy's camp or, without even trying so difficult and dangerous a feat, to proceed into Macedonia rather by the safe but longer route through the Dassaretii and by way of Lyncus. And this latter view would have prevailed had there not been the fear that, when he had moved farther from the sea, he would let the enemy slip from his grasp, if, as had happened before, the king preferred to safeguard himself in wildernesses and forests, and the summer would be spent in vain.

> Latin: 9.7. ab Corcyra in proxima Epiri quinqueremi traiecit et in castra Romana magnis itineribus contendit. inde Villio dimisso paucos moratus dies, dum se copiae ab Corcyra adsequerentur, consilium habuit, utrum recto itinere per castra hostium vim facere conaretur, an ne temptata quidem re tanti laboris ac periculi per Dassaretios potius Lyncumque tuto circuitu Macedoniam intraret.

[¶77] 9.10. Whatever might then be the result, it was decided to attack the enemy, even on this very unfavourable terrain. But the council was firmer in its resolution to do this than clear as to how to accomplish it. Thus, sitting in sight of the enemy, they had wasted forty days without attempting anything. And so Philip was encouraged to try peace proposals through the mediation of the people of Epirus, and, after a council had been called, Pausanias the praetor and Alexander the master of the horse, chosen for the purpose, brought the consul and the king together in a conference at the point where the river Aous is confined within its narrowest course.

> Latin: 9.10. vicissetque ea sententia, ni timuisset, ne, cum a mari longius recessisset, emisso e manibus hoste, si, quod antea fecerat, solitudinibus silvisque se tutari rex voluisset, sine ullo effectu aestas extraheretur. utcumque esset igitur, illo ipso tam iniquo loco adgredi hostem placuit. sed magis fieri id placebat, quam, quomodo fieret, satis expediebant; diesque quadraginta sine ullo conatu sedentes in conspectu hostium absumpserant. inde spes data Philippo est per Epirotarum gentem temptandae pacis; habitoque concilio delecti ad eam rem agendam Pausanias praetor et Alexander magister equitum consulem et regem, ubi in artissimas ripas Aous cogitur amnis, in conloquium adduxerunt.

[¶78] 10.3. The substance of the consul's demands was this: The king should withdraw his garrisons from the cities; he should restore what property was recoverable to those whose lands and towns he had ravaged; a valuation should be made of the rest by an impartial board.

> Latin: 10.3. summa postulatorum consulis erat: praesidia ex civitatibus rex deduceret; iis, quorum agros urbesque populatus esset, redderet res, quae comparerent; ceterorum aequo arbitrio aestimatio fieret.

[¶79] 10.4. Philip replied that the status of the several cities was not uniform: those which he had himself captured, he would set free; of those which he had received from his forefathers he would not surrender his hereditary and lawful possession.

> Latin: 10.4. Philippus aliam aliarum civitatium condicionem esse respondit: quas ipse cepisset, eas liberaturum; quae sibi traditae a maioribus essent, earum hereditaria ac iusta possessione non excessurum.

[¶80] 10.5. If these states with which he had fought complained of any losses due to war, he would submit to arbiters chosen by them from nations with which both parties were at peace.

> Latin: 10.5. si quas quererentur belli clades eae civitates, cum quibus bellatum foret, arbitro quo vellent populorum, cum quibus pax utrisque fuisset, se usurum.

[¶81] 10.6. The consul responded that for this purpose there was no need of any arbiter or umpire: for to whom was it not evident that he who had been the aggressor in war inflicted the injury, and that Philip, attacked by none, had first waged war on all?

> Latin: 10.6. consul nihil ad id quidem arbitro aut iudice opus esse dicere; cui enim non apparere ab eo, qui prior arma intulisset, iniuriam ortam, nec Philippum ab ullis bello lacessitum priorem vim omnibus fecisse?

[¶82] 10.7. Then, when they came to discuss what states were to be set free, the consul named the Thessalians before all the rest. At this the king became so incensed with rage that he exclaimed, “What heavier command, Titus Quinctius, could you lay upon a beaten foe?”

> Latin: 10.7. inde cum ageretur, quae civitates liberandae essent, Thessalos primos omnium nominavit consul. ad id vero adeo accensus indignatione est rex, ut exclamaret:

[¶83] 10.8. and so rushed from the conference; and he was with difficulty restrained from beginning the battle with missiles, since they were separated by the intervening river.

> Latin: 10.8. 'quid victo gravius imperares, T. Quincti?', atque ita se ex colloquio proripuit; et temperatum aegre est, quin missilibus, quia dirempti medio amni fuerant, pugnam inter se consererent.

[¶84] 10.9. The next day, in consequence of sallies from the outposts, there were numerous slight skirmishes in the plain, which afforded ample space for them;

> Latin: 10.9. postero die per excursiones ab stationibus primo in planitie satis ad id patenti multa levia commissa proelia sunt;

[¶85] 10.10. then, as the royal forces withdrew to the steep and rugged hillsides, the Romans too, carried away by their zest for combat, forced their way to the same places.

> Latin: 10.10. deinde recipientibus se regiis in arta et confragosa loca aviditate accensi certaminis eo quoque Romani penetravere.

[¶86] 10.11. On their side were the advantages of order and discipline and armour adapted to affording protection to the wearer; on the enemy's, the terrain and the catapults and ballistae ranged on almost all the cliffs as along a wall.

> Latin: 10.11. pro his ordo et militaris disciplina et genus armorum erat, aptum tegendis corporibus; pro hoste loca et catapultae ballistaeque in omnibus prope rupibus quasi in muro dispositae.

[¶87] 10.12. When many had been wounded on both sides, and a considerable number had even fallen, as in a regular engagement, night put an end to the fighting.

> Latin: 10.12. multis hinc atque illinc vulneribus acceptis, cum etiam, ut in proelio iusto, aliquot cecidissent, nox pugnae finem fecit.

[¶88] 11.1. When matters were in this state, a shepherd, sent by Charopus, a leading man of Epirus, was brought before the consul.

> Latin: 11.1. cum in hoc statu res esset, pastor quidam a Charopo, principe Epirotarum, missus deducitur ad consulem.

[¶89] 11.2. He said that he had been accustomed to pasture his flocks in the valley which the king's camp then occupied, and knew all the tracks and paths of those hills.

> Latin: 11.2. is se in eo saltu qui regiis tum teneretur castris, armentum pascere solitum ait omnes montium eorum amfractus callesque nosse.

[¶90] 11.3. If the consul wished to send some men with him, he would guide them by a road, quite level and not very difficult, to a place commanding the enemy's position.

> Latin: 11.3. si secum aliquos consul mittere velit, se non iniquo nec perdifficili aditu super caput hostium eos educturum.

[¶91] 11.4. The consul, on hearing this, sent to Charopus to inquire whether he thought the shepherd should be trusted in so important a matter. Charopus ordered the message back to be that he should trust him, but only so far as to keep the control of the situation in his own hands rather than in the shepherd's. Wishing, rather than venturing, to trust him, and with feelings of mingled joy and apprehension, he was persuaded by the assurances of Charopus and determined to use the chance presented to him, and, to prevent the king from suspecting, he did not cease for two successive days to attack the enemy, posting detachments on all sides and sending fresh troops to relieve the weary. Then he put a tribune in command of four thousand picked infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 11.4. haec ubi consul audivit, percunctatum ad Charopum mittit, satisne credendum super tanta re agresti censeret. Charopus renuntiari iubet, ita crederet, ut suae potius omnia quam illius potestatis essent. cum magis vellet credere quam auderet mixtumque gaudio et metu animum gereret, auctoritate motus Charopi experiri spem oblatam statuit et, ut averteret re ge m ab suspicione, biduo insequenti lacessere hostem dispositis ab omni parte copiis succedentibusque integris in locum defessorum non destitit.

[¶92] 11.7. He ordered him to take the cavalry as far as the ground permitted; when the road became impassable for cavalry, he should leave them on some level spot and go with the infantry wherever the guide conducted them;

> Latin: 11.7. quattuor milia inde lecta peditum et trecentos equites tribuno militum tradit. equites, quoad loca patiantur, ducere iubet; ubi ad invia equiti ventum sit, in planitie aliqua locari equitatum, pedites, qua dux monstraret viam, ire;

[¶93] 11.8. when he reached, as the guide promised, the place above the enemy, the tribune should send up a smoke-signal but raise no shout until, after the answering signal had been received from him, he could judge that the battle had begun. He instructed the tribune to march by night — and the moon happened to be full — and by day to take time for food and rest.

> Latin: 11.8. ubi, ut polliceatur, super caput hostium perventum sit, fumo dare signum nec antea clamorem tollere, quam ab se signo recepto pugnam coeptam arbitrari posset.

[¶94] 11.9. The guide, loaded with magnificent promises, if he should keep faith, but nevertheless in chains, he turned over to the tribune.

> Latin: 11.9. nocte itinera fieri iubet — et pernox forte luna erat —; interdiu cibi quietisque sumeret tempus. ducem promissis ingentibus oneratum, si fides extet, vinctum tamen tribuno tradit.

[¶95] 11.10. Having thus sent out his troops, the Roman pressed the attack the more vigorously from all sides, selected vantage-grounds. Meanwhile, on the third day, when the Romans had sent up the smoke-signal that they had reached and were holding the height which they had sought, then in earnest the consul formed his army in three columns and marched with the flower of his troops up the middle of the valley and hurled his right and left wings against the camp;

> Latin: 11.10. his copiis ita dimissis eo intentius Romanus undique instat, carpit stationes. interim die tertio cum verticem, quem petierant, Romani cepisse ac tenere se fumo significarent, tum vero trifariam divisis copiis consul valle media cum militum robore succedit, cornua dextra laevaque admovet castris;

[¶96] 12.2. the enemy came to meet him with no less vigour. And while, carried forward by their desire to fight, they were struggling outside the breastworks, the Roman army enjoyed no small advantage in courage and skill and character of weapons; but after the king's troops, when many had been wounded and killed, retired to positions strengthened by art or strong by nature, the danger recoiled upon the Romans, who pushed forward impetuously over unfavourable ground and cramped places that hindered easy withdrawal.

> Latin: 12.2. nec segnius hostes obviam eunt. et dum aviditate certaminis provecti extra munitiones pugnant, haud paulo superior est Romanus miles et virtute et scientia et genere armorum; postquam multis vulneratis interfectisque recepere se regii in loca aut munimento aut natura tuta, verterat periculum in Romanos temere in loca iniqua nec facilis ad receptum angustias progressos.

## 6. Book XXXII · chapters 12–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6/#p-N

[¶0] 12.4. Nor would they have succeeded in getting away without suffering for their rashness had not first a shout been heard from the rear and then an attack from that side too driven the king's troops mad with sudden panic.

> Latin: 12.4. neque impunita temeritate inde recepissent sese, ni clamor primum ab tergo auditus, dein pugna etiam coepta amentis repentino terrore regios fecisset.

[¶1] 12.5. Part broke in a rout; others, when they had made a stand, more because they had no place to flee than because they had sufficient will to fight, were cut off by the enemy pressing on from both front and rear. The whole army could have been destroyed if the victors had pursued the routed enemy;

> Latin: 12.5. pars in fugam effusi sunt; pars, magis quia locus fugae deerat, quam quod animi satis esset ad pugnam, cum substitissent, ab hoste et a fronte et ab tergo urgente circumventi sunt, deleri totus exercitus potuit, si fugientis persecuti victores essent;

[¶2] 12.7. but the narrow roads and the rough country hindered the cavalry, the weight of their arms the infantry.

> Latin: 12.7. sed equitem angustiae locorumque asperitas, peditem armorum gravitas impediit.

[¶3] 12.8. At first the king fled headlong and without looking back; then, having travelled five miles, suspecting what proved to be true, that the enemy could not follow on account of the unfavourable ground, he stopped on a certain hill and sent out messengers throughout the ridges and valleys to collect the stragglers in one place.

> Latin: 12.8. rex primo effuse ac sine respectu fugit; dein quinque milium spatium progressus, cum ex iniquitate locorum, id quod erat, suspicatus esset, sequi non posse hostem, substitit in tumulo quodam dimisitque suos per omnia iuga vallesque, qui palatos in unum colligerent.

[¶4] 12.9. When all the army (except not more than two thousand men who were lost) had come to the same place, as if following some signal, they made for Thessaly in solid column.

> Latin: 12.9. non plus duobus milibus hominum amissis cetera omnis multitudo, velut signum aliquod secuta, in unum cum convenisset, frequenti agmine petunt Thessaliam.

[¶5] 12.10. The Romans followed as far as it was safe, killing and despoiling the slain, and plundered the king's camp, which, even when undefended, was difficult to approach; and spent that night in their own camp.

> Latin: 12.10. Romani, quoad tutum fuit, insecuti caedentes spoliantesque caesos, castra regia, etiam sine defensoribus difficili aditu, diripiunt;

[¶6] 13.1. The next day the consul followed the enemy along the defile through which the river makes its way down the valley.

> Latin: 13.1. atque ea nocte in suis castris manserunt. postero die consul per ipsas angustias, quas inter valle se flumen insinuat, hostem sequitur.

[¶7] 13.2. The king on the first day reached the camp of Pyrrhus; the place called by this name is in Triphylia and belongs to the territory of Molottis. The next day — an over-long march for an army, but fear drove them on — they reached thence the Lyncus mountains.

> Latin: 13.2. rex primo die ad castra Pyrrhi pervenit; locus, quem ita vocant, est in Triphylia terrae Molottidis. inde postero die — ingens iter agmini, sed metus urgebat — in montes Lyncon perrexit.

[¶8] 13.3. This range is in Epirus, lying between Macedonia and Thessaly; the side which overlooks Thessaly faces east, the northern, Macedonia. It is clothed with abundant forests; the summits of the ridges offer open fields and ever-flowing springs.

> Latin: 13.3. ipsi Epiri sunt, interiecti Macedoniae Thessaliaeque; latus, quod vergit in Thessaliam, oriens spectat, septentrio a Macedonia obicitur. vestiti frequentibus silvis sunt; iuga summa campos patentes aquasque perennis habent.

[¶9] 13.4. There Philip remained in camp for several days, uncertain in mind whether he should straightway return to his kingdom or try to beat the enemy into Thessaly.

> Latin: 13.4. ibi stativis rex per aliquot dies habitis fluctuatus animo est, utrum protinus in regnum se reciperet, an praeverti in Thessaliam posset.

[¶10] 13.5. His decision was to lead the army into Thessaly, and he moved to Tricca by the shortest routes; then he rapidly traversed the towns in his way. He summoned from their homes the men who could follow; the towns he burned.

> Latin: 13.5. inclinavit sententia, ut in Thessaliam agmen demitteret, Triccamque proximis limitibus petit;

[¶11] 13.6. The owners were allowed to carry with them what they could of their possessions; the rest was booty for the army. Nor was there any hardship unexperienced, which an enemy could inflict, greater than what they suffered at the hands of their allies. Such actions were distasteful to Philip even as he did them, but he wished to rescue, from a land that was soon to belong to his enemies, at least the persons of his allies.

> Latin: 13.6. inde obvias urbes raptim peragravit. homines, qui sequi possent, sedibus excibat; oppida incendebat. rerum suarum, quas possent, ferendarum secum dominis ius fiebat, cetera militis praeda erat. nec, quod ab hoste crudelius pati possent, reliqui quicquam fuit, quam quae ab sociis patiebantur.

[¶12] 13.8. So Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, Palaepharsalus, were destroyed.

> Latin: 13.8. haec etiam facienti Philippo acerba erant, sed e terra mox futura hostium corpora saltem eripere sociorum volebat.

[¶13] 13.9. Excluded from Pherae, when he tried to take it, because it would require time if he tried to capture it, and he had no time, he gave up that undertaking and crossed into Macedonia; for it was rumoured that the Aetolians were close at hand.

> Latin: 13.9. ita evastata oppida sunt Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, Palaepharsalus. Pheras cum peteret, exclusus, quia res egebat mora, si expugnare vellet, nec tempus erat, omisso incepto in Macedoniam transcendit;

[¶14] 13.10. They, having heard of the battle at the Aous river, and having laid waste the country close around Sperchiae and Macra, which they call, Come, crossed thence into Thessaly and captured Cymene and Angeia at the first assault. From Metropolis, while they were devastating the farms, they were driven back, the townsmen having collected to defend their walls.

> Latin: 13.10. nam etiam Aetolos adpropinquare fama erat. qui audito proelio, quod circa amnem Aoum factum erat, proximis prius evastatis circa Sperchias et Macran quam vocant Comen, transgressi inde in Thessaliam Cymenes et Angeias primo impetu potiti sunt.

[¶15] 13.11. When they attacked Callithera they sustained more stubbornly a similar sally of townspeople; and driving back within their own walls the party that had made the sally, they departed, content with this success, because they had no real hope of capturing the town.

> Latin: 13.11. a Metropoli, dum vastant agros, concursu oppidanorum ad tuenda moenia facto repulsi sunt. Callithera inde adgressi similem impetum oppidanorum pertinacius sustinuerunt;

[¶16] 13.12. Next they took and sacked the villages of Teuma and Celathara and received Acharrae in surrender. Xyniae was abandoned by the inhabitants in similar fear.

> Latin: 13.12. compulsisque intra moenia qui eruperant, contenti ea victoria, quia spes nulla admodum expugnandi erat, abscesserunt. Teuma inde et Celathara vicos expugnant diripiuntque;

[¶17] 13.13. The procession of its citizens, exiles from their homes, fell in with a garrison which was on its way to Thaumacus, that it might forage in greater security; the undisciplined and unarmed mass, mingled too with the unwarlike mob, was slaughtered by the soldiers,. The abandoned city of Xyniae was looted. The Aetolians next captured Cyphaera, a fortress favourably situated to threaten Dolopia. Such is the record of the Aetolians' swift campaign of a few days.

> Latin: 13.13. Acharras per deditionem receperunt. Xyniae simili metu a cultoribus desertae sunt. hoc sedibus suis extorre agmen in praesidium incidit, quod ad Thaumacum, quo tutior frumentatio esset, ducebatur; incondita inermisque multitudo, mixta et imbelli turba, ab armatis caesa est. Xyniae desertae diripiuntur. Cyphaera inde Aetoli capiunt, opportune Dolopiae imminens castellum.

[¶18] 13.15. Nor did Amynander and the Athamanes remain quiet after they heard of the Roman victory.

> Latin: 13.15. haec raptim intra paucos dies ab Aetolis gesta. nec Amynander atque Athamanes post famam prosperae pugnae Romanorum quieverunt.

[¶19] 14.1. But when Amynander, having asked the consul for a small detachment, since he had little confidence in his own men, was moving on Gomphi, he immediately took by storm a town called Phaeca, lying between Gomphi and the narrow pass which separates Athamania and Thessaly.

> Latin: 14.1. ceterum Amynander, quia suo militi parum fidebat, petito a consule modico praesidio cum Gomphos peteret, oppidum protinus nomine Phaecam situm inter Gomphos faucesque angustas, quae ab Athamania Thessaliam dirimunt, vi cepit.

[¶20] 14.2. Then he attacked Gomphi, and the inhabitants, after defending the city with all their might for some days, were finally reduced to surrender by their fear, when he had placed his scaling-ladders against the walls.

> Latin: 14.2. inde Gomphos adortus est, et post aliquot dies summa vi tuentes urbem, cum iam scalas ad moenia erexisset, eo demum metu perpulit ad deditionem.

[¶21] 14.3. The surrender of Gomphi caused great terror to the Thessalians. In turn the inhabitants of Argenta and Pherinium and Timarum and Ligynae and Strymon and Lampsus and other insignificant forts in the vicinity surrendered.

> Latin: 14.3. haec traditio Gomphorum ingentem terrorem Thessalis intulit. dedidere deinceps sese qui Argenta quique Pherinium et Timarum et Ligynas et Strymonem et Lampsum habent aliaque castella iuxta ignobilia.

[¶22] 14.4. While the Aetolians and Athamanes, laying aside their fear of Macedonia, were reaping, through plundering, the fruits of another's victory, and Thessaly was being wasted by three armies at once, not knowing which to believe was foe and which ally, the consul marched into the country of Epirus through the pass which had been laid open by the flight of the enemy;

> Latin: 14.4. dum Athamanes Aetolique submoto Macedonum metu in aliena victoria suam praedam faciunt, Thessaliaque ab tribus simul exercitibus incerta, quem hostem quemve socium crederet, vastatur, consul faucibus, quas fuga hostium aperuerat, in regionem Epiri transgressus, etsi probe scit, cui parti Charopo principe excepto Epirotae favissent,

[¶23] 14.6. although he knew full well which side the Epirotes favoured, with the exception of one leading citizen, Charopus, nevertheless, because he saw them zealously carrying out his orders in their desire to please him, he judged them rather by their present than their past behaviour, and won over, by his readiness to pardon, their support for the future.

> Latin: 14.6. tamen quia ab satisfaciendi quoque cura imperata enixe facere videt, ex praesenti eos potius quam ex praeterito aestimat habitu et ea ipsa facilitate veniae animos eorum in posterum conciliat.

[¶24] 14.7. Then, sending messengers to Corcyra, that the cargo-ships should proceed to the Ambracian gulf, he advanced by easy marches and on the fourth day encamped on Mount Cercetius, summoning there Amynander with his auxiliaries, not so much from need of his assistance as that he might have guides into Thessaly.

> Latin: 14.7. missis deinde nuntiis Corcyram, ut onerariae naves in sinum venirent Ambracium, ipse progressus modicis itineribus quarto die in monte Cercetio posuit castra, eodem Amynandro cum suis auxiliis accito, non tam virium eius egens, quam ut duces in Thessaliam haberet.

[¶25] 14.8. From the same motive, many volunteers of the Epirotes were enlisted for service with the auxiliaries.

> Latin: 14.8. ab eodem consilio et plerique Epirotarum voluntarii inter auxilia accepti.

[¶26] 15.1. The first city of Thessaly to be attacked was Phaloria. It had a garrison of two thousand Macedonians, which at first resisted with the greatest energy, using every resource for defence which their arms and fortifications gave them.

> Latin: 15.1. primam urbem Thessaliae Phaloriam est adgressus. duo milia Macedonum in praesidio habebat, qui primo summa vi restiterunt, quantum arma, quantum moenia tueri poterant.

[¶27] 15.2. But the persistent siege, relaxed by neither night nor day, since the consul thought that the attitude of the other Thessalians depended on whether the first had held out against the Roman attack, broke down the resistance of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 15.2. sed oppugnatio continua, non nocte non die remissa, cum consul in eo verti crederet ceterorum Thessalorum animos, si primi vim Romanam non sustinuissent, vicit pertinaciam Macedonum.

[¶28] 15.3. After the capture of Phaloria delegations came from Metropolis and Cierium offering the surrender of these cities. Their request was granted; Phaloria was burned and destroyed.

> Latin: 15.3. capta Phaloria legati a Metropoli et a Cierio dedentes urbes venerunt. venia eisdem petentibus datur; Phaloria incensa ac direpta est.

[¶29] 15.4. Then he proceeded against Aeginium; seeing that the place was very strong and almost impregnable, with even a small garrison, he hurled a few weapons against the outpost and turned his course towards the region around Gomphi.

> Latin: 15.4. inde Aeginium petit; quem locum cum vel modico praesidio tutum ac prope inexpugnabilem vidisset, paucis in stationem proximam telis coniectis ad Gomphorum regionem agmen vertit.

[¶30] 15.5. And descending into the plains of Thessaly, since the army was now in want of everything, because he had spared the farms of the Epirotes, he sent scouts in advance to ascertain whether the supply-ships had headed for Leucas or the Ambracian gulf, and sent the cohorts in relays to Ambracia to provision;

> Latin: 15.5. degressusque in campos Thessaliae, cum iam omnia exercitui deessent, quia Epirotarum pepercerat agris, explorato ante, utrum Leucadem an sinum Ambracium onerariae tenuissent, frumentatum Ambraciam in vicem cohortes misit;

[¶31] 15.6. and the road from Gomphi to Ambracia, while difficult and hard to travel, is short.

> Latin: 15.6. et est iter a Gomphis Ambraciam sicut impeditum ac difficile, ita spatio perbrevi.

[¶32] 15.7. And so in a few days, the supplies having been transported from the fleet, the camp was full of an abundance of all things. Thence he marched to Atrax.

> Latin: 15.7. intra paucos itaque dies transvectis a mari commeatibus repleta omni rerum copia sunt castra.

[¶33] 15.8. It is about ten miles from Larisa; its people are sprung from Perrhaebia; the town lies above the river Peneus.

> Latin: 15.8. inde Atracem est profectus. decem ferme milia ab Larisa abest; ex Perrhaebia oriundi sunt;

[¶34] 15.9. At first the Thessalians felt no concern at the coming of the Romans; and as for Philip, while he did not dare himself to move into Thessaly, yet, established in a base camp within Tempe, he sent troops as occasion arose, as each point was threatened by the enemy.

> Latin: 15.9. sita est urbs super Peneum amnem. nihil trepidavere Thessali ad primum adventum Romanorum; et Philippus sicut in Thessaliam ipse progredi non audebat, ita intra Tempe stativis positis, ut quisque locus ab hoste temptabatur, praesidia per occasiones summittebat.

[¶35] 16.1. At about the same time that the consul had first established his camp face to face with Philip in the passes of Epirus, Lucius Quinctius, - the brother of the consul, to whom the senate had entrusted the charge of the fleet and the command of the sea-coast, also crossed to Corcyra with

> Latin: 16.1. sub idem fere tempus, quo consul adversus Philippum primum in Epiri faucibus posuit castra, et L. Quinctius frater consulis, cui classis cura maritimaeque orae imperium mandatum ab senatu erat, cum duabus quinqueremibus Corcyram travectus, postquam profectam inde classem audivit, nihil morandum ratus, cum ad Samen insulam adsecutus esset, dimisso C.

[¶36] 16.3. two quinqueremes, and when he found that the fleet was gone from there, thinking he should not delay, when he had overtaken the ships at the island of Same, he sent back Livius, whom he had succeeded, and finally reached Malea, generally towing the ships which were following loaded with supplies.

> Latin: 16.3. Livio, cui successerat, tarde inde ad Maleum trahendis plerumque remulco navibus, quae cum commeatu sequebantur, pervenit.

[¶37] 16.5. Ordering the rest to follow from Malea with all possible speed, he himself led the way to Piraeus with three light quinqueremes and took over the ships left there by Lucius Apustius the lieutenant to guard Athens.

> Latin: 16.5. a Maleo, iussis ceteris, quantum maxime possent maturare, sequi, ipse tribus quinqueremibus expeditis Piraeum praecedit accepitque naves relictas ibi ab L. Apustio legato ad praesidium Athenarum.

[¶38] 16.6. At the same time two fleets sailed from Asia, one under King Attalus — this consisted of twenty-four quinqueremes — and one from Rhodes, comprising twenty decked vessels commanded by Agesimbrotus.

> Latin: 16.6. eodem tempore duae ex Asia classes profectae, una cum Attalo rege — eae quattuor et viginti quinqueremes erant —, Rhodia altera viginti navium tectarum;

[¶39] 16.7. These fleets met near the island of Andros and crossed from there to Euboea, separated from Andros by a narrow stretch of water.

> Latin: 16.7. Agesimbrotus praeerat. hae circa Andrum insulam classes coniunctae Euboeam inde exiguo distantem freto traiecerunt.

[¶40] 16.8. They first ravaged the lands of the Carystii; then, since Carystus seemed strong, a garrison having been hastily sent from Chalcis, they went on towards Eretria.

> Latin: 16.8. Carystiorum primum agros vastarunt; deinde, ubi Carystus praesidio a Chalcide raptim misso firma visa est, ad Eretriam accesserunt.

[¶41] 16.9. There Lucius Quinctius also came with the ships from Piraeus, when he heard of the arrival of King Attalus, after leaving orders that as each ship of his own fleet arrived it should proceed to Euboea.

> Latin: 16.9. eodem et L. Quinctius cum iis navibus, quae Piraei fuerant, Attali regis adventu audito venit iussis, ut quaeque ex sua classe venissent naves, Euboeam petere.

[¶42] 16.10. Eretria had to endure a vigorous attack; for the ships of the three united fleets carried artillery of all kinds and devices for destroying cities, and the country provided material in abundance for the construction of new works.

> Latin: 16.10. Eretria summa vi oppugnabatur; nam et trium iunctarum classium naves omnis generis tormenta machinasque ad urbium excidia secum portabant, et agri adfatim materiae praebebant ad nova molienda opera.

[¶43] 16.11. The citizens at first defended their wall stoutly, then, worn out and some of them wounded, when they saw part of the wall demolished by the enemy's engines, they bethought them of surrender.

> Latin: 16.11. oppidani primo [haud] impigre tuebantur moenia, dein fessi vulneratique aliquot, cum et muri partem eversam operibus hostium cernerent, ad deditionem inclinarunt.

[¶44] 16.12. But there was a Macedonian garrison, which they feared no less than the Romans, and Philocles, the king's prefect, kept sending messages from Chalcis that he would be with them in due time, if they would withstand the siege.

> Latin: 16.12. sed praesidium erat Macedonum, quos non minus quam Romanos metuebant, et Philocles regius praefectus a Chalcide nuntios mittebat se in tempore adfuturum, si sustinerent obsidionem.

[¶45] 16.13. This hope mingled with fear compelled them to hold out beyond their wish or their ability; later on, when they learned that Philocles, now beaten and terrified, had sought refuge in Chalcis, they straightway sent ambassadors to Attalus asking his pardon and protection. While, with their hopes centred on peace, they were less zealous in performing their military duties, and were posting armed guards only at the point where the wall had been thrown down, paying no attention to the rest, Quinctius during the night, attacking with scaling-ladders in a quarter that seemed free from danger, captured the city.

> Latin: 16.13. haec mixta metu spes ultra, quam vellent aut quam possent, trahere eos tempus cogebat; deinde, postquam Philoclen repulsum trepidantemque refugisse Chalcidem acceperunt, oratores extemplo ad Attalum veniam fidemque eius petentis miserunt.

[¶46] 16.15. The whole multitude of the citizens with their wives and children fled to the citadel and then surrendered. There was no great quantity of money, gold or silver; statues, paintings of ancient workmanship, and adornments of that sort were found there in greater abundance than was to be expected, considering the size of the town or its wealth in other respects.

> Latin: 16.15. dum in spem pacis intenti segnius munera belli obeunt et ea modo parte, qua murus dirutus erat, ceteris neglectis stationes armatas opponunt. Quinctius noctu ab ea parte, quae minime suspecta erat, impetu facto scalis urbem cepit. oppidanorum omnis multitudo cum coniugibus ac liberis in arcem confugit, deinde in deditionem venit. pecuniae aurique et argenti haud sane multum fuit; signa et tabulae priscae artis ornamentaque eius generis plura quam pro urbis magnitudine aut opibus ceteris inventa.

[¶47] 17.1. The allies then returned to Carystus, all the population of which, before the troops disembarked, left the city and fled to the citadel.

> Latin: 17.1. Carystus inde repetita, unde, priusquam e navibus copiae exponerentur, omnis multitudo urbe deserta in arcem confugit.

[¶48] 17.2. Presently they sent ambassadors to seek protection from the Roman commander. Life and liberty were at once granted the citizens; a ransom of three hundred nummi per head was fixed for the Macedonians, and they were ordered to give up their arms and depart. Having paid this ransom they were transported to Boeotia unarmed.

> Latin: 17.2. inde ad fidem ab Romano petendam oratores mittunt. oppidanis extemplo vita ac libertas concessa est; Macedonibus treceni nummi in capita statutum pretium est, et ut armis traditis abirent.

[¶49] 17.3. The fleets, having captured two important cities of Euboea within a few days, sailed around Sunium, the promontory of the land of Attica, and steered toward Cenchreae, the port of the Corinthians.

> Latin: 17.3. hac summa redempti inermes in Boeotiam traiecti. navales copiae duabus claris urbibus Euboeae intra dies paucos captis circumvectae Sunium, Atticae terrae promunturium, Cenchreas, Corinthiorum emporium, petierunt.

[¶50] 17.4. Meanwhile the consul was finding the siege of Atrax longer and more difficult than anyone had expected, and the enemy resisted in a way that he had not in the least anticipated.

> Latin: 17.4. consul interim omnium spe longiorem Atracis atrocioremque oppugnationem habuit, et ea, qua minimum credidisset, resistebant hostes.

[¶51] 17.5. For he had believed that the whole task would be to batter down the wall; and that if he had opened a way into the city for the soldiers, the flight and slaughter of the enemy would follow, as usually happens in captured towns;

> Latin: 17.5. nam omnem laborem in muro crediderat diruendo fore; si aditum armatis in urbem patefecisset, fugam inde caedemque hostium fore, qualis captis urbibus fieri solet;

[¶52] 17.6. but when a section of the wall was thrown down by the battering-rams and the soldiers had entered the city over the ruins, that was, so to speak, the beginning of new and fresh toil.

> Latin: 17.6. ceterum postquam parte muri arietibus decussa per ipsas ruinas transcenderunt in urbem armati, illud principium velut novi atque integri laboris fuit.

[¶53] 17.7. For the Macedonians who formed the garrison, numerous and picked men, thinking that it would be a most noble exploit to defend the city with arms and valour rather than with walls, in close array, strengthening their formation by increasing the number of ranks within it, when they saw the Romans scaling the ruins, thrust them out over ground that was rough and admitted no easy retreat.

> Latin: 17.7. nam Macedones, qui in praesidio erant et multi et delecti, gloriam etiam egregiam rati, si armis potius et virtute quam moenibus urbem tuerentur, conferti, pluribus introrsus ordinibus acie firmata, cum transcendere ruinas sensissent Romanos, per impeditum ac difficilem ad receptum locum expulerunt.

[¶54] 17.9. The consul was enraged, and thought that this disgrace not merely meant a delay in capturing this one city, but affected the final issue of the war as a whole, which generally turns on the influence of little things; clearing out the place which was heaped up with the debris of the fallen wall, he moved up a tower of great height, carrying a large number of men in its numerous galleries, and sent out cohorts, one after the other, under their standards, to pierce, if possible, with their attack the wedge-formation of the Macedonians — they themselves call it the phalanx.

> Latin: 17.9. id consul aegre passus nec eam ignominiam ad unius modo oppugnandae moram urbis sed ad summam universi belli pertinere ratus, quod ex momentis parvarum plerumque rerum penderet, purgato loco, qui strage semiruti muri cumulatus erat, turrem ingentis altitudinis magnam vim armatorum multiplici tabulato portantem promovit et cohortes in vicem sub signis,

[¶55] 17.11. But in addition to the limits of space, only a little of the wall having been destroyed, the enemy had the advantage in character of weapons and in tactics.

> Latin: 17.11. quae cuneum Macedonum — phalangem ipsi vocant —, si possent, vi perrumperent, emittebat.

[¶56] 17.12. When the Macedonians inclose order held before them spears of great length, and when the Romans, hurling their javelins to no purpose, had drawn their swords against this sort of testudo, closely-fashioned as if with shields, they could neither approach near enough to engage hand to hand nor cut off the ends of the spears, and if they did cut off or break any of them, the spearshaft, the broken part being itself sharp, helped, along with the points of the undamaged pikes, to make a sort of wall.

> Latin: 17.12. sed ad loci angustias, haud late patente intervallo diruti muri, genus armorum pugnaeque hosti aptius erat. ubi conferti hastas ingentis longitudinis prae se Macedones obiecissent, velut in constructam densitate clipeorum testudinem Romani pilis nequiquam emissis cum strinxissent gladios, neque congredi propius neque praecidere hastas poterant, et, si quam incidissent aut praefregissent, hastile fragmento ipso acuto inter spicula integrarum hastarum velut vallum explebat.

[¶57] 17.15. Moreover, the parts of the rampart that still stood protected the two flanks, nor was it possible either to retire or to charge from a distance, a manoeuvre which usually throws the ranks into disorder.

> Latin: 17.15. ad hoc et muri pars adhuc integra utraque tuta praestabat latera, nec ex longo spatio aut cedendum aut impetus faciendus erat, quae res turbare ordines solet.

[¶58] 17.16. An accident, too, served to increase the courage of the enemy; for when the tower was being moved along the terrace of loosely-compacted earth, one of its wheels, slipping into a deep rut, caused the tower to lean so much that it seemed to the enemy about to fall, and caused a panic fear among the soldiers standing upon it.

> Latin: 17.16. accessit etiam fortuita res ad animos eorum firmandos; nam cum turris per aggerem parum densati soli ageretur, rota una in altiorem orbitam depressa ita turrim inclinavit, ut speciem ruentis hostibus, trepidationem vanam superstantibus armatis praebuerit.

[¶59] 18.1. As nothing turned out successfully, the consul was most reluctant to permit a comparison of men and weapons to be made, and at the same time he realized that there was no immediate prospect of capturing the town nor any way to winter his troops far from the sea and in a region wasted by the calamities of war.

> Latin: 18.1. cum parum quicquam succederet, consul minime aequo animo comparationem militum generisque armorum fieri patiebatur, simul nec maturam expugnandi spem nec rationem procul a mari et in evastatis belli cladibus locis hibernandi ullam cernebat.

[¶60] 18.3. So he raised the siege, and because there was no harbour on the whole coast of Acarnania and Aetolia which could both accommodate the fleet which brought supplies to the army and at the same time provide shelter for wintering the troops, Anticyra in Phocis, facing the Gulf of Corinth, seemed the most suitable place

> Latin: 18.3. itaque relicta obsidione, quia nullus in tota Acarnaniae atque Aetoliae ora portus erat, qui simul et omnis onerarias, quae commeatum exercitui portabant, caperet et tecta ad hibernandum legionibus praeberet, Anticyra in Phocide, in Corinthium versa sinum, ad id opportunissime sita visa,

[¶61] 18.5. for this purpose, because it was not far from Thessaly and the enemy's country, and it had in front the Peloponnesus, separated by a narrow expanse of sea, and behind it Aetolia and Acarnania and on the sides Locris and Boeotia.

> Latin: 18.5. quia nec procul Thessalia hostiumque locis aberat et ex adverso Peloponnesum exiguo maris spatio divisam, ab tergo Aetoliam Acarnaniamque, ab lateribus Locridem ac Boeotiam habebat.

[¶62] 18.6. He took Phanotea in Phocis at the first assault and without a struggle. Anticyra caused only a little delay to his siege. Ambrysus next and Hyampolis surrendered.

> Latin: 18.6. Phocidis primo impetu Phanoteam sine certamine cepit. Anticyra haud multum oppugnando morae praebuit. Ambrysus inde Hyampolisque receptae.

[¶63] 18.7. Daulis, because it was located on a lofty hill, could not be taken by escalade or siege.

> Latin: 18.7. Daulis, quia in tumulo excelso sita est, nec scalis nec operibus capi poterat.

[¶64] 18.8. By harassing the defenders with darts and tempting them to make sallies, by alternately retiring and pursuing, and by fighting small engagements of no significance, they brought them to such a pitch of carelessness and to such a feeling of contempt that the Romans, mingling with the defenders as they withdrew into the gate, assaulted the town.

> Latin: 18.8. lacessendo missilibus eos, qui in praesidio erant, cum ad excursiones elicuissent, refugiendo in vicem sequendoque et levibus sine effectu certaminibus eo neglegentiae et contemptus adduxerunt, ut cum refugientibus in portam permixti impetum Romani facerent.

[¶65] 18.9. Other unimportant strongholds of Phocis surrendered, more from fear than by reason of attack. Elatia closed its gates, and seemed disinclined to admit either commander or Roman army, unless it were compelled by violence.

> Latin: 18.9. et alia ignobilia castella Phocidis terrore magis quam armis in potestatem venerunt. Elatia clausit portas, nec, nisi vi cogerentur, recepturi moenibus videbantur aut ducem aut exercitum Romanum.

[¶66] 19.1. While the consul was besieging Elatia, - there came the gleam of hope of a greater achievement, the winning over of the Achaeans from alliance with the king to friendship with the Romans.

> Latin: 19.1. Elatiam obsidenti consuli rei maioris spes adfulsit, Achaeorum gentem ab societate regia in Romanam amicitiam avertendi.

[¶67] 19.2. They had expelled Cycliadas, the leader of the faction inclined to favour Philip; Aristaenus, who wished the state to join the Romans, was the president.

> Latin: 19.2. Cycliadan, principem factionis ad Philippum trahentium res, expulerant; Aristaenus, qui Romanis gentem iungi volebat, praetor erat.

[¶68] 19.3. The Roman fleet with Attalus and the Rhodians lay at Cenchreae, preparing for a concerted attack on Corinth.

> Latin: 19.3. classis Romana cum Attalo et Rhodiis Cenchreis stabat, parabantque communi omnes consilio Corinthum oppugnare.

[¶69] 19.4. He therefore thought it best, before they undertook this task, to send ambassadors to the Achaean people, promising that if they would turn from the king to the Romans, they would reunite Corinth to the ancient council of the people.

> Latin: 19.4. optimum igitur ratus est, priusquam eam rem adgrederentur, legatos ad gentem Achaeorum mitti pollicentis, si ab rege ad Romanos defecissent, Corinthum contributuros in anticum gentis concilium.

[¶70] 19.5. By the authority of the consul, delegates were sent to the Achaeans by his brother Lucius Quinctius, Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Athenians.

> Latin: 19.5. auctore consule legati a fratre eius L. Quinctio et Attalo et Rhodiis et Atheniensibus ad Achaeos missi.

[¶71] 19.6. An audience was granted them at Sicyon. But the state of mind among the Achaeans was complex.

> Latin: 19.6. Sicyone datum est iis concilium. erat autem non admodum simplex habitus inter Achaeos animorum: terrebat Nabis Lacedaemonius, gravis et adsiduus hostis;

[¶72] 19.7. The Spartan Nabis, a dangerous and ever-present enemy, terrified them; the Roman arms were a menace; to the Macedonians they were bound by acts of kindness both old and new; the king himself they looked on with suspicion, for his cruelty and treachery, and, not judging by what he was doing at that time, to suit the occasion, they saw that he would be a harsher master after the war.

> Latin: 19.7. horrebant Romana arma; Macedonum beneficiis et veteribus et recentibus obligati erant; regem ipsum suspectum habebant pro eius crudelitate perfidiaque, neque ex iis, quae tum ad tempus faceret, aestimantes graviorem post bellum dominum futurum cernebant.

[¶73] 19.9. They not only did not know what opinion each one would express in the senate of his own state or in the common councils of the people, but were not very clear as to what they would want or desire as they considered the matter in their own thoughts.

> Latin: 19.9. neque solum, quid in senatu quisque civitatis suae aut in communibus conciliis gentis pro sententia dicerent, ignorabant, sed ne ipsis quidem secum cogitantibus, quid vellent aut quid optarent, satis constabat.

[¶74] 19.10. The opportunity was offered the ambassadors to speak to an audience in this state of uncertainty.

> Latin: 19.10. ad homines ita incertos introductis legatis potestas dicendi facta est.

[¶75] 19.11. The Roman delegate, Lucius Calpurnius, was first heard, then the ambassadors of King Attalus, and after them the Rhodians; next the representatives of Philip were given audience, and finally the Athenians were heard, that they might refute the Macedonian arguments.

> Latin: 19.11. Romanus primum legatus L. Calpurnius, deinde Attali regis legati, post eos Rhodii disseruerunt;

[¶76] 19.12. They assailed the king in quite the fiercest terms, for no others had suffered so much or so grievously. And this meeting was dismissed at sunset, the whole day having been consumed by the set speeches of so many ambassadors.

> Latin: 19.12. Philippi deinde legatis potestas dicendi facta est; postremi Athenienses, ut refellerent Macedonum dicta, auditi sunt. ii fere atrocissime in regem, quia nulli nec plura nec tam acerba passi erant, invecti sunt. et illa quidem contio sub occasum solis tot legatorum perpetuis orationibus die absumpto dimissa est.

[¶77] 20.1. Next day the council assembled; and when, through the herald, after the Greek custom, the magistrates gave the opportunity to offer a motion, if anyone wished, and no one came forward, there was a long silence as men looked at one another.

> Latin: 20.1. postero die advocatur concilium; ubi cum per praeconem, sicut Graecis mos est, suadendi, si quis vellet, potestas a magistratibus facta esset, nec quisquam prodiret, diu silentium aliorum alios intuentium fuit.

[¶78] 20.2. Nor was it strange, if men whose minds were in a way bewildered by pondering independently the conflicting claims, were rendered still more uncertain by the speeches on both sides, delivered through an entire day, bringing forward and urging arguments that were hard to meet.

> Latin: 20.2. neque mirum, si, quibus sua sponte volutantibus res inter se repugnantes obtorpuerant quodam modo animi, eos orationes quoque insuper turbaverant utrimque, quae difficilia essent, promendo admonendoque per totum diem habitae.

[¶79] 20.3. At length Aristaenus, the praetor of the Achaeans, so as not to dismiss the council without debate, spoke thus: “Where are those rivalries of feeling, Achaeans, which cause you hardly to refrain from blows, when mention is made of Philip and the Romans at your dinners and social gatherings?”

> Latin: 20.3. tandem Aristaenus, praetor Achaeorum, ne tacitum concilium dimitteret, 'ubi' inquit 'illa certamina animorum, Achaei, sunt, quibus in conviviis et circulis, cum de Philippo et Romanis mentio incidit, vix manibus temperatis?

[¶80] 20.4. “Now, in a council called for this one purpose, after you have heard the words of representatives of both sides, when the magistrates lay the question before you and the herald asks for motions, you are silent!” “If there is no concern for the general welfare, can no personal interest even, which has turned your minds this way or that, draw a word from anyone?”

> Latin: 20.4. nunc in concilio ad eam rem unam indicto, cum legatorum utrimque verba audieritis, cum referant magistratus, cum praeco ad suadendum vocet, obmutuistis! si non cura salutis communis, ne studia quidem, quae in hanc aut in illam partem animos vestros inclinarunt, vocem cuiquam possunt exprimere?

[¶81] 20.6. “Especially as there is no one so dull as not to know that this is the time to speak and to advise what each either desires or thinks best, before we reach any decision; when once a decree has been passed, all, even those who formerly opposed it, must defend it as good and expedient.” This exhortation of the praetor not only prompted no one to make a proposal, but provoked no groan or whisper from so large a council, drawn from so many peoples.

> Latin: 20.6. cum praesertim nemo tam hebes sit, qui ignorare possit dicendi ac suadendi, quod quisque aut velit aut optimum putet, nunc occasionem esse, priusquam quicquam decernamus; ubi semel decretum erit, omnibus id, etiam quibus ante displicuerit, pro bono atque utili fore defendendum.' haec adhortatio praetoris non modo quemquam unum elicuit ad suadendum, sed ne fremitum quidem aut murmur contionis tantae ex tot populis congregatae movit.

[¶82] 21.1. So the praetor Aristaenus spoke again: "You lack counsel, leaders of the Achaeans, no less than the power of speech; but each one refuses to promote the public interest at the cost of peril to himself.

> Latin: 21.1. tum Aristaenus praetor rursus: 'non magis consilium vobis, principes Achaeorum, deest quam lingua; sed suo quisque periculo in commune consultum non vult. forsitan ego quoque tacerem, si privatus essem; nunc praetori video aut non dandum concilium legatis fuisse, aut non sine responso eos dimittendos esse;

[¶83] 21.2. Perhaps I too should keep silence if I were a private citizen; now I see that, so far as the praetor is concerned, either the ambassadors should not have been granted an audience or they should not be sent away unanswered; but how can I answer except in accordance with your decree? And since no one of you who have been summoned to this council wishes or dares to say anything in the way of suggestion, let us consider the ambassadors' speeches delivered yesterday as opinions expressed in debate, just as if they had not intended what was to their own interest but recommended what they deemed profitable for us.

> Latin: 21.2. respondere autem nisi ex vestro decreto qui possum? et quoniam nemo vestrum, qui in hoc concilium advocati estis, pro sententia quicquam dicere vult aut audet, orationes legatorum hesterno die ut pro sententiis dictas percenseamus, perinde ac non postulaverint, quae e re sua essent, sed suaserint, quae nobis censerent utilia esse.

[¶84] 21.4. The Romans, the Rhodians and Attalus ask for our alliance and friendship, and in the war which they are waging with Philip they think it proper that we should assist them.

> Latin: 21.4. Romani Rhodiique et Attalus societatem amicitiamque nostram petunt et in bello, quod adversus Philippum gerunt, se a nobis adiuvari aequum censent.

[¶85] 21.5. Philip reminds us of our alliance with him and of our oath, and now demands that we take our stand with him, now says that he is satisfied if we refrain from taking up arms.

> Latin: 21.5. Philippus societatis secum admonet et iuris iurandi et modo postulat, ut secum stemus, modo, ne intersimus armis, contentum ait se esse.

[¶86] 21.6. Does it occur to no one why those who are not yet our allies demand more than our ally? This is not, ye Achaeans, the result of Philip's moderation or the Romans' arrogance; fortune both gives and takes away confidence in making demands.

> Latin: 21.6. nulline venit in mentem, cur, qui nondum socii sunt, plus petant quam socius? non fit hoc neque modestia Philippi neque impudentia Romanorum, Achaei:

[¶87] 21.7. We see no sign of Philip except his ambassador; the Roman fleet lies at Cenchreae, displaying the spoils of the cities of Euboea, we see the consul and his legions marching through Phocis and Locris, separated from us by a narrow stretch of water;

> Latin: 21.7. fortuna et dat fiduciam postulantibus et demit. Philippi praeter legatum videmus nihil; Romana classis ad Cenchreas stat urbium Euboeae spolia prae se ferens, consulem legionesque eius, exiguo maris spatio diiunctas, Phocidem ac Locridem pervagantis videmus:

[¶88] 21.8. do you wonder why Cleomedon, Philip's delegate, suggested with such hesitation a while ago that we take up arms in the king's cause against the Romans? If, in accordance with that treaty and oath, respect for which he tried to instil into us, we ask him that Philip protect us both against Nabis and his Lacedaemonians and against the Romans, he will not only find no garrison wherewith to protect us: he will not even find an answer to give us, any more, by Hercules, than Philip did last year; when, by promising that he would conduct the war against Nabis, he had tried to allure our fighting men away to Euboea, after he saw that we would neither vote him that protection nor consent to be involved in the Roman war, forgetful of that alliance about which he now uses such fine words, he left us to Nabis and the Lacedaemonians to plunder and rob.

> Latin: 21.8. miramini, cur diffidenter Cleomedon, legatus Philippi, ut pro rege arma caperemus adversus Romanos, modo egerit? qui, si ex eodem foedere ac iure iurando, cuius nobis religionem iniciebat, rogemus eum, ut nos Philippus et ab Nabide ac Lacedaemoniis et ab Romanis defendat, non modo praesidium, quo tueatur nos, sed ne quid respondeat quidem nobis sit inventurus, non hercule magis quam ipse Philippus priore anno, qui pollicendo se adversus Nabidem bellum gesturum cum temptasset nostram iuventutem hinc in Euboeam extrahere,

[¶89] 21.11. And to me, at least, Cleomedon's speech seemed by no means consistent with itself. He belittled the Roman war, and claimed that the result would be the same as that of the earlier war which they engaged in with Philip. Why then does Philip, remaining away, ask our aid, rather than, being present in person, defend us, his ancient allies, against both Nabis and the Romans? Defend us, do I say? Why did he permit Eretria and Carystus to be captured in that way? Why so many towns of Thessaly? Why Locris and Phocis? Why does he now allow Elatia to be besieged? Why did he leave the passes of Epirus and his impregnable position above the Aous river, abandon the defile which he held and retire far into his own kingdom?

> Latin: 21.11. postquam nos neque decernere id sibi praesidium neque velle illigari Romano bello vidit, oblitus societatis eius, quam nunc iactat, vastandos populandosque Nabidi ac Lacedaemoniis reliquit. ac mihi quidem minime conveniens inter se oratio Cleomedontis visa est. elevabat Romanum bellum eventumque eius eundem fore, qui prioris belli, quod cum Philippo gesserint, dicebat. cur igitur nostrum ille auxilium absens petit potius quam praesens nos, socios veteres, simul ab Nabide ac Romanis tueatur? nos dico? quid ita passus est Eretriam Carystumque capi? quid ita tot Thessaliae urbes? quid ita Locridem Phocidemque?

[¶90] 21.14. It was either under compulsion, or from fear, or by design. If he voluntarily left so many allies to be sacked by the enemy, how can he object if his allies take measures for their own security? If he was afraid, let him excuse also our fear.

> Latin: 21.14. quid ita nunc Elatiam oppugnari patitur? cur excessit faucibus Epiri claustrisque illis inexpugnabilibus super Aoum amnem relictoque, quem insidebat, saltu penitus in regnum abiit?

[¶91] 21.15. If he retired because he was beaten in battle, shall we Achaeans, Cleomedon, sustain the Roman attack which you Macedonians did not resist? Or should we take your word for it that the Romans are not employing in the war greater forces and military power than they did before, or should we rather look at the obvious facts?

> Latin: 21.15. aut vi aut metu aut voluntate. si sua voluntate tot socios reliquit hostibus diripiendos, qui recusare potest, quin et socii sibi consulant? si metu, nobis quoque ignoscat timentibus; si victus armis cessit, Achaei Romana arma sustinebimus, Cleomedon, quae vos Macedones non sustinuistis?

## 7. Book XXXII · chapters 21–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/7/#p-N

[¶0] 21.16. Then they aided the Aetolians with their fleet; they waged war with neither consular commander nor consular army; at that time the maritime cities of Philip's allies were in fear and terror;

> Latin: 21.16. an tibi [potius] credamus Romanos non maioribus copiis nec viribus nunc bellum gerere, quam antea gesserint, potius quam res ipsas intueamur?

[¶1] 21.17. the inland districts were so safe from Roman arms that Philip pillaged the Aetolians even while they asked in vain for Roman aid; but now the Romans have finished the Punic War, which they endured for sixteen years in, as it were, the very heart of Italy, and they have not sent assistance to the Aetolians, who were carrying on the war, but they themselves, as leaders in the war, have attacked Macedonia by land and sea at once.

> Latin: 21.17. Aetolos tum classe adiuverunt; nec duce consulari nec exercitu bellum gesserunt; sociorum Philippi maritimae tum urbes in terrore ac tumultu erant; mediterranea adeo tuta ab armis Romanis fuerunt, ut Philippus Aetolos nequiquam opem Romanorum implorantis depopularetur;

[¶2] 21.18. Now the third consul is here, prosecuting the war with boundless energy. Sulpicius, meeting the king in Macedonia itself, defeated him and put him to flight, and plundered the richest part of his kingdom; now Quinctius has dislodged him from his camp, though he held the passes of Epirus, relying on the nature of the country, on his fortifications and on his army, pursued him as he fled to Thessaly, and captured the royal garrisons and allied towns almost under the king's very eyes.

> Latin: 21.18. nunc autem defuncti bello Punico Romani, quod per sedecim annos velut intra viscera Italiae toleraverunt, non praesidium Aetolis bellantibus miserunt, sed ipsi duces belli arma terra marique simul Macedoniae intulerunt. tertius iam consul summa vi gerit bellum. Sulpicius in ipsa Macedonia congressus fudit fugavitque regem, partem opulentissimam regni eius depopulatus; nunc Quinctius tenentem claustra Epiri natura loci, munimentis, exercitu fretum castris exuit, fugientem in Thessaliam persecutus praesidia regia sociasque urbes eius prope in conspectu regis ipsius expugnavit.

[¶3] 21.21. "Grant that what the Athenians said about the king's cruelty, greed and passion was not true; grant that we are not interested in the crimes against supernal and infernal gods which he committed in the land of Attica, and much less interested in the sufferings of the Ciani and Abydeni, who are far away from us; let us forget, if you will, our own wounds;

> Latin: 21.21. ne sint vera, quae Atheniensis modo legatus de crudelitate, avaritia, libidine regis disseruit; nihil ad nos pertineant, quae in terra Attica scelera in superos inferosque deos sunt admissa, multo minus, quae Ciani Abydenique, qui procul ab nobis absunt, passi sunt;

[¶4] 21.22. let us dismiss from memory the murders and robberies committed at Messene, in the centre of the Peloponnesus, the murder of Chariteles, his host at Cyparissia, in the course of a feast, in violation of all human and divine justice; the murder of the two Sicyonians, Aratus the father and the son, though he had been accustomed to call the unhappy old man even by the name of father; the removal of the son's wife to Macedonia to serve his lust; let the other debaucheries of maids and wives be consigned to oblivion;

> Latin: 21.22. nostrorum ipsi vulnerum, si vultis, obliviscamur, caedes direptionesque bonorum Messenae in media Peloponneso factas, et hospitem Cyparissiae Charitelen contra ius omne ac fas inter epulas prope ipsas occisum, et Aratum patrem filiumque Sicyonios, cum senem infelicem parentem etiam appellare solitus esset,

[¶5] 21.24. assume that our business is not with Philip, from fear of whose cruelty you have all kept silent (for what other explanation is there of your silence when called to deliberate?);

> Latin: 21.24. interfectos, filii etiam uxorem libidinis causa in Macedoniam asportatam, cetera stupra virginum matronarumque oblivioni dentur;

[¶6] 21.25. let us consider that our relations are with Antigonus, that most just and merciful king who served so well the cause of all of us: would he demand that we do what is imposible?

> Latin: 21.25. ne sit cum Philippo res, cuius crudelitatis metu obmutuistis omnes — nam quae alia tacendi advocatis in concilium causa est? —; cum Antigono, mitissimo ac iustissimo rege et de nobis omnibus optime merito, existimemus disceptationem esse:

[¶7] 21.26. The Peloponnesus is a peninsula, joined to the mainland by the narrow strip of the Isthmus, exposed and open to attack by sea beyond all else. If one hundred decked vessels and fifty smaller undecked ships and thirty light Issaean boats begin to plunder our coast and lay siege to the cities lying almost on the shore, we shall of course retire to the inland strongholds, as if we were not consumed with internal war, raging in our very hearts!

> Latin: 21.26. num id postularet facere nos, quod fieri non posset? paene insula est Peloponnesus, angustis Isthmi faucibus continenti adhaerens, nulli apertior neque opportunior quam navali bello.

[¶8] 21.27. When Nabis and the Spartans press on us by land and the Roman fleet by sea, on what ground should I invoke the king's alliance and Macedonian guards? Or shall we with our ownarms defend against the Romans the towns they will besiege? Nobly did we defend Dymae in the former war! The misfortunes of others furnish us examples in abundance; let us not seek how we may be an, example to others. “Do not, because the Romans come of their own accord to seek our friendship, disdain what you ought to have hoped for and particularly desired.”

> Latin: 21.27. si centum tectae naves et quinquaginta leviores apertae et triginta Issaei lembi maritimam oram vastare et expositas prope in ipsis litoribus urbes coeperint oppugnare, in mediterraneas scilicet nos urbes recipiemus, tamquam non intestino et haerente in ipsis visceribus uramur bello! cum terra Nabis et Lacedaemonii, mari classis Romana urgebunt, unde regiam societatem et Macedonum praesidia inplorem? an ipsi nostris armis ab hoste Romano tutabimur urbes, quae oppugnabuntur? egregie enim Dymas priore bello sumus tutati!

[¶9] 21.29. “Impelled by fear, no doubt, and entrapped in a strange land, because they wish to find shelter under the shadow of your protection, they flee ” “to your alliance, that they may hide in your harbours, and secure supplies!”

> Latin: 21.29. satis exemplorum nobis clades alienae praebent; ne quaeramus, quem ad modum ceteris exemplo simus. nolite, quia ultro Romani petunt amicitiam, id quod optandi vobis ac summopere petendum erat, fastidire.

[¶10] 21.31. “The sea is in their power; they immediately assume control of whatever lands they visit. What they ask, they can compel; because they wish you spared, they do not permit you to do aught for which you should be destroyed.”

> Latin: 21.31. metu enim videlicet compulsi et deprensi in aliena terra, quia sub umbra vestri auxilii latere volunt, in societatem vestram confugiunt, ut portibus vestris recipiantur, ut commeatibus utantur! mare in potestate habent;

[¶11] 21.32. “For as to what Cleomedon pointed out to you a while ago, a middle course, as it were, and the safest way to decide, to wit, that you remain neutral and avoid war, that is not a middle course: it is no course at all.”

> Latin: 21.32. terras, quascunque adeunt, extemplo dicionis suae faciunt. quod rogant, cogere possunt; quia pepercisse vobis volunt, committere vos, cur pereatis, non patiuntur.

[¶12] 21.33. “For, in addition to the fact that you must either accept or reject the Roman alliance, what other course is open except for us, since we have no sure claim to consideration anywhere, to play the part of men who have been merely awaiting the event, with the intention of adapting our counsels to the decision of fortune, and eventually become the prey of the conqueror?”

> Latin: 21.33. nam quod Cleomedon modo tamquam mediam et tutissimam vobis viam consilii, ut quiesceretis abstineretisque armis, ostendebat, ea non media, sed nulla via est.

[¶13] 21.34. “If what we should all be praying for is voluntarily offered, do not despise the gift.” “It will not always be open to us, as it is to-day, to make a choice; the same opportunity rarely returns, and it tarries but a little while. For a long time you have wished, but not dared, to free yourselves from Philip. Now men have crossed the sea with mighty fleets and armies, to affirm your claims to liberty without trouble or danger on your part.”

> Latin: 21.34. etenim praeterquam quod aut accipienda aut spernenda vobis Romana societas est, quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili, velut qui eventum expectaverimus, ut fortunae applicaremus nostra consilia, praeda victoris erimus? nolite, si, quod omnibus votis petendum erat, ultro offertur, fastidire. non, quem ad modum hodie utrumque vobis licet, sic semper liciturum est;

[¶14] 21.36. “If you reject them as allies, you are scarcely sane; but as either allies or enemies you must have them.” After the praetor's speech there arose an outcry, some applauding, some sharply rebuking those who approved; and soon not individuals only but whole communities were involved in the quarrel.

> Latin: 21.36. nec saepe nec diu eadem occasio erit. liberare vos a Philippo iam diu magis vultis quam audetis. sine vestro labore et periculo qui vos in libertatem vindicarent, cum magnis classibus exercitibusque mare traiecerunt. hos si socios aspernamini, vix mentis sanae estis; sed aut socios aut hostes habeatis oportet.' secundum orationem praetoris murmur ortum aliorum cum adsensu, aliorum inclementer adsentientes increpantium;

[¶15] 22.2. Then among the magistrates of the people — they call them damiurgi, and the number appointed is ten — an argument began no less violent than that among the mass of the delegates.

> Latin: 22.2. et iam non singuli tantum sed populi universi inter se altercabantur. tum inter magistratus gentis — damiurgos vocant; decem numero creantur — certamen nihilo segnius quam inter multitudinem esse.

[¶16] 22.3. Five announced that they would put a motion favouring a Roman alliance and call for a vote; five held that it was illegal either for the magistrates to submit or the council to decree anything subversive of the alliance with Philip. This day too was spent in argument.

> Latin: 22.3. quinque relaturos de societate Romana se aiebant suffragiumque daturos; quinque lege cautum testabantur, ne quid, quod adversus Philippi societatem esset, aut referre magistratibus aut decernere concilio ius esset. is quoque dies iurgiis est consumptus.

[¶17] 22.4. One day of the legal council remained; for the law ordered the decision to be reached on the third day; on the matter to be decided that day feeling ran so high that parents could scarcely keep their hands off their children.

> Latin: 22.4. supererat unus iusti concilii dies; tertio enim lex iubebat decretum fieri; in quem adeo exarsere studia, ut vix parentes ab liberis temperaverint.

[¶18] 22.5. There was present Pisias of Pellene; he had a son, a damiurgus, Memnon by name, of the faction which forbade a motion to be made or a vote taken.

> Latin: 22.5. Pisias Pellenensis erat; filium damiurgum nomine Memnonem habebat, partis eius, quae decretum recitari perrogarique sententias prohibebat.

[¶19] 22.6. Pisias for a long time entreated his son to allow the Achaeans to consult the general welfare and not to destroy the entire race by his obstinacy, but when prayers proved unavailing he swore that he would kill him with his own hand, treating him not as a son but as an enemy, and with these threats he won his point, so that next day he joined the party which proposed a vote.

> Latin: 22.6. is diu obtestatus filium, ut consulere Achaeos communi saluti pateretur neu pertinacia sua gentem universam perditum iret, postquam parum proficiebant preces, iuratus se eum sua manu interempturum nec pro filio sed pro hoste habiturum minis pervicit,

[¶20] 22.8. When now the majority favoured that course, and almost all the cities were clearly expressing their approval of the motion and openly declaring what the decision would be, the delegates from Dymae and Megalopolis and some of the Argives, before the motion was passed, arose and left the council, no one expressing either surprise or reproach.

> Latin: 22.8. ut postero die coniungeret iis se, qui referebant. qui cum plures facti referrent, omnibus fere populis haud dubie approbantibus relationem ac prae se ferentibus, quid decreturi essent, Dymaei ac Megalopolitani et quidam Argivorum, priusquam decretum fieret, consurrexerunt ac reliquerunt concilium neque mirante ullo nec improbante.

[¶21] 22.10. For within the memory of their forefathers, the Megalopolitani, defeated by the Spartans, had been restored to their homes by Antigonus, and to the Dymaei, who had recently been captured and plundered by the Romans, Philip had restored both liberty and their homes, having ordered them to be ransomed wherever they were enslaved;

> Latin: 22.10. nam Megalopolitanos avorum memoria pulsos ab Lacedaemoniis restituerat in patriam Antigonus, et Dymaeis, captis nuper direptisque ab exercitu Romano, cum redimi eos, ubicumque servirent, Philippus iussisset, non libertatem modo sed etiam patriam reddiderat;

[¶22] 22.11. many of the Argives, too, besides believing that the kings of Macedon were derived from them, were bound to Philip by personal ties as well and by private friendship.

> Latin: 22.11. iam Argivi, praeterquam quod Macedonum reges ab se oriundos credunt, privatis etiam hospitiis familiarique amicitia plerique illigati Philippo erant.

[¶23] 22.12. For such reasons they withdrew from a council which had leaned towards ordering an alliance with Rome, and indulgence was granted them for withdrawing, bound as they were by great and recent acts of kindness.

> Latin: 22.12. ob haec concilio, quod inclinaverat ad Romanam societatem iubendam, excesserunt, veniaque iis huius secessionis fuit et magnis et recentibus obligatis beneficiis.

[¶24] 23.1. The other peoples of the Achaeans, when called on to vote, approved by immediate decree the alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians;

> Latin: 23.1. ceteri populi Achaeorum, cum sententias perrogarentur, societatem cum Attalo ac Rhodiis praesenti decreto confirmarunt;

[¶25] 23.2. the treaty with the Romans, since it could not be ratified except by vote of the people, was postponed to the time when ambassadors could be sent to Rome;

> Latin: 23.2. cum Romanis, quia iniussu populi non poterat rata esse, in id tempus, quo Romam mitti legati possent, dilata est;

[¶26] 23.3. for the present, it was voted that three commissioners should be sent to Lucius Quinctius and that all the army of the Achaeans should be moved to Corinth, since Quinctius was now besieging the city itself after his capture of Cenchreae.

> Latin: 23.3. in praesentia tris legatos ad L. Quinctium mitti placuit et exercitum omnem Achaeorum ad Corinthum admoveri captis Cenchreis iam urbem ipsam Quinctio oppugnante.

[¶27] 23.4. They now encamped in the vicinity of the gate which leads to Sicyon; the Romans were operating on the side towards Cenchreae, Attalus, having led his army across the Isthmus, from the direction of Lechaeum, the port on the other sea, conducting the siege at first without much energy, since they hoped for dissension within between the citizens and the royal garrison.

> Latin: 23.4. et hi quidem e regione portae, quae fert Sicyonem, posuerunt castra; Romani in Cenchreas versam partem urbis, Attalus traducto per Isthmum exercitu ab Lechaeo, alterius maris portu, oppugnabant, primo segnius, sperantes seditionem intus fore inter oppidanos ac regium praesidium.

[¶28] 23.5. When they proved completely harmonious, the Macedonians conducting the defence as if it were of their common fatherland, the Corinthians permitting Androsthenes, the commander of the garrison, to exercise his authority over them as if he were a citizen and their elected general, thenceforth all the hope of the besiegers rested in their own strength, their weapons, and their siegeworks.

> Latin: 23.5. postquam uno animo omnes, et Macedones tamquam communem patriam tuebantur, et Corinthii ducem praesidii Androsthenen haud secus quam civem et suffragio creatum suo imperio in se uti patiebantur, omnis inde spes oppugnantibus in vi et armis et operibus erat.

[¶29] 23.6. From all sides, though the task was difficult, they moved their mounds towards the walls.

> Latin: 23.6. undique aggeres haud facili aditu ad moenia admovebantur.

[¶30] 23.7. On the side where the Romans were attacking the battering-ram had destroyed part of the wall; when the Macedonians rushed to defend this place with their arms, because it was without protection, a desperate battle took place between them and the Romans.

> Latin: 23.7. aries ex ea parte, quam Romani oppugnabant, aliquantum muri diruerat; in quem locum, quia nudatus munimento erat, protegendum armis cum Macedones concurrerent, atrox proelium inter eos ac Romanos ortum est.

[¶31] 23.8. And at first the Romans were easily repulsed by superior numbers; then, summoning reinforcements of the Achaeans and the troops of Attalus, they restored equality, and there seemed no doubt that the Macedonians and Greeks would be easily dislodged.

> Latin: 23.8. ac primo multitudine facile expellebantur Romani; adsumptis deinde Achaeorum Attalique auxiliis aequabant certamen, nec dubium erat, quin Macedonas Graecosque facile loco pulsuri fuerint.

[¶32] 23.9. There was a great host of Italian deserters, - some from Hannibal's army who had followed Philip from fear of punishment by the Romans, some naval allies who had recently deserted the fleet and come over in the hope of more highly-rewarded service; their hopelessness regarding immunity, if the Romans conquered, inspired them to courage or rather to frenzy.

> Latin: 23.9. transfugarum Italicorum magna multitudo erat, pars ex Hannibalis exercitu metu poenae a Romanis Philippum secuta, pars navales socii relictis nuper classibus ad spem honoratioris militiae transgressi; hos desperata salus, si Romani vicissent, ad rabiem magis quam audaciam accendebat.

[¶33] 23.10. On the side toward Sicyon is a promontory, sacred to the Juno whom they call Acraea, and rising high into the air; thence the distance to Corinth is about seven miles.

> Latin: 23.10. promunturium est adversus Sicyonem Iunonis, quam vocant Acraeam, in altum excurrens; traiectus inde Corinthum septem fere milium passuum.

[¶34] 23.11. Thither Philocles, also a prefect of the king, brought fifteen hundred soldiers through Boeotia. Vessels from Corinth were at hand to transport the force thus arriving to Lechaeum. Attalus urged that the works be burned and the siege immediately abandoned; Quinctius persisted more stubbornly in his undertaking.

> Latin: 23.11. eo Philocles, regius et ipse praefectus, mille et quingentos milites per Boeotiam duxit. praesto fuere ab Corintho lembi, qui praesidium id acceptum Lechaeum traicerent.

[¶35] 23.12. He too, when he saw the royal guards stationed before all the gates, and perceived that their sallies could not be easily resisted, went over to the opinion of Attalus. And so, with their design unaccomplished, after sending the Achaeans home they returned to their ships.

> Latin: 23.12. auctor erat Attalus incensis operibus omittendae extemplo oppugnationis; pertinacius Romanus in incepto perstabat. is quoque, ut pro omnibus portis disposita videt praesidia regia nec facile erumpentium impetus sustineri posse, in Attali sententiam concessit.

[¶36] 23.13. Attalus proceeded to Piraeus, the Romans to Corcyra. While this was being done by the navy, the consul in Phocis, having pitched his camp in front of Elatia, tried first to attain his end by conferences, using the principal citizens of Elatia;

> Latin: 23.13. ita inrito incepto dimissis Achaeis reditum ad naves est. Attalus Piraeum, Romani Corcyram petierunt. dum haec ab navali exercitu geruntur, consul in Phocide ad Elatiam castris positis primo colloquiis rem per principes Elatensium temptavit;

[¶37] 24.2. after he had received the reply that the decision was not for them to make and that the king's garrison was stronger and more numerous than the citizens, he then attacked the city from all sides with arms and engines.

> Latin: 24.2. postquam nihil esse in manu sua et plures validioresque esse regios quam oppidanos respondebatur, tum simul ab omni parte operibus armisque urbem est adgressus.

[¶38] 24.3. When he brought up a battering-ram and a section of wall between two towers fell with a mighty crash and din and left the city open to attack, at the same time a Roman cohort broke through the gap left by the recent collapse, and also the guards from all parts of the city, each leaving his own post, hurried to the spot which was endangered by the enemy's attack.

> Latin: 24.3. ariete admoto cum quantum inter duas turres muri erat prorutum cum ingenti fragore ac strepitu nudasset urbem, simul et cohors Romana per apertum recenti strage iter invasit, et ex omnibus oppidi partibus relictis suis quisque stationibus in eum, qui premebatur impetu hostium, locum concurrerunt.

[¶39] 24.5. At the same moment the Romans were both climbing over the ruins of the wall and moving their ladders against the standing ramparts. And while the conflict drew the eyes and thoughts of the enemy in one direction, the wall in several places was taken by escalade and the soldiers climbed over into the city.

> Latin: 24.5. eodem tempore Romani et ruinas muri supervadebant et scalas ad stantia moenia inferebant. et dum in unam partem oculos animosque hostium certamen averterat, pluribus locis scalis capitur murus, armatique in urbem transcenderunt.

[¶40] 24.6. Hearing their shouts, the terrified enemy left the place they had been defending in force and made for the citadel, the unarmed crowd too following. So the consul took the town.

> Latin: 24.6. quo tumultu audito territi hostes relicto, quem conferti tuebantur, loco in arcem omnes, inermi quoque sequente turba, confugerunt.

[¶41] 24.7. Having sacked it, he sent messengers to the citadel to promise life to the garrison, if they wished to give up their arms and depart, and liberty to the Elatenses, and an agreement having been made to this effect, a few days later he occupied the citadel.

> Latin: 24.7. ita urbe potitur consul. qua direpta missis in arcem, qui vitam regiis, si inermes abire vellent, libertatem Elatensibus pollicerentur, fideque in haec data post dies paucos arcem recipit.

[¶42] 25.1. But the arrival of Philocles, the king's prefect, in Achaea not only raised the siege of Corinth, but brought about the betrayal of the city of Argos to Philocles through the agency of certain chief men, after the sentiments of the commons had first been tested.

> Latin: 25.1. ceterum adventu in Achaiam Philoclis, regii praefecti, non Corinthus tantum liberata obsidione, sed Argivorum quoque civitas per quosdam principes Philocli prodita est temptatis prius animis plebis.

[¶43] 25.2. It was the custom on assembly-days that at the beginning the presiding officers should pronounce, as an auspicious act, the names of Zeus, Apollo, and Heracles; and the custom was extended by a decree that King Philip's name should be joined to these.

> Latin: 25.2. mos erat comitiorum die primo velut ominis causa praetores pronuntiare Iovem Apollinemque et Herculem; additum lege erat, ut his Philippus rex adiceretur.

[¶44] 25.3. But because, after the alliance was made with the Romans, the herald did not add his name to the others, a shout first rose from the crowd, then an uproar, as his partisans supplied the name of Philip and ordered that the legal honour be paid him, until with roars of applause his name was read.

> Latin: 25.3. cuius nomen post pactam cum Romanis societatem quia praeco non adiecit, fremitus primo multitudinis ortus, deinde clamor subicientium Philippi nomen iubentiumque legitimum honorem usurpare, donec cum ingenti adsensu nomen recitatum est.

[¶45] 25.5. With the confidence inspired by this show of loyalty, Philocles was summoned and occupied by night a hill overhanging the city — they call this citadel Larisa — and leaving a guard there he marched in embattled array at daybreak towards the marketplace which lies at the foot of the citadel, where the battle-line from the other side was drawn up to meet him.

> Latin: 25.5. huius fiducia favoris Philocles arcessitus nocte occupat collem imminentem urbi — Larisam eam arcem vocant — positoque ibi praesidio cum lucis principio signis infestis ad subiectum arci forum vaderet, instructa acies ex adverso occurrit.

[¶46] 25.6. This was a force of Achaeans, recently placed there, about five hundred youths chosen from all the cities; Aenesidemus of Dymae was in command.

> Latin: 25.6. praesidium erat Achaeorum, nuper impositum, quingenti fere iuvenes delecti omnium civitatium;

[¶47] 25.7. A herald was sent to them by the king's prefect, to order them to leave the city: he reminded them that they were no match for the citizens, who sided with the Macedonians, even by themselves, and still less after their junction with the Macedonians, whose attack at Corinth not even the Romans had withstood; but at first he influenced neither commander nor soldiers;

> Latin: 25.7. Aenesidemus Dymaeus praeerat. ad hos orator a praefecto regio missus, qui excedere urbe iuberet: neque enim pares eos oppidanis solis, qui idem quod Macedones sentirent, nedum adiunctis Macedonibus esse, quos ne Romani quidem ad Corinthum sustinuissent, primo nihil nec ducem nec ipsos movit;

[¶48] 25.8. a little later, when they saw the Argives too in arms, coming from the opposite direction in a strong column, and realized that their destruction was certain, they still seemed ready to suffer any fate, if their leader had been more stubborn.

> Latin: 25.8. post paulo, ut Argivos quoque armatos ex parte altera venientis magno agmine viderunt, certam perniciem cernentes, omnem tamen casum, si pertinacior dux fuisset, videbantur subituri.

[¶49] 25.9. Aenesidemus, rather than lose the flower of the Achaean fighting men along with the city, having made a pact with Philocles that the men should be allowed to depart, himself with a few clients refused to leave the spot where he had taken his armed stand.

> Latin: 25.9. Aenesidemus, ne flos Achaeorum iuventutis simul cum urbe amitteretur, pactus a Philocle, ut abire illis liceret, ipse quo loco steterat armatus cum paucis clientibus non excessit.

[¶50] 25.10. Philocles sent to ask him what he meant. Without moving at all, with his buckler held out in front of him, he replied that he proposed to die under arms, in defence of the city entrusted to him. Then by order of the prefect javelins were thrown by the Thracians and all were killed.

> Latin: 25.10. missus a Philocle, qui quaereret, quid sibi vellet. nihil statu moto, cum proiecto prae se clipeo staret, in praesidio creditae urbis moriturum se armatum respondit. tum iussu praefecti a Thraecibus coniecta tela interfectique omnes.

[¶51] 25.11. And after the alliance between the Achaeans and the Romans had been agreed upon, these two most celebrated cities, Argos and Corinth, were in the hands of the king.

> Latin: 25.11. et post pactam inter Achaeos ac Romanos societatem duae nobilissimae urbes, Argi et Corinthus, in potestate regis erant.

[¶52] 25.12. This is the record of the Romans' campaign in Greece, conducted during that summer on land and sea.

> Latin: 25.12. haec ea aestate ab Romanis in Graecia terra marique gesta.

[¶53] 26.1. In Gaul the consul Sextus Aelius accomplished nothing worth remark.

> Latin: 26.1. in Gallia nihil sane memorabile ab Sex. Aelio consule gestum.

[¶54] 26.2. Although he had two armies in the province, one which he had retained in service, though he should have discharged it, of which Lucius Cornelius the proconsul had been in command — he himself now placed Gaius Helvius the praetor in command of it — and one which he had brought into the province, he spent almost the whole year in compelling the people of Cremona and Placentia to return to the

> Latin: 26.2. cum duos exercitus in provincia habuisset, unum retentum, quem dimitti oportebat, cui L. Cornelius proconsul praefuerat — ipse ei C. Helvium praetorem praefecit —, alterum, quem in provinciam adduxit, totum prope annum Cremonensibus Placentinisque cogendis redire in colonias, unde belli casibus dissipati erant, consumpsit.

[¶55] 26.4. colonies whence they had been driven by the mishaps of war. As Gaul was unexpectedly quiet that year, around Rome, on the other hand, there was almost a slave insurrection.

> Latin: 26.4. quem ad modum Gallia praeter spem quieta eo anno fuit, ita circa urbem servilis prope tumultus est excitatus.

[¶56] 26.5. The Carthaginian hostages were confined at Setia. With them, since they were sons of prominent men, was a large number of slaves.

> Latin: 26.5. obsides Carthaginiensium Setiae custodiebantur. cum iis, ut principum liberis, magna vis servorum erat.

[¶57] 26.6. Their number was increased, as was natural after the recent African war, by numerous prisoners of war of that nation, bought up out of the booty by the people of Setia themselves.

> Latin: 26.6. augebant eorum numerum, ut ab recenti Africo bello, et ab ipsis Setinis captiva aliquot nationis eius empta ex praeda mancipia.

[¶58] 26.7. When these slaves had formed a conspiracy and had sent messengers from their company to stir up the slaves, first in the Setine territory, then around Norba and Cerceii, complete preparations having now been made, they had agreed to attack the crowd while occupied with the spectacle at the games which were soon to be held at Setia; the slaves captured Setia in the slaughter and confusion, but failed to take Norba and Cerceii.

> Latin: 26.7. ii cum coniurationem fecissent, missis ex eo numero, primum qui in Setino agro, deinde circa Norbam et Cerceios servitia sollicitarent, satis iam omnibus praeparatis, ludis, qui Setiae prope diem futuri erant, spectaculo intentum populum adgredi statuerant;

[¶59] 26.8. News of this dreadful occurrence was transmitted to Rome, to Lucius Cornelius Lentulus the urban praetor.

> Latin: 26.8. Setia per caedem et repentinum tumultum capta Norbam et Cerceios occupare … servitia. huius rei tam foedae indicium Romam ad L. Cornelium Lentulum praetorem urbanum delatum est.

[¶60] 26.9. Two slaves came to him before dawn and related in detail what had happened and what was likely to occur.

> Latin: 26.9. servi duo ante lucem ad eum venerunt atque ordine omnia, quae facta futuraque erant exposuerunt.

[¶61] 26.10. Ordering them to be kept under guard at his home, the praetor summoned the senate and laid before them what the informants had told him, and on receiving orders to investigate and suppress this conspiracy, set out with five lieutenants, administered the oath to those he met in the fields, and compelled them to take arms and follow him.

> Latin: 26.10. quibus domi custodiri iussis, praetor senatu vocato edoctoque, quae iudices adferrent, proficisci ad eam coniurationem quaerendam atque opprimendam iussus, cum quinque legatis profectus obvios in agris sacramento rogatos arma capere et sequi cogebat.

[¶62] 26.12. With this hastily-raised force of about two thousand armed men, he reached Setia before anyone knew where he was going.

> Latin: 26.12. hoc tumultuario dilectu duobus milibus ferme hominum armatis Setiam omnibus, quo pergeret, ignaris venit.

[¶63] 26.13. There, when the ringleaders in the plot had been summarily arrested, there was an exodus of slaves from the town. Cornelius sent troops through the country to pursue the fugitives, and himself returned to Rome.

> Latin: 26.13. ibi raptim principibus coniurationis comprehensis fuga servorum ex oppido facta est. dimissis deinde per agros, qui vestigarent …. egregia duorum opera servorum indicum et unius liberi fuit.

[¶64] 26.14. Conspicuous service had been rendered by the two slaves who had given information, and by the one free man. To him the senate ordered given a reward of one hundred thousand asses; to the slaves, twenty-five thousand asses each, and their freedom; compensation for them from the treasury was paid to their owners.

> Latin: 26.14. ei centum milia gravis aeris dari patres iusserunt, servis vicena quina milia aeris et libertatem; pretium eorum ex aerario solutum est dominis.

[¶65] 26.15. Shortly after this, word was received that the slaves, some of the remnants of the same conspiracy, were about to occupy Praeneste.

> Latin: 26.15. haud ita multo post ex eiusdem coniurationis reliquiis nuntiatum est servitia Praeneste occupatura.

[¶66] 26.16. Lucius Cornelius the praetor went there and executed about five hundred who were implicated in the crime. The state feared that the Carthaginian hostages and prisoners had contrived the plot.

> Latin: 26.16. eo L. Cornelius praetor profectus de quingentis fere hominibus, qui in ea noxa erant, supplicium sumpsit. in timore civitas fuit obsides captivosque Poenorum ea moliri.

[¶67] 26.17. So at Rome watchmen patrolled the streets, the minor magistrates were ordered to make inspections, and the three officials in charge of the quarry-prison to increase their vigilance, and the praetor sent letters around to the Latin confederacy, that the hostages kept should be in private custody, with no opportunity to come out into public places, the prisoners loaded with chains of not less than ten pounds' weight, and guarded only in a public prison.

> Latin: 26.17. itaque et Romae vigiliae per vicos servatae iussique circumire eas minores magistratus, et triumviri carceris lautumiarum intentiorem custodiam habere iussi, et circa nomen Latinum a praetore litterae missae, ut et obsides in privato servarentur neque in publicum prodeundi facultas daretur, et captivi ne minus decem pondo compedibus vincti in nulla alia quam in carceris publici custodia essent.

[¶68] 27.1. In the same year ambassadors from King Attalus deposited on the Capitoline a golden crown of a weight of two hundred forty-six pounds, and expressed to the senate his gratitude because Antiochus, influenced by the authority of the Roman ambassadors, had withdrawn his army from the frontiers of Attalus.

> Latin: 27.1. eodem anno legati ab rege Attalo coronam auream ducentum quadraginta sex pondo in Capitolio posuerunt gratiasque senatui egere, quod Antiochus legatorum Romanorum auctoritate motus finibus Attali exercitum deduxisset.

[¶69] 27.2. During the same summer two hundred cavalry, ten elephants, and two hundred thousand modii of grain arrived, sent by King Masinissa to the army which was serving in Greece. Also from Sicily and Sardinia great stores of provisions and clothing for the army were sent.

> Latin: 27.2. eadem aestate equites ducenti et elephanti decem et tritici modium ducenta milia ab rege Masinissa ad exercitum, qui in Graecia erat, pervenerunt. item ex Sicilia Sardiniaque magni commeatus et vestimenta exercitui missa.

[¶70] 27.3. Marcus Marcellus was governing Sicily, Marcus Porcius Cato, Sardinia, a man of integrity and uprightness, but considered overharsh in his restraint of usury;

> Latin: 27.3. Siciliam M. Marcellus, Sardiniam M. Porcius Cato obtinebat, sanctus et innocens, asperior tamen in faenore coercendo habitus;

[¶71] 27.4. the usurers were expelled from the island, and the expenses which the allies were accustomed to incur for the comfort of the praetors were cut down or abolished.

> Latin: 27.4. fugatique ex insula faeneratores et sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati.

[¶72] 27.5. When Sextus Aelius the consul had returned from Gaul to hold the elections, he announced that Gaius Cornelius Cethegus and Quintus Minucius Rufus had been chosen.

> Latin: 27.5. sex. Aelius consul, ex Gallia comitiorum causa Romam cum redisset, creavit consules C. Cornelium Cethegum et Q. Minucium Rufum.

[¶73] 27.6. Two days later the praetorian election was held. This year, for the first time, six praetors were chosen, in consequence of the increase that had taken place in the number of the provinces and the enlargement of the empire;

> Latin: 27.6. biduo post praetorum comitia habita. sex praetores illo anno primum creati crescentibus iam provinciis et latius patescente imperio;

[¶74] 27.7. the following were elected: Lucius Manlius Volso, Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus, Marcus Sergius Silus, Marcus Helvius, Marcus Minucius Rufus, and Lucius Atilius (of these, Sempronius and Helvius were plebeian aediles). The curule aediles were Quintus Minucius Thermus and Tiberius Sempronius Longus.

> Latin: 27.7. creati autem hi: L. Manlius Volso, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, M. Sergius Silus, M. Helvius, M. Minucius Rufus. L. Atilius —Sempronius et Helvius ex iis aediles plebis erant—; curules aediles Q. Minucius Thermus et Ti. Sempronius Longus.

[¶75] 27.8. The Roman Games were four times repeated that year.

> Latin: 27.8. ludi Romani eo anno quater instaurati.

[¶76] 28.1. When Gaius Cornelius and Quintus - Minucius assumed the consulship, the first question to be settled concerned the consular and praetorian provinces.

> Latin: 28.1. C. Cornelio et Q. Minucio consulibus, omnium primum de provinciis consulum praetorumque actum.

[¶77] 28.2. The case of the praetors was first disposed of, since that could be done by lot. The city jurisdiction fell to Sergius, that between citizens and aliens to Minucius; Atilius obtained Sardinia, Manlius Sicily, Sempronius Nearer Spain and Helvius Farther Spain.

> Latin: 28.2. prius de praetoribus transacta res, quae transigi sorte poterat. urbana Sergio, peregrina iurisdictio Minucio obtigit; Sardiniam Atilius, Siciliam Manlius, Hispanias Sempronius citeriorem, Helvius ulteriorem est sortitus.

[¶78] 28.3. As the consuls were making ready to draw lots for Italy and Macedonia, the tribunes of the people, Lucius Oppius and Quintus Fulvius, intervened, because, as they said, Macedonia was a distant province, and there had been no greater difficulty up to that time in the conduct of the war than the fact that just when he was undertaking to carry on the war, with the campaign scarce begun, the former consul was recalled.

> Latin: 28.3. consulibus Italiam Macedoniamque sortiri parantibus L. Oppius et Q. Fulvius tribuni plebis impedimento erant, quod longinqua provincia Macedonia esset, neque ulla alia res maius bello impedimentum ad eam diem fuisset, quam quod vixdum inchoatis rebus in ipso conatu gerendi belli prior consul revocaretur.

[¶79] 28.5. It was already the fourth year since the declaration of war with Macedonia. Sulpicius had spent the greater part of his year in searching for the king and his army. Villius, - while making contact with the enemy, had been recalled before accomplishing anything.

> Latin: 28.5. quartum iam annum esse ab decreto Macedonico bello. quaerendo regem et exercitum eius Sulpicium maiorem partem anni absumpsisse. Villium congredientem cum hoste infecta re revocatum.

[¶80] 28.6. Quinctius, though detained for the greater part of the year in Rome by religious observances, had still so managed things that if either he had arrived earlier or winter had been later, he could have finished the war;

> Latin: 28.6. Quinctium rebus divinis Romae maiorem partem anni retentum ita gessisse tamen res, ut, si aut maturius in provinciam venisset, aut hiems magis sera fuisset, potuerit debellare;

[¶81] 28.7. now, it was said, having retired into winter quarters, he was making such preparations that if no successor interfered he seemed in a fair way to end the war that coming summer.

> Latin: 28.7. nunc prope in hiberna profectum ita comparare dici bellum, ut, nisi successor impediat, perfecturus aestate proxima videatur.

[¶82] 28.8. By such arguments they prevailed upon the consuls to say that they would put themselves in the senate's hands if the tribunes of the people would do the same. When both parties agreed to leave full discretion to the senate, the Fathers voted that both consuls should have Italy as province, and prolonged the term of Titus Quinctius until a successor, authorized by decree of the senate, should have arrived.

> Latin: 28.8. his orationibus pervicerunt, ut consules in senatus auctoritate fore dicerent se, si idem tribuni plebis facerent. permittentibus utrisque liberam consultationem patres consulibus ambobus Italiam provinciam decreverunt, T.

[¶83] 28.9. To the consuls two legions each were assigned, and the task of prosecuting the war with the Cisalpine Gauls who had revolted against the Roman people.

> Latin: 28.9. Quinctio prorogarunt imperium, donec successor ex senatus consulto venisset. consulibus binae legiones decretae et ut bellum cum Gallis Cisalpinis, qui defecissent a populo Romano, gererent.

[¶84] 28.10. Reinforcements were voted for Quinctius for service in Macedonia, six thousand infantry, three hundred cavalry, and three thousand naval allies. Lucius Quinctius Flamininus was placed in command of the same fleet of which he already had charge.

> Latin: 28.10. Quinctio in Macedoniam supplementum decretum, sex milia peditum, trecenti equites, sociorum navalium milia tria.

[¶85] 28.11. Each of the praetors sent to Spain received eight thousand infantry of the allies and the Latin confederacy, and four hundred cavalry, with orders to send the veterans home from Spain; they were directed, moreover, to fix the boundaries which should be observed between the nearer and the farther provinces.

> Latin: 28.11. praeesse eidem, cui praeerat, classi L. Quinctius Flamininus iussus. praetoribus in Hispanias octona milia peditum socium ac nominis Latini data et quadringeni equites, ut dimitterent veterem ex Hispaniis militem; et terminare iussi, qua ulterior citeriorve provincia servaretur.

[¶86] 28.12. Additional lieutenants for Macedonia were named, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had been consuls in that province.

> Latin: 28.12. Macedoniae legatos P. Sulpicium et P. Villium, qui consules in ea provincia fuerant, adiecerunt.

[¶87] 29.1. Before the consuls and praetors set out for their provinces, it was decreed that expiation for the prodigies should be made, because at Rome the temples of Vulcan and Summanus and the wall and gate at Fregellae had been struck by lightning, and at Frusino a light had shone during the night, and at Aefula a two-headed lamb with five feet had been born, and at Formiae two wolves had entered the town and injured certain persons they encountered, while at Rome a wolf had not only come into the city but had even climbed to the Capitoline.

> Latin: 29.1. priusquam consules praetoresque in provincias proficiscerentur, prodigia procurari placuit, quod aedes Vulcani Summanique Romae, et quod Fregenis murus et porta de caelo tacta erant, et Frusinone inter noctem lux orta, et Aefulae agnus biceps cum quinque pedibus natus, et Formiis duo lupi oppidum ingressi obvios aliquot laniaverant, Romae non in urbem solum sed in Capitolium penetraverat lupus.

[¶88] 29.3. Gaius Atinius, tribune of the people, carried a proposal that five colonies should be established on the sea-coast, two at the mouths of the Vulturnus and Liternus rivers, one at Puteoli, one at Castrum Salerni; to these Buxentum was added, and it was ordered that three hundred families be sent to each colony.

> Latin: 29.3. C. Atinius tribunus plebis tulit, ut quinque coloniae in oram maritimam deducerentur, duae ad ostia fluminum Vulturni Liternique, una Puteolos, una ad Castrum Salerni:

[¶89] 29.4. A commission of three, to hold office for three years, was created to found these colonies, and Marcus Servilius Geminus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus were chosen as its members.

> Latin: 29.4. his Buxentum adiectum. trecenae familiae in singulas colonias iubebantur mitti. triumviri deducendis iis, qui per triennium magistratum haberent, creati M. Servilius Geminus, Q. Minucius Thermus, Ti. Sempronius Longus.

[¶90] 29.5. When the levy had been held and other matters, human and divine, which had to be done by them in person, had been disposed of, the two consuls set out for Gaul, Cornelius by the straight road towards the Insubres, who were in arms, allied with the Cenomani;

> Latin: 29.5. dilectu rebusque aliis divinis humanisque, quae per ipsos agenda erant, perfectis consules ambo in Galliam profecti, Cornelius recta ad Insubres via, qui tum in armis erant Cenomanis adsumptis;

[¶91] 29.6. Quintus Minucius marched up the left side of Italy towards the lower sea, and having conducted his army to Genoa, began the war with the Ligures.

> Latin: 29.6. Q. Minucius in laeva Italiae ad inferum mare flexit iter Genuamque exercitu ducto ab Liguribus orsus bellum est.

[¶92] 29.7. The towns of Clastidium and Litubium, both belonging to the Ligures, and two cantons of the same people, the Celeiates and the Cerdiciates, surrendered. And now all the states on this side of the Po except the Gallic Boi and the Ligurian Ilvates were under his control; there were altogether fifteen towns and twenty thousand men, according to report, that had surrendered.

> Latin: 29.7. oppida Clastidium et Litubium, utraque Ligurum, et duae gentis eiusdem civitates, Celeiates Cerdiciatesque, sese dediderunt. et iam omnia cis Padum praeter Gallorum Boios, Ilvates Ligurum sub dicione erant;

## 8. Book XXXII · chapters 29–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8/#p-N

[¶0] 29.8. Thence he led his legions into the territory of the Boi. The army of the Boi had not long before this crossed the Po and had effected a junction with the Insubres and the Cenomani, because they had heard that the consuls were to carry on the war with their legions united, that they too might consolidate their strength by combining their armies.

> Latin: 29.8. quindecim oppida, hominum viginti milia esse dicebantur, quae se dediderant. inde in agrum Boiorum legiones duxit. Boiorum exercitus haud ita multo ante traiecerat Padum iunxeratque se Insubribus et Cenomanis, quod ita acceperant, coniunctis legionibus consules rem gesturos, ut et ipsi collatas in unum viris firmarent.

[¶1] 30.3. But when the news got around that one consul was burning the farms of the Boi, dissension at once arose;

> Latin: 30.3. postquam fama accidit alterum consulem Boiorum urere agros, seditio extemplo orta est; postulare Boi, ut laborantibus opem universi ferrent; Insubres negare se sua deserturos.

[¶2] 30.4. the Boi demanded that all should go to the relief of their harassed countrymen; the Insubres asserted that they would not desert their own possessions.

> Latin: 30.4. ita divisae copiae, Boisque in agrum suum tutandum profectis Insubres cum Cenomanis super amnis Mincii ripam consederunt.

[¶3] 30.5. So the army was divided, the Boi going home to defend their land, the Insubres with the Cenomani encamping along the river Mincius.

> Latin: 30.5. infra eum locum duo milia et consul Cornelius eidem flumini castra applicuit.

[¶4] 30.6. Two miles farther down stream, the consul Cornelius was also encamped along the same river. Thence, sending messengers to the villages of the Cenomani and to Brescia, which was the capital of the tribe, when he was assured that the young men were in arms without the approval of the elders, and that the Cenomani had joined the revolt of the Insubres without a decision of the state to that effect, he summoned the chiefs to his presence and began to contrive and plan

> Latin: 30.6. inde mittendo in vicos Cenomanorum Brixiamque, quod caput gentis erat, ut satis comperit non ex auctoritate seniorum iuventutem in armis esse nec publico consilio Insubrum defectioni Cenomanos sese adiunxisse, excitis ad se principibus id agere ac moliri coepit, ut desciscerent ab Insubribus Cenomani et sublatis signis aut domos redirent aut ad Romanos transirent.

[¶5] 30.8. that the Cenomani should desert the Insubres and, taking up their standards, either go home or join the Romans. And this, indeed, he could not accomplish; but a pledge was given the consul to this effect, that in the battle they would either remain quiet or, if occasion offered, even aid the Romans.

> Latin: 30.8. et id quidem impetrari nequiit; in id fides data consuli est, ut in acie aut quiescerent aut, si qua etiam occasio fuisset, adiuvarent Romanos.

[¶6] 30.9. The Insubres knew nothing of these negotiations; yet they somehow suspected that the fidelity of their allies was weakening. So when they formed the battle-line they did not dare to entrust either flank to them, lest, if they treacherously gave way, they might cause a complete defeat, but placed them behind the standards in support.

> Latin: 30.9. haec ita convenisse Insubres ignorabant; suberat tamen quaedam suspicio animis labare fidem sociorum. itaque cum in aciem eduxissent, neutrum iis cornu committere ausi, ne, si dolo cessissent, rem totam inclinarent, post signa in subsidiis eos locaverunt.

[¶7] 30.10. The consul at the beginning of the battle vowed a temple to Juno Sospita if the enemy should be routed and put to flight that day;

> Latin: 30.10. consul principio pugnae vovit aedem Sospitae Iunoni, si eo die hostes fusi fugatique fuissent; a militibus clamor sublatus compotem voti consulem se facturos, et impetus in hostis est factus.

[¶8] 30.11. the soldiers shouted out that they would bring about the fulfilment of the consul's vow and the attack on the enemy began. The Insubres broke at the first assault. Some say that when the Cenomani also, in the midst of the fighting, assailed them in the rear, there was a double turmoil, that between the two lines thirty-five thousand of the enemy were slain and five thousand two hundred taken alive, among them Hamilcar,

> Latin: 30.11. non tulerunt Insubres primum concursum. quidam et a Cenomanis, terga repente in ipso certamine adgressis, tumultum ancipitem iniectum auctores sunt, caesaque in medio quinque et triginta milia hostium, quinque milia et ducentos vivos captos, in iis Hamilcarem, Poenorum imperatorem, qui belli causa fuisset; signa militaria centum triginta et carpenta supra ducenta. multa oppida Gallorum, quae Insubrum defectionem secuta erant, dediderunt se Romanis. Minucius consul primo effusis populationibus peragraverat finis Boiorum, deinde, ut relictis Insubribus ad sua tuenda receperant sese, castris se tenuit acie dimicandum cum hoste ratus.

[¶9] 31.2. the Carthaginian general, who had been the prime mover of the war; and that one hundred and thirty military standards and more than two hundred wagons were captured. Many Gallic towns which had joined the Insubres in revolt gave themselves up to the Romans.

> Latin: 31.2. nec Boi detrectassent pugnam, ni fama Insubres victos adlata animos fregisset. itaque relicto duce castrisque dissipati per vicos, sua quisque ut defenderent, rationem gerendi belli hosti mutarunt.

[¶10] 31.3. XXXI. The consul Minucius had at first wandered far and wide through the country of the Boi, raiding in every direction, but later, when they had left the Insubres and returned to defend their possessions, - he remained in camp, thinking that he would fight a regular battle with the enemy.

> Latin: 31.3. omissa enim spe per unam dimicationem rei decernendae rursus populari agros et urere tecta vicosque expugnare coepit.

[¶11] 31.4. The Boi would not have declined the contest if the news that the Insubres had been defeated had not diminished their ardour. So, leaving their leader and their camp, they scattered through the towns, each to defend his own property, and changed the enemy's plan of operations.

> Latin: 31.4. per eosdem dies Clastidium incensum. inde in Ligustinos Ilvates, qui soli non parebant, legiones ductae.

[¶12] 31.5. For, giving up hope of deciding the war by a single engagement, he began once more to ravage the fields and burn the buildings and storm the towns. During this time Clastidium was burned. Thence he led his legions against the Ligurian Ilvates, who alone were not submissive.

> Latin: 31.5. ea quoque gens, ut Insubres acie victos, Boios ita, ut temptare spem certaminis non auderent, territos audivit, in dicionem venit.

[¶13] 31.6. This tribe too surrendered when they heard that as the Insubres had been defeated in battle, so the Boi were too terrified to dare to try fortune in the open field. The dispatches of the two consuls, describing their successes in Gaul, reached Rome about the same time. Marcus Sergius the city praetor read them in the senate and, with the senate's authorization, then to the people. A thanksgiving of four days was decreed.

> Latin: 31.6. litterae consulum amborum de rebus in Gallia prospere gestis sub idem tempus Romam adlatae. M. Sergius praetor urbanus in senatu eas, deinde ex auctoritate patrum ad populum recitavit. supplicatio in quadriduum decreta.

[¶14] 32.1. By that time it was winter, and while Titus Quinctius, after the capture of Elatia, had his winter quarters distributed through Phocis and Locris, sedition broke out at Opus.

> Latin: 32.1. hiems iam eo tempore erat, et, cum T. Quinctius capta Elatia in Phocide ac Locride hiberna disposita haberet, Opunte seditio orta est.

[¶15] 32.2. One faction called in the Aetolians, who were nearer, the other the Romans.

> Latin: 32.2. factio una Aetolos, qui propiores erant, altera Romanos accersebat.

[¶16] 32.3. The Aetolians were first to arrive; but the richer faction excluded the Aetolians and, sending a messenger to the Roman commander, held the city until he came.

> Latin: 32.3. Aetoli priores venerunt; sed opulentior factio exclusis Aetolis missoque ad imperatorem Romanum nuntio usque in adventum eius tenuit urbem.

[¶17] 32.4. A royal garrison held the citadel and could not be induced either by the threats of the people of Opus or by the influence of the Roman commander to withdraw from it.

> Latin: 32.4. arcem regium tenebat praesidium, neque, ut decederent inde, aut Opuntiorum minis aut auctoritate imperatoris Romani perpelli potuerunt.

[¶18] 32.5. A delay, preventing an immediate attack, occurred because a herald had come from the king requesting a time and place for a conference.

> Latin: 32.5. mora, cur non extemplo oppugnarentur, ea fuit, quod caduceator ab rege venerat locum ac tempus petens colloquio.

[¶19] 32.6. This was reluctantly granted to the king, not because Quinctius was not eager to seem to have ended the war himself, partly by arms, partly by diplomacy;

> Latin: 32.6. id gravate regi concessum est, non quin cuperet Quinctius per se partim armis, partim condicionibus confectum videri bellum;

[¶20] 32.7. for he did not yet know whether a successor to him would be appointed, that is, one of the new consuls, or his own term would be extended, a thing which he had instructed his friends and relatives to strive for with all their might;

> Latin: 32.7. necdum enim sciebat, utrum successor sibi alter ex novis consulibus mitteretur, an, quod summa vi ut tenderent amicis et propinquis mandaverat, imperium prorogaretur;

[¶21] 32.8. but on the whole he considered that a conference would be expedient, that he might be free to lean either towards war, if he remained, or towards peace, if he were relieved.

> Latin: 32.8. aptum autem fore colloquium credebat, ut sibi liberum esset vel ad bellum manenti vel ad pacem decedenti rem inclinare.

[¶22] 32.9. They chose a place on the shore of the Malian Gulf near Nicaea. Thither the king came from Demetrias with five light ships and one war-vessel.

> Latin: 32.9. in sinu Maliaco prope Nicaeam litus elegere. eo rex ab Demetriade cum quinque lembis et una nave rostrata venit.

[¶23] 32.10. There were with him nobles of Macedonia and the Achaean exile Cycliadas, a man of distinction.

> Latin: 32.10. erant cum eo principes Macedonum et Achaeorum exul, vir insignis, Cycliadas.

[¶24] 32.11. King Amynander was with the Roman general, as well as Dionysodorus, representing Attalus, and Agesimbrotus, the commander of the Rhodian fleet, and Phaeneas, chief of the Aetolians, and two Achaeans, Aristaenus and Xenophon.

> Latin: 32.11. cum imperatore Romano rex Amynander erat et Dionysodorus, Attali legatus, et Agesimbrotus, praefectus Rhodiae classis, et Phaeneas, princeps Aetolorum, et Achaei duo, Aristaenus et Xenophon.

[¶25] 32.12. The Roman, attended by them, went out to the edge of the strand, and when the king had taken his place in the prow of his ship as it lay at anchor Quinctius spoke: “It will be more convenient if you come ashore, that we may be nearer and speak and listen in turn.”

> Latin: 32.12. inter hos Romanus ad extremum litus progressus, cum rex in proram navis in ancoris stantis processisset, ‘ commodius’ inquit, ‘si in terram egrediaris, ex propinquo dicamus in vicem audiamusque’.

[¶26] 32.13. When the king refused to do this, Quinctius asked, “Whom, pray, do you fear?”

> Latin: 32.13. cum rex facturum se id negaret, ‘quem tandem’ inquit Quinctius ‘times?’

[¶27] 32.14. With proud and kingly mien he replied, “None do I fear, save only the immortal gods; but I do not trust the word of all I see around you, and least of all that of the Aetolians.”

> Latin: 32.14. ad hoc ille superbo et regio animo: ‘neminem equidem timeo praeter deos immortalis; non omnium autem credo fidei, quos circa te video, atque omnium minime Aetolis’ .

[¶28] 32.15. “As to that,” replied the Roman, “we all share the danger equally who come to conference with an enemy, if there is no trust.”

> Latin: 32.15. ‘istuc quidem’ ait Romanus ‘par omnibus periculum est, qui cum hoste ad colloquium congrediuntur, si nulla fides sit.

[¶29] 32.16. “Nevertheless, Titus Quinctius,” said the king, “Philip and Phaeneas are not equal rewards for perfidy, if there should be a breach of faith; for it would not be equally difficult for the Aetolians to find another praetor and the Macedonians another king to take my place.”

> Latin: 32.16. ’ ‘non tamen’ inquit, ‘T. Quincti, par perfidiae praemium est, si fraude agatur, Philippus et Phaeneas; neque enim aeque difficulter Aetoli praetorem alium ac Macedones regem in meum locum substituant.’ secundum haec silentium fuit, cum Romanus eum aecum censeret priorem dicere, qui petisset colloquium, rex eius esse priorem orationem, qui daret pacis leges, non qui acciperet;

[¶30] 33.1. Silence followed, the Roman believing that the conference should be opened by him who had asked it, the king that he who was proposing terms of peace, and not he who was receiving them, should speak first; then the Roman began: He said that his speech was simple; for he would say only what was essential if there were to be terms of peace. The king must withdraw his garrisons from all the cities of Greece, must give up the captives and fugitives to the allies of the Roman people, must restore to the Romans the parts of Illyricum which he had occupied subsequent to the peace which had been made in Epirus, and must give back to King Ptolemy of Egypt the cities which he had seized since the death of Ptolemy Philopator.

> Latin: 33.1. tum Romanus: simplicem suam orationem esse; ea enim se dicturum, quae ni fiant, nulla sit pacis condicio. deducenda ex omnibus Graeciae civitatibus regi praesidia esse, captivos et transfugas sociis populi Romani reddendos, restituenda Romanis ea Illyrici loca, quae post pacem in Epiro factam occupasset, Ptolomaeo Aegypti regi reddendas urbes, quas post Philopatoris Ptolomaei mortem occupavisset.

[¶31] 33.4. These were his conditions and those of the Roman people; but the king must hear besides the demands of the allies.

> Latin: 33.4. suas populique Romani condiciones has esse; ceterum et socium audiri postulata verum esse.

[¶32] 33.5. The ambassador of King Attalus demanded that the ships and prisoners which had been taken in the naval battle off Chios be given back, and that the Nicephorium and the temple of Venus which he had despoiled and destroyed should be restored to their former state;

> Latin: 33.5. Attali regis legatus naves captivosque, quae ad Chium navali proelio capta essent, et Nicephorium Venerisque templum, quae spoliasset evastassetque, pro incorruptis restitui;

[¶33] 33.6. the Rhodians asked for Peraea — a district on the mainland opposite their island, and under their ancient rule — and demanded that the garrisons be withdrawn from Iasus and Bargyliae and the city of the Euromenses, and on the Hellespont from Sestus and Abydus, and that Perinthus should be given back to the Byzantines and permitted to enjoy its ancient rights, and that all the markets and ports of Asia should be made free.

> Latin: 33.6. Rhodii Peraeam —regio est continentis adversus insulam, vetustae eorum dicionis —repetebant postulabantque praesidia deduci ab Iaso et a Bargyliis et Euromensium urbe et in Hellesponto Sesto atque Abydo, et Perinthum Byzantiis in antiqui formulam iuris restitui, et liberari omnia Asiae emporia portusque.

[¶34] 33.8. The Achaeans demanded Corinth and Argos. Phaeneas, praetor of the Aetolians, having made practically the same demands as the Romans, that Greece should be evacuated, and also that the cities which had formerly been under the control and sway of the Aetolians should be returned to them, was interrupted in his speech by Alexander, an Aetolian noble, and considered eloquent, as Aetolians go.

> Latin: 33.8. Achaei Corinthum et Argos repetebant. praetor Aetolorum Phaeneas cum eadem fere, quae Romani, ut Graecia decederetur, postulasset, redderenturque Aetolis urbes, quae quondam iuris ac dicionis eorum fuissent, excepit orationem eius princeps Aetolorum Alexander, vir ut inter Aetolos facundus.

[¶35] 33.10. He said that he had kept silent for a long time, not because he thought that anything was being accomplished at the conference, but to avoid breaking in on the speech of any of the allies. Philip, he said, had never kept peace with good faith or waged war with true courage.

> Latin: 33.10. iam dudum se reticere ait, non quo quicquam agi putet eo colloquio, sed ne quem sociorum dicentem interpellet. nec de pace cum fide Philippum agere nec bella vera virtute umquam gessisse.

[¶36] 33.11. In conference he plotted and tried to entrap his opponents; in battle he would not engage in the open field or fight hand to hand, but instead would retreat, burn and rob cities and, though conquered, destroy the prizes of the conquerors.

> Latin: 33.11. in colloquiis insidiari et captare; in bello non congredi aequo campo neque signis collatis dimicare, sed refugientem incendere ac diripere urbes et vincentium praemia victum corrumpere.

[¶37] 33.12. The Macedonian kings of old did not conduct matters thus, but were used to fight in battle array and to spare the cities, so far as they could, that they might have a richer empire.

> Latin: 33.12. at non antiquos Macedonum reges, sed acie bellare solitos, urbibus parcere, quantum possent, quo opulentius haberent imperium.

[¶38] 33.13. For what sort of wisdom was it to destroy the things for the possession of which you fight, and leave yourself nothing but the fighting?

> Latin: 33.13. nam de quorum possessione dimicetur tollentem nihil sibi praeter bellum relinquere, quod consilium esse?

[¶39] 33.14. Philip had, during the preceding campaign, wasted more friendly cities in Thessaly than all the enemies Thessaly had ever had.

> Latin: 33.14. pluris pluris priore anno sociorum urbes in Thessalia evastasse Philippum quam omnes, qui umquam hostes Thessaliae fuerint.

[¶40] 33.15. To the Aetolians themselves, too, he had as an ally done more damage than he had as an enemy: he had taken possession of Lysimachia after driving out the magistrate and the Aetolian garrison; he had utterly ruined and destroyed Cios, another city under their control;

> Latin: 33.15. ipsis quoque Aetolis eum plura socium quam hostem ademisse: Lysimachiam pulso praetore et praesidio Aetolorum occupasse eum;

[¶41] 33.16. with the same deceit he held Phthian Thebes, Echinus, Larisa, and Pharsalus. Philip, angered at Alexander's speech, moved his ship nearer the shore, that he might be heard more clearly.

> Latin: 33.16. Cium, item suae dicionis urbem, funditus evertisse ac delesse; eadem fraude habere eum Thebas Phthias, Echinum, Larisam, Pharsalum. motus oratione Alexandri Philippus navem, ut exaudiretur, propius terram applicuit.

[¶42] 34.2. When he had begun to reply, especially to the Aetolians, Phaeneas rudely interrupted him, saying that the decision did not turn on words: Philip must either conquer in battle or obey his betters.

> Latin: 34.2. orsum eum dicere, in Aetolos maxime, violenter Phaeneas interfatus non in verbis rem verti ait: aut bello vincendum aut melioribus parendum esse.

[¶43] 34.3. “That is clear,” retorted Philip, “even to a blind man,” making jest of Phaeneas' affliction of the eyes; he was, it must be admitted, more facetious by nature than becomes a king, and not even in serious business did he refrain from jesting.

> Latin: 34.3. 'apparet id quidem' inquit Philippus 'etiam caeco', iocatus in valetudinem oculorum Phaeneae; et erat dicacior natura, quam regem decet, et ne inter seria quidem risu satis temperans.

[¶44] 34.4. Then he began to complain that the Aetolians, like the Romans, ordered him to retire from Greece, although they could not say within what boundaries Greece lay; for in Aetolia itself, the Agraei, the Apodoti, the Amphilochi, who comprise a great part of the country, were not in Greece.

> Latin: 34.4. indignari inde coepit, Aetolos tamquam Romanos decedi Graecia iubere, qui, quibus finibus Graecia sit, dicere non possent; ipsius enim Aetoliae Agraeos Apodotosque et Amphilochos, quae permagna eorum pars sit, Graeciam non esse.

[¶45] 34.5. “Or,” he asked, “do they have just ground for complaint that I have not kept my hands off their allies, when they themselves have long observed this custom as an established practice, of allowing their own young men to fight against their allies, official sanction being merely withheld, and opposing battle-lines will very often both contain Aetolian auxiliaries?”

> Latin: 34.5. 'an, quod a sociis eorum non abstinuerim, iustam querellam habent, cum ipsi pro lege hunc antiquitus morem servent, ut adversus socios ipsi suos publica tantum auctoritate dempta iuventutem suam militare sinant, et contrariae persaepe acies in utraque parte Aetolica auxilia habeant?

[¶46] 34.6. “I did not capture Cios, but I aided my ally and friend Prusias who was besieging it; also, I rescued Lysimachia from the Thracians, but, because necessity diverted me from guarding it to this war, the Thracians hold it.”

> Latin: 34.6. neque ego Cium expugnavi, sed Prusiam socium et amicum oppugnantem adiuvi; et Lysimachiam ab Thracibus vindicavi, sed, quia me necessitas ad hoc bellum a custodia eius avertit, Thraces habent.

[¶47] 34.7. “So much for the Aetolians; but to Attalus and the Rhodians I owe nothing justly; for the beginning of the war was their act, not mine; however, to do honour to the Romans, I shall restore Peraea## to the Rhodians and to Attalus the ships and such prisoners as can be found.”

> Latin: 34.7. et Aetolis haec; Attalo autem Rhodiisque nihil iure debeo; non enim a me, sed ab illis principium belli ortum est;

[¶48] 34.8. “Now as to the restoration of the Nicephorium and the temple of Venus, what reply can I make to ” “those who demand that they be restored, except that (and ” “in this way alone can woods and groves cut down be restored) I shall take upon myself the responsibility and cost of planting — since this is the sort of thing that kings are pleased to ask and reply to one another.”

> Latin: 34.8. Romanorum autem honoris causa Peraean Rhodiis et naves Attalo cum captivis, qui comparebunt, restituam. nam quod ad Nicephorium Venerisque templi restitutionem attinet, quid restitui ea postulantibus respondeam, nisi, quo uno modo silvae lucique caesi restitui possunt, curam impensamque sationis me praestaturum, —quoniam haec inter se reges postulare et respondere placet.

[¶49] 34.11. The rest of his speech was directed to the Achaeans, in which he recounted first the services of Antigonus to the people and then his own, bade that their decrees be read, which included all honours, divine and human, and taunted them with their most recent decree, in which they repudiated the alliance with him;

> Latin: 34.11. ' extrema eius oratio adversus Achaeos fuit, in qua orsus ab Antigoni primum, suis deinde erga gentem eam meritis, recitari decreta eorum iussit omnis divinos humanosque honores complexa atque eis obiecit recens decretum, quo ab se descivissent;

[¶50] 34.12. and after violently assailing their perfidy, he said that he would nevertheless give back Argos to them; regarding Corinth, he would confer with the Roman commander and ascertain from him at the same time whether he thought it proper that he evacuate those cities which he himself had captured and which he held by right of conquest, or those also which he had inherited from his sires.

> Latin: 34.12. invectusque graviter in perfidiam eorum, Argos tamen se iis redditurum dixit; de Corintho cum imperatore Romano deliberaturum esse quaesiturumque ab eo simul, utrum iisne urbibus decedere se aecum censeat, quas ab se ipso captas iure belli habeat, an iis etiam, quas a maioribus suis accepisset.

[¶51] 35.1. As the Achaeans and Aetolians were preparing to answer him, since the sun was now near its setting, the council was adjourned until next day, and Philip returned to the base from which he had come, the Romans and the allies to the camp.

> Latin: 35.1. parantibus Achaeis Aetolisque ad ea respondere, cum prope occasum sol esset, dilato in posterum diem colloquio Philippus in stationem, ex qua profectus erat, Romani sociique in castra redierunt.

[¶52] 35.2. The next day Quinctius arrived at Nicaea — for this was the place agreed upon — at the appointed time; Philip was nowhere in sight and no messenger from him arrived for several hours, and just as they were ready to abandon hope of his coming, suddenly his ships appeared.

> Latin: 35.2. Quinctius postero die ad Nicaeam — is enim locus placuerat — ad constitutum tempus venit; Philippus nullus usquam, nec nuntius ab eo per aliquot horas veniebat, et iam desperantibus venturum repente apparuerunt naves.

[¶53] 35.3. And Philip said that, since such heavy and unjust demands had been made, being uncertain what to do, he had spent the day in deliberation;

> Latin: 35.3. atque ipse quidem, cum tam gravia et indigna imperarentur, inopem consilii diem consumpsisse deliberando aiebat;

[¶54] 35.4. it was the general opinion that he had purposely deferred his arrival until late, so as to give the Achaeans and Aetolians no time to reply to him, and he himself confirmed this belief by asking that the others retire, that time might not be wasted in argument and that some end might be set to the affair, and that he be permitted to confer with the Roman commander by himself.

> Latin: 35.4. vulgo credebant de industria rem in serum tractam, ne tempus dari posset Achaeis Aetolisque ad respondendum, et eam opinionem ipse adfirmavit petendo, ut summotis aliis, ne tempus altercando tereretur et aliqui finis rei imponi posset, cum ipso imperatore Romano liceret sibi colloqui.

[¶55] 35.6. At first the request was denied, lest the allies seem to be excluded from the conference, but finally, as he persisted in his plea, with the consent of all, the Roman general with Appius Claudius, tribune of the soldiers, left the rest behind and came out to the water's edge; the king with the two companions whom he had had with him the day before came ashore.

> Latin: 35.6. id primo non acceptum, ne excludi colloquio viderentur socii, dein, cum haud absisteret petere, ex omnium consilio Romanus imperator cum Ap. Claudio tribuno militum ceteris summotis ad extremum litus processit;

[¶56] 35.8. After they had talked for some time apart, what account Philip gave his own friends is uncertain; the report of Quinctius to the allies was that Philip ceded to the Romans the whole Illyrian coast, sent back the deserters and whatever prisoners there were;

> Latin: 35.8. rex cum duobus, quos pridie adhibuerat, in terram est egressus. ibi cum aliquamdiu secreto locuti essent, quae acta Philippus ad suos rettulerit, minus compertum est; Quinctius haec rettulit ad socios: Romanis eum cedere tota Illyrici ora, perfugas remittere ac si qui sint captivi;

[¶57] 35.10. to Attalus he returned the ships and the naval allies captured with them, and to the Rhodians the region which they call Peraea, but he would not give up Iasus or Bargyliae; to the Aetolians he surrendered Pharsalus and Larisa but not Thebes;

> Latin: 35.10. Attalo naves et cum iis captos navalis socios, Rhodiis regionem, quam Peraean vocant, reddere, Iaso et Bargyliis non cessurum;

[¶58] 35.11. to the Achaeans he would yield not only Argos but Corinth as well.

> Latin: 35.11. Aetolis Pharsalum Larisamque reddere, Thebas non reddere; Achaeis non Argis modo sed etiam Corintho cessurum.

[¶59] 35.12. The decision as to the places from which he would or would not retire pleased no party: for more, they maintained, was lost thereby than gained, nor would causes for strife ever be wanting until he withdrew his garrisons from all Greece.

> Latin: 35.12. nulli omnium placere partium, quibus cessurus aut non cessurus esset, destinatio: plus enim amitti in iis quam acquiri, nec umquam, nisi tota deduxisset Graecia praesidia, causas certaminum defore.

[¶60] 36.1. When shouts to this effect were uttered by the whole council, all speaking at once, their words reached Philip even standing at a distance.

> Latin: 36.1. cum haec toto ex concilio certatim omnes vociferarentur, ad Philippum quoque procul stantem vox est perlata.

[¶61] 36.2. Accordingly he asked Quinctius to postpone the whole question until the next day: he would assuredly persuade them or suffer himself to be persuaded. The beach near Thronium was selected for the meeting.

> Latin: 36.2. itaque a Quinctio petit, ut rem totam in posterum diem differret: profecto aut persuasurum se aut persuaderi sibi passurum.

[¶62] 36.3. Thither all came at an early hour. There Philip first asked both Quinctius and all the others who were present not to entertain views which would disturb the hope of peace, and finally begged for time in which he could send an embassy to the senate at Rome: he would either obtain peace on these terms or submit to whatever conditions of peace the senate imposed.

> Latin: 36.3. litus ad Thronium colloquio destinatur. eo mature conventum est. ibi Philippus primum et Quinctium et omnis qui aderant rogare, ne spem pacis turbare vellent, postremo petere tempus, quo legatos mittere Romam ad senatum posset: aut iis condicionibus se pacem impetraturum aut quascumque senatus dedisset leges pacis accepturum.

[¶63] 36.5. The others did not all like this suggestion: for nothing else, they said, was sought than postponement and delay to collect fresh troops;

> Latin: 36.5. id ceteris haudquaquam placebat: nec enim aliud quam moram et dilationem ad colligendas vires quaeri;

[¶64] 36.6. Quinctius argued that this would have been true had it been summer and the time for active operations; now, with winter at hand, nothing was lost by granting an interval to send ambassadors:

> Latin: 36.6. Quinctius verum id futurum fuisse dicere, si aestas et tempus rerum gerendarum esset; nunc hieme instante nihil amitti dato spatio ad legatos mittendos;

[¶65] 36.7. for none of the agreements they had made with the king could be ratified except on the authority of the senate, and while winter gave the necessary respite from war the views of the senate could be sought.

> Latin: 36.7. nam neque sine auctoritate senatus ratum quicquam eorum fore, quae cum rege ipsi pepigissent, et explorari, dum bello necessariam quietem ipsa hiems daret, senatus auctoritatem posse.

[¶66] 36.8. The other leaders of the allies also agreed with this opinion; and having granted a truce of two months, they too decided to send one ambassador each to advise the senate, lest it be deceived by the king's misrepresentations. A stipulation was added to the agreement regarding the truce, that the king's garrisons should be immediately withdrawn from Phocis and Locris.

> Latin: 36.8. in hanc sententiam et ceteri sociorum principes concesserunt; indutiisque datis in duos menses, et ipsos mittere singulos legatos ad senatum edocendum, ne fraude regis caperetur, placuit.

[¶67] 36.9. And Quinctius himself sent with the ambassadors of the allies Amynander, king of the Athamanians, to add distinction to the embassy, and Quintus Fabius — he was the son of the sister of the wife of Quinctius — and Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 36.9. additum indutiarum pacto, ut regia praesidia Phocide ac Locride extemplo deducerentur. et ipse Quinctius cum sociorum legatis Amynandrum. Athamanum regem, ut speciem legationi adiceret, et Q. Fabium — uxoris Quincti sororis filius erat — et Q. Fulvium et Ap. Claudium misit.

[¶68] 37.1. When they reached Rome, the ambassadors of the allies were heard before those of the king.

> Latin: 37.1. ut ventum Romam est, prius sociorum legati quam regis auditi sunt. cetera eorum oratio conviciis regis consumpta est;

[¶69] 37.2. Much of their speech was devoted to reviling the king; they influenced the senate especially by their description of the geography of the sea and lands in that region, so that it was clear to all that if the king held Demetrias in Thessaly, Chaleis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaea, Greece could not be free, and that Philip

> Latin: 37.2. moverunt cum maxime senatum demonstrando maris terrarumque regionis eius situm, ut omnibus appareret, si Demetriadem in Thessalia, Chalcidem in Euboea, Corinthum in Achaia rex teneret,

[¶70] 37.4. himself, with equal insolence and truth, called them the fetters of Greece.

> Latin: 37.4. non posse liberam Graeciam esse, et ipsum Philippum non contumeliosius quam verius compedes eas Graeciae appellare.

[¶71] 37.5. Then the ambassadors of the king were admitted; and when they had begun a lengthy argument, a terse question, whether he would evacuate these three cities, cut short their speech, since they said they had no explicit instructions from him regarding them. So the king's ambassadors were dismissed without obtaining peace; Quinctius was given full discretion regarding peace and war.

> Latin: 37.5. legati deinde regis intromissi; quibus longiorem exorsis orationem brevis interrogatio, cessurusne iis tribus urbibus esset, sermonem incidit, cum mandati sibi de iis nominatim negarent quicquam. sic infecta pace regii dimissi; Quinctio liberum arbitrium pacis ac belli permissum.

[¶72] 37.6. When it was made clear to him that the senate was not ready to discontinue the war, he, being himself more eager for victory than for peace, thereafter neither granted Philip any conference nor consented to receive any embassy that did not announce a withdrawal from all Greece.

> Latin: 37.6. cui ut satis apparuit non taedere belli senatum, et ipse victoriae quam pacis avidior neque colloquium postea Philippo dedit neque legationem aliam, quam quae omni Graecia decedi nuntiaret, admissurum dixit.

[¶73] 38.1. When Philip saw that the decision must be reached on the battlefield and that he must collect around himself forces from every quarter, - being especially concerned about the cities of Achaea, a region far away from him, and yet more concerned about Argos than Corinth, it seemed the best plan to commit Argos on deposit, as it were, to Nabis, the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, with the provision that he would restore it to him if victorious, but that Nabis himself should keep it if misfortune should come, and he wrote to Philocles, who was in charge of Corinth and Argos, that he should have an interview with the tyrant.

> Latin: 38.1. Philippus, cum acie decernendum videret et undique ad se contrahendas vires, maxime de Achaiae urbibus, regionis ab se diversae, et magis tamen de Argis quam de Corintho sollicitus, optimum ratus Nabidi eam Lacedaemoniorum tyranno velut fiduciariam dare, ut victori sibi restitueret, si quid adversi accidisset ipse haberet, Philocli, qui Corintho Argisque praeerat, scribit, ut tyrannum ipse conveniret.

[¶74] 38.3. Philocles, apart from the fact that he was already coming bringing gifts, added as a pledge of future friendship between the king and the tyrant, that the king wished to unite his daughters in marriage with the sons of Nabis.

> Latin: 38.3. Philocles, praeterquam quod iam veniebat cum munere, adicit, ad pignus futurae regi cum tyranno amicitiae, filias suas regem Nabidis filiis matrimonio coniungere velle.

[¶75] 38.4. The tyrant at first refused to accept the city on any other terms than an invitation to assist the city, proffered by a decree of the Argives themselves; later, when he heard them mentioning the name of tyrant in a crowded assembly not only with scorn but even with cursing, he, thinking that he had found a cause for despoiling them, bade Philocles deliver the city to him when he pleased.

> Latin: 38.4. tyrannus primo negare aliter urbem eam se accepturum, nisi Argivorum ipsorum decreto accersitus ad auxilium urbis esset, deinde, ut frequenti contione non aspernatos modo sed abominatos etiam nomen tyranni audivit, causam se spoliandi eos nactum ratus tradere, ubi vellet, urbem Philoclen iussit.

[¶76] 38.6. The tyrant was admitted to the city at night, without the knowledge of anyone; when day came all the commanding sites were in his hands and the gates were closed.

> Latin: 38.6. nocte ignaris omnibus acceptus in urbem est tyrannus; prima luce occupata omnia superiora loca portaeque clausae.

[¶77] 38.7. A few of the leading men got away in the first confusion and their property was plundered in their absence; the gold and silver of those who remained was appropriated and heavy fines imposed upon them.

> Latin: 38.7. paucis principum inter primum tumultum elapsis, eorum absentium direptae fortunae; praesentibus aurum atque argentum ablatum, pecuniae imperatae ingentes.

[¶78] 38.8. Those who paid promptly were let go without insult or bodily injury; those who were suspected of concealing or holding back assets were punished and tortured like slaves.

> Latin: 38.8. qui non cunctanter contulere, sine contumelia et laceratione corporum dimissi; quos occulere aut retrahere aliquid suspicio fuit, in servilem modum lacerati atque extorti.

[¶79] 38.9. Then he called an assembly and proposed measures, one for the cancellation of debts, the other for a distribution of land to individuals, thus lighting two torches with which revolutionists could inflame the commons against the nobility.

> Latin: 38.9. contione inde advocata rogationes promulgavit, unam de tabulis novis, alteram de agro viritim dividendo, duas faces novantibus res ad plebem in optimates accendendam.

[¶80] 39.1. Having the city of Argos in his power, the tyrant, no longer remembering from whom and on what terms he had received the city, sent agents to Quinctius at Elatia and to Attalus, who was wintering at Aegina, to tell them that Argos was in his power: if Quinctius would come there to a conference, he had no doubt that they would come to a complete agreement.

> Latin: 39.1. postquam in potestate Argivorum civitas erat, nihil eius memor tyrannus, a quo eam civitatem et in quam condicionem accepisset, legatos Elatiam ad Quinctium et ad Attalum Aeginae hibernantem mittit, qui nuntiarent Argos in potestate sua esse: eo si veniret Quinctius ad colloquium, non diffidere sibi omnia cum eo conventura.

[¶81] 39.3. Quinctius, with a view to stripping Philip of that source of strength also, having agreed to come, sent word to Attalus to leave Aegina and meet him at Sicyon, and himself crossed from Anticyra to Sicyon with ten quinqueremes which his brother Lucius Quinctius had by chance recently brought there from their winter station at Corcyra.

> Latin: 39.3. Quinctius, ut eo quoque praesidio Philippum nudaret, cum adnuisset se venturum, mittit ad Attalum, ut ab Aegina Sicyonem sibi occurreret; ipse ab Anticyra decem quinqueremibus, quas iis forte ipsis diebus L. Quinctius frater eius adduxerat ex hibernis Corcyrae, Sicyonem tramisit.

[¶82] 39.5. Attalus was already there; saying that the tyrant should come to the Roman general, and not the Roman to the tyrant, he prevailed upon Quinctius not to go to the city of Argos itself. Not far from the city is the place called Mycenica; there they agreed to meet.

> Latin: 39.5. iam ibi Attalus erat; qui cum tyranno ad Romanum imperatorem, non Romano ad tyrannum eundum diceret, in sententiam suam Quinctium traduxit, ne in urbem ipsam Argos iret.

[¶83] 39.6. Quinctius arrived with his brother and a few military tribunes, Attalus with his royal retinue, Nicostratus, praetor of the Achaeans, with a few auxiliaries. They found the tyrant waiting there with his entire army.

> Latin: 39.6. haud procul urbe Mycenica vocatur; in eo loco ut congrederentur convenit. Quinctius cum fratre et tribunis militum paucis, Attalus cum regio comitatu, Nicostratus, Achaeorum praetor, cum auxiliaribus paucis venit.

[¶84] 39.8. Wearing his armour and attended by an armed body-guard, he advanced to about the centre of the space between the two parties; Quinctius was unarmed, as were his brother and two tribunes of the soldiers, while at either side of the king, who was likewise unarmed, stood the Achaean praetor and one of his own courtiers.

> Latin: 39.8. tyrannum ibi cum omnibus copiis opperientem invenerunt. progressus armatus cum satellitibus armatis est in medium fere interiacentis campi; inermis Quinctius cum fratre et duobus tribunis militum, inermi item regi praetor Achaeorum et unus ex purpuratis latus cingebant.

[¶85] 39.9. The conversation began with an apology by the tyrant because he had come armed and hedged about by armed men though he saw the Roman commander and the king unarmed; he feared not them, he said, but the Argive exiles.

> Latin: 39.9. initium sermonis ab excusatione tyranni ortum, quod armatus ipse armatisque saeptus, cum inermes Romanum imperatorem regemque cerneret, in colloquium venisset: neque enim se illos timere dixit, sed exules Argivorum.

[¶86] 39.10. Then, when they began to discuss the terms of alliance, the Roman made two demands: first, that he put an end to his war with the Achaeans, second, that he send with him auxiliaries against Philip. The auxiliaries he agreed to send; in place of peace with the Achaeans, he obtained an armistice until the war with Philip should be concluded.

> Latin: 39.10. inde ubi de condicionibus amicitiae coeptum agi est, Romanus duas postulare res, unam, ut bellum cum Achaeis finiret, alteram, ut adversus Philippum mitteret secum auxilia. ea se missurum dixit; pro pace cum Achaeis indutiae impetratae, donec bellum cum Philippo finiretur.

[¶87] 40.1. With regard to Argos, another dispute was started by King Attalus, who charged Nabis with holding by force a city betrayed by the guile of Philocles, while the other defended himself by pointing to his summons by the Argives themselves.

> Latin: 40.1. de Argis quoque disceptatio ab Attalo rege est mota, cum fraude Philoclis proditam urbem vi ab eo teneri argueret, ille ab ipsis Argivis se defenderet accitum.

[¶88] 40.2. The king demanded an assembly of the Argives, that this assertion might be proved; the tyrant did not refuse this; but the king said that a free assembly, that would show what the Argives wished, should be made possible, the guards having been withdrawn from the city and no Lacedaemonians intermingled;

> Latin: 40.2. contionem rex Argivorum postulabat, ut id sciri posset; nec tyrannus abnuere; sed deductis ex urbe praesidiis liberam contionem non immixtis Lacedaemoniis declaraturam, quid Argivi vellent, praeberi debere dicebat rex;

[¶89] 40.3. the tyrant refused to withdraw the guard.

> Latin: 40.3. tyrannus negavit deducturum. haec disceptatio sine exitu fuit.

[¶90] 40.4. This discussion came to nought. They left the conference, six hundred Cretans having been furnished to the Roman by the tyrant, and a truce for four months made between Nicostratus, praetor of the Achaeans, and the Spartan tyrant.

> Latin: 40.4. de colloquio discessum sescentis Cretensibus ab tyranno datis Romano indutiisque inter Nicostratum, praetorem Achaeorum, et Lacedaemoniorum tyrannum in quattuor menses factis.

[¶91] 40.5. Quinctius then set out for Corinth and approached the gate with the Cretan contingent, that it might be clear to Philocles, the prefect of the city, that the tyrant had deserted Philip.

> Latin: 40.5. inde Quinctius Corinthum est profectus et ad portam cum Cretensium cohorte accessit, ut Philocli praefecto urbis appareret tyrannum a Philippo descisse.

[¶92] 40.6. Philocles also held a conference with the Roman commander, and to the suggestion that he at once desert and hand over the city, he returned a reply that hinted delay rather than refusal.

> Latin: 40.6. Philocles et ipse ad imperatorem Romanum in colloquium venit hortantique, ut extemplo transiret urbemque traderet, ita respondit, ut distulisse rem magis quam negasse videretur.

[¶93] 40.7. From Corinth Quinctius crossed to Anticyra; thence he sent his brother to sound the people of the Acarnanes.

> Latin: 40.7. a Corintho Quinctius Anticyram traiecit; inde fratrem ad temptandam Acarnanum gentem misit.

[¶94] 40.8. Attalus went from Argos to Sicyon. There the city, for its part, added new distinctions to the king's former honours, while he, in addition to the fact that he had once redeemed for them the sacred precinct of Apollo at a high price, at this time also, not to pass by an allied and friendly city without some act of generosity, gave them as a present ten talents of silver and ten thousand medimni of grain; and so he returned to his fleet at Cenchreae.

> Latin: 40.8. Attalus ab Argis Sicyonem est profectus. ibi et civitas novis honoribus veteres regis honores auxit, et rex ad id, quod sacrum Apollinis agrum grandi quondam pecunia redemerat iis, tum quoque, ne sine aliqua munificentia praeteriret civitatem sociam atque amicam, decem talenta argenti dono dedit et decem milia medimnum frumenti; atque ita Cenchreas ad naves redit.

[¶95] 40.10. And Nabis, strengthening the garrison at Argos and returning to Sparta, even as he had despoiled the men, sent his wife to rob the women.

> Latin: 40.10. et Nabis firmato praesidio Argis Lacedaemonem regressus, cum ipse viros spoliasset, ad feminas spoliandas uxorem Argos remisit.

[¶96] 40.11. She invited now prominent individuals, now groups of women related to one another, and partly by flattery, partly by threats, took from them not only their money but finally even their raiment and their whole feminine adornment as well.

> Latin: 40.11. ea nunc singulas illustres, nunc simul plures genere inter se iunctas accersendo blandiendoque ac minando non aurum modo iis, sed postremo vestem quoque mundumque omnem muliebrem ademit.

## 9. Book XXXIII · chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/9/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/9/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. These events occurred during the winter; but in the beginning of spring Quinctius summoned Attalus to Elatia, and, wishing to bring under his control the Boeotians, a people whose attitude had thus far been uncertain, he set out through Phocis and encamped five miles from Thebes, which is the capital of Boeotia.

> Latin: 1.1. haec per hiemem gesta; initio autem veris Quinctius Attalo Elatiam excito Boeotorum gentem incertis ad eam diem animis fluctuantem dicionis suae facere cupiens, profectus per Phocidem quinque milia ab Thebis, quod caput est Boeotiae, posuit castra.

[¶1] 1.2. Thence the next day, taking the soldiers of one company and Attalus and the numerous embassies which had come in from all directions, he set out to march towards the city, ordering the hastati of the legion — they amounted to two thousand men — to follow at the distance of a mile.

> Latin: 1.2. inde postero die cum unius signi militibus et Attalo legationibusque, quae frequentes undique convenerant, pergit ire ad urbem, iussis legionis hastatis — ea duo milia militum erant — sequi se mille passuum intervallo distantibus.

[¶2] 1.3. When they had completed about half the march, Antiphilus, the praetor of the Boeotians, met them; the rest of the people from the wall watched the approach of the Roman commander and the king.

> Latin: 1.3. ad medium ferme viae Boeotorum praetor Antiphilus obvius fuit; cetera multitudo e muris adventum imperatoris Romani regisque prospeculabatur.

[¶3] 1.4. Only weapons here and there and a few soldiers were seen around them; the windings of the road and the intervening valleys hid the hastati who were following at a distance.

> Latin: 1.4. rara arma paucique milites circa eos apparebant; hastatos sequentes procul anfractus viarum vallesque interiectae occulebant.

[¶4] 1.5. When Quinctius was close to the city he decreased his pace, as if to show respect to the approaching throng; the real reason for the delay was to allow the hastati time to overtake him.

> Latin: 1.5. cum iam adpropinquaret urbi, velut obviam egredientem turbam salutaret, tardius incedebat; causa erat morae, ut hastati consequerentur.

[¶5] 1.6. The townspeople, since the crowd was gathered in front of the lictor, did not see the rapidly approaching column of armed men until they arrived at the general's quarters.

> Latin: 1.6. oppidani, ante lictorem turba acta, insecutum confestim agmen armatorum non ante, quam ad hospitium imperatoris ventum est, conspexere.

[¶6] 1.7. Then all were dumbfounded, thinking that the city had been betrayed and captured by the treachery of Antiphilus the praetor, and it seemed clear that no opportunity was left the Boeotians for freedom of action in the council which had been called for the next day.

> Latin: 1.7. tum velut prodita dolo Antiphili praetoris urbe captaque obstipuerunt omnes; et apparebat nihil liberae consultationis concilio, quod in diem posterum indictum erat Boeotis, relictum esse.

[¶7] 1.8. They concealed their sorrow, the display of which would have been both fruitless and not without risk.

> Latin: 1.8. texerunt dolorem, quem et nequiquam et non sine periculo ostendissent.

[¶8] 2.1. Attalus opened the discussion in the council. He began with the services of his forefathers and himself, in general to all Greeks and especially to the Boeotians, but being now an old man and too feeble to endure the strain of speaking, he fell silent and collapsed, and while he was being carried out

> Latin: 2.1. in concilio Attalus primus verba fecit. orsus a maiorum suorum suisque et communibus in omnem Graeciam et propriis in Boeotorum gentem meritis, senior iam et infirmior, quam ut contentionem dicendi sustineret, obmutuit et concidit;

[¶9] 2.3. and the report brought back that he had partially lost the use of his limbs, the assembly was adjourned for a time.

> Latin: 2.3. et dum regem auferunt perferuntque parte membrorum captum, paulisper contio intermissa est.

[¶10] 2.4. Aristaenus, praetor of the Achaeans, spoke with the greater effect because he gave the Boeotians the same advice he had previously given the Achaeans.

> Latin: 2.4. Aristaenus inde, Achaeorum praetor, eo cum maiore auctoritate auditus, quod non alia, quam quae Achaeis suaserat, Boeotis suadebat.

[¶11] 2.5. Quinctius himself added a few words, in praise of the loyalty of the Romans rather than of their military strength or material resources.

> Latin: 2.5. pauca ab ipso Quinctio adiecta, fidem magis Romanam quam arma aut opes extollente verbis.

[¶12] 2.6. A motion was then proposed and read by Dicaearchus of Plataea, about forming an alliance with Rome, and since no one dared to speak against it, it was received and carried by the unanimous consent of the Boeotian cities.

> Latin: 2.6. rogatio inde a Plataeensi Dicaearcho lata recitataque de societate cum Romanis iungenda nullo contra dicere audente omnium Boeotiae civitatum suffragiis accipitur iubeturque.

[¶13] 2.7. The meeting then adjourning, Quinctius, having remained in Thebes only as long as the sudden illness of Attalus demanded, when it appeared that the attack did not for the moment imperil his life, but merely weakened his body, left him there to receive the necessary treatment and returned to Elatia, whence he had come;

> Latin: 2.7. concilio dimisso Quinctius, tantum Thebis moratus, quantum Attali repens casus coegit, postquam non vitae praesens periculum vis morbi attulisse sed membrorum debilitatem visa est, relicto eo ad curationem necessariam corporis,

[¶14] 2.9. having brought the Boeotians, as well as the Achaeans before them, - into the confederacy and made the country behind him secure and peaceful, he now turned all his attention towards Philip and what remained of the war.

> Latin: 2.9. Elatiam, unde profectus erat, redit Boeotis quoque, sicut prius Achaeis, ad societatem adscitis et, quoniam tuta ea pacataque ab tergo relinquebantur, omnibus iam cogitationibus in Philippum et quod relicum belli erat conversis.

[¶15] 3.1. Philip, too, seeing that his ambassadors had brought from Rome no indication of peace, at the beginning of spring decided to conduct a levy through all the towns of his kingdom, since he was in great want of young recruits.

> Latin: 3.1. Philippus quoque primo vere, postquam legati ab Roma nihil pacati rettulerant, dilectum per omnia oppida regni habere instituit in magna inopia iuniorum. absumpserant enim per multas iam aetates continua bella Macedonas;

[¶16] 3.3. For the continuous fighting through several generations had exhausted the Macedonians; during his own reign many had fallen in naval battles with the Rhodians and Attalus and in engagements with the Romans on land.

> Latin: 3.3. ipso quoque regnante et navalibus bellis adversus Rhodios Attalumque et terrestribus adversus Romanos ceciderat magnus numerus.

[¶17] 3.4. He therefore enlisted recruits from the age of sixteen, and some who had served their allotted time but still possessed some share of strength were recalled to the colours. He thus filled up his ranks, and ordered a muster of all his troops at Dium about the time of the vernal equinox.

> Latin: 3.4. ita et tirones ab sedecim annis milites scribebat, et emeritis quidam stipendiis, quibus modo quicquam reliqui roboris erat, ad signa revocabantur.

[¶18] 3.5. There he established a base and spent the time of waiting for the enemy in drilling his troops daily.

> Latin: 3.5. ita suppleto exercitu secundum vernum aequinoctium omnis copias Dium contraxit ibique stativis positis exercendo cotidie milite hostem opperiebatur.

[¶19] 3.6. Quinctius also meanwhile had left Elatia and marched to Thermopylae by way of Thronium and Scarphea.

> Latin: 3.6. et Quinctius per eosdem ferme dies ab Elatia profectus praeter Thronium et Scarpheam ad Thermopylas pervenit.

[¶20] 3.7. There he held the Aetolian council, summoned to meet at Heraclea, to determine with how many troops they should follow the Romans to the war.

> Latin: 3.7. ibi concilium Aetolorum Heracleam indictum tenuit consultantium, quantis auxiliis Romanum ad bellum sequerentur.

[¶21] 3.8. Having learned the decision of the allies, he advanced in three days from Heraclea to Xyniae, on the frontier of the Aenianes and Thessalians and made camp and waited for the Aetolian auxiliaries. These made haste, and six hundred infantry and four hundred cavalry arrived, commanded by Phaeneas.

> Latin: 3.8. cognitis sociorum decretis tertio die ab Heraclea Xynias praegressus in confinio Aenianum Thessalorumque positis castris Aetolica auxilia opperiebatur.

[¶22] 3.9. Quinctius broke camp at once, so as to leave no doubt why he had waited. When he had crossed the border into the Phthiotic country, five hundred Gortynii from Crete under the command of Cydas and three hundred from Apollonia, armed in the same fashion, joined him and a little later Amynander arrived with twelve hundred infantry of the Athamanes. Philip learned of the departure of the Romans from Elatia, and since he was in a situation where a contest for supreme power impended, he determined to encourage his troops.

> Latin: 3.9. nihil morati Aetoli sunt; Phaenea duce sescenti pedites cum equitibus quadringentis venerunt. ne dubium esset, quid expectasset, confestim Quinctius movit castra. transgresso in Phthioticum agrum quingenti Gortynii Cretensium duce Cydante et trecenti Apolloniatae haud dispari armatu se coniunxere nec ita multo post Amynander cum Athamanum peditum ducentis et mille.

[¶23] 3.11. After he had repeated many oft-told stories of the brave deeds of their forefathers and also of the martial glory of the Macedonians, he came to the points which at that time were causing them the greatest terror and by which they could be roused to some degree of hopefulness.

> Latin: 3.11. Philippus cognita profectione ab Elatia Romanorum, ut cui de summa rerum adesset certamen, adhortandos milites ratus, multa iam saepe memorata de maiorum virtutibus simul de militari laude Macedonum cum disseruisset, ad ea, quae tum maxime animos terrebant quibusque erigi ad aliquam spem poterant, venit.

[¶24] 4.1. Against the defeat sustained in the narrows at the Aous river he set the triple defeat inflicted at Atrax by the Macedonian phalanx upon the Romans.

> Latin: 4.1. acceptae ad Aoum flumen in angustiis cladi ter a Macedonum phalange ad Atracem vi pulsos Romanos opponebat.

[¶25] 4.2. Even there, when they had failed to hold the passes of Epirus which they commanded, the blame rested first on those who had not maintained careful vigilance, next, in the actual battle, on the light infantry and the mercenaries;

> Latin: 4.2. et illic tamen, abi insessas fauces Epiri non tenuissent, primam culpam fuisse eorum, qui neglegenter custodias servassent, secundam in ipso certamine levis armaturae mercennariorumque militum;

[¶26] 4.3. the Macedonian phalanx, on the other hand, had stood fast even then, and would always stand unconquered when regular battle was joined on level ground.

> Latin: 4.3. Macedonum vero phalangem et tunc stetisse et loco aequo iustaque pugna semper mansuram invictam.

[¶27] 4.4. There were sixteen thousand in the phalanx, the flower of the whole kingdom. In addition, there were two thousand with light shields, whom they call peltasts, and an equal number (two thousand each) of Thracians and Illyrians — Tralles is the name of the tribe — and auxiliary mercenaries from different nationalities to the number of about fifteen hundred and two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 4.4. decem et sex milia militum haec fuere, robur omne virium eius regni. ad hoc duo milia caetratorum, quos peltastas appellant, Thracumque et Illyriorum — Trallis est nomen genti — par numerus, bina milia erant, et mixti ex pluribus gentibus mercede conducti auxiliares mille ferme et quingenti et duo milia equitum.

[¶28] 4.5. With these forces the king awaited the enemy.

> Latin: 4.5. cum iis copiis rex hostem opperiebatur.

[¶29] 4.6. The Romans had about the same number; it was only in cavalry strength that they were superior, because of the arrival of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 4.6. Romanis ferme par numerus erat; equitum copiis tantum, quod Aetoli accesserant, superabant.

[¶30] 5.1. When Quinctius had moved his camp towards Phthiotic Thebes, he conceived the hope that the city would be betrayed to him by Timon, a leader among this people, and approached it with a few cavalry and light infantry.

> Latin: 5.1. Quinctius ad Thebas Phthioticas castra cum movisset, spem nactus per Timonem, principem civitatis, prodi urbem cum paucis equitum levisque armaturae ad muros successit.

[¶31] 5.2. This hope was so wholly belied that there was not only a battle with forces which sallied forth, but there was even grave danger had not infantry and cavalry, hastily summoned from the camp, arrived in time.

> Latin: 5.2. ibi adeo frustrata spes est, ut non certamen modo cum erumpentibus, sed periculum quoque atrox subiret, ni castris exciti repente pedites equitesque in tempore subvenissent.

[¶32] 5.3. And after nothing of this rashly-formed hope turned out well, he gave up for the present his design of further attacks upon the town.

> Latin: 5.3. et postquam nihil conceptae temere spei succedebat, urbis quidem amplius temptandae in praesentia conatu abstitit;

[¶33] 5.4. And, assured that the king was in Thessaly, but not yet certain of the direction of his march, he ordered soldiers sent out into the country to cut timbers and prepare a stockade.

> Latin: 5.4. ceterum satis gnarus iam in Thessalia regem esse, nondum comperto, quam in regionem venisset, milites per agros dimissos vallum caedere et parare iubet.

[¶34] 5.5. Both Macedonians and Greeks employed a stockade, but in a manner ill adapted to ease of transportation or security in defence;

> Latin: 5.5. vallo et Macedones et Graeci usi sunt, sed usum nec ad commoditatem ferendi nec ad ipsius munitionis firmamentum aptaverunt;

[¶35] 5.6. for they cut trees of too great size and with too many branches for one soldier to carry, especially with his arms, and when they had walled a camp by planting these in front, the destruction of their rampart was easy.

> Latin: 5.6. nam et maiores et magis ramosas arbores caedebant, quam quas ferre cum armis miles posset, et cum castra his ante obiectis saepsissent, facilis molitio eorum valli erat.

[¶36] 5.7. For because the trunks of the great trees were planted far apart and numerous strong branches offered easy holds for the hand, two or at most three young men, if they exerted themselves, would easily pull out a tree, and, this being pulled out, there was at once an opening like a gate, nor was material ready at hand to block it.

> Latin: 5.7. nam et quia rari stipites magnarum arborum eminebant multique et validi rami praebebant, quod recte manu caperetur, duo aut summum tres iuvenes conixi arborem unam evellebant, qua evulsa portae instar extemplo patebat, nec in promptu erat, quod obmolirentur.

[¶37] 5.9. The Roman cuts light forked trees with three or perhaps four branches, as a general rule, - so that each soldier could comfortably carry several at once, with his arms hanging on his back;

> Latin: 5.9. Romanus leves et bifurcos plerosque et trium aut cum plurimum quattuor ramorum vallos caedit, ut et suspensis ab tergo armis ferat pluris simul apte miles;

[¶38] 5.10. and they plant them so close together and interweave the boughs so completely that it is difficult to tell to which branch each trunk is joined or to which trunk each branch belongs;

> Latin: 5.10. et ita densos offigunt inplicantque ramis, ut neque quis cuiusque palmae stipes, neque quae cuiusque stipitis palma sit, pervideri possit;

[¶39] 5.11. moreover, the branches are so sharp as to leave, interlaced, little space for inserting the hand, so that there is nothing that can be grasped and pulled out, since the interwoven branches bind one another together;

> Latin: 5.11. et adeo acuti aliusque per alium inmissi rami locum ad inserendam manum non relincunt, ut neque prehendi, quod trahatur, neque trahi, cum inter se innexi rami vinculum in vicem praebeant, possit;

[¶40] 5.12. and, if one is by chance pulled out, it leaves a small gap and is easily replaced.

> Latin: 5.12. et, si evulsus forte est unus, nec loci multum aperit, et alium reponere perfacile est.

[¶41] 6.1. Quinctius made a short march the next day, the soldiers carrying the stockade with them, so that he was ready to fortify a camp in any place, and when he had halted about six miles from Pherae, he sent out patrols to find out in what part of Thessaly the king was and what he was doing.

> Latin: 6.1. Quinctius postero die vallum secum ferente milite, ut paratus omni loco castris ponendis esset, progressus modicum iter sex ferme milia a Pheris cum consedisset, speculatum, in qua parte Thessaliae hostis esset quidve pararet, misit.

[¶42] 6.3. The king was near Larisa. Being now informed that the Roman had moved from Thebes to Pherae and desiring, for his part, to end the struggle at once, he began to march towards the enemy and encamped about four miles from Pherae.

> Latin: 6.3. circa Larisam erat rex. certior iam factus Romanum ab Thebis Pheras movisse, defungi quam primum et ipse certamine cupiens ducere ad hostem pergit et quattuor milia fere a Pheris posuit castra.

[¶43] 6.4. Thence next day both sides sent out light troops to seize the hills overlooking the town, and these, when they were about equidistant from the ridge which was to be occupied, came to a halt as soon as they espied one another, waiting quietly for the runners whom they had sent back to camp to ask what they were to do, since the enemy had unexpectedly been met.

> Latin: 6.4. inde postero die cum expediti utrimque ad occupandos super urbem tumulos processissent, pari ferme intervallo ab iugo, quod capiendum erat, cum inter se conspecti essent, constiterunt, nuntios in castra remissos, qui, quid sibi, quoniam praeter spem hostis occurrisset, faciendum esset, consulerent, quieti opperientes.

[¶44] 6.6. And on that day indeed they were withdrawn to camp without starting a battle; on the next day there was a cavalry engagement around the same hills, in which, mainly through the help of the Aetolians, the king's forces were defeated and driven back to their camp.

> Latin: 6.6. et illo quidem die nullo inito certamine in castra revocati sunt; postero die circa eosdem tumulos equestre proelium fuit, in quo non minimum Aetolorum opera regii fugati atque in castra compulsi sunt.

[¶45] 6.7. Both sides were greatly hindered in the action by the fact that the country was covered with many trees and gardens, as in suburban districts, while the roads were bordered with hedges and in some places entirely closed.

> Latin: 6.7. magnum utri sque impedimentum ad rem gerendam fuit ager consitus crebris arboribus hortique, ut in suburbanis locis, et coartata itinera maceriis et quibusdam locis interclusa.

[¶46] 6.8. Both commanders therefore reached the same decision, to retire from this country, and as if by agreement both marched in the direction of Scotusa, Philip hoping to find food there, the Roman by his advance to destroy the enemy's grain-supply.

> Latin: 6.8. itaque pariter ducibus consilium fuit excedendi ea regione, et velut ex praedicto ambo Scotusam petierunt, Philippus spe frumentandi inde, Romanus, ut praegressus corrumperet hosti frumenta.

[¶47] 6.9. The two columns marched the whole day, nowhere seeing one another, since there was a continuous range of hills between them. The Romans encamped near Eretria in Phthiotis, Philip on the river Onchestus.

> Latin: 6.9. per diem totum, quia colles perpetuo iugo intererant, nullo conspecta inter se loco agmina ierunt.

[¶48] 6.10. Nor did either army know for certain where the enemy was, even the following day, though Philip encamped near Melambium, as they call it, in the country of Scotusa, and the Romans around Thetideum, in the territory of Pharsalia.

> Latin: 6.10. Romani ad Eretriam Phthiotici agri, Philippus super amnem Onchestum posuit castra. ne postero quidem die, cum Philippus ad Melambium quod vocant Scotusae i agri, Quinctius circa Thetideum Pharsaliae terrae posuisset castra, aut hi aut illi, ubi hostis esset, satis compertum habuerunt.

[¶49] 6.12. The third day a heavy rain, followed by a fog dark as night, kept the Romans in camp in fear of an ambuscade.

> Latin: 6.12. tertio die primo nimbus effusus, dein caligo nocti simillima Romanos metu insidiarum tenuit.

[¶50] 7.1. Philip wished to hurry and so ordered an advance, undeterred by the low-hanging clouds after the rain;

> Latin: 7.1. Philippus maturandi itineris causa, post imbrem nubibus in terram demissis nihil deterritus, signa ferri iussit;

[¶51] 7.2. but so dense a fog obscured the day that the standard-bearers could not see the road nor the soldiers the standards, and the column, straggling along in obedience to the various cries, was as disorderly as if wandering about at night.

> Latin: 7.2. sed tam densa caligo occaecaverat diem, ut neque signiferi viam nec signa milites cernerent, agmen ad incertos clamores vagum velut errore nocturno turbaretur.

[¶52] 7.3. They crossed the hills which are called Cynoscephalae and encamped after leaving there a strong guard of infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 7.3. supergressi tumulos, qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque posuerunt castra.

[¶53] 7.4. Although the Roman had stayed in the same camp near Thetideum, nevertheless he sent out ten troops of cavalry and one thousand infantry to discover where the enemy was, with orders to guard against ambushes, which the darkness would hide, even in open country.

> Latin: 7.4. Romanus eisdem ad Thetideum castris cum se tenuisset, exploratum tamen, ubi hostis esset, decem turmas equitum et mille pedites misit monitos, ut ab insidiis, quas dies obscurus apertis quoque locis tecturus esset, praecaverent.

[¶54] 7.5. When they came to the guarded hills, both forces remained passive, as if struck with a mutual fear; then they sent messengers back to the camps to their commanders, as soon as their panic from this unexpected contact had subsided, and did not longer postpone the fight. The battle began at first with skirmishes of a few scouts in advance, then assumed larger proportions as reinforcements came to the aid of the defeated.

> Latin: 7.5. ubi ventum ad insessos tumulos est, pavore mutuo iniecto velut torpentes quieverunt; dein nuntiis retro in castra ad duces missis, ubi primus terror ab nec opinato visu consedit, non diutius certamine abstinuere.

[¶55] 7.6. In this battle, when the Romans were not holding their own, but kept sending message after message to their commander that they were hard pressed, five hundred cavalry and two thousand infantry, mostly Aetolians, under two military tribunes, were speedily sent and restored the unfavorable battle, and as fortune changed the Macedonians, finding themselves in difficulties, begged through messengers for aid from the king.

> Latin: 7.6. principio a paucis procurrentibus lacessita pugna est, deinde subsidiis tuentium pulsos aucta, in qua cum haudquaquam pares Romani alios super alios nuntios ad ducem mitterent premi sese, quingenti equites et duo milia peditum, maxime Aetolorum, cum duobus tribunis militum propere missa rem inclinatam restituerunt,

[¶56] 7.8. But since he had expected anything but a pitched battle that day, on account of the general darkness from the fog, having sent most of his troops of every sort out to forage, he hesitated for a time, not knowing what to do;

> Latin: 7.8. versaque fortuna Macedones laborantes opem regis per nuntios implorabant. sed, ut qui nihil minus illo die propter effusam caliginem quam proelium expectasset, magna parte hominum omnis generis pabulatum missa aliquamdiu inops consilii trepidavit;

[¶57] 7.9. then, as messengers kept urging him, and the fog had now uncovered the ridges of the mountains and he could see the Macedonians crowded together on the highest of a number of hills, defending themselves more with the advantage of position than with arms, thinking that he must at any rate stake everything, lest he suffer the loss of some of his men, left unsupported, he sent Athenagoras, commander of the mercenaries,

> Latin: 7.9. deinde, postquam nuntii instabant, et iam iuga montium detexerat nebula, et in conspectu erant Macedones in tumulum maxime editum inter alios compulsi loco se magis quam armis tutantes, committendam rerum summam in discrimen utcumque ratus, ne partis indefensae iactura fieret,

[¶58] 7.11. with all the auxiliaries except the Thracians and with the Macedonian and Thessalian cavalry.

> Latin: 7.11. Athenagoram, ducem mercede militantium, cum omnibus praeter Thracas auxiliis et equitatu Macedonum ac Thessalorum mittit.

[¶59] 7.12. On their arrival the Romans were driven from the ridge and checked their retreat only when they reached more level ground in the valley. The Aetolian cavalry was the greatest safeguard to prevent their utter rout.

> Latin: 7.12. eorum adventu depulsi ab iugo Romani non ante restiterunt, quam in planiorem vallem perventum est.

[¶60] 7.13. At that time their cavalry was by far the best in Greece; in infantry they were inferior to their neighbours.

> Latin: 7.13. ne effusa detruderentur fuga, plurimum in Aetolis equitibus praesidii fuit. is longe tum optimus eques in Graecia erat; pedite inter finitimos vincebantur.

[¶61] 8.1. The news was more encouraging than their success in the battle warranted, since one after another, coming back from the field, shouted out that the Romans were fleeing in terror, and this compelled Philip, though against his will, reluctant, and maintaining that it was a rash undertaking and that he liked neither the place nor the time, to commit his entire force to the action.

> Latin: 8.1. laetior res quam pro successu pugnae nuntiata, cum alii super alios recurrentes ex proelio clamarent fugere pavidos Romanos, invitum et cunctabundum et dicentem … temere fieri, non locum sibi placere, non tempus, perpulit, ut educeret omnes copias in aciem.

[¶62] 8.3. The Roman also did the same, from necessity rather than to seize an opportunity for fighting. The right wing, with the elephants alined in front of the standards, he held in reserve; with the left and all the lightarmed troops he attacked the enemy, reminding them at the same time that they would meet the same Macedonians whom they had driven out and defeated in battle in the passes of Epirus, defended by mountains and rivers, conquering the difficulties of Nature herself, the same Macedonians whom they had previously defeated under the leadership of Publius Sulpicius, when they held the pass to Eordaea;

> Latin: 8.3. idem et Romanus, magis necessitate quam occasione pugnae inductus, fecit. dextrum cornu elephantis ante signa instructis in subsidiis reliquit; laevo cum omni levi armatura in hostem vadit, simul admonens cum iisdem Macedonibus pugnaturos, quos ad Epiri fauces, montibus fluminibusque saeptos, victa naturali difficultate locorum expulissent acieque expugnassent, cum iis, quos P. Sulpicii prius ductu obsidentes in Eordaeam aditum vicissent;

[¶63] 8.5. that the Macedonian kingdom rested on reputation and not on strength, and that even this reputation had at last wholly faded away. By this time they had come up to their men stationed in the lowest part of the valley, who, encouraged by the arrival of the army and the general, renewed the battle, charged, and again drove back the enemy.

> Latin: 8.5. fama stetisse, non viribus Macedoniae regnum; eam quoque famam tandem evanuisse. iam perventum ad suos in ima valle stantes erat, qui adventu exercitus imperatorisque pugnam renovant impetuque facto rursus avertunt hostem.

[¶64] 8.7. - Philip with the peltasts and the right wing of the infantry, the strength of the Macedonian army, which they called the phalanx, advanced on the run to meet the enemy, ordering Nicanor, one of his nobles, to follow at once with the rest of the army.

> Latin: 8.7. Philippus cum caetratis et cornu dextro peditum, robore Macedonici exercitus, quam phalangem vocabant, prope cursu ad hostem vadit; Nicanori, ex purpuratis uni, ut cum reliquis copiis confestim sequatur, imperat.

[¶65] 8.9. At first as he reached the ridge and saw that the battle was over there, with a few weapons and a few corpses of the enemy lying about, and that the Romans had been driven back from there and that the battle was raging near the enemy's camp, he was filled with excessive joy;

> Latin: 8.9. primo, ut in iugum evasit, et iacentibus ibi paucis armis corporibusque hostium proelium eo loco fuisse pulsosque inde Romanos et pugnari prope castra hostium vidit, ingenti gaudio est elatus;

[¶66] 8.10. presently, as his men were retreating, made uncertain by the reversal of fear, he debated in terror whether he should withdraw his men to their own camp;

> Latin: 8.10. mox refugientibus suis et terrore verso paulisper incertus, an in castra reciperet copias, trepidavit;

[¶67] 8.11. then, as the enemy came nearer, when his men were being cut down in flight and could not be rescued unless they were reinforced, and not even he had any safe line of retreat, he was compelled, though his whole force had not come up, to try desperate measures. On the right flank he placed the cavalry and the light infantry who had been in the battle;

> Latin: 8.11. deinde ut adpropinquabat hostis, et praeterquam quod caedebantur aversi nec, nisi defenderentur, servari ne ipsi quidem in tuto iam receptus erat, coactus nondum adsecuta parte suorum periculum summae rerum facere, equites levemque armaturam, qui in proelio fuerant, dextero in cornu locat,

[¶68] 8.13. he ordered the peltasts and the Macedonian phalanx to put aside their spears, the length of which was a hindrance, and to engage with swords. At the same time, to prevent the line from being easily broken through, he diminished the front by half and doubled the depth by extending the files backward, so that the formation was deep rather than wide; he also ordered the troops to lessen intervals, so that man stood close to man and arms to arms.

> Latin: 8.13. caetratos et Macedonum phalangem hastis positis, quarum longitudo impedimento erat, gladiis rem gerere iubet. simul ne facile perrumperetur acies, dimidium de fronte demptum introrsus porrectis ordinibus duplicat, ut longa potius quam lata acies esset; simul et densari ordines iussit, ut vir viro, arma armis iungerentur.

[¶69] 9.1. Quinctius absorbed into his ranks and among the standards the men who had already been engaged and gave the signal with the trumpet.

> Latin: 9.1. Quinctius iis, qui in proelio fuerant, inter signa et ordines acceptis tuba dat signum.

[¶70] 9.2. They say that only rarely at any other time has such a shout been raised at the beginning of a battle, for, as it happened, both armies shouted at once, and not only those who were fighting but also the reserves and those who were just then coming up to the line.

> Latin: 9.2. raro alias tantus clamor dicitur in principio pugnae exortus; nam forte utraque acies simul conclamavere nec solum qui pugnabant sed subsidia etiam quique tum maxime in proelium veniebant.

[¶71] 9.3. On the right flank, the king prevailed easily, mainly because of his position, since he was fighting from higher ground; on the left there was panic and confusion, especially since the part of the phalanx which was in the rear was still coming up;

> Latin: 9.3. dextero cornu rex loci plurimum auxilio, ex iugis altioribus pugnans, vincebat; sinistro tum cum maxime adpropinquante phalangis parte, quae novissimi agminis fuerat, sine ullo ordine trepidabatur;

[¶72] 9.4. the centre, which was nearer the right flank, stood watching the battle there, as if it were a spectacle which did not directly concern them.

> Latin: 9.4. media acies, quae propior dextrum cornu erat, stabat spectaculo velut nihil ad se pertinentis pugnae intenta.

[¶73] 9.5. The phalanx, which had come up in column rather than in line, and in a form more fitted for the march than for battle, had barely reached the saddle.

> Latin: 9.5. phalanx, quae venerat agmen magis quam acies aptiorque itineri quam pugnae, vixdum in iugum evaserat.

[¶74] 9.6. While it was still in disorder, Quinctius, although he saw his men retreating on the right, first sending his elephants against the enemy, attacked, thinking that the defeat of a part would involve the rest. The issue was never in doubt; the Macedonians immediately fled, turning back in terror at the first sight of the beasts.

> Latin: 9.6. in hos incompositos Quinctius, quamquam pedem referentes in dextro cornu suos cernebat, elephantis prius in hostem actis impetum facit, ratus partem profligatam cetera tracturam.

[¶75] 9.7. The others too followed them in their flight, and one of the tribunes of the soldiers, forming a plan to fit the emergency, took the soldiers of twenty companies and, leaving the action where his men were clearly victorious and making a short detour, attacked the enemy's right from behind.

> Latin: 9.7. non dubia res fuit; extemplo terga vertere Macedones, terrore primo bestiarum aversi. et ceteri quidem hos pulsos sequebantur; unus e tribunis militum ex tempore capto consilio, cum viginti signorum militibus, relicta ea parte suorum, quae haud dubie vincebat, brevi circuitu dextrum cornu hostium aversum invadit.

[¶76] 9.9. Any army would have been dismayed by an attack from the rear; but added to the general panic of all in such a crisis was the fact that the heavy and unwieldy Macedonian phalanx could not change front, nor did the soldiers who were falling back a little while before from the front upon men who were by now terrified on their own account permit this. They were at a disadvantage too because of their position, since the ridge from which they had been fighting, when they were pursuing the soldiers who had been driven down the hill, had been given up to the enemy which had been led around behind them.

> Latin: 9.9. nullam aciem ab tergo adortus non turbasset; ceterum ad communem omnium in tali re trepidationem accessit, quod phalanx Macedonum gravis atque immobilis nec circumagere se poterat, nec hoc qui a fronte paulo ante pedem referentes tunc ultro territis instabant patiebantur.

[¶77] 9.11. For a while they were caught between the two lines and slaughtered, then most of them threw away their arms and took to flight. Philip with a few troopers and infantrymen at first held a hill higher than the rest, so as to watch the fortune of his left flank; later, when he beheld the disorderly flight and saw all the ridges round about filled with the gleam of standards and arms, he too left the field.

> Latin: 9.11. ad hoc loco etiam premebantur, quia iugum, ex quo pugnaverant, dum per proclive pulsos insecuntur, tradiderant hosti ad terga sua circumducto. paulisper in medio caesi, deinde omissis plerique armis capessunt fugam. Philippus cum paucis peditum equitumque primo tumulum altiorem inter ceteros cepit, ut specularetur, quae in laeva parte suorum fortuna esset; deinde, postquam fugam effusam animadvertit et omnia circa iuga signis atque armis fulgere, tum et ipse acie excessit. Quinctius cum institisset cedentibus, repente quia erigentes hastas Macedonas conspexerat, quidnam pararent incertus, paulisper novitate rei constituit signa;

[¶78] 10.3. Quinctius, after pressing hard on the retreating enemy, suddenly, because he saw the Macedonians raising their spears, and not knowing what this meant, halted his troops for a moment because of the strangeness of the action.

> Latin: 10.3. deinde, ut accepit hunc morem esse Macedonum tradentium sese, parcere victis in animo habebat.

[¶79] 10.4. Then, when he learned that it was the customary gesture of the Macedonians to indicate their surrender, it was in his mind to spare the vanquished. But the soldiers, ignorant that the fighting was over, so far as the enemy was concerned, and not knowing the general's plans, charged, and killing the first put the rest to flight.

> Latin: 10.4. ceterum ab ignaris militibus, omissam ab hoste pugnam et quid imperator vellet, impetus in eos est factus, et primis caesis ceteri in fugam dissipati sunt.

[¶80] 10.6. The king fled at full speed to Tempe. Then he stopped a day at Gonni to collect any who had survived from the battle. The victorious Romans burst into the enemy's camp in the hope of loot, but found that it had, for the most part, already been plundered by the Aetolians.

> Latin: 10.6. rex effuso cursu Tempe petit. ibi ad Gonnos diem unum substitit ad excipiendos, si qui proelio superessent. Romani victores in castra hostium spe praedae irrumpunt; ea magna iam ex parte direpta ab Aetolis inveniunt.

[¶81] 10.7. On that day eight thousand of the enemy perished, five thousand were captured.

> Latin: 10.7. caesa eo die octo milia hostium, quinque capta. ex victoribus septingenti ferme ceciderunt.

[¶82] 10.8. Of the victors about seven hundred fell. If we trust Valerius Antias, who is prone to increase numbers without restraint, forty thousand of the enemy were slain that day; the prisoners, he says — here his exaggeration is more moderate — numbered five thousand seven hundred, and two hundred and forty-nine standards were taken.

> Latin: 10.8. si Valerio qui credat omnium rerum inmodice numerum augenti, quadraginta milia hostium eo die sunt caesa; capta — ibi modestius mendacium est — quinque milia septingenti, signa militaria ducenta undequinquaginta.

[¶83] 10.9. Claudius too gives the figures as thirty-two thousand killed and four thousand three hundred captured.

> Latin: 10.9. Claudius quoque duo et triginta milia hostium caesa scribit, capta quattuor milia et trecentos.

[¶84] 10.10. I have given my account, not because the numbers are smallest, but because I have followed Polybius, an authority worthy of credence on all matters of Roman history and especially on occurrences in Greece.

> Latin: 10.10. nos non minimo potissimum numero credidimus, sed Polybium secuti sumus, non incertum auctorem cum omnium Romanarum rerum tum praecipue in Graecia gestarum.

[¶85] 11.1. Philip, having collected the straggling fugitives who had followed his trail after the changing fortunes of the battle-field, sent agents to Larisa to burn the royal records, in order to prevent their falling into the hands of the Romans, and retired into Macedonia.

> Latin: 11.1. Philippus conlectis ex fuga, qui variis casibus pugnae dissipati vestigia eius secuti fuerant, missisque Larisam ad commentarios regios comburendos, ne in hostium venirent potestatem, in Macedoniam concessit.

[¶86] 11.2. Quinctius sold part of the prisoners and booty and gave part to the soldiers, and marched towards Larisa, still uncertain where the king had gone and what he was planning.

> Latin: 11.2. Quinctius captivis praedaque venumdatis, partim militi concessis Larisam est profectus, hauddum satis gnarus, quam regionem petisset rex quidve pararet.

[¶87] 11.3. There the king's herald met him, ostensibly to ask for a truce, that those who had fallen in the battle might be removed for burial, in reality to ask permission to send an embassy. Both requests were granted by the Roman.

> Latin: 11.3. caduceator eo regius venit, specie ut indutiae essent, donec tollerentur ad sepulturam, qui in acie cecidissent, re vera ad petendam veniam legatis mittendis. utrumque ab Romano impetratum.

[¶88] 11.4. The consul, moreover, added that the king should take heart, a phrase which gave great offence to the Aetolians, who were already swollen with pride and complaining that victory had changed the general: before the battle he had been wont to discuss with the allies all matters great and small, but now they were excluded from all his deliberations, and he decided everything according to his own personal judgment, since he was trying to win a place of private influence with the king, in order that, although the Aetolians had endured the hardships and toils of the war, the Roman might take to himself the credit for the peace and the profits of victory.

> Latin: 11.4. adiecta etiam illa vox, bono animo esse regem ut iuberet, quae maxime Aetolos offendit iam tumentis querentisque mutatum victoria imperatorem: ante pugnam omnia magna parvaque communicare cum sociis solitum; nunc omnium expertes consiliorum esse, suo ipsum arbitrio cuncta agere, cum Philippo iam gratiae privatae locum quaerere, ut dura atque aspera belli Aetoli exhauserint, pacis gratiam et fructum Romanus in se vertat.

[¶89] 11.7. And beyond doubt something of their honourable position had been lost; but they did not see why they should be utterly ignored. They believed that the consul — a man of a soul unconquerable by such cupidity — was eager to receive gifts from the king;

> Latin: 11.7. et haud dubie decesserat iis aliquantum honoris; sed cur neglegerentur, ignorabant. donis regis inminere credebant invicti ab ea cupiditate animi virum;

[¶90] 11.8. but he was in fact angry at the Aetolians, and with just cause, for their insatiable desire for booty and their arrogance in claiming the glory of the victory for themselves, while with their boasting they had offended the ears of everyone, and he saw that with Philip out of the way and the power of the Macedonian kingdom broken the Aetolians would be held the masters of Greece.

> Latin: 11.8. sed et suscensebat non inmerito Aetolis ob insatiabilem aviditatem praedae et arrogantiam eorum, victoriae gloriam in se rapientium, quae vanitate sua omnium aures offendebat, et Philippo sublato, fractis opibus Macedonici regni Aetolos habendos Graeciae dominos cernebat.

[¶91] 11.10. For these reasons he deliberately took many steps to cause them to be and to seem of less moment and importance in the eyes of all men.

> Latin: 11.10. ob eas causas multa sedulo, ut viliores levioresque apud omnis essent et viderentur, faciebat.

[¶92] 12.1. A truce of fifteen days had been granted to the enemy and a conference arranged with the king; but before the time for this arrived, he called a council of the allies and referred to them the terms of peace which they wished to be imposed.

> Latin: 12.1. indutiae quindecim dierum datae hosti erant et cum ipso rege constitutum conloquium; cuius priusquam tempus veniret, in consilium advocavit socios;

[¶93] 12.2. Amynander, - king of the Athamanes, spoke briefly: the peace should be so arranged that Greece, even in the absence of the Romans, should be strong enough to maintain at once peace and liberty.

> Latin: 12.2. rettulit, quas leges pacis placeret dici. Amynander, Athamanum rex, paucis sententiam absolvit: ita componendam pacem esse, ut Graecia etiam absentibus Romanis satis potens tuendae simul pacis libertatisque esset.

[¶94] 12.3. The language of the Aetolians was more harsh; they said, after a brief preface, that the Roman commander was acting correctly and in order in discussing the conditions of peace with those whom he had had as his allies in the war;

> Latin: 12.3. Aetolorum asperior oratio fuit, qui pauca praefati recte atque ordine imperatorem Romanum facere, quod, quos belli socios habuisset, cum iis communicaret pacis consilia;

[¶95] 12.4. but that he was totally wrong if he thought that he would leave either assured peace to the Romans or liberty to the Greeks unless Philip were either killed or dethroned, either of which was easy if he were willing to follow up his good fortune.

> Latin: 12.4. falli autem eum tota re, si aut Romanis pacem aut Graeciae libertatem satis firmam se credat relicturum nisi Philippo aut occiso aut regno pulso; quae utraque proclivia esse, si fortuna uti vellet.

[¶96] 12.5. In reply, Quinctius asserted that the Aetolians neither remembered Roman policy nor employed arguments consistent with themselves.

> Latin: 12.5. ad haec Quinctius negare Aetolos aut moris Romanorum memorem aut sibi ipsis convenientem sententiam dixisse.

[¶97] 12.6. On the one hand, in all previous conferences and conversations they had always spoken of conditions of peace and not of waging a war of extermination; on the other, the Romans, in addition to observing, from remote antiquity, their custom of sparing conquered peoples, had given striking proof of their mercifulness in the peace granted to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 12.6. et illos prioribus omnibus conciliis conloquiisque de condicionibus pacis semper, non ut ad internecionem bellaretur, disseruisse, et Romanos praeter vetustissimum morem victis parcendi praecipuum clementiae documentum dedisse pace Hannibali et Carthaginiensibus data.

[¶98] 12.8. He would say nothing about the Carthaginians: how many conferences had been held with Philip himself? Never was there any suggestion that he should give up his kingdom. Or, because he had been defeated in battle, did that make war an unpardonable offence?

> Latin: 12.8. omittere se Carthaginienses; cum Philippo ipso quotiens ventum in conloquium? nec umquam, ut cederet regno, actum esse. an, quia victus proelio foret, inexpiabile bellum factum?

[¶99] 12.9. An armed enemy should be met in hostile mood; towards the conquered, the mildest possible attitude was the greatest thing.

> Latin: 12.9. cum armato hoste infestis animis concurri debere; adversus victos mitissimum quemque animum maximum habere.

[¶100] 12.10. The Macedonian kings seemed a menace to Greek liberty; if that kingdom and people were removed, the Thracians, the Illyrians, and then the Gauls, fierce arid untamed peoples, would pour into Macedonia and into Greece.

> Latin: 12.10. libertati Graeciae videri graves Macedonum reges; si regnum gensque tollatur, Thracas, Illyrios, Gallos deinde, gentes feras et indomitas, in Macedoniam se et in Graeciam effusuras.

[¶101] 12.11. They should not, by breaking up all the nearest states, open the way to themselves for larger and more powerful tribes. Then, when Phaeneas, the Aetolian praetor, interrupted, reminding him that if Philip escaped this time he would soon cause a greater war, Quinctius replied, “Cease causing disturbance when we should be deliberating.” “The conditions by which the king will be bound will not be such that he will be able to start a war.”

> Latin: 12.11. ne proxima quaeque amoliendo maioribus gravioribusque aditum ad se facerent. interfanti deinde Phaeneae, praetori Aetolorum, testificantique, si elapsus eo tempore Philippus foret, mox gravius eum rebellaturum, ‘desistite tumultuari’ inquit, ‘ubi consultandum est. non iis condicionibus inligabitur rex, ut movere bellum possit.’

[¶102] 13.1. This council was adjourned, and the next day the king came to the pass which leads to Tempe — this was the place designated for the meeting — and on the third day a full council of the Romans and allies met him.

> Latin: 13.1. hoc dimisso concilio postero die rex ad fauces, quae ferunt in Tempe — is datus erat locus conloquio —, venit; tertio die datur ei Romanorum ac sociorum frequens concilium.

[¶103] 13.3. There Philip conducted himself with great discretion, and conceding voluntarily those points without which peace could not be obtained, rather than having them wrung from him after argument, he said that he accepted all the conditions commanded by the Romans or demanded by the allies in the previous conference, and would submit everything else to the judgment of the senate.

> Latin: 13.3. ibi Philippus perquam prudenter iis, sine quibus pax impetrari non poterat, sua potius voluntate omissis quam altercando extorquerentur, quae priore conloquio aut imperata a Romanis aut postulata ab sociis essent, omnia se concedere, de ceteris senatui permissurum dixit.

[¶104] 13.5. Although he seemed in this way to have sealed the lips of even his bitterest enemies, nevertheless, when all were silent, Phaeneas the Aetolian asked, “Well, Philip, do you restore to us at last Pharsalus and Larisa Cremaste and Echinus and Phthiotic Thebes?”

> Latin: 13.5. quamquam vel inimicissimis omnibus praeclusisse vocem videbatur, Phaeneas tamen Aetolus cunctis tacentibus ‘ quid?

[¶105] 13.6. When Philip replied that there was no reason why they should not receive them, a dispute over Thebes broke out between the Roman commander and the Aetolians;

> Latin: 13.6. nobis’ inquit, ‘Philippe, reddisne tandem Pharsalum et Larisam Cremasten et Echinum et Thebas Phthias?

[¶106] 13.7. for Quinctius maintained that it belonged to the Roman people by the law of war, because at the beginning of the campaign, when the army had been moved against the town and they had been invited to become friends to the Romans at a time when they had full power to break off relations with the king, they had preferred the alliance with the king to that with the Romans;

> Latin: 13.7. ’ cum Philippus nihil morari diceret, quo minus reciperent, disceptatio inter imperatorem Romanum et Aetolos orta est de Thebis; nam eas populi Romani iure belli factas esse Quinctius dicebat, quod integris rebus, exercitu ab se admoto, vocati in amicitiam, cum potestas libera desciscendi ab rege esset, regiam societatem Romanae praeposuissent;

[¶107] 13.9. Phaeneas thought it right and in accordance with the military alliance, that what had belonged to the Aetolians before the war should be returned to them, and said that it had been provided in the original treaty, regarding booty taken in the war, that movables, which could be carried or driven away, should belong to the Romans, and lands and cities should go to the Aetolians.

> Latin: 13.9. Phaeneas et pro societate belli, quae ante bellum habuissent, restitui Aetolis aecum censebat et ita in foedere primo cautum esse, ut belli praeda rerum, quae ferri agique possent, Romanos, ager urbesque captae Aetolos sequerentur.

[¶108] 13.11. To this Quinctius replied, “You yourselves broke the rules laid down in that treaty, at the time you deserted us and made peace with Philip.”

> Latin: 13.11. ‘vos’ inquit ‘ipsi’ Quinctius ‘societatis istius leges rupistis, quo tempore relictis nobis cum Philippo pacem fecistis.

[¶109] 13.12. “But even if that treaty still held, that clause would pertain to cities that had been captured; the Thessalian cities submitted to us of their own accord.”

> Latin: 13.12. quae si maneret, captarum tamen urbium illa lex foret; Thessaliae civitates sua voluntate in dicionem nostram venerunt.’

[¶110] 13.13. These words were received with applause from all the allies, but to the Aetolians they were unpleasant to hear at the moment, and later on they were the cause of war and, as a result of the war, of great slaughter to the Aetolians.

> Latin: 13.13. haec cum omnium sociorum adsensu dicta Aetolis non in praesentia modo gravia auditu, sed mox etiam belli causa magnarumque ex eo cladium iis fuerunt.

## 10. Book XXXIII · chapters 13–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/10/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/10/#p-N

[¶0] 13.14. It was agreed with Philip that he should surrender his son Demetrius and certain of his friends as hostages and pay two hundred talents, and send ambassadors to Rome with respect to other matters; for this purpose a truce of four months was granted. If peace was not obtained from the senate, it was agreed that Philip should recover his hostages and money.

> Latin: 13.14. cum Philippo ita convenit, ut Demetrium filium et quosdam ex amicorum numero obsides et ducenta talenta daret, de ceteris Romam mitteret legatos;

[¶1] 13.15. It is said that nothing influenced the Roman commander more strongly to secure a speedy peace than the ascertained fact that Antiochus was planning war and an invasion of Europe.

> Latin: 13.15. ad eam rem quattuor mensum indutiae essent. si pax non impetrata ab senatu foret, obsides pecuniamque reddi Philippo receptum est. causa Romano imperatori non alia maior fuisse dicitur maturandae pacis, quam quod Antiochum bellum transitumque in Europam moliri constabat.

[¶2] 14.1. At the same time, and, as some have related, on the very same day, the Achaeans routed the king's general Androsthenes in a pitched battle near Corinth.

> Latin: 14.1. eodem tempore atque, ut quidam tradidere, eodem die ad Corinthum Achaei ducem regium Androsthenem iusto proelio fuderunt.

[¶3] 14.2. Philip intended to hold this city as a stronghold against the Greek cities, and when he had invited there the leading citizens under pretence of discussing with them the number of cavalry the Corinthians could furnish for the war, he had held them as hostages, and in addition to five hundred Macedonians and eight hundred auxiliaries of various nations, the

> Latin: 14.2. eam urbem pro arce habiturus Philippus adversus Graeciae civitates et principes inde evocatos per speciem conloquendi, quantum equitum dare Corinthii ad bellum possent, retinuerat pro obsidibus, et praeter quingentos Macedonas mixtosque ex omni genere auxiliorum octingentos, quot iam ante ibi fuerant,

[¶4] 14.4. number that had already been there for some time, he had sent there a thousand Macedonians and twelve hundred Thracians and Illyrians and eight hundred Cretans, for this people fought on both sides.

> Latin: 14.4. mille Macedonum eo miserat et mille ac ducentos Illyrios Thracasque et Cretenses, qui in utraque parte militabant, octingentos.

[¶5] 14.5. Added to these were one thousand Boeotians, Thessalians and Acarnanians, all provided with shields, and seven hundred of the youth of the Corinthians themselves, filling up his numbers to six thousand armed men, and these gave Androsthenes confidence enough to risk a decisive battle.

> Latin: 14.5. his additi Boeoti Thessalique et Acarnanes mille, scutati omnes, et septingenti ex ipsorum Corinthiorum iuventute, impleta ut essent sex milia armatorum, fiduciam Androstheni fecerunt acie decernendi.

[¶6] 14.6. Nicostratus, the praetor of the Achaeans, was at Sicyon with two thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry, but, seeing himself inferior both in numbers and in the quality of his troops, he would not leave his fortifications.

> Latin: 14.6. Nicostratus, praetor Achaeorum, Sicyone erat cum duobus milibus peditum, centum equitibus, sed imparem se et numero et genere militum cernens moenibus non excedebat.

[¶7] 14.7. The king's infantry and cavalry were roaming about and ravaging the lands of Pellene, Phlius and Cleonae, and finally crossed into the territory of Sicyon, taunting the enemy with cowardice;

> Latin: 14.7. regiae copiae peditum equitumque vagae Pellenensem et Phliasium et Cleonaeum agrum depopulabantur;

[¶8] 14.8. likewise they skirted with their ships the whole coast of Achaea and laid it waste.

> Latin: 14.8. postremo exprobrantes metum hosti in finis Sicyoniorum transcendebant; navibus etiam circumvecti omnem oram Achaiae vastabant.

[¶9] 14.9. When the enemy was thus engaged in scattered groups and, as often happens in cases of over-confidence, with a lack of vigilance, - Nicostratus, in the hope of attacking them unexpectedly, sent secret messages to the neighbouring states, naming the day and fixing the numbers from each state to assemble at Apelaurum — this place is in the land of Stymphalia.

> Latin: 14.9. cum id effusius hostes et, ut fit ab nimia fiducia, neglegentius etiam facerent, Nicostratus spem nactus necopinantes eos adgrediendi circa finitimas civitates nuntium occultum mittit, quo die et quot ex quaque civitate armati ad Apelaurum — Stymphaliae terrae is locus est —

[¶10] 14.11. When all was ready on the appointed day, he at once set out by night through the country of the Phliasii and arrived at Cleonae, no one knowing what he was planning.

> Latin: 14.11. convenirent. omnibus ad diem edictam paratis profectus inde extemplo per Phliasiorum fines nocte Cleonas insciis omnibus, quid pararet, pervenit.

[¶11] 14.12. He had with him five thousand infantry, including... light-armed troops, and three hundred cavalry. With these forces, after first sending out scouts to find out in which direction the enemy was moving, he waited.

> Latin: 14.12. erant autem cum eo quinque milia peditum, ex quibus … armaturae levis, et trecenti equites. cum iis copiis, dimissis qui specularentur, quam in partem hostes effunderent sese, opperiebatur.

[¶12] 15.1. Androsthenes, in ignorance of all this, had left Corinth and encamped on the Nemea, which is a stream separating the lands of Corinth and Sicyon.

> Latin: 15.1. Androsthenes omnium ignarus Corintho profectus ad Nemeam — amnis est Corinthium et Sicyonium interfluens agrum — castra locat.

[¶13] 15.2. There he ordered half of his army, divided into three columns, and all his cavalry to lay waste at the same time the country of Pellene, Sicyon and Phlius.

> Latin: 15.2. ibi partem dimidiam exercitus, divisam trifariam, et omnes equites discurrere ad depopulandos simul Pellenensem Sicyoniumque agros et Phliasium iubet.

[¶14] 15.3. The three separate columns marched out. When this was reported to Nicostratus at Cleonae, he immediately sent out a strong force of mercenaries to close the pass which gives access to Corinthian territory, and posting the cavalry ahead of the infantry to lead the way, himself followed rapidly in two columns.

> Latin: 15.3. haec tria diversa agmina discessere. quod ubi Cleonas ad Nicostratum perlatum est, extemplo validam mercennariorum manum praemissam ad occupandum saltum, per quem transitus in Corinthium est agrum, ante signa equitibus, ut praegrederentur, locatis ipse confestim agmine duplici sequitur.

[¶15] 15.5. In one marched the mercenaries with the light infantry, in the other the shield-wearers: these constitute the chief strength in the armies of those states. The infantry and cavalry were now not far from the camp, and some of the Thracians had made an attack upon the enemy, foraging and scattered through the fields, when sudden panic gripped the camp.

> Latin: 15.5. parte una mercennarii milites ibant cum levi armatura, altera clipeati; id in illarum gentium exercitibus robur erat. iam haud procul castris aberant pedites equitesque, et Thracum quidam in vagos palatosque per agros hostis impetum fecerant, cum repens terror castris infertur.

[¶16] 15.7. The commander was afraid, inasmuch as he had nowhere seen the enemy except in small detachments in the hills in front of Sicyon, not daring to march their column down into the plains, and had never believed that they would attack from Cleonae.

> Latin: 15.7. trepidare dux, ut qui hostes nusquam nisi raros in collibus ante Sicyonem non audentis agmen demittere in campos vidisset, ab Cleonis quidem accessuros numquam credidisset. revocari tuba iubet vagos a castris dilapsos;

[¶17] 15.8. He gave orders that the foragers should be recalled by a trumpet-blast and, hastily ordering the troops to arm, he marched out of the gate with his depleted column and formed his battle-line above the river.

> Latin: 15.8. ipse raptim capere arma iussis militibus infrequenti agmine porta egressus super flumen instruit aciem.

[¶18] 15.9. The rest of the force, assembled and formed with difficulty, did not oppose the enemy's initial charge; the Macedonians had rallied in the largest numbers of all to the standards, and for a long time they rendered the prospect of victory uncertain;

> Latin: 15.9. ceterae copiae, vix conligi atque instrui cum potuissent, primum hostium impetum non tulerunt;

[¶19] 15.10. at last, exposed by the flight of the rest, with two lines of the enemy advancing from different directions, the light infantry from the flank, the heavy infantry and peltasts from the front, as the hope of victory diminished they at first retired slowly, but then, as the pressure increased, they broke, and most of them threw away their arms, abandoning hope of holding the camp, and made for Corinth.

> Latin: 15.10. Macedones et maxime omnium frequentes ad signa fuerant et diu ancipitem victoriae spem fecerunt; postremo fuga ceterorum nudati, cum duae iam acies hostium ex diverso, levis armatura ab latere, clipeati caetratique a fronte urgerent, et ipsi re inclinata primo rettulere pedem, deinde inpulsi terga vertunt et plerique abiectis armis, nulla spe castrorum tenendorum relicta, Corinthum petierunt.

[¶20] 15.13. Nicostratus sent the mercenaries to follow them and the cavalry and Thracian auxiliaries against the raiders in the territory around Sicyon, and caused great slaughter there also, greater, almost, than in the battle itself.

> Latin: 15.13. Nicostratus mercennariis militibus ad hos persequendos, equitibus Thracumque auxiliis in populatores agri Sicyonii missis magnam ibi quo que caedem edidit, maiorem prope quam in proelio ipso.

[¶21] 15.14. Part of the troops, too, who had ravaged Pellene and Phlius, returning in disorder and ignorant of what had transpired, when near the camp, drifted into the enemy's outguards in the belief that they were their own, while part of them, suspecting from the confusion what the truth was, scattered in flight in every direction, with the result that as they wandered about they were set upon even by the country-people. The losses that day were fifteen hundred killed, three hundred captured.

> Latin: 15.14. ex iis quoque, qui Pellenen Phliuntaque depopulati erant, incompositi partim omniumque ignari ad castra revertentes in hostium stationes tamquam in suas inlati sunt, partim ex discursu id, quod erat, suspicati ita se in fugam passim sparserunt, ut ab ipsis agrestibus errantes circumvenirentur.

[¶22] 15.16. All Achaea was freed from great terror. Before the battle of Cynoscephalae, Lucius Quinctius had summoned to Corcyra the leading men of the Acarnanes, the only people in Greece which had held to the Macedonian alliance, and had made some progress toward a movement there.

> Latin: 15.16. ceciderunt eo die mille et quingenti, capti trecenti. Achaia omnis magno liberata metu. priusquam dimicaretur ad Cynoscephalas, L. Quinctius Corcyram excitis Acarnanum principibus, quae sola Graeciae gentium in societate Macedonum manserat, initium quoddam ibi motus fecit.

[¶23] 16.2. But two principal causes had kept them loyal to the king; one, their native habit of fidelity, the other, their fear and hatred of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 16.2. duae autem maxime causae eos tenuerant in amicitia regis, una fides insita genti, altera metus odiumque Aetolorum.

[¶24] 16.3. A council was called at Leucas. Not all the cities assembled there, nor did all who came agree; but two persons, leading men and magistrates, brought it to pass that an unofficial decree favouring a Roman alliance was adopted.

> Latin: 16.3. concilium Leucadem indictum est. eo neque cuncti convenere Acarnanum populi, nec iis, qui convenerant, idem placuit; sed duo principes et magistratus pervicerunt, ut privatum decretum Romanae societatis fieret.

[¶25] 16.4. All those who were not represented resented this bitterly; and in this time of confusion in the state, two prominent Acarnanians, Androcles and Echedemus, sent by Philip, succeeded not only in rescinding the decree for a Roman alliance, but in convicting before the council, on charges of treason, two men, both prominent in public life, Archelaus and Bianor, because they had proposed the decree, and in having Zeuxis the praetor removed from office because he had put the motion. The prisoners adopted a device rash but successful in its result.

> Latin: 16.4. id omnes, qui afuerant, aegre passi; et in hoc fremitu gentis a Philippo missi duo principes Acarnanum, Androcles et Echedemus, non ad tollendum modo decretum Romanae societatis valuerunt, sed etiam ut Archelaus et Bianor, principes gentis ambo, quod auctores eius sententiae fuissent, proditionis in concilio damnarentur, et Zeuxidae praetori, quod de ea re rettulisset, imperium abrogaretur.

[¶26] 16.6. Though their friends advised them to yield to the situation and take refuge with the Romans at Corcyra, they determined to throw themselves on the mercy of the assembly, and, by so doing, either mollify their wrath or endure what fortune had in store for them.

> Latin: 16.6. rem temerariam, sed eventu prosperam damnati fecerunt. suadentibus nam que amicis, cederent tempori et Corcyram ad Romanos abirent, statuerunt offerre se multitudini et aut eo ipso lenire iras aut pati, quod casus tulisset.

[¶27] 16.8. When they entered the crowded assembly, there was first applause and a demonstration of admiration, then silence, due to respect for their former high station and pity for their present state.

> Latin: 16.8. cum se frequenti concilio intulissent, primo murmur ac fremitus admirantium, silentium mox a verecundia simul pristinae dignitatis ac misericordia praesentis fortunae ortum est.

[¶28] 16.9. When they were allowed to speak, they began like suppliants, but as their speech progressed and they reached the stage of defending themselves against the charges, they spoke with all the confidence that innocence gave them;

> Latin: 16.9. potestate quoque dicendi facta principio suppliciter, procedente autem oratione, ubi ad crimina diluenda ventum est, cum tanta fiducia, quantam innocentia dabat, disseruerunt;

[¶29] 16.10. finally, daring even to complain somewhat and to rebuke at once the injustice and the harshness of their treatment, they roused such feelings that a majority defeated all the decrees proposed against them but nevertheless voted to abide by the treaty with Philip and reject the friendship of the Romans.

> Latin: 16.10. postremo ultro aliquid etiam queri et castigare iniquitatem simul in se crudelitatemque ausi ita adfecerunt animos, ut omnia, quae in eos decreta erant, frequentes tollerent neque eo minus redeundum in societatem Philippi abnuendamque Romanorum amicitiam censerent.

[¶30] 17.1. Such were the decrees at Leucas. This was the capital of Acarnania, and thither all the peoples were wont to come to council.

> Latin: 17.1. Leucade haec sunt decreta. id caput Acarnaniae erat, eoque in concilium omnes populi conveniebant.

[¶31] 17.2. Accordingly, when this sudden change was reported to the lieutenant Flamininus at Corcyra, he at once set out with his fleet to Leucas and anchored in the harbour called Heraeum.

> Latin: 17.2. itaque cum haec repentina mutatio Corcyram ad legatum Flamininum perlata esset, extemplo cum classe profectus Leucadem ad Heraeum, quod vocant, naves adplicuit.

[¶32] 17.3. He approached the walls with all kinds of artillery and equipment with which cities are assaulted, thinking that their minds would turn towards peace at the first alarm.

> Latin: 17.3. inde cum omni genere tormentorum machinarumque, quibus expugnantur urbes, ad muros accessit, ad primum terrorem ratus inclinari animos posse.

[¶33] 17.4. But when they showed no signs of a peaceful disposition then he began to erect sheds and towers and to move the battering-ram towards the walls.

> Latin: 17.4. postquam pacati nihil ostendebatur, tum vineas turresque erigere et arietem admovere muris coepit.

[¶34] 17.5. Acarnania as a whole lies between Aetolia and Epirus, facing the west and the Sicilian sea.

> Latin: 17.5. Acarnania universa inter Aetoliam atque Epirum posita solem occidentem et mare Siculum spectat.

[¶35] 17.6. Leucadia is now an island, cut off from Acarnania by a shallow channel dug by hand; then it was a peninsula, joined to Acarnania by a narrow neck of land on its western side; this neck of land was about five hundred paces long and not more than one hundred twenty paces wide.

> Latin: 17.6. Leucadia nunc insula est, vadoso freto, quod perfossum manu est, ab Acarnania divisa; tum paeninsula erat, occidentis regione artis faucibus cohaerens Acarnaniae;

[¶36] 17.7. In this constricted place lay Leucas, clinging to a hill facing the east and Acarnania; the lower parts of the town were flat, lying along the sea which separates Leucadia from Acarnania.

> Latin: 17.7. quingentos ferme passus longae eae fauces erant, latae haud amplius centum et viginti. in iis angustiis Leucas posita est, colli adplicata verso in orientem et Acarnaniam;

[¶37] 17.8. On that side it is vulnerable by land and sea, for the shallows are more like a pool than a sea and the whole country is flat and favourable for siege-works. So the walls in many places were either undermined or thrown down by the battering-ram.

> Latin: 17.8. ima urbis plana sunt, iacentia ad mare, quo Leucadia ab Acarnania dividitur. inde terra marique expugnabilis est; nam et vada sunt stagno similiora quam mari, et campus terrenus omnis operique facilis.

[¶38] 17.9. But as the city itself was exposed to attack, just so were the minds of the enemy invincible.

> Latin: 17.9. itaque multis simul locis aut subruti aut ariete decussi ruebant muri. sed quam urbs ipsa opportuna oppugnantibus erat, tam inexpugnabiles hostium animi.

[¶39] 17.10. By day and night they laboured to rebuild the shattered walls, to close the ways laid open by their fall, to enter battle courageously, and to defend the walls with weapons rather than themselves with walls.

> Latin: 17.10. die ac nocte intenti reficere quassata muri, obstruere, quae patefacta ruinis erant, proelia inpigre inire et armis magis muros quam se ipsos moenibus tutari;

[¶40] 17.11. They would have prolonged the siege beyond Roman expectations had not certain exiles of the Italian race, living in Leucas, come down from the citadel and admitted the soldiers.

> Latin: 17.11. diutiusque spe Romanorum obsidionem eam extraxissent, ni exules quidam Italici generis Leucade habitantes ab arce milites accepissent.

[¶41] 17.12. The Leucadians, nevertheless, rushing down from the higher ground with loud shouts and drawing up their array in the forum, resisted for a time in pitched battle. Meanwhile the fortifications in many places were taken by escalade, and entrance to the city was gained over piles of stones and fallen buildings, and now the lieutenant himself with a strong force had surrounded the defenders.

> Latin: 17.12. eos tamen ex superiore loco magno cum tumultu decurrentes acie in foro instructa iusto proelio aliquamdiu Leucadii sustinuerunt. interim et scalis capta multis locis moenia, et per stragem lapidum ac ruinas transcensum in urbem;

[¶42] 17.14. Part fell in the mellay, some threw down their arms and surrendered to the victor. And a few days later, when news came of the battle which had been fought at Cynoscephalae, all the states of Acarnania submitted to the control of the lieutenant.

> Latin: 17.14. iamque ipse legatus magno agmine circumvenerat pugnantes. tum pars in medio caesi, pars armis abiectis dediderunt sese victori. et post dies paucos audito proelio, quo ad Cynoscephalas pugnatum erat, omnes Acarnaniae populi in dicionem legati venerunt.

[¶43] 18.1. At the same time, when everything was going one way, the Rhodians also, with a view to reclaiming from Philip the district on the mainland — Peraea is its name — which their forefathers had held, dispatched Pausistratus the praetor with eight hundred Achaean infantry and about one thousand eight hundred auxiliaries collected from different states:

> Latin: 18.1. iisdem diebus, omnia simul inclinante fortuna, Rhodii quoque ad vindicandam a Philippo continentis regionem — Peraeam vocant — possessam a maioribus suis, Pausistratum praetorem cum octingentis Achaeis peditibus, mille et octingentis fere armatis, ex vario genere auxiliorum collectis, miserunt;

[¶44] 18.3. these were Gauls and Pisuetae and Nisuetae and Tamiani and Arei from Africa and Laudiceni from Asia.

> Latin: 18.3. Galli et Pisuetae et Nisuetae et Tamiani et Arei ex Africa et Laudiceni ex Asia erant.

[¶45] 18.4. With these forces Pausistratus took Tendeba, a city in the territory of Stratonicea and well situated, without the knowledge of the king's forces who were on Thera.

> Latin: 18.4. cum iis copiis Pausistratus Tendeba in Stratonicensi agro, locum peropportunum, ignaris regiis, qui Therae erant, occupavit.

[¶46] 18.5. There reinforcements, summoned at this time and for this purpose, to wit, one thousand Achaean infantry with one hundred cavalry, met them; Theoxenus was their commander.

> Latin: 18.5. in tempore et ad id ipsum excitum auxilium, mille Achaei pedites cum centum equitibus supervenerunt; Theoxenus iis praeerat.

[¶47] 18.6. Dinocrates, the king's prefect, first moved his camp towards Tendeba itself for the purpose of recovering the fortress, then to another fort, also in the country of Stratonicea — they call it Astragon — recalling all the garrisons which had been scattered far and wide and Thessalian auxiliaries from Stratonicea itself, and began to march towards Alabanda, where the enemy lay. The Rhodians did not decline the battle. So, placing their camp near by, they came down to the battle-field.

> Latin: 18.6. Dinocrates, regius praefectus, reciperandi castelli causa primo castra ad ipsa Tendeba movet, inde ad alterum castellum, item Stratonicensis agri — Astragon vocant —; omnibusque [ex] praesidiis, quae multifariam disiecta erant, devocatis et ab ipsa Stratonicea Thessalorum auxiliaribus ad Alabanda, ubi hostes erant, ducere pergit.

[¶48] 18.8. Dinocrates placed five hundred Macedonians on his right flank and the Agrianes on the left;

> Latin: 18.8. nec Rhodii pugnam detractaverunt. ita castris in propinquo locatis extemplo in aciem descensum est.

[¶49] 18.9. in the centre he posted the troops gathered up from the garrisons of the forts — they were mostly Carians — and he covered the flanks with the cavalry and the Cretan and Thracian auxiliaries.

> Latin: 18.9. Dinocrates quingentos Macedonas dextro cornu, laevo Agrianas locat, in medium accipit contractos ex castellorum — Cares maxime erant — praesidiis, equites cornibus circumdat et Cretensium auxiliares Thracumque.

[¶50] 18.10. The Rhodians had in the centre the Achaeans, a picked force of infantry, and the auxiliaries, made up of men of different races, and the cavalry and what there was of light infantry placed outside the flanks.

> Latin: 18.10. Rhodii Achaeos dextro cornu, sinistro mercennarios milites, lectam peditum manum, habuere, medios mixta ex pluribus gentibus auxilia, equites levisque armaturae quod erat cornibus circumiectum.

[¶51] 18.12. On that day both lines merely remained standing on the banks of the river flowing between them, - which was then a small stream, and after hurling a few missiles retired to their camps. The next day the two armies were similarly formed and a battle began, severer than might be expected from the numbers of the combatants.

> Latin: 18.12. eo die steterunt tantum acies utraque super ripam torrentis, qui tenui tum aqua interfluebat, paucisque telis emissis in castra receperunt sese. postero die eodem ordine instructi maius aliquanto proelium quam pro numero edidere pugnantium.

[¶52] 18.13. For there were not more than three thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry on either side, but they fought not only with equal numbers and similar weapons but with the same courage and equal hope as well. The Achaeans at first crossed the river and attacked the Agrianes, and then almost the whole line hastily crossed the stream on the run. The issue was long in doubt.

> Latin: 18.13. neque enim plus terna milia peditum fuere et centeni ferme equites; ceterum non numero tantum nec armorum genere, sed animis quoque paribus et aequa spe pugnarunt.

[¶53] 18.15. By weight of numbers, the Achaeans, a thousand strong, dislodged the four hundred;

> Latin: 18.15. Achaei primi torrente superato in Agrianas impetum fecerunt; deinde tota prope cursu transgressa amnem acies est. diu anceps pugna stetit.

[¶54] 18.16. then, as the left gave way, the whole effort was directed against the right flank.

> Latin: 18.16. numero Achaei, mille ipsi, quadringentos loco pepulere; inclinato deinde laevo cornu in dextrum omnes conisi.

[¶55] 18.17. The Macedonians could not be moved as long as the line held and the phalanx was, so to speak, compact; when, after their left flank was exposed, they tried to change front so as to meet the enemy that was attacking them in flank, they first caused immediate disorder and confusion among themselves, then they began to fall back, and finally threw away their arms and fled at full speed. The fugitives made for Bargyliae, and Dinocrates sought refuge in the same place.

> Latin: 18.17. Macedones, usque dum ordines et veluti stipata phalanx constabat, moveri nequiverunt; postquam laevo latere nudato circumagere hastas in venientem ex transverso hostem conati sunt, turbati extemplo tumultum primo inter se fecerunt, terga deinde vertunt, postremo abiectis armis in praecipitem fugam effunduntur.

[¶56] 18.19. The Rhodians followed as long as daylight lasted and then returned to camp. It is quite clear that if the victors had at once marched to Stratonicea, this city could have been recovered without a struggle.

> Latin: 18.19. Bargylias petentes fugerunt; eodem et Dinocrates perfugit. Rhodii quantum diei superfuit secuti receperunt sese in castra. satis constat, si confestim victores Stratoniceam petissent, recipi eam urbem sine certamine potuisse.

[¶57] 18.20. The opportunity for this was lost while they consumed time in occupying the forts and towns of Peraea.

> Latin: 18.20. praetermissa eius rei occasio est, dum in castellis vicisque recipiendis Peraeae tempus teritur.

[¶58] 18.21. Meanwhile the courage of those who were holding Stratonicea with the garrison was renewed, and presently Dinocrates entered the walls with the troops that had survived the battle. In vain was the city then invested and besieged, nor was it recovered until some time later through the aid of Antiochus.

> Latin: 18.21. interim animi eorum, qui Stratoniceam praesidio obtinebant, confirmati sunt. mox et Dinocrates cum iis, quae proelio superfuerant, copiis intravit muros.

[¶59] 18.22. Such were the events of this period, which took place during, we may almost say, the same days in Thessaly, Achaea, and Asia.

> Latin: 18.22. nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nec recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochum potuit. haec in Thessalia, haec in Achaia, haec in Asia per eosdem dies ferme gesta.

[¶60] 19.1. When Philip learned that the Dardani had crossed the borders, out of contempt for his stricken kingdom, and were then laying waste the farther frontiers of Macedonia, although he was hard pressed in every quarter of the world, since fortune

> Latin: 19.1. Philippus cum audisset Dardanos transgressos finis ab contemptu concussi tum regni superiora Macedoniae evastare, quamquam toto prope orbe terrarum, undique se suosque exigente fortuna,

[¶61] 19.3. had turned against him and his people, nevertheless, thinking that to be robbed of the possession of Macedonia was a sadder fate than death, he quickly levied troops in the cities of Macedonia and with six thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry suddenly fell upon the enemy near Stobi in Paeonia.

> Latin: 19.3. urgebatur, tamen morte tristius ratus Macedoniae etiam possessione pelli, dilectu raptim per urbes Macedonum habito cum sex milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus circa Stobos Paeoniae improviso hostes oppressit.

[¶62] 19.4. Many men fell in the battle, many more through their lust for booty while roving through the fields. Those to whom flight was possible returned to their country without even risking the hazard of a battle.

> Latin: 19.4. magna multitudo hominum in proelio, maior cupidine praedandi palata per agros caesa est. quibus fuga in expedito fuit, ne temptato quidem casu pugnae in finis suos redierunt.

[¶63] 19.5. Philip returned to Thessalonica with the courage of his people renewed by this one expedition, so different in its outcome from his other experiences.

> Latin: 19.5. ea una expeditione, non pro reliquo statu fortunae facta, refectis suorum animis Thessalonicam sese recepit.

[¶64] 19.6. The end of the Punic War, coming in time to free the Romans from the necessity of fighting Philip at the same moment, was no more fortunate than the defeat of Philip when Antiochus was already preparing war from Syria;

> Latin: 19.6. non tam in tempore Punicum bellum terminatum erat, ne simul et cum Philippo foret bellandum, quam opportune iam Antiocho ex Syria movente bellum Philippus est superatus;

[¶65] 19.7. for, in addition to the fact that war is more easily waged against one at a time than when two have brought their united strength to bear upon one, in Spain also about the same time there was a grave uprising and revolt.

> Latin: 19.7. nam praeterquam quod facilius cum singulis, quam si in unum ambo simul contulissent vires, bellatum est, Hispania quoque sub idem tempus magno tumultu ad bellum consurrexit.

[¶66] 19.8. When Antiochus, during the preceding summer, had transferred all the cities which are situated in Coele Syria from the power of Ptolemy to his own dominion and had retired to Antioch for the winter, this period was as full of activity as the summer had been.

> Latin: 19.8. Antiochus cum priore aestate omnibus, quae in Coele Syria sunt, civitatibus ex Ptolomaei dicione in suam potestatem redactis in hiberna Antiocheam concessisset, nihilo quietiora ea ipsis aestivis habuit.

[¶67] 19.9. For, when he had assembled huge military and naval forces by exerting all the strength of his kingdom, in the beginning of spring he sent his two sons, Ardyes and Mithradates, ahead with the army by land. Ordering them to wait for him at Sardis, he set out in person with one hundred decked ships and besides two hundred lighter vessels, schooners and brigs, with the double purpose of trying to win over the cities which had been under the control of Ptolemy along the whole shore of Cilicia, Lycia, and Caria, and of aiding Philip with his army and navy — for that war had not yet been ended.

> Latin: 19.9. omnibus enim regni viribus conixus cum ingentis copias terrestris maritimasque comparasset, principio veris praemissis terra cum exercitu filiis duobus, Ardye ac Mithridate, iussisque Sardibus se opperiri ipse cum classe centum tectarum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercurisque ac lembis ducentis proficiscitur, simul per omnem oram Ciliciae Lyciaeque et Cariae temptaturus urbes, quae in dicione Ptolomaei essent, simul Philippum — necdum enim debellatum erat — exercitu navibusque adiuturus.

[¶68] 20.1. Many are the noble ventures which the Rhodians have undertaken on land and sea, to testify to their loyalty to the Roman people and in behalf of the whole race of the Greeks, but they have done nothing more glorious than on this occasion, when, unterrified by the magnitude of the impending war, they sent ambassadors to the king, ordering him not to pass Chelidoniae — a promontory in Cilicia, made famous by the ancient treaty between the Athenians and the Persian kings:

> Latin: 20.1. multa egregie Rhodii pro fide erga populum Romanum proque universo nomine Graecorum terra marique ausi sunt, nihil magnificentius, quam quod ea tempestate, non territi tanta mole inminentis belli, legatos ad regem miserunt, ne Chelidonias — promunturium Ciliciae est, inclutum foedere antiquo Atheniensium cum regibus Persarum — superaret: si eo fine non contineret classem copiasque suas,

[¶69] 20.3. if Antiochus did not keep his fleet and army within this limit, they vowed that they would oppose him, not from any ill-will towards him, but to prevent his joining Philip and interfering with the Romans who were undertaking to liberate Greece.

> Latin: 20.3. se obviam ituros, non ab odio ullo, sed ne coniungi eum Philippo paterentur et inpedimento esse Romanis liberantibus Graeciam.

[¶70] 20.4. Antiochus was at the time besieging Coracesium, having recovered Zephyrium and Soli and Aphrodisias and Corycus, and Selinus, after rounding Anemurium — this also is a cape in Cilicia.

> Latin: 20.4. Coracesium eo tempore Antiochus operibus oppugnabat, Zephyrio et Solis et Aphrodisiade et Coryco et superato Anemurio — promunturium id quoque Ciliciae est — Selinunte recepto.

[¶71] 20.5. All these and other forts on this coast having surrendered to him without resistance, either from fear or voluntarily, Coracesium unexpectedly closed its gates and delayed him. There the ambassadors of the Rhodians were given audience.

> Latin: 20.5. omnibus his aliisque eius orae castellis aut metu aut voluntate sine certamine in dicionem acceptis, Coracesium praeter spem clausis portis tenebat eum.

[¶72] 20.6. And although their message was one to inflame the king's mind, he restrained his anger and answered that he would send ambassadors to Rhodes with instructions to renew the long-standing relations existing between him and his ancestors and that state, and to bid them have no fears of the king's coming: no fraud or mischief was planned either for them or for their allies; for he would not violate the friendship of the Romans, in evidence whereof he cited both his own recent embassy to them and the senate's complimentary decrees and replies to him.

> Latin: 20.6. ibi legati Rhodiorum auditi. et quamquam ea legatio erat, quae accendere regium animum posset, temperavit irae et legatos se Rhodum missurum respondit iisque mandaturum, ut renovarent vetusta iura cum ea civitate sua maiorumque suorum et vetarent eos pertimescere adventum regis: nihil aut iis aut sociis eorum noxiae futurum fraudive;

[¶73] 20.8. At that time, as it happened, his ambassadors had returned from Rome, where they had been heard and dismissed courteously, as the situation demanded, the outcome of the war with Philip being still in doubt.

> Latin: 20.8. nam Romanorum amicitiam se non violaturum, argumento et suam recentem ad eos legationem esse et senatus honorifica in se decreta responsaque.

[¶74] 20.9. While the ambassadors of the king were relating this before the assembly of the Rhodians, the news came that the war had been ended at Cynoscephalae.

> Latin: 20.9. tum forte legati redierant ab Roma comiter auditi dimissique, ut tempus postulabat, incerto adhuc adversus Philippum eventu belli.

[¶75] 20.10. Their fear of Philip having been dispelled by the receipt of this news, the Rhodians abandoned their design of going to meet Antiochus with the fleet; their other concern they did not forget, to wit, that of maintaining the liberty of the cities allied with Ptolemy, which were threatened with war by Antiochus.

> Latin: 20.10. cum haec legati regis in contione Rhodiorum agerent, nuntius venit debellatum ad Cynoscephalas esse. hoc nuntio accepto Rhodii dempto metu a Philippo omiserunt consilium obviam eundi classe Antiocho;

[¶76] 20.11. For some they helped with reinforcements, some by warnings and information as to the enemy's plans, and they were responsible for preserving the liberty of the people of Caunus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, and Samos.

> Latin: 20.11. illam alteram curam non omiserunt tuendae libertatis civitatum sociarum Ptolomaei, quibus bellum ab Antiocho imminebat. nam alias auxiliis iuverunt, alias providendo ac praemonendo conatus hostis, causaque libertatis fuerunt Cauniis, Myndiis, Halicarnassensibus Samiisque.

[¶77] 20.13. It is hardly worth while to record in detail the events in this part of the world, since I am scarce able to recount those things which belong properly to the Roman war.

> Latin: 20.13. non operae est persequi, ut quaeque acta in his locis sint, cum ad ea, quae propria Romani belli sunt, vix sufficiam.

[¶78] 21.1. At the same time King Attalus, who had fallen ill at Thebes and then removed from Thebes to Pergamum, died in his seventy-second year, after he had been on the throne for forty-four years.

> Latin: 21.1. eodem tempore Attalus rex aeger ab Thebis Pergamum advectus moritur altero et septuagesimo anno, cum quattuor et quadraginta annos regnasset.

[¶79] 21.2. Fortune had bestowed upon this man nothing but wealth to give him hope of royal power. By using this both wisely and splendidly he brought it about that he seemed worthy of the throne, first in his own eyes, then in those of others.

> Latin: 21.2. huic viro praeter divitias nihil ad spem regni fortuna dederat. iis simul prudenter, simul magnifice utendo effecit, primum ut sibi, deinde ut aliis non indignus videretur regno.

[¶80] 21.3. Then when in a single battle he had conquered the Gauls, a people the more terrible to Asia by reason of their recent arrival, he assumed the title of king, and thenceforth his greatness of soul always matched the greatness of his distinction.

> Latin: 21.3. victis deinde proelio uno Gallis, quae tum gens recenti adventu terribilior Asiae erat, regium adscivit nomen, cuius magnitudini semper animum aequavit.

[¶81] 21.4. He ruled his subjects with perfect justice, exhibited remarkable fidelity to his allies, was courteous to his wife and sons — four survived him — and kind and generous to his friends; he left a kingdom so strong and well-established that possession of it was handed down to the third generation.

> Latin: 21.4. summa iustitia suos rexit, unicam fidem sociis praestitit, comis uxori ac liberis — quattuor superstites habuit —, mitis ac munificus amicis fuit; regnum adeo stabile ac firmum reliquit, ut ad tertiam stirpem possessio eius descenderit.

[¶82] 21.6. While this was the state of affairs in Asia, Greece, and Macedonia, the war with Philip having been scarcely finished and peace, at any rate, not yet assured, a great war broke out in Farther Spain. Marcus Helvius was now governor of that province.

> Latin: 21.6. cum hic status rerum in Asia Graeciaque et Macedonia esset, vixdum terminato cum Philippo bello, pace certe nondum perpetrata, ingens in Hispania ulteriore coortum est bellum.

[¶83] 21.7. He sent dispatches to the senate that two petty kings, Culcha and Luxinius, were in arms, that seventeen towns had joined Culcha and the powerful cities of Carmo and Baldo were with Luxinius, and that on the coast, the Malacini and Sexetani and all Baeturia and other states which had not yet disclosed their intentions would soon rise to join the revolt of their neighbours.

> Latin: 21.7. M. Helvius eam provinciam obtinebat. is litteris senatum certiorem fecit Culcham et Luxinium regulos in armis esse, cum Culcha decem et septem oppida, cum Luxinio validas urbes Carmonem et Baldonem, in maritima ora Malacinos Sexetanosque et Baeturiam omnem et quae nondum animos nudaverant ad finitimorum motus consurrectura.

[¶84] 21.9. This letter was read to the senate by Marcus Sergius, the praetor who exercised jurisdiction in cases between citizens and aliens, and the Fathers voted that as soon as the praetorian elections were over the praetor to whom the province of Spain had by then been allotted should at the earliest possible moment refer to the senate the question of the Spanish war.

> Latin: 21.9. his litteris a M. Sergio praetore, cuius iurisdictio inter civis et peregrinos erat, recitatis decreverunt patres, ut comitiis praetorum perfectis, cui praetori provincia Hispania obvenisset, is primo quoque tempore de bello Hispaniae ad senatum referret.

[¶85] 22.1. At about the same time the consuls returned to Rome; when they summoned the senate to meet in the temple of Bellona and demanded a triumph for their successes in the war, Gaius Atinius Labeo and Gaius Afranius, tribunes of the people, insisted that the consuls offer separate motions regarding the triumph: they would not allow a common motion to be voted on, lest equal honour be bestowed upon unequal merit.

> Latin: 22.1. sub idem tempus consules Romam venerunt; quibus in aede Bellonae senatum habentibus postulantibusque triumphum ob res prospere bello gestas C. Atinius Labeo et C. Afranius tribuni plebis, ut separatim de triumpho agerent consules, postularunt: communem se relationem de ea re fieri non passuros, ne par honos in dispari merito esset.

[¶86] 22.3. Quintus Minucius replied that the province of Italy had fallen to the lot of both consuls and that he and his colleague had acted in accordance with a common policy and plan of campaign, and Gaius Cornelius added that the Boi, who were crossing the Po against him, to aid the Insubres and Cenomani, had been called away to defend their own homes when his colleague laid waste their towns and farms.

> Latin: 22.3. cum Q. Minucius utrique Italiam provinciam obtigisse diceret, communi animo consilioque se et collegam res gessisse, et C. Cornelius adiceret Boios adversus se transgredientis Padum, ut Insubribus Cenomanisque auxilio essent, depopulante vicos eorum atque agros collega ad sua tuenda aversos esse, tribuni res tantas bello gessisse C.

[¶87] 22.5. To this the tribunes rejoined that they agreed that Gaius Cornelius had accomplished in the war results of such magnitude that there was no more question of his triumph than there could be of paying honour to the immortal gods; — yet neither he nor any other citizen was so powerful in influence and resources that, when he had obtained a well-earned triumph, he could bestow the same unmerited honour upon a colleague who had the effrontery to demand it.

> Latin: 22.5. Cornelium fateri, ut non magis de triumpho eius quam de honore diis inmortalibus habendo dubitari possit; non tamen nec illum nec quemquam alium civem tantum gratia atque opibus valuisse, ut, cum sibi meritum triumphum inpetrasset, collegae eundem honorem inmeritum inpudenter petenti daret.

[¶88] 22.7. Quintus Minucius, they continued, had fought some unimportant battles in Liguria, hardly worthy of mention, and in Gaul had lost a great number of his men;

> Latin: 22.7. Q. Minucium in Liguribus levia proelia, vix digna dictu, fecisse, in Gallia magnum numerum militum amisisse;

[¶89] 22.8. they even mentioned by name Titus Iuventius and Gnaeus Ligurius, military tribunes of the fourth legion, who had fallen in the defeat along with many other brave men, citizens and allies. The surrender of small towns and villages had taken place, but this was fictitious, manufactured for the occasion, and without guarantees.

> Latin: 22.8. nominabant etiam tribunos militum, T. Iuventium, Cn. Ligurium legionis quartae: adversa pugna cum multis aliis viris fortibus, civibus ac sociis, cecidisse.

[¶90] 22.9. These debates between the consuls and the tribunes continued for two days, but at last, overcome by the stubbornness of the tribunes, the consuls offered separate motions.

> Latin: 22.9. oppidorum paucorum ac vicorum falsas et in tempus simulatas sine ullo pignore deditiones factas esse. hae inter consules tribunosque altercationes biduum tenuerunt, victique perseverantia tribunorum consules separatim rettulerunt.

[¶91] 23.1. Gaius Cornelius was granted a triumph with the consent of all. The people of Placentia and Cremona contributed to the applause given the consul, expressing their gratitude to him and testifying that they had been freed by him from the peril of siege, and many even that they had been rescued from slavery after they had been prisoners in the hands of the enemy.

> Latin: 23.1. C. Cornelio omnium consensu decretus triumphus. et Placentini Cremonensesque addiderunt favorem consuli, gratias agentes commemorantesque obsidione sese ab eo liberatos, plerique etiam, cum capti apud hostes essent, servitute exemptos.

[¶92] 23.3. Quintus Minucius, simply offering a motion, when he saw the whole senate opposed to him, declared that he would celebrate his triumph on the Alban Mount, both by virtue of his consular imperium and with the precedent of many distinguished men.

> Latin: 23.3. Q. Minucius temptata tantum relatione, cum adversum omnem senatum videret, in monte Albano se triumphaturum et iure imperii consularis et multorum clarorum virorum exemplo dixit.

[¶93] 23.4. Gaius Cornelius the consul, while still in office, triumphed over the Insubres and Cenomani. In the procession were displayed many standards, much Gallic spoil was carried in captured carts, many noble Gauls were led before his chariot, and some say that Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was among them;

> Latin: 23.4. C. Cornelius de Insubribus Cenomanisque in magistratu triumphavit. multa signa militaria tulit, multa Gallica spolia captivis carpentis transvexit, multi nobiles Galli ante currum ducti, inter quos quidam Hamilcarem, ducem Poenorum, fuisse auctores sunt;

[¶94] 23.6. but what especially attracted attention was the throng of colonists of Cremona and Placentia, following his car with caps of liberty upon their heads.

> Latin: 23.6. ceterum magis in se convertit oculos Cremonensium Placentinorumque colonorum turba, pilleatorum currum sequentium.

[¶95] 23.7. He carried in the triumph two hundred and thirty-seven thousand asses of bronze, and seventy-nine thousand pieces of coined silver; his gifts to the soldiers were seventy asses of bronze each, twice that amount to each centurion and thrice to each cavalryman.

> Latin: 23.7. aeris tulit in triumpho ducenta triginta septem milia quingentos, argenti bigati undeoctoginta milia; septuageni aeris militibus divisi, duplex equiti centurionique.

[¶96] 23.8. Quintus Minucius the consul triumphed over the Ligures and Gallic Boi on the Alban Mount. This triumph was of lesser note because of the place where it was held, the gossip about his exploits, and because all knew that the cost of it was taken, not duly requisitioned, from the treasury, but nevertheless in standards and wagons and spoils it almost equalled the other.

> Latin: 23.8. Q. Minucius consul de Liguribus Boisque Gallis in monte Albano triumphavit. is triumphus, ut loco et fama rerum gestarum et, quod sumptum non erogatum ex aerario omnes sciebant, inhonoratior fuit, ita signis carpentisque et spoliis ferme aequabat.

[¶97] 23.9. The amount of money too was about the same: the money carried amounted to two hundred and fifty-four thousand asses of bronze, fifty-three thousand two hundred pieces of coined silver; his donatives to his soldiers were the same as his colleague's.

> Latin: 23.9. pecuniae etiam prope par summa fuit; aeris tralata ducenta quinquaginta quattuor milia, argenti bigati quinquaginta tria milia et ducenti; militibus centurionibusque et equitibus idem in singulos datum, quod dederat collega.

[¶98] 24.1. After the triumph the consular elections were held. The choice fell on Lucius Furius Purpurio and Marcus Claudius Marcellus.

> Latin: 24.1. secundum triumphum consularia comitia habita. creati consules L. Furius Purpurio et M. Claudius Marcellus.

[¶99] 24.2. Next day praetors were elected — Quintus Fabius Buteo, Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, Lucius Apustius Fullo, and Gaius Laelius.

> Latin: 24.2. praetores postero die facti Q. Fabius Buteo, Ti. Sempronius Longus, Q. Minucius Thermus, M'. Acilius Glabrio, L. Apustius Fullo, C. Laelius.

[¶100] 24.3. About the end of the year a letter arrived from Titus Quinctius, stating that he had met King Philip in pitched battle in Thessaly and that the army of the enemy had been routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 24.3. exitu ferme anni litterae a. T. Quinctio venerunt se signis conlatis cum rege Philippo in Thessalia pugnasse, hostium exercitum fusum fugatumque.

[¶101] 24.4. This letter was read by Marcus Sergius the praetor, first in the senate, and then, by order of the senate, in the assembly, and by reason of this victory a thanksgiving of five days was decreed. Soon after ambassadors arrived both from Titus Quinctius and from King Philip.

> Latin: 24.4. hae litterae prius in senatu a M. Sergio praetore, deinde ex auctoritate patrum in contione sunt recitatae et ob res prospere gestas in dies quinque supplicationes decretae.

[¶102] 24.5. The Macedonians were conducted outside the city to the villa publica, and were there furnished quarters and hospitality, and were granted an audience before the senate in the temple of Bellona. Their message was brief, to the effect that the king promised to do whatever the senate should have ordered.

> Latin: 24.5. brevi post legati et ab T. Quinctio et ab rege Philippo venerunt. Macedones deducti extra urbem in villam publicam, ibique eis locus et lautia praebita et ad aedem Bellonae senatus datus.

[¶103] 24.6. In the traditional manner, a commission of ten was created, with whose advice Titus Quinctius the commander should determine the conditions of peace for Philip, and a clause was added, providing that Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who as consuls had held the province of Macedonia, should be members of the commission.

> Latin: 24.6. ibi haud multa verba facta, cum Macedones, quodcumque senatus censuisset, id regem facturum esse dicerent. decem legati more maiorum, quorum ex consilio T. Quinctius imperator leges pacis Philippo daret, decreti, adiectumque, ut in eo numero legatorum P. Sulpicius et P. Villius essent, qui consules provinciam Macedoniam obtinuissent.

## 11. Book XXXIII · chapters 24–36

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/11/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/11/#p-N

[¶0] 24.8. The people of Cosa at this time requested that the number of their colonists be increased; one thousand were ordered to be enrolled, with the proviso that no one should be included in the number who had been engaged in hostilities against the state since the consulship of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius.

> Latin: 24.8. Cosanis eodem anno postulantibus, ut sibi colonorum numerus augeretur, mille adscribi iussi, dum ne quis in eo numero esset, qui post P. Cornelium et Ti. Sempronium consules hostis fuisset.

[¶1] 25.1. The Roman Games were celebrated that year in the circus and theatre by the curule aediles Publius Cornelius Scipio and Gnaeus Manlius Volso. They were celebrated with greater splendour than at any other time, and were also viewed with greater joy because of the successes in war, and were thrice repeated entire.

> Latin: 25.1. ludi Romani eo anno in circo scaenaque ab aedilibus curulibus P. Cornelio Scipione et Cn. Manlio Vulsone et magnificentius quam alias facti et laetius propter res bello bene gestas spectati, totique ter instaurati.

[¶2] 25.2. The Plebeian Games were repeated seven times; Manius Acilius Glabrio and Gaius Laelius presided over these games, and out of the money received as fines they erected three bronze statues of Ceres and Liber and Libera.

> Latin: 25.2. plebei septiens instaurati; M'. Acilius Glabrio et C. Laelius eos ludos fecerunt; et de argento multaticio tria signa aenea, Cererem Liberumque et Liberam, posuerunt.

[¶3] 25.4. Lucius Furius and Marcus Claudius Marcellus were - duly inaugurated as consuls, and when the question of the provinces was brought up and the senate was for decreeing Italy to both consuls, they urged that they should draw lots for Macedonia along with Italy.

> Latin: 25.4. L. Furius et M. Claudius Marcellus consulatu inito, cum de provinciis ageretur et Italiam utrique provinciam senatus decerneret, ut Macedoniam cum Italia sortirentur tendebant.

[¶4] 25.5. Marcellus, who was more anxious for a province, by arguing that the peace was a make-believe and a fiction, and that the king would rebel once the army was withdrawn from there, unsettled the minds of the senators.

> Latin: 25.5. Marcellus, provinciae cupidior, pacem simulatam ac fallacem dicendo et rebellaturum, si exercitus inde deportatus esset, regem, dubios sententiae patres fecerat.

[¶5] 25.6. And the consul might have won his point, had not Quintus Marcius Ralla and Gaius Atinius Labeo, tribunes of the people, announced that they would veto any action if the question was not first referred to the assembly whether they wished and ordered that peace be made with King Philip.

> Latin: 25.6. et forsitan obtinuisset consul, ni Q. Marcius Ralla et C. Atinius Labeo tribuni plebis se intercessuros dixissent, ni prius ipsi ad plebem tulissent, vellent iuberentne cum rege Philippo pacem esse.

[¶6] 25.7. This motion was then laid before the people convened on the Capitoline; all the thirty-five tribes voted “aye.”

> Latin: 25.7. ea rogatio in Capitolio ad plebem lata est;

[¶7] 25.8. And that there might be more general rejoicing that peace in Macedonia had been ratified, serious news had come from Spain, and a letter was read announcing that “Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus had been defeated in battle in Nearer Spain, his army routed and put to flight, that many distinguished men had fallen on the field, and that Tuditanus himself had been carried from the battle severely wounded and had died soon after.”

> Latin: 25.8. omnes quinque et triginta tribus 'uti rogas' iusserunt. et quo magis pacem ratam esse in Macedonia vulgo laetarentur, tristis ex Hispania adlatus nuntius effecit vulgataeque litterae ' C. Sempronium Tuditanum proconsulem in citeriore Hispania proelio victum, exercitum eius fusum fugatum, multos inlustris viros in acie cecidisse, Tuditanum cum gravi vulnere relatum ex proelio haud ita multo post expirasse.

[¶8] 25.10. Italy was then decreed to both the consuls, with the same legions which the previous consuls had had, and it was further ordered that four new legions be recruited, two to guard the city, two to be sent wherever the senate directed;

> Latin: 25.10. ' consulibus ambobus Italia provincia cum iis legionibus, quas superiores consules habuissent, decreta, et ut quattuor legiones novas scriberent, duas urbanas, duas, quae quo senatus censuisset mitterentur;

[¶9] 25.11. in addition, that Titus Quinctius Flamininus should hold his province with the same legions: it appeared that the previous prorogation of his imperium was sufficient.

> Latin: 25.11. et T. Quinctius Flamininus [cum duabus legionibus] provinciam eodem exercitu obtinere iussus; imperium ei prorogatum satis iam ante videri esse.

[¶10] 26.1. The praetors then drew lots for their provinces: Lucius Apustius Fullo received the city jurisdiction, Manius Acilius Glabrio that between citizens and aliens, Quintus Fabius Buteo Farther Spain, Quintus Minucius Thermus Nearer Spain, Gaius Laelius Sicily, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus Sardinia.

> Latin: 26.1. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, L. Apustius Fullo urbanam iurisdictionem, M'. Acilius Glabrio inter civis et peregrinos, Q. Fabius Buteo Hispaniam ulteriorem, Q. Minucius Thermus citeriorem, C. Laelius Siciliam, Ti. Sempronius Longus Sardiniam.

[¶11] 26.2. A motion was passed that the consuls should transfer to Quintus Fabius Buteo and Quintus Minucius, to whose lots the Spanish provinces had fallen, one each of the four legions enlisted by them, the selection being left to

> Latin: 26.2. Q. Fabio Buteoni et Q. Minucio, quibus Hispaniae provinciae evenerant, consules legiones singulas ex quattuor ab se scriptis, quas videretur, ut darent decretum est et socium ac Latini nominis quaterna milia peditum, trecenos equites;

[¶12] 26.4. them, and in addition should assign to each four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry of the allies and the Latin confederacy; the praetors were ordered to leave at once for their provinces.

> Latin: 26.4. iique primo quoque tempore in provincias ire iussi. bellum in Hispania quinto post anno motum est, quam simul cum Punico bello fuerat finitum.

[¶13] 26.5. The war in Spain had broken out five years after it had been ended along with the Punic War. Before either these praetors had left for a war which was virtually new, since this was the first time the Spaniards had taken up arms on their own account and without any Carthaginian army or commander, or even the consuls had departed from the city, they were ordered to expiate the prodigies which were reported.

> Latin: 26.5. priusquam aut hi praetores ad bellum prope novum, quia tum primum suo nomine sine ullo Punico exercitu aut duce ad arma ierant, proficiscerentur, aut ipsi consules ab urbe moverent, procurare, ut adsolet, prodigia, quae nuntiabantur, iussi. P. Villius eques Romanus in Sabinos proficiscens fulmine ipse equusque exanimati fuerant;

[¶14] 26.7. - Publius Villius, a Roman knight, while travelling into the Sabine country, was struck by lightning and he and his horse were killed; the temple of Feronia, in the district of Capena, was struck by lightning;

> Latin: 26.7. aedis Feroniae in Capenati de caelo tacta erat; ad Monetae duarum hastarum spicula arserant; lupus Esquilina porta ingressus, frequentissima parte urbis cum in forum decurrisset, Tusco vico atque inde Cermalo per portam Capenam prope intactus evaserat.

[¶15] 26.8. near the temple of Juno Moneta the points of two spears burst into flame; a wolf entered through the Esquiline Gate, passed through the most crowded part of the city into the Forum, through the Vicus Tuscus and the Cermalus, and escaped almost unharmed by the Porta Capena. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims. At the same time Gnaeus Cornelius Blasio, who had been the predecessor of Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus in the governorship of Nearer Spain, entered the city in ovation by authorization of the senate.

> Latin: 26.8. haec prodigia maioribus hostiis sunt procurata. iisdem diebus Cn. Cornelius Blasio, qui ante C. Sempronium Tuditanum citeriorem Hispaniam obtinuerat, ovans ex senatus consulto urbem est ingressus.

[¶16] 27.2. He displayed in the procession fifteen hundred and fifteen pounds of gold, twenty thousand pounds of silver, and thirty-four thousand five hundred denarii of coined silver.

> Latin: 27.2. tulit prae se auri mille et quingenta quindecim pondo, argenti viginti milia, signati denarium triginta quattuor milia et quingentos.

[¶17] 27.3. Lucius Stertinius, returning from Farther Spain, without even putting in a claim to a triumph, deposited in the treasury fifty thousand pounds of silver, and out of the booty erected two arches in the Forum Boarium in front of the temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta, and one in the Circus Maximus, and on these arches he placed gilded statues.

> Latin: 27.3. L. Stertinius ex ulteriore Hispania, ne temptata quidem triumphi spe, quinquaginta milia pondo argenti in aerarium intulit et de manubiis duos fornices in foro bovario ante Fortunae aedem et matris Matutae, unum in maximo circo fecit et his fornicibus signa aurata inposuit.

[¶18] 27.5. These were the events of the winter. Titus Quinctius was at this time wintering at Elatia, and when the allies were making many requests of him, the Boeotians asked and were permitted to recover their fellow-countrymen who had served with Philip.

> Latin: 27.5. haec per hiemem ferme acta. hibernabat eo tempore Elatiae T. Quinctius, a quo cum multa socii peterent, Boeoti petierunt impetraveruntque, ut, qui suae gentis militassent apud Philippum, sibi restituerentur.

[¶19] 27.6. Quinctius readily granted this, not because he thought they really deserved it, but because in view of the suspicions entertained about King Antiochus he was anxious to win sympathy for the Roman people among the Greek states.

> Latin: 27.6. id a Quinctio facile impetratum, non quia satis dignos eos credebat, sed quia Antiocho rege iam suspecto favor conciliandus nomini Romano apud civitates erat.

[¶20] 27.7. When these had been restored, it at once became clear how little gratitude he had won from the Boeotians; for they sent ambassadors to Philip, thanking him for restoring their countrymen, just as if that boon had been granted to them and not to Quinctius and the Romans, and at the next election they chose as Boeotarch one Brachyllas, for no other reason than that he had commanded the Boeotians who had served with the king, passing over Zeuxippus and Pisistratus and others who had sponsored the alliance with Rome.

> Latin: 27.7. restitutis iis confestim apparuit, quam nulla inita apud Boeotos gratia esset; nam ad Philippum legatos gratias agentes ei pro redditis hominibus, perinde atque ipsis et non Quinctio et Romanis id datum esset, miserunt et comitiis proximis Boeotarchen ob nullam aliam causam Brachyllem quendam, quam quod praefectus Boeotorum apud regem militantium fuisset,

[¶21] 27.9. These men were incensed at this action for the moment and also fearful for the future:

> Latin: 27.9. fecerunt praeteritis Zeuxippo et Pisistrato aliisque, qui Romanae societatis auctores fuerant.

[¶22] 27.10. since such things happened with the Roman army encamped almost at the gates, what in the world would become of them when the Romans had gone back to Italy, and Philip, from his kingdom near by, was aiding his friends and opposing those who had belonged to the other party?

> Latin: 27.10. id aegre et in praesentia hi passi et in futurum etiam metum ceperunt: cum ad portas prope sedente exercitu Romano ea fierent, quidnam se futurum esse profectis in Italiam Romanis, Philippo ex propinquo socios adiuvante et infesto iis, qui partis adversae fuissent?

[¶23] 28.1. While they had the Roman army close at hand, they determined to do away with Brachyllas, the principal partisan of the king.

> Latin: 28.1. dum Romana arma in propinquo haberent, tollere Brachyllem, principem fautorum regis, statuerunt.

[¶24] 28.2. They chose for this an occasion when, after a public dinner, he was returning to his home in a drunken state and accompanied by a crowd of effeminate creatures who had been present as entertainers at the crowded dinner.

> Latin: 28.2. et tempore ad eam rem capto, cum in publico epulatus reverteretur domum temulentus prosequentibus mollibus viris, qui ioci causa convivio celebri interfuerant, ab sex armatis, quorum tres Italici, tres Aetoli erant, circumventus occiditur.

[¶25] 28.3. He was set upon by six armed men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, and killed. His companions scattered; there was a search and the noise of guards with torches hurrying through the whole city; the assassins escaped by the nearest gate.

> Latin: 28.3. fuga comitum et quiritatio facta et tumultus per totam urbem discurrentium cum luminibus;

[¶26] 28.4. At daybreak there was a full assembly in the theatre, as if at a meeting called in advance or summoned by the voice of a herald.

> Latin: 28.4. percussores proxima porta evaserunt. luce prima contio frequens velut ex ante indicto aut voce praeconis convocata in theatro erat.

[¶27] 28.5. Openly the cry was that he had been killed by his own suite and the degenerates who were with him, but in their thoughts they pointed to Zeuxippus as instigator of the murder.

> Latin: 28.5. palam ab suo comitatu et obscenis illis viris fremebant interfectum, animis autem Zeuxippum auctorem destinabant caedis.

[¶28] 28.6. For the time being, it was voted that the men who were with him should be arrested and questioned.

> Latin: 28.6. in praesentia placuit comprehendi eos, qui simul fuissent, quaestionemque ex iis haberi.

[¶29] 28.7. While they were being examined, Zeuxippus, with ready courage, in order to divert suspicion from himself, came into the assembly, and declared that those men were mistaken who put the responsibility for so cruel a murder upon those eunuchs, and he put forth many plausible arguments to that effect, and by these he created the assurance in some that, if he had felt any sense of guilt, he would never have exposed himself to the crowd or made any reference to this murder without being called upon to do so; others had no doubt that he was shamelessly trying to avert suspicion by volunteering to meet the charge.

> Latin: 28.7. qui dum quaeruntur, Zeuxippus constanti animo avertendi ab se criminis causa in contionem progressus errare ait homines, qui tam atrocem caedem pertinere ad illos semiviros crederent, multaque in eam partem probabiliter argumentatus, quibus fidem apud quosdam fecit numquam, si sibi conscius esset, oblaturum se multitudini mentionemve eius caedis nullo lacessente facturum fuisse;

[¶30] 28.9. A little later the innocent witnesses were tortured, and, knowing nothing themselves, mentioned Zeuxippus and Pisistratus, treating as evidence the general suspicion, but citing no proof to show that they had any knowledge of the affair.

> Latin: 28.9. alii non dubitare inpudenter obviam crimini eundo suspicionem averti. torti post paulo insontes, cum scirent ipsi nihil, opinione omnium pro indicio Zeuxippum et Pisistratum nominaverunt nullo adiecto, cur scire quicquam viderentur, argumento.

[¶31] 28.10. Zeuxippus, nevertheless, and a certain Stratonidas fled to Tanagra by night, fearing his own conscience more than the testimony of men who knew nothing about the crime; Pisistratus paid no attention to the witnesses and remained in Thebes.

> Latin: 28.10. Zeuxippus tamen cum Stratonida quodam nocte perfugit Tanagram, suam magis conscientiam quam indicium hominum nullius rei consciorum metuens;

[¶32] 28.11. Zeuxippus had a slave, the go-between and agent in the whole affair, and fearing him as an informer, Pisistratus, by reason of that very fear, brought him forth to give evidence.

> Latin: 28.11. Pisistratus spretis indicibus Thebis mansit. servus erat Zeuxippi, totius internuntius et minister rei, quem indicem Pisistratus timens eo ipso timore ad indicium protraxit. litteras ad Zeuxippum mittit, ut servum conscium tolleret:

[¶33] 28.12. He sent word to Zeuxippus advising him to get rid of the slave who was his accomplice: he seemed to him, he said, less skilful in concealing an act than in performing it. The messenger had orders to deliver this letter to Zeuxippus as soon as possible, but being unable to find him at once, he gave it to that very same slave, whom he believed to be most faithful to his master of all the slaves, adding that it came from Pisistratus and contained information of the greatest interest to Zeuxippus.

> Latin: 28.12. non tam idoneum ad celandam rem eum videri sibi, quam ad agendam fuerit. has qui tulerat litteras iussus Zeuxippo dare quam primum, quia non statim conveniendi eius copia fuit, illi ipsi servo, quem ex omnibus domino fidissimum credebat, tradit et adicit a Pisistrato de re magno opere pertinente ad Zeuxippum esse.

[¶34] 28.14. The slave, conscious of guilt, promised to deliver it at once, but opened it and having read it fled in terror to Thebes and laid his testimony before the magistrates.

> Latin: 28.14. conscientia ictus, cum extemplo traditurum eas adfirmasset, aperit perlectisque litteris pavidus Thebas refugit et ad magistratus indicium defert.

[¶35] 28.15. And Zeuxippus, frightened at the flight of his slave, retired to Anthedon, thinking it a safer place of exile; Pisistratus and others were examined under torture and executed.

> Latin: 28.15. et Zeuxippus quidem fuga servi motus Anthedonem, tutiorem exilio locum ratus, concessit; de Pisistrato aliisque quaestiones tormentis habitae et sumptum supplicium est.

[¶36] 29.1. This murder roused the Thebans and all the Boeotians to a frenzy of hatred against the Romans, for they thought that Zeuxippus, a leading man in the state, would not have committed such a crime without the cognizance of the Roman commander.

> Latin: 29.1. efferavit ea caedes Thebanos Boeotosque omnis ad execrabile odium Romanorum, credentis non sine consilio imperatoris Romani Zeuxippum, principem gentis, id facinus conscisse. ad rebellandum neque vires neque ducem habebant;

[¶37] 29.2. They had neither army nor leader for a rebellion; turning to what was most like war, to brigandage, they cut off some soldiers in the taverns, others as they travelled about on various errands during the winter season.

> Latin: 29.2. proximum bello quod erat, in latrocinium versi alios in hospitiis, alios vagos per hiberna milites ad varios commeantis usus excipiebant.

[¶38] 29.3. Some on the public highways were lured by decoys into planned ambushes, some were brought by trickery to deserted inns and killed;

> Latin: 29.3. quidam in ipsis itineribus ad notas latebras ab insidiantibus, pars in deserta per fraudem deversoria deducti opprimebantur;

[¶39] 29.4. finally, such crimes were committed not only from hatred, but also from greed of booty, because the soldiers who were usually travelling on business had money in their purses on their journeys.

> Latin: 29.4. postremo non tantum ab odio sed etiam aviditate praedae ea facinora fiebant, quia negotiandi ferme causa argentum in zonis habentes in commeatibus erant.

[¶40] 29.5. While at first the losses were small, but then grew larger day by day, all Boeotia began to have a bad name, and the soldiers were more afraid to leave camp than if they were in hostile territory. Then Quinctius sent agents among the cities to inquire into the charges of robbery.

> Latin: 29.5. cum primo pauci, deinde in dies plures desiderarentur, infamis esse Boeotia omnis coepit, et timidius quam in hostico egredi castris miles.

[¶41] 29.6. Most of the murders, it was found, had been committed around the Copaic swamp; there bodies were dug out of the muck and drawn from the marshes, with stones or jugs fastened to them so that the weight might drag them deeper into the mire; many other crimes were found to have been committed at Acraephia and Coronea.

> Latin: 29.6. tum Quinctius legatos ad quaerendum de latrociniis per civitates mittit. plurimae caedes circa Copaidem paludem inventae; ibi ex limo eruta extractaque ex stagno cadavera saxis aut amphoris, ut pondere traherentur in profundum, adnexa; multa facinora Acraephiae et Coroneae facta inveniebantur.

[¶42] 29.7. Quinctius at first ordered the criminals to be delivered to him by the Boeotians and a fine paid of five hundred talents for the five hundred soldiers, for so many had been killed.

> Latin: 29.7. Quinctius primo noxios tradi sibi iussit et pro quingentis militibus — tot enim interempti erant — quingenta talenta Boeotos conferre.

[¶43] 29.8. When the cities obeyed neither order, but merely made the verbal excuse that no act had been committed with official sanction, having sent ambassadors to Athens and into Achaea, to call the allies to witness that he was about to wage lawful and rightful war upon the Boeotians, he ordered Appius Claudius to proceed against Acraephia with part of the forces and himself with another detachment invested Coronea, after first devastating the country through which both columns marched from Elatia.

> Latin: 29.8. quorum neutrum cum fieret, verbis tantum civitates excusarent nihil publico consilio factum esse, missis Athenas et in Achaiam legatis, qui testarentur socios iusto pioque se bello persecuturum Boeotos, et cum parte copiarum Ap.

[¶44] 29.9. The Boeotians, dismayed by this calamity, when the whole region was filled with terror and flight, sent ambassadors.

> Latin: 29.9. Claudio Acraephiam ire iusso ipse cum parte Coroneam circumsidit vastatis prius agris, qua ab Elatia duo diversa agmina iere.

[¶45] 29.10. When these were not admitted to the camp, the Achaeans and Athenians arrived. The pleas of the Achaeans had more weight, because, if they did not obtain peace for the Boeotians, they had decided to join the war upon them.

> Latin: 29.10. hac perculsi clade Boeoti, cum omnia terrore ac fuga completa essent, legatos mittunt. qui cum in castra non admitterentur, Achaei Atheniensesque supervenerunt.

[¶46] 29.11. Through the Achaeans an opportunity was gained for the Boeotians to visit and address the Roman, and they were ordered to hand over the criminals and pay thirty talents by way of fine, and were granted peace and the discontinuance of the siege.

> Latin: 29.11. plus auctoritatis Achaei habuerunt deprecantes, quia, ni impetrassent pacem Boeotis, bellum simul gerere decreverant. per Achaeos et Boeotis copia adeundi adloquendique Romanum facta est iussisque tradere noxios et multae nomine triginta conferre talenta pax data et ab oppugnatione recessum.

[¶47] 30.1. A few days later the ten commissioners arrived from Rome, and with their approval peace was granted to Philip on these terms:

> Latin: 30.1. paucos post dies decem legati ab Roma venerunt, quorum ex consilio pax data Philippo in has leges est, ut omnes Graecorum civitates, quae in Europa quaeque in Asia essent, libertatem ac suas haberent leges;

[¶48] 30.2. that all the Greek cities which were in Europe or in Asia should enjoy their liberty and laws; that, whatever cities had been under the sway of Philip, from these Philip should withdraw his garrisons and should hand them over to the Romans, free of his troops, before the time of the Isthmian Games;

> Latin: 30.2. quae earum sub dicione Philippi fuissent, praesidia ex iis Philippus deduceret vacuasque traderet Romanis ante Isthmiorum tempus;

[¶49] 30.3. that he should withdraw also from the following cities in Asia: Euromum and Pedasa and Bargyliae and Iasus and Myrina and Abydus and Thasos and Perinthus (for it was determined that these too should be free); that, regarding the liberation of the Ciani, Quinctius should write to Prusias, king of Bithynia, the decision of the senate and the ten commissioners;

> Latin: 30.3. deduceret et ex iis, quae in Asia essent, Euromo Pedasisque et Bargyliis et Iaso et Myrina et Abydo et et Perintho: eas quoque enim placere liberas esse; de Cianorum libertate Quinctium Prusiae, Bithynorum regi, scribere, quid senatui et decem legatis placuisset;

[¶50] 30.5. that Philip should turn over to the Romans the prisoners and deserters, all his warships except five, and one royal galley of almost unmanageable size, which was propelled by sixteen tiers of oars; that he should have a maximum of five thousand soldiers and no elephants at all;

> Latin: 30.5. captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Romanis et navis omnis tectas tradere praeter quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant;

[¶51] 30.6. that he should wage no war outside Macedonia without the permission of the senate; that he should pay to the Roman people an indemnity of one thousand talents, half at once and half in ten annual instalments.

> Latin: 30.6. ne plus quinque milia armatorum haberet neve elephantum ullum; bellum extra Macedoniae fines ne iniussu senatus gereret; mille talentum daret populo Romano, dimidium praesens, dimidium pensionibus decem annorum.

[¶52] 30.8. Valerius Antias states that a tribute of four thousand pounds of silver annually for ten years was imposed upon the king; Claudius fixes the payments at four thousand two hundred pounds annually for thirty years and twenty thousand pounds immediately. The same writer mentions an explicit provision that he should not wage war with Eumenes, son of Attalus — he was the new king there.

> Latin: 30.8. Valerius Antias quaternum milium pondo argenti vectigal in decem annos inpositum regi tradit; Claudius in annos triginta quaterna milia pondo et ducena, in praesens viginti milia pondo.

[¶53] 30.9. Hostages were taken to insure performance, among them Demetrius, the son of Philip.

> Latin: 30.9. idem nominatim adiectum scribit, ne cum Eumene Attali filio — novus is tum rex erat — bellum gereret.

[¶54] 30.10. Valerius Antias adds that the island of Aegina and the elephants were presented as a gift to Attalus, who was absent, that the Rhodians were given Stratonicea and other cities in Caria which Philip had held, and the Athenians the islands of Paros, Imbros, Delos, and Scyros.

> Latin: 30.10. in haec obsides accepti, inter quos Demetrius Philippi filius. adicit Antias Valerius Attalo absenti Aeginam insulam elephantosque dono datos, et Rhodiis Stratoniceam Cariaeque alias urbes, quas Philippus tenuisset; Atheniensibus insulas datas Lemnum, Imbrum, Delum, Scyrum.

[¶55] 31.1. While all the Greek cities approved this settlement, only the Aetolians with secret grumblings criticized the decision of the ten commissioners:

> Latin: 31.1. omnibus Graeciae civitatibus hanc pacem adprobantibus soli Aetoli decretum legatorum clam mussantes carpebant:

[¶56] 31.2. mere words had been trimmed up with the empty show of liberty; why were some cities delivered to the Romans without being named, others specified and ordered to be free without such delivery, unless the purpose was that those which were in Asia, being more secure by reason of their remoteness, should be set free, but those which were in Greece, not being named, should become Roman property, to wit, Corinth and Chalcis and Oreus along with Eretria and Demetrias?

> Latin: 31.2. litteras inanis vana specie libertatis adumbratas esse; cur enim alias Romanis tradi urbes nec nominari eas, alias nominari et sine traditione liberas iubere esse, nisi quod, quae in Asia sint, liberentur, longinquitate ipsa tutiores, quae in Graecia sint, ne nominatae quidem intercipiantur, Corinthus et Chalcis et Oreus cum Eretria et Demetriade?

[¶57] 31.4. Their complaint was not altogether groundless. For there was some uncertainty with respect to Corinth and Chalcis and Demetrias, because in the decree of the senate, under which the ten commissioners were sent from Rome, the other cities of Greece and Asia were beyond question set free, but regarding these threecities the commissioners were instructed to take such action as the public interest should have proved to demand, in accordance with the general good and their own sense of honour.

> Latin: 31.4. nec tota ex vano criminatio erat. dubitabatur enim de Corintho et Chalcide et Demetriade, quia in senatus consulto, quo missi decem legati ab urbe erant, ceterae Graeciae atque Asiae urbes haud dubie liberabantur, de iis tribus urbibus legati, quod tempora rei publicae postulassent, id e re publica fideque sua facere ac statuere iussi erant.

[¶58] 31.6. There was King Antiochus, who, there was no doubt, would invade Europe as soon as his forces seemed adequate; they did not wish to leave these cities, so favourably located, open to his occupancy.

> Latin: 31.6. Antiochus rex erat, quem transgressurum in Europam, cum primum ei vires suae satis placuissent, non dubitabant; ei tam opportunas ad occupandum patere urbes nolebant.

[¶59] 31.7. Quinctius with the ten commissioners moved from Elatia to Anticyra and thence to Corinth. There plans for the liberation of Greece were discussed almost every day at meetings of the ten commissioners.

> Latin: 31.7. ab Elatia profectus Quinctius Anticyram cum decem legatis, inde Corinthum traiecit. ibi consilia de libertate Graeciae dies prope totos in concilio decem legatorum agitabantur.

[¶60] 31.8. Quinctius urged repeatedly that all Greece should be set free, if they wished to stop the muttering of the Aetolians and to create genuine affection and respect for the Roman name among all the Greeks, and if they wished to convince them that they had crossed the sea to liberate Greece and not to transfer dominion from Philip to themselves. The others said nothing opposed to this as regards the freedom of the cities, but they believed it safer for the Greeks themselves to remain for a while under the protection of Roman garrisons than to receive Antiochus as lord in place of Philip.

> Latin: 31.8. identidem Quinctius liberandam omnem Graeciam, si Aetolorum linguas retundere, si veram caritatem ac maiestatem apud omnis nominis Romani vellent esse, si fidem facere ad liberandam Graeciam, non ad transferendum a Philippo ad se imperium sese mare traiecisse. nihil contra ea de libertate urbium alii dicebant; ceterum ipsis tutius esse manere paulisper sub tutela praesidii Romani quam pro Philippo Antiochum dominum accipere.

[¶61] 31.11. Finally, this decision was reached: Corinth should be given over to the Achaeans, a garrison, however, to be retained in Acrocorinthus; Chalcis and Demetrias should be held until the anxiety about Antiochus should have passed.

> Latin: 31.11. postremo ita decretum est: Corinthus redderetur Achaeis, ut in Acrocorintho tamen praesidium esset; Chalcidem ac Demetriadem retineri, donec cura de Antiocho decessisset.

[¶62] 32.1. The appointed time of the Isthmian Games was at hand, a spectacle always, even on other occasions, attended by crowds, on account of the fondness, native to the race, for exhibitions in which there are trials of skill in every variety of art as well as of strength and swiftness of foot;

> Latin: 32.1. Isthmiorum statum ludicrum aderat, semper quidem et alias frequens cum propter spectaculi studium insitum genti, quo certamina omnis generis artium viriumque et pernicitatis visuntur, tum quia propter opportunitatem loci, per duo diversa maria omnium rerum usus ministrantis humano generi, concilium Asiae Graeciaeque is mercatus erat;

[¶63] 32.2. moreover, they came because, on account of the favourable situation of the place, lying between the two opposite seas and furnishing mankind with abundance of all wares, the market was a meeting-place for Asia and Greece.

> Latin: 32.2. tum vero non ad solitos modo usus undique convenerant, sed expectatione erecti, qui deinde status futurus Graeciae, quae sua fortuna esset;

[¶64] 32.3. But at this time they had assembled from all quarters not only for the usual purposes, but especially because they were consumed with wonder what thenceforth the state of Greece would be, and what their own condition; they not only had their own silent thoughts, some believing one thing and others another, but discussed openly what the Romans would do; almost no one was convinced that they would withdraw from all Greece. They had taken their seats at the games and the herald with the trumpeter, as is the custom, had come forth into the midst of the arena, where the games are regularly opened with a ritual chant, and proclaiming silence with a trumpet-call, the herald read the decree:

> Latin: 32.3. alii alia non taciti solum opinabantur sed sermonibus etiam ferebant Romanos facturos; vix cuiquam persuadebatur Graecia omni cessuros. ad spectaculum consederant, et praeco cum tubicine, ut mos est, in mediam aream, unde sollemni carmine ludicrum indici solet, processit et tuba silentio facto ita pronuntiat:

[¶65] 32.5. “The Roman senate and Titus Quinctius, imperator, having conquered King Philip and the Macedonians, declare to be free, independent, and subject to their own laws, the Corinthians, the Phocians, all the Locrians, the island of Euboea, the Magnesians, the Thessalians, the Perrhaebians, and the Phthiotic Achaeans.”

> Latin: 32.5. 'senatus Romanus et T. Quinctius imperator Philippo rege Macedonibusque devictis liberos, inmunes, suis legibus esse iubet Corinthios, Phocenses, Locrensesque omnis et insulam Euboeam et Magnetas, Thessalos, Perrhaebos, Achaeos Phthiotas.

[¶66] 32.6. He had named all the states which had been subject to King Philip. When the herald's voice was heard there was rejoicing greater than men could grasp in its entirety. They could scarce believe that they had heard aright, and they looked at one another marvelling as at the empty vision of a dream; they asked their neighbours what concerned each one, unwilling to trust the evidence of their own ears.

> Latin: 32.6. ' percensuerat omnis gentis, quae sub dicione Philippi regis fuerant. audita voce praeconis maius gaudium fuit, quam quod universum homines acciperent. vix satis credere se quisque audisse, et alii alios intueri mirabundi velut ad somni vanam speciem; quod ad quemque pertinebat, suarum aurium fidei minimum credentes, proximos interrogabant.

[¶67] 32.8. The herald was recalled, each one desiring not only to hear but to behold the man who brought the tidings of his freedom, and again the herald read the same decree.

> Latin: 32.8. revocatus praeco, cum unusquisque non audire modo sed videre libertatis suae nuntium averet, iterum pronuntiavit eadem.

[¶68] 32.9. Then, when the ground for their joy was certain, such a storm of applause began and was so often repeated that it was easily apparent that of all blessings none pleases a throng more than liberty.

> Latin: 32.9. tum ab certo iam gaudio tantus cum clamore plausus est ortus totiensque repetitus, ut facile appareret nihil omnium bonorum multitudini gratius quam libertatem esse.

[¶69] 32.10. The contests were then rapidly finished, no man's eyes or thoughts being fixed upon the sight; joy alone had so completely replaced their perception of all other delightful things.

> Latin: 32.10. ludicrum deinde ita raptim peractum est, ut nullius nec animi nec oculi spectaculo intenti essent; adeo unum gaudium praeoccupaverat omnium aliarum sensum voluptatium.

[¶70] 33.1. When the games were over, almost everyone rushed towards the Roman commander, so that he was endangered by the crowd that rushed to one place, desiring to draw near him, to touch his hand, and showering garlands and chaplets upon him.

> Latin: 33.1. ludis vero dimissis cursu prope omnes tendere ad imperatorem Romanum, ut ruente turba in unum adire, contingere dextram cupientium, coronas lemniscosque iacientium haud procul periculo fuerit.

[¶71] 33.3. But he was only about thirty-three years old, and both the vigour of youth and the joy he felt at so remarkable a reward of fame gave him strength.

> Latin: 33.3. sed erat trium ferme et triginta annorum, et cum robur iuventae tum gaudium ex tam insigni gloriae fructu vires suppeditabat.

[¶72] 33.4. Nor did the rejoicing spend itself at once, but was renewed for many days in thoughts and expressions of gratitude: there was one people in the world which would fight for others' liberties at its own cost, to its own peril and with its own toil, not limiting its guaranties of freedom to its neighbours, to men of the immediate vicinity, or to countries that lay close at hand, but ready to cross the sea that there might be no unjust empire anywhere and that everywhere justice, right, and law might prevail.

> Latin: 33.4. nec praesens tantummodo effusa est laetitia, sed per multos dies gratis et cogitationibus et sermonibus renovata: esse aliquam in terris gentem, quae sua inpensa, suo labore ac periculo bella gerat pro libertate aliorum nec hoc finitimis aut propinquae vicinitatis hominibus aut terris continentibus iunctis praestet,

[¶73] 33.7. By the single voice of a herald, they said, all the cities of Greece and Asia had been set free; to conceive hopes of any such thing as this required a bold mind; to bring it to pass was the proof of immense courage and good fortune as well.

> Latin: 33.7. sed maria traiciat, ne quod toto orbe terrarum iniustum imperium sit, ubique ius, fas, lex potentissima sint. una voce praeconis liberatas omnis Graeciae atque Asiae urbes; hoc spe concipere audacis animi fuisse, ad effectum adducere et virtutis et fortunae ingentis.

[¶74] 34.1. After the Isthmian Games Quinctius and the ten commissioners received the embassies from the kings and states.

> Latin: 34.1. secundum Isthmia Quinctius et decem legati legationes regum gentiumque audivere.

[¶75] 34.2. First of all, the representatives of King Antiochus were summoned. As they made about the same deceptive speech that they had previously made at Rome, no ambiguous answer was now given, as on the former occasion, when the future was uncertain and Philip was unconquered, but clear warning was given him, to withdraw from the cities in Asia which had belonged to King Philip or King Ptolemy, to keep his hands off the free states and molest none of them in war: all the Greek cities everywhere must enjoy both peace and liberty. Before all, he was warned not to cross to Europe in person nor to send troops there.

> Latin: 34.2. primi omnium regis Antiochi vocati legati sunt. iis eadem fere, quae Romae egerant, verba sine fide rerum iactantibus nihil iam perplexe, ut ante, cum dubiae res incolumi Philippo erant, sed aperte denuntiatum, ut excederet Asiae urbibus, quae Philippi aut Ptolomaei regum fuissent, abstineret liberis civitatibus, neu quam lacesseret armis: et in pace et in libertate esse debere omnis ubique Graecas urbes.

[¶76] 34.4. After the departure of the king's ambassadors, a council of the cities and states began, and its work was accomplished the more speedily because the decisions of the ten commissioners were addressed to the states by name.

> Latin: 34.4. ante omnia denuntiatum, ne in Europam aut ipse transiret aut copias traiceret.

[¶77] 34.5. To the Orestae — that is a tribe of the Macedonians — their own laws were restored, because they had been the first to revolt against the king.

> Latin: 34.5. dimissis regis legatis conventus civitatum gentiumque est haberi coeptus; eoque maturius peragebatur, quod decreta decem legatorum in civitates nominatim pronuntiabantur.

[¶78] 34.6. The Magnesians, Perrhaebians, and Dolopians were likewise declared free. The Thessalian people, in addition to receiving their liberty, were granted the Phthiotic Achaeans with the exception of Phthiotic Thebes and Pharsalus.

> Latin: 34.6. Orestis — Macedonum ea gens est —, quod primi ab rege defecissent, leges suae redditae. Magnetes et Perrhaebi et Dolopes liberi quoque pronuntiati.

[¶79] 34.7. The Aetolians demanded that Pharsalus and Leucas should be restored to them in accordance with the treaty, and their petition was referred to the senate.

> Latin: 34.7. Thessalorum genti praeter libertatem concessam Achaei Phthiotae dati, Thebis Phthioticis et Pharsalo excepta. Aetolos de Pharsalo et Leucade postulantes, ut ex foedere sibi restituerentur, ad senatum reiecerunt.

[¶80] 34.8. The Phocians and the Locrians were annexed to them, as they had formerly been, the sanction of a decree having been added, Corinth and Triphylia and Heraea — this too is a city in the Peloponnesus — were given back to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 34.8. Phocenses Locrensesque, sicut ante fuerant, adiecta decreti auctoritate iis contribuerunt. Corinthus et Triphylia et Heraea — Peloponnesi et ipsa urbs est — reddita Achaeis.

[¶81] 34.10. Oreus and Eretria the ten commissioners gave to King Eumenes, the son of Attalus, despite the protests of Quinctius; this one question was referred to the decision of the senate; the senate bestowed freedom upon these states, with the addition of Carystus.

> Latin: 34.10. Oreum et Eretriam decem legati Eumeni regi, Attali filio, dabant dissentiente Quinctio; ea una res in arbitrium senatus reiecta est; senatus libertatem his civitatibus dedit Carysto adiecta.

[¶82] 34.11. Lychnidus and the Parthini were given to Pleuratus; both of these Illyrian states had been under the control of Philip. They directed Amynander to hold the forts which he had taken from Philip during the period of the war.

> Latin: 34.11. Pleurato Lychnidus et Parthini dati; Illyriorum utraque gens sub dicione Philippi fuerant. Amynandrum tenere iusserunt castella, quae per belli tempus Philippo capta ademisset.

[¶83] 35.1. After the dismissal of the council the ten commissioners, dividing up the tasks among themselves, went their several ways, each to liberate the cities in his own territory.

> Latin: 35.1. dimisso conventu decem legati, partiti munia inter se, ad liberandas suae quisque regionis civitates discesserunt, P.

[¶84] 35.2. Publius Lentulus went to Bargyliae, Lucius Stertinius to Hephaestia and Thasos and the cities of Thrace, Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius to King Antiochus, Gnaeus Cornelius to Philip.

> Latin: 35.2. Lentulus Bargylias, L. Stertinius Hephaestiam et Thasum et Thraeciae urbes, P. Villius et L. Terentius ad regem Antiochum, Cn. Cornelius ad Philippum.

[¶85] 35.3. He, after performing the less important tasks assigned him, asked the king whether he was disposed to listen to advice that was both sound and profitable. When the king replied that he would receive it gratefully, if he suggested anything advantageous to him, Cornelius urged him earnestly, now that he had been granted peace, to send ambassadors to Rome to ask for a treaty of alliance and friendship, lest, if Antiochus made any disturbance, he might seem to have dallied and to have watched for an opportunity to revolt. The meeting with Philip took place at Thessalian Tempe.

> Latin: 35.3. qui de minoribus rebus editis mandatis percunctatus, si consilium non utile solum sed etiam salutare admittere auribus posset, cum rex gratias quoque se acturum diceret, si quid, quod in rem suam esset, expromeret, magno opere ei suasit, quoniam pacem impetrasset, ad societatem amicitiamque petendam mitteret Romam legatos, ne, si quid Antiochus moveret, expectasse et temporum opportunitates captasse ad rebellandum videri posset.

[¶86] 35.7. When he had replied that he would at once send ambassadors, Cornelius went to Thermopylae, where a full meeting of the states of Greece is held on stated days — they call this the Pylaic council;

> Latin: 35.7. ad Tempe Thessalica Philippus est conventus. qui cum se missurum extemplo legatos respondisset, Cornelius Thermopylas, ubi frequens Graeciae statis diebus esse solet conventus —

[¶87] 35.9. the Aetolians especially he advised to abide resolutely and faithfully by the alliance with the Roman people.

> Latin: 35.9. Pylaicum appellant —, venit; Aetolos praecipue monuit, constanter et fideliter in amicitia populi Romani permanerent.

[¶88] 35.10. Some of the Aetolian leaders complained mildly that the attitude of the Romans towards their people was not the same after their victory as it had been during the war, others more loudly reproached and taunted them, saying that Philip could not have been conquered without the Aetolians, and, more than that, the Romans could not even have crossed to Greece.

> Latin: 35.10. Aetolorum principes alii leniter questi sunt, quod non idem erga suam gentem Romanorum animus esset post victoriam, qui in bello fuisset, alii ferocius incusarunt exprobraruntque non modo vinci sine Aetolis Philippum, sed ne transire quidem in Graeciam Romanos potuisse.

[¶89] 35.12. The Roman, after declining to reply to this, lest the argument degenerate into a quarrel, said that they would obtain full justice if they appealed to Rome. Therefore, on his suggestion, ambassadors were decided upon. This was the end of the war with Philip.

> Latin: 35.12. adversus ea respondere, ne in altercationem excederet res, cum supersedisset Romanus, omnia eos aequa impetraturos, si Romam misissent, dixit. itaque ex auctoritate eius decreti legati sunt. hunc finem bellum cum Philippo habuit.

[¶90] 36.1. While these events were taking place in Greece, Macedonia, and Asia, a slave insurrection rendered Etruria almost a battle-field.

> Latin: 36.1. cum haec in Graecia Macedoniaque et Asia gererentur, Etruriam infestam prope coniuratio servorum fecit.

[¶91] 36.2. Manius Acilius Glabrio, the praetor exercising jurisdiction in cases between citizens and aliens, was sent with one of the two city legions to investigate and suppress it, and destroyed part of them, cutting them off in detail, part of them by encountering them in a body;

> Latin: 36.2. ad quaerendam opprimendamque eam M'. Acilius Glabrio praetor, cui inter civis peregrinosque iurisdictio obtigerat, cum una ex duabus legione urbana est missus, alios …, alios iam congregatos pugnando vicit;

[¶92] 36.3. many of them were killed and many captured; some, who had been the instigators of the revolt, he scourged and crucified, others he turned over to their masters.

> Latin: 36.3. ex his multi occisi, multi capti; alios verberatos crucibus adfixit, qui principes coniurationis fuerant, alios dominis restituit.

[¶93] 36.4. The consuls departed to their provinces. As Marcellus was entering the territory of the Boi, and was pitching camp on a certain hill, his troops being exhausted by building roads all the day, a chieftain of the Boi, Corolamus by name, fell upon him with a large force and killed about three thousand of his men;

> Latin: 36.4. consules in provincias profecti sunt. Marcellum Boiorum ingressum finis fatigato per diem totum milite via facienda castra in tumulo quodam ponentem Corolamus quidam, regulus Boiorum, cum magna manu adortus ad tria milia hominum occidit;

[¶94] 36.5. some distinguished men fell in that surprise attack, among them Titus Sempronius Gracchus and Marcus Iunius Silanus, commanders of allied detachments, and Marcus Ogulnius and Publius Claudius, military tribunes of the second legion.

> Latin: 36.5. et illustres viri aliquot in illo tumultuario proelio ceciderunt, inter quos praefecti socium T. Sempronius Gracchus et M. Iunius Silanus et tribuni militum de legione secunda M. Ogulnius et P. Claudius.

[¶95] 36.6. The camp, however, was strongly fortified and stubbornly held by the Romans, when the enemy, elated by their victory, had assaulted it in vain.

> Latin: 36.6. castra tamen ab Romanis inpigre permunita retentaque, cum hostes prospera pugna elati nequiquam oppugnassent.

[¶96] 36.7. For some days after that he remained in the same camp, while he was treating the wounded and restoring the courage of his men after so serious an alarm.

> Latin: 36.7. stativis deinde iisdem per dies aliquot sese tenuit, dum et saucios curaret et a tanto terrore animos militum reficeret.

[¶97] 36.8. The Boi — a people intolerant of the tiresomeness of delay — gradually dispersed to their forts and towns.

> Latin: 36.8. Boi, ut est gens minime ad morae taedium ferendum patiens, in castella sua vicosque passim dilapsi sunt.

[¶98] 36.9. Marcellus quickly crossed the Po and led the legions into the district of Comum, where the Insubres were encamped after calling the Comenses to arms. The Gauls, encouraged by the success of the Boi a few days before, attacked while still in march formation, and their first charge was so vigorous that it drove in the Roman front line.

> Latin: 36.9. Marcellus Pado confestim traiecto in agrum Comensem, ubi Insubres Comensibus ad arma excitis castra habebant, legiones ducit. Galli, feroces Boiorum ante dies paucos pugna, in ipso itinere proelium committunt; et primo adeo acriter invaserunt, ut antesignanos inpulerint.

[¶99] 36.10. When Marcellus observed this and feared that once broken they would be routed, he threw in a cohort of the Marsi and then sent all the squadrons of the Latin cavalry against the enemy.

> Latin: 36.10. quod ubi Marcellus animadvertit, veritus, ne moti semel pellerentur, cohortem Marsorum cum opposuisset, equitum Latinorum omnis turmas in hostem emisit.

[¶100] 36.11. Their first and second charges dulled the edge of the enemy's spirited attack, and the rest of the Roman line, with renewed courage, first resisted and then charged fiercely. The Gauls did not continue the contest longer, but turned and fled in all directions.

> Latin: 36.11. quorum cum primus secundusque impetus rettudisset inferentem se ferociter hostem, confirmata et reliqua acies Romana restitit primo, deinde signa acriter intulit.

[¶101] 36.12. Valerius Antias writes that more than forty thousand men perished in that battle, and that eighty-seven standards were taken and seven hundred and thirty-two wagons and many necklaces of gold, one of which, of great weight, Claudius says was deposited in the temple on the Capitoline as a gift to Jupiter. The Gallic camp was captured and plundered that day, and the town of Comum was taken a few days later.

> Latin: 36.12. nec ultra sustinuere certamen Galli, quin terga verterent atque effuse fugerent. in eo proelio supra quadraginta milia hominum caesa Valerius Antias scribit, octoginta septem signa militaria capta et carpenta septingenta triginta duo et aureos torques multos, ex quibus unum magni ponderis Claudius in Capitolio Iovi donum in aede positum scribit.

[¶102] 36.14. After that, twenty-eight strongholds went over to the consul. This question, too, is debated by the writers, whether the consul led his army against the Boi first or the Insubres, and whether the victory wiped out the memory of the defeat or the success gained at Comum was marred by the defeat among the Boi.

> Latin: 36.14. castra eo die Gallorum expugnata direptaque, et Comum oppidum post dies paucos captum. castella inde duodetriginta ad consulem defecerunt. id quoque inter scriptores ambigitur, utrum in Boios prius an Insubres consul exercitum duxerit adversamque prospera pugna oblitteraverit, an victoria ad Comum parta deformata clade in Bois accepta sit.

## 12. Book XXXIII · chapters 37–49

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/12/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/12/#p-N

[¶0] 37.1. During this period of alternating fortunes the other consul Lucius Furius Purpurio invaded the territory of the Boi by way of the tribus- Sapinia.

> Latin: 37.1. sub haec tam varia fortuna gesta L. Furius Purpurio alter consul per tribum Sapiniam in Boios venit.

[¶1] 37.2. When he was already approaching the fortified town of Mutilum, fearing that he would be cut off by the Boi and Insubres together, he led the army back by the same way he had come, and after a long roundabout march through country that was open, and therefore safe, he joined his colleague.

> Latin: 37.2. iam castro Mutilo adpropinquabat, cum veritus, ne intercluderetur simul a Bois Liguribusque, exercitum eadem via, qua adduxerat, reduxit et magno circuitu per aperta eoque tuta loca ad collegam pervenit.

[¶2] 37.3. Thenceforth with united forces they penetrated first the Boian territory as far as Felsina, plundering as they went.

> Latin: 37.3. inde iunctis exercitibus primum Boiorum agrum usque ad Felsinam oppidum populantes peragraverunt.

[¶3] 37.4. This city and all the forts in the neighbourhood and all the Boi except the men of military age, who were in arms in the hope of plunder — they had at this time retired into the pathless forests — surrendered. The army was then led against the Ligures.

> Latin: 37.4. ea urbs ceteraque circa castella et Boi fere omnes praeter iuventutem, quae praedandi causa in armis erat — tunc in devias silvas recesserat —, in deditionem venerunt.

[¶4] 37.5. The Boi, with the intention of falling suddenly upon the Roman column, which would not be under strict discipline, since the Boi would be believed to be far away, followed by secret paths.

> Latin: 37.5. in Ligures inde traductus exercitus. Boi neglegentius coactum agmen Romanorum, quia ipsi procul abesse viderentur, inproviso aggressuros se rati per occultos saltus secuti sunt.

[¶5] 37.6. Failing to overtake them, and suddenly crossing the Po in boats, when they had laid waste the country of the Laevi and Libui, and were returning from there loaded with the spoils of the country along the edges of the Ligurian territory, they encountered the Roman column.

> Latin: 37.6. quos non adepti, Pado repente navibus traiecto Laevos Libuosque cum pervastassent, redeuntes inde per Ligurum extremos fines cum agresti praeda in agmen incidunt Romanum.

[¶6] 37.7. A battle began, more sudden and furious than if they had clashed with minds prepared to fight at a predetermined time and place.

> Latin: 37.7. proelium celerius acriusque commissum, quam si tempore locoque ad certamen destinato praeparatis animis concurrissent.

[¶7] 37.8. There it was apparent how much stimulus passion can apply to courage; for the Romans fought with so much greater desire for slaughter than for victory that they left the enemy hardly a messenger to tell of the defeat.

> Latin: 37.8. ibi, quantam vim ad stimulandos animos ira haberet, apparuit; nam ita caedis magis quam victoriae avidi pugnarunt Romani, ut vix nuntium cladis hosti relinquerent.

[¶8] 37.9. By reason of these achievements, when the letters of the consuls were received in Rome, the senate decreed a thanksgiving of three days. A little later the consul Marcellus arrived in Rome, and was voted a triumph with the complete agreement of the senators.

> Latin: 37.9. ob has res gestas consulum litteris Romam adlatis supplicatio in triduum decreta est. brevi post Marcellus consul Romam venit, triumphusque ei magno consensu patrum est decretus.

[¶9] 37.10. - While still in office he triumphed over the Ligures and Comenses; the hope of a triumph over the Boi he left to his colleague, because he personally had suffered defeat at the hands of that people, but had been victorious when associated with his colleague.

> Latin: 37.10. triumphavit in magistratu de Insubribus Comensibusque; Boiorum triumphi spem collegae reliquit, quia ipsi proprie adversa pugna in ea gente evenerat, cum collega secunda.

[¶10] 37.11. Many spoils of the enemy were transported in captured carts, and many standards; three hundred and twenty thousand asses of bronze and two hundred and thirty-four thousand pieces of coined silver were carried.

> Latin: 37.11. multa spolia hostium captivis carpentis travecta, multa militaria signa; aeris lata trecenta viginti milia, argenti bigati ducenta triginta quattuor milia.

[¶11] 37.12. Each infantryman was given eighty asses, each cavalryman and centurion thrice that sum.

> Latin: 37.12. in pedites singulos dati octogeni aeris, triplex equiti centurionique.

[¶12] 38.1. In the same year King Antiochus, after wintering at Ephesus, tried to coerce all the cities of Asia into acknowledging the sovereignty which he had once exercised over them.

> Latin: 38.1. eodem anno Antiochus rex, cum hibernasset Ephesi, omnes Asiae civitates in antiquam imperii formulam redigere est conatus.

[¶13] 38.2. And he saw that the others, either because they were situated on level ground, or because they did not trust their walls or their weapons or their fighting men, would readily accept his yoke;

> Latin: 38.2. et ceteras quidem, aut quia locis planis positae erant aut quia parum moenibus armisque ac iuventuti fidebant, haud difficulter videbat iugum accepturas;

[¶14] 38.3. Zmyrna and Lampsacus were contending for their independence, and there was danger that if they were allowed what they demanded, other cities in Aeolis and Ionia would follow the example of Zmyrna, those on the Hellespont, of Lampsacus.

> Latin: 38.3. Zmyrna et Lampsacus libertatem usurpabant, periculumque erat, ne, si concessum iis foret quod intenderent, Zmyrnam in Aeolide Ioniaque, Lampsacum in Hellesponto aliae urbes sequerentur.

[¶15] 38.4. He therefore sent troops from Ephesus to invest Zmyrna and ordered his troops at Abydus to leave only a small guard there and march to attack Lampsacus.

> Latin: 38.4. igitur et ipse ab Epheso ad Zmyrnam obsidendam misit et, quae Abydi copiae erant, praesidio tantum modico relicto duci ad Lampsacum oppugnandam iussit.

[¶16] 38.5. Nor did he seek only to frighten them by this show of force, but also through the mouths of his agents by courteous address and mild reproach for their rashness and stubbornness, to create the hope that they would soon have what they desired, but only when it was clear both to them and to everyone else that their liberty had been granted by the king and not attained through mere grasping at opportunity.

> Latin: 38.5. nec vi tantum terrebat, sed per legatos leniter adloquendo castigandoque temeritatem ac pertinaciam spem conabatur facere, brevi quod peterent habituros, sed cum satis et ipsis et omnibus aliis appareret, ab rege impetratam eos libertatem, non per occasionem raptam habere.

[¶17] 38.7. To this they responded that Antiochus should be neither surprised nor angry if they were not inclined to submit with indifference to their hope of liberty being deferred. At the beginning of spring Antiochus himself left Ephesus with his fleet and sailed for the Hellespont and ordered his land forces to be transported from Abydus to Chersonesus.

> Latin: 38.7. adversus quae respondebatur, nihil neque mirari neque suscensere Antiochum debere, si spem libertatis differri non satis aequo animo paterentur.

[¶18] 38.8. When he had united his army and navy at Madytus, a city in the Chersonesus, since the people had closed their gates, he surrounded the walls with armed men; and the town surrendered as he was on the point of moving forward his engines.

> Latin: 38.8. ipse initio veris navibus ab Epheso profectus Hellespontum petit, terrestris copias traici ab Abydo Chersonesum iussit.

[¶19] 38.9. Fear of the same fate caused the people of Sestus and other towns of the Chersonesus to yield. Thence he proceeded with all his forces, naval and military alike, to Lysimachia.

> Latin: 38.9. cum ad Madytum, Chersonesi urbem, terrestri navalem exercitum iunxisset, quia clauserant portas, circumdedit moenia armatis; et iam opera admoventi deditio facta est. idem metus Sestum incolentis aliasque Chersonesi urbes in deditionem dedit.

[¶20] 38.10. When he had found it almost entirely abandoned and in ruins (the Thracians had captured, plundered, and burned it a few years before), he was seized by the desire of rebuilding a city so famed and so advantageously situated. Therefore he undertook everything at once;

> Latin: 38.10. Lysimachiam inde omnibus simul navalibus terrestribus copiis venit. quam cum desertam ac stratam prope omnem ruinis invenisset — ceperant autem direptamque incenderant Thraces paucis ante annis —, cupido eum restituendi nobilem urbem et loco sitam opportuno cepit.

[¶21] 38.12. to rebuild the houses and walls, to ransom some of the Lysimachenses who were in slavery, to seek out and bring back some of them who had scattered in flight through the Hellespont and Chersonesus, to attract new colonists by the prospects of advantage held out to them, and to populate the city in every possible manner; at the same time, in order to dispel their fear of the Thracians, he set out in person with half his land forces to devastate the neighbouring parts of Thrace, leaving the rest and all the naval allies engaged in the work of rebuilding the city.

> Latin: 38.12. itaque omni cura simul est aggressus et tecta muros restituere et partim redimere servientis Lysimachenses, partim fuga sparsos per Hellespontum Chersonesumque conquirere et contrahere, partim novos colonos spe commodorum proposita adscribere et omni modo frequentare; simul, ut Thracum summoveretur metus, ipse parte dimidia terrestrium copiarum ad depopulanda proxima Thraciae est profectus, partem navalisque omnis socios reliquit in operibus reficiendae urbis.

[¶22] 39.1. At this time, too, Lucius Cornelius, sent by the senate to arbitrate the difference between the kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, stopped at Selymbria, - and some of the ten commissioners, Publius Lentulus from Bargyliae and Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius from Thasos, came to Lysimachia.

> Latin: 39.1. sub hoc tempus et L. Cornelius, missus ab senatu ad dirimenda inter Antiochum Ptolomaeumque reges certamina, Selymbriae substitit, et decem legatorum P.

[¶23] 39.2. Also, Lucius Cornelius from Selymbria and Antiochus from Thrace arrived there a few days later. There was a preliminary meeting with the ambassadors and then a kindly and hospitable reception, but when the debate over their instructions and the present situation in Asia began, there were displays of temper.

> Latin: 39.2. Lentulus a Bargyliis, P. Villius et L. Terentius ab Thaso Lysimachiam petierunt. eodem et ab Selymbria L. Cornelius et ex Thracia paucos post dies Antiochus convenerunt. primus congressus cum legatis et deinceps invitatio benigna et hospitalis fuit; ut de mandatis statuque praesenti Asiae agi coeptum est, animi exasperati sunt.

[¶24] 39.4. The Romans did not conceal the fact that his conduct, from the time he set sail from Syria, was displeasing to the senate, and they also deemed it right that all the cities which had belonged to Ptolemy should be restored to him;

> Latin: 39.4. Romani omnia acta eius, ex quo tempore ab Syria classem solvisset, displicere senatui non dissimulabant restituique et Ptolomaeo omnes civitates, quae dicionis eius fuissent, aequum censebant;

[¶25] 39.5. for, as regards the cities formerly held by Philip, which Antiochus had taken the opportunity to seize while Philip was engaged in the Roman war, they regarded it as surely unendurable that the Romans should have suffered so many toils and dangers for so many years on land and sea and that Antiochus should carry off the prizes of war.

> Latin: 39.5. nam quod ad eas civitates attineret, quas a Philippo possessas Antiochus per occasionem, averso Philippo in Romanum bellum, intercepisset, id vero ferendum non esse, Romanos per tot annos terra marique tanta pericula ac labores exhausisse, Antiochum belli praemia habere.

[¶26] 39.7. But, granting that the Romans pretended to ignore his advance into Asia as an act which did not concern them, what then? What of the fact that he was even then crossing into Europe with all his fleets and armies, and how far did that differ from an open declaration of war on the Romans? He, of course, would deny it, even if he crossed into Italy, but the Romans would not wait for him to have the power to do this.

> Latin: 39.7. sed ut in Asiam adventus eius dissimulari ab Romanis tamquam nihil ad eos pertinens potuerit, quid? quod iam etiam in Europam omnibus navalibus terrestribusque copiis transierit, quantum a bello aperte Romanis indicto abesse? illum quidem, etiam si in Italiam traiciat, negaturum; Romanos autem non expectaturos, ut id posset facere.

[¶27] 40.1. To this Antiochus replied that he was surprised that the Romans were making such diligent inquiry into what King Antiochus should do or how far he should advance by land or sea, and that they did not see that Asia was no concern of theirs, and that they had no more right to ask what Antiochus was doing in Asia than Antiochus had to ask what the Roman people was doing in Italy.

> Latin: 40.1. adversus ea Antiochus mirari se dixit Romanos tam diligenter inquirere, quid regi Antiocho faciundum aut quousque terra marique progrediundum fuerit, ipsos non cogitare Asiam nihil ad se pertinere, nec magis illis inquirendum esse, quid Antiochus in Asia, quam Antiocho, quid in Italia populus Romanus faciat.

[¶28] 40.3. So far as Ptolemy was concerned, the loss of whose cities was a subject of complaint, he already had a treaty of friendship with Ptolemy and was taking steps which would soon lead to a tie of relationship as well.

> Latin: 40.3. quod ad Ptolomaeum attineat, cui ademptas civitates querantur, sibi cum Ptolomaeo et amicitiam esse, et id agere, ut brevi etiam adfinitas iungatur.

[¶29] 40.4. He had not even taken advantage of Philip's ill fortune to seize and plunder, nor had he entered Europe to threaten the Romans; but all the country which had once been the kingdom of Lysimachus, and which, on his defeat, had passed with his other possessions into the hands of Seleucus by right of conquest, he considered his own.

> Latin: 40.4. ne ex Philippi quidem adversa fortuna spolia ulla se petisse aut adversus Romanos in Europam traiecisse; sed qua Lysimachi quondam regnum fuerit, quo victo omnia, quae illius fuissent, iure belli Seleuci facta sint, existimare suae dicionis esse.

[¶30] 40.5. While his forefathers were busy with the disposition of other matters, possession of some of these towns had been seized, first by Ptolemy, then by Philip, usurping the property-rights of others.

> Latin: 40.5. occupatis maioribus suis rerum aliarum cura primo quaedam ex iis Ptolomaeum, inde et Philippum usurpanda aliena possessionis causa tenuisse.

[¶31] 40.6. Who could doubt that Lysimachus had been lord of the Chersonesus and the neighbouring parts of Thrace which are around Lysimachia? He himself had come only to recover his ancient possessions and to found anew Lysimachia, destroyed by the attack of the Thracians, that his son Seleucus might make it the capital of his kingdom.

> Latin: 40.6. Chersonesus quidem et proxima Thraciae, quae circa Lysimachiam sint, quem dubitare, quin Lysimachi fuerint? ad ea recipienda in antiquum ius venisse et Lysimachiam deletam Thracum impetu de integro condere, ut Seleucus filius eam sedem regni habeat.

[¶32] 41.1. They had spent some days in such debates when an unauthenticated rumour that King Ptolemy was dead caused no conclusion to be reached by their conversations.

> Latin: 41.1. his disceptationibus per dies aliquot habitis rumor sine ullo satis certo auctore allatus de morte Ptolomaei regis, ut nullus exitus inponeretur sermonibus, effecit.

[¶33] 41.2. For each party pretended not to have heard it, and Lucius Cornelius, to whom had been entrusted the embassy to the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, requested an adjournment of a short time, that he might visit Ptolemy, his purpose being that he might arrive in Egypt before any revolution should occur while the throne was changing hands, while Antiochus believed that Egypt would be his if he should have succeeded in gaining possession of it at this time.

> Latin: 41.2. nam et dissimulabat pars utraque se audisse, et L. Cornelius, cui legatio ad duos reges, Antiochum Ptolomaeumque, mandata erat, spatium modici temporis ad conveniendum Ptolomaeum petebat, ut, priusquam moveretur aliquid in nova possessione regni, praeveniret in Aegyptum, et Antiochus suam fore Aegyptum, si tum occupasset, censebat.

[¶34] 41.4. So he dismissed the Romans, leaving his son Seleucus with the army to rebuild Lysimachia according to plan, and himself sailed for Ephesus with his entire fleet, sending ambassadors to Quinctius to say, with a view to creating confidence, that the king would do nothing to modify their alliance.

> Latin: 41.4. itaque dimissis Romanis relictoque Seleuco filio cum terrestribus copiis ad restituendam, ut instituerat, Lysimachiam ipse omni classe navigat Ephesum, legatis ad Quinctium missis, qui ad fidem faciendam nihil novaturum regem de societate agerent.

[¶35] 41.5. Skirting the coast of Asia, he came to Lycia, and learning at Patara that Ptolemy was alive, he gave up his design of sailing to Egypt;

> Latin: 41.5. oram Asiae legens pervenit in Lyciam Patarisque cognito vivere Ptolomaeum navigandi quidem in Aegyptum omissum consilium est;

[¶36] 41.6. nevertheless, he set out for Cyprus, and when he had passed the promontory of Chelidoniae, he was delayed for a while in Pamphylia near the mouth of the Eurymedon river by a mutiny among his rowers.

> Latin: 41.6. Cyprum nihilo minus petens, cum Chelidoniarum promunturium superasset, paulisper seditione remigum est retentus in Pamphylia circa Eurymedontem amnem.

[¶37] 41.7. When he resumed his voyage and was off the mouth of the river which they call Sarus, a terrific storm almost overwhelmed him and his whole fleet. Many ships were wrecked, many driven ashore, many so swallowed up in the sea that no one escaped to the shore.

> Latin: 41.7. inde profectum eum ad capita quae vocant Sari fluminis foeda tempestas adorta prope cum omni classe demersit. multae fractae, multae naves eiectae, multae ita haustae mari, ut nemo in terram enaverit.

[¶38] 41.8. A large number of men perished, not only rowers and the nameless mass of soldiers, but some of the nobles, friends of the king. Collecting the remnants left from the wreck, and being in no condition to try an expedition to Cyprus, he returned to Seleucia with a train less rich than that with which he had set out.

> Latin: 41.8. magna vis hominum ibi interiit, non remigum modo militumque ignotae turbae sed etiam insignium regis amicorum.

[¶39] 41.9. There he ordered the ships to be hauled up on land — for winter was now at hand — and went into winter quarters at Antioch. The affairs of the kings were in this state.

> Latin: 41.9. collectis reliquiis naufragii, cum res non in eo essent, ut Cyprum temptaret, minus opulento agmine, quam profectus erat, Seleuciam rediit. ibi subduci navibus iussis — iam enim et hiems instabat — ipse in hiberna Antiochiam concessit. in hoc statu regum erant res.

[¶40] 42.1. At Rome, in this year for the first time, the tresviri epulones were elected — Gaius Licinius Lucullus, tribune of the people, who had proposed the law for their election, Publius Manlius, and Publius Porcius Laeca. These triumvirs, like the pontiffs, were given the right to wear the toga praetexta.

> Latin: 42.1. Romae eo primum anno tresviri epulones facti C. Licinius Lucullus tribunus plebis, qui legem de creandis iis tulerat, et P. Manlius et P. Porcius Laeca. iis triumviris item ut pontificibus lege datum est togae praetextae habendae ius.

[¶41] 42.2. But a bitter struggle broke out that year between the whole body of priests and the city quaestors, Quintus Fabius Labeo and Lucius Aurelius.

> Latin: 42.2. sed magnum certamen cum omnibus sacerdotibus eo anno fuit quaestoribus urbanis, Q. Fabio Labeoni et L. Aurelio.

[¶42] 42.3. Money was needed because it had been decided to pay to the private lenders the last instalment of the money contributed for the war.

> Latin: 42.3. pecunia opus erat, quod ultimam pensionem pecuniae in bellum collatae persolvi placuerat privatis.

[¶43] 42.4. The quaestors demanded it of the augurs and pontiffs because they had not paid the taxes during the war. The priests appealed in vain to the tribunes of the people, and the money was collected for the whole period in which it had not been paid.

> Latin: 42.4. quaestores ab auguribus pontificibusque quod stipendium per bellum non contulissent petebant. ab sacerdotibus tribuni plebis nequiquam appellati, omniumque annorum, per quos non dederant, exactum est.

[¶44] 42.5. In the same year two pontiffs died and new ones were appointed in their place, the consul Marcus Marcellus to replace Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus, who had fallen while serving as praetor in Spain, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus in place of Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.

> Latin: 42.5. eodem anno duo mortui pontifices, novique in eorum locum suffecti, M. Marcellus consul in locum C. Semproni Tuditani, qui praetor in Hispania decesserat, et L. Valerius Flaccus in locum M. Corneli Cethegi.

[¶45] 42.6. - Quintus Fabius Maximus the augur also died while still a young man, before he had held any public office, and this year no augur was chosen in his stead.

> Latin: 42.6. et Q. Fabius Maximus augur mortuus est admodum adulescens, priusquam ullum magistratum caperet; nec eo anno augur in eius locum est suffectus.

[¶46] 42.7. Marcus Marcellus the consul presided over the consular elections, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus Porcius Cato were announced as successful. Then the praetors were chosen, Gnaeus Manlius Volso, Appius Claudius Nero, Publius Porcius Laeca, Gaius Fabricius Luscinus, Gaius Atinius Labeo, and Publius Manlius.

> Latin: 42.7. comitia inde consularia habita a M. Marcello consule. creati consules L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato. praetores inde facti Cn. Manlius Volso, Ap. Claudius Nero, P. Porcius Laeca, C. Fabricius Luscinus, C. Atinius Labeo, P. Manlius.

[¶47] 42.8. In that year the curule aediles, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and Gaius Flaminius, distributed to the people one million measures of grain at two asses per measure. The Sicilians had brought this to Rome as a mark of respect to Gaius Flaminius himself and to his father; Flaminius had shared the credit for it with his colleague. The Roman Games were celebrated splendidly and were thrice repeated entire.

> Latin: 42.8. eo anno aediles curules, M. Fulvius Nobilior et C. Flaminius, tritici deciens centena milia binis aeris populo discripserunt. id C. Flamini honoris causa ipsius patrisque advexerant Siculi Romam;

[¶48] 42.9. The plebeian aediles, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Gaius Scribonius Curio, brought many grazers to trial before the people; three of them were convicted, and out of the money paid by them as fines they built a temple to Faunus on the Island.

> Latin: 42.9. Flaminius gratiam eius communicaverat cum collega. ludi Romani et apparati magnifice sunt et ter toti instaurati.

[¶49] 42.10. The Plebeian Games were repeated for two days and a banquet held on the occasion of the games. When Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus - Porcius Cato the consuls had, on the Ides of March, on which day they were inaugurated, laid before the senate the question of the provinces, the Fathers voted it as their decision that, since so great a war was raging in Spain that it now needed a consular commander and a consular army, the consuls should either arrange between themselves or cast lots for Nearer Spain and Italy as their provinces;

> Latin: 42.10. aediles plebis, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus et C. Scribonius Curio [maximus], multos pecuarios ad populi iudicium adduxerunt; tres ex his condemnati sunt; ex eorum multaticia pecunia aedem in insula Fauni fecerunt. ludi plebei per biduum instaurati, et epulum fuit ludorum causa. L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato consules idibus Martiis, quo die magistratum inierunt, de provinciis cum ad senatum rettulissent, patres censuerunt, quoniam in Hispania tantum glisceret bellum, ut iam consulari et duce et exercitu opus esset, placere consules Hispaniam citeriorem Italiamque provincias aut comparare inter se aut sortiri;

[¶50] 43.3. that whichever received Spain as his province should take with him two legions, fifteen thousand of the allies of the Latin confederacy and eight hundred cavalry, and should take with him twenty war-ships;

> Latin: 43.3. utri Hispania provincia evenisset, eum duas legiones et quindecim milia socium Latini nominis et octingentos equites secum portare et naves longas viginti ducere;

[¶51] 43.4. that the other consul should recruit two legions; that the province of Gaul could be adequately defended with these, since the spirits of the Insubres and the Boi had been broken the previous year.

> Latin: 43.4. alter consul duas scriberet legiones; iis Galliam obtineri provinciam satis esse fractis proximo anno Insubrum Boiorumque animis:

[¶52] 43.5. Cato received Spain in the drawing and Valerius Italy. Then the praetors received their assignments: Gaius Fabricius Luscinus the city jurisdiction, Gaius Atinius Labeo that between citizens and aliens, Gnaeus Manlius Volso Sicily, Appius Claudius Nero Farther Spain, Publius Porcius Laeca Pisae, that he might be in the rear of the Ligures, and Publius Manlius was assigned to Nearer Spain as assistant to the consul.

> Latin: 43.5. Cato Hispaniam, Valerius Italiam est sortitus. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, C. Fabricius Luscinus urbanam, C. Atinius Labeo peregrinam, Cn. Manlius Volso Siciliam, Ap. Claudius Nero Hispaniam ulteriorem, P. Porcius Laeca Pisas, ut ab tergo Liguribus esset; P. Manlius in Hispaniam citeriorem adiutor consuli datus.

[¶53] 43.6. Since not only Antiochus and the Aetolians were causes of concern, but now, in addition, Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, the authority of Titus Quinctius was extended for a year, with the command of two legions. If any addition to these forces should be needed, the consuls were directed to enlist them and send them to Macedonia.

> Latin: 43.6. T. Quinctio suspectis non solum Antiocho et Aetolis, sed iam etiam Nabide, Lacedaemoniorum tyranno, prorogatum in annum imperium est, duas legiones ut haberet. in eas si quid supplementi opus esset, consules scribere et mittere in Macedoniam iussi.

[¶54] 43.7. Appius Claudius was permitted to enrol two thousand infantry and two hundred new cavalry in addition to the legion which Quintus Fabius had commanded.

> Latin: 43.7. Ap. Claudio praeter legionem, quam Q. Fabius habuerat, duo milia peditum et ducentos equites novos ut scriberet, permissum.

[¶55] 43.8. An equal number of new infantry and cavalry was authorized for Publius Manlius in Nearer Spain, and he was given the same legion which had served under the praetor Quintus Minucius.

> Latin: 43.8. par numerus peditum equitumque novorum et P. Manlio in citeriorem Hispaniam decretus et legio eadem, quae fuerat sub Q. Minucio praetore, data.

[¶56] 43.9. Also, to Publius Porcius Laeca were assigned ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry for service in Etruria in the neighbourhood of Pisae. In Sardinia, the command of Tiberius Sempronius Longus was extended.

> Latin: 43.9. et P. Porcio Laecae [ad Etruriam] circa Pisas decem milia peditum et quingenti equites ex Gallico exercitu decreti. in Sardinia prorogatum imperium Ti. Sempronio Longo.

[¶57] 44.1. When the provinces had been thus assigned, - the consuls, before they left the city, were instructed, in accordance with the decision of the priests, to conduct the ceremony of the “sacred spring” which the praetor Aulus Cornelius Mammula had vowed by decree of the senate and vote of the people, in the consulship of Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Flaminius.

> Latin: 44.1. provinciis ita distributis consules, priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur, ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum iussi facere, quod A.

[¶58] 44.2. The performance took place twenty-one years after the vow. At this time Gaius Claudius Pulcher, son of Appius, was chosen augur in place of Quintus Fabius Maximus, who had died the year before, and was installed in office.

> Latin: 44.2. Cornelius Mammula praetor voverat de senatus sententia populique iussu Cn. Servilio C. Flaminio consulibus. annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum. per eosdem dies C. Claudius Appi filius Pulcher augur in Q. Fabi Maximi locum, qui priore anno mortuus erat, lectus inauguratusque est.

[¶59] 44.4. When everyone wondered why the war which Spain had begun was receiving so little attention, a letter arrived from Quintus Minucius, saying that he had fought successfully in a pitched battle near the town of Turda with Budares and Baesadines, the Spanish commanders; that twelve thousand of the enemy had been killed, Budares their general captured, and the rest routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 44.4. mirantibus iam vulgo hominibus, quod Hispania movisset bellum neglegi, litterae a Q. Minucio adlatae sunt se ad Turdam oppidum cum Budare et Baesadine, imperatoribus Hispanis, signis conlatis prospere pugnasse; duodecim milia hostium caesa, Budarem imperatorem captum, ceteros fusos fugatosque.

[¶60] 44.5. When this letter was read, less fear was felt with respect to Spain, where a great war had been anticipated; all their anxieties, especially after the return of the ten commissioners, were centred on King Antiochus.

> Latin: 44.5. his litteris lectis minus terroris ab Hispanis erat, unde ingens bellum expectatum fuerat; omnes curae, utique post adventum decem legatorum, in Antiochum regem conversae.

[¶61] 44.6. These reported what had been done in the matter of Philip and on what terms peace had been granted, and gave warning that a war of no less magnitude was threatened by Antiochus: he had already invaded Europe with a huge fleet and a splendid army, and if an idle hope — sprung from an idler rumour — of invading Egypt, had not diverted his attention, Greece would presently be flaming with war; for not even the Aetolians would remain quiet, a people both naturally restless and ill-disposed towards the Romans.

> Latin: 44.6. hi expositis prius, quae cum Philippo acta essent et quibus legibus data pax, non minorem belli molem instare ab Antiocho docuerunt: ingenti classe, egregio terrestri exercitu in Europam eum traiecisse et, nisi avertisset vana spes, ex vaniore rumore orta, Aegypti invadendae, mox bello Graeciam arsuram fuisse; neque enim ne Aetolos quidem quieturos, cum ingenio inquietam tum iratam Romanis gentem.

[¶62] 44.8. There was, they said, another great evil in Greece, clinging to its vitals, Nabis, now tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, but soon, if it were permitted, to be tyrant of all Greece, the equal in greed and cruelty of all the tyrants known to fame;

> Latin: 44.8. haerere et aliud in visceribus Graeciae ingens malum, Nabim, nunc Lacedaemoniorum, mox, si liceat, universae Graeciae futurum tyrannum, avaritia et crudelitate omnis fama celebratos tyrannos aequantem;

[¶63] 44.9. if he were allowed to hold Argos, which dominates Peloponnesus almost like a citadel, when the Roman armies were withdrawn to Italy, the liberation of Greece from Philip would prove to have been in vain, and in place of a king who was at least far distant, if nothing else could be said for him, they would have as master a tyrant close at hand.

> Latin: 44.9. cui si Argos velut arcem Peloponneso inpositam tenere liceat, deportatis in Italiam Romanis exercitibus nequiquam liberatam a Philippo Graeciam fore, pro rege, si nihil aliud, longinquo vicinum tyrannum dominum habituram.

[¶64] 45.1. When they heard words like these from men whose opinion carried such weight, especially on matters which they had investigated personally, the more important question, that which concerned Antiochus, called more for urgent action, but since the king for some reason or other had gone back to Syria, the question of the tyrant was rather one for debate.

> Latin: 45.1. haec cum ab tam gravibus auctoribus, tum qui omnia per se ipsos explorata adferrent, audirentur, maior res, quod ad Antiochum attineret, maturanda magis, quoniam rex quacumque de causa in Syriam concessisset, de tyranno consultatio visa est.

[¶65] 45.3. After it had long been debated whether there seemed sufficient cause for declaring war, or whether the decision should be left to Titus Quinctius, they gave him the responsibility of taking such action, in the case of Nabis the Lacedaemonian, as would be to the advantage of the state, thinking that such action, whether accelerated or retarded, was not of so very great importance to the general interest of the state;

> Latin: 45.3. cum diu disceptatum esset, utrum satis iam causae videretur, cur decerneretur bellum, an permitterent T. Quinctio, quod ad Nabim Lacedaemonium attineret, faceret, quod e re publica censeret esse, permiserunt, eam rem esse rati, quae maturata dilatave non ita magni momenti ad summam rem publicam esset;

[¶66] 45.5. it was more to be considered what Hannibal and the Carthaginians would do if war should break out with King Antiochus.

> Latin: 45.5. magis id animadvertendum esse, quid Hannibal et Carthaginienses, si cum Antiocho bellum motum foret, acturi essent.

[¶67] 45.6. The members of the faction opposed to Hannibal kept writing, each to his own friends among the leaders at Rome, that Hannibal had been sending messengers and letters to Antiochus and receiving from the king his secret agents; that, as some wild beasts can in no wise be tamed, so this man's temper was violent and implacable;

> Latin: 45.6. adversae Hannibali factionis homines principibus Romanis, hospitibus quisque suis, identidem scribebant nuntios litterasque ab Hannibale ad Antiochum missas, et ab rege ad eum clam legatos venisse;

[¶68] 45.7. that he complained that a nation wasted away in a state of peace and could be aroused from its stupor only by the din of arms. The recollection of the recent war, not more waged than caused by this one man, made these accounts seem plausible.

> Latin: 45.7. ut feras quasdam nulla mitescere arte, sic inmitem et inplacabilem eius viri animum esse; marcescere otii situ queri civitatem et inertia sopiri nec sine armorum sonitu excitari posse.

[¶69] 45.8. He had, moreover, provoked the wrath of the leading citizens of Carthage by his recent conduct.

> Latin: 45.8. haec probabilia memoria prioris belli per unum illum non magis gesti quam moti faciebat. irritaverat etiam recenti facto multorum potentium animos.

[¶70] 46.1. The order of judges at that time was in control in Carthage, principally because the same men were judges for life.

> Latin: 46.1. iudicum ordo Carthagine ea tempestate dominabatur, eo maxime, quod iidem perpetui iudices erant.

[¶71] 46.2. The property, reputation, and life of every citizen were in their hands. A man who offended one of the judges made enemies of them all, nor was there any lack of persons to bring accusations before hostile judges.

> Latin: 46.2. res, fama vitaque omnium in illorum potestate erat. qui unum eius ordinis offendisset, omnis adversos habebat, nec accusator apud infensos iudices deerat.

[¶72] 46.3. Under their administration, marked by such violence — for they did not use their excessive wealth in the spirit of a free state — Hannibal had been elected praetor and summoned a quaestor to report to him.

> Latin: 46.3. horum in tam inpotenti regno—neque enim civiliter nimiis opibus utebantur—praetor factus Hannibal vocari ad se quaestorem iussit.

[¶73] 46.4. The quaestor ignored the order; for he belonged to the opposing faction, and since he would be promoted from the quaestorship to the all-powerful order of judges, he already displayed arrogance proportioned to the power he would presently exercise.

> Latin: 46.4. quaestor id pro nihilo habuit; nam et adversae factionis erat et, quia ex quaestura in iudices, potentissimum ordinem, referebatur, iam pro futuris mox opibus animos gerebat.

[¶74] 46.5. Hannibal, thinking this conduct highly improper, sent a messenger to arrest the quaestor, and haling him before the assembly, assailed him and not less the order of judges, in comparison with whose pride of place and power the laws were as nought, and the magistrates as well.

> Latin: 46.5. enimvero indignum id ratus Hannibal viatorem ad prendendum quaestorem misit subductumque in contionem non ipsum magis quam ordinem iudicum, prae quorum superbia atque opibus nec leges quicquam essent nec magistratus, accusavit.

[¶75] 46.6. When he saw that his speech was well received, and that their haughty spirits menaced the liberty of the lowest classes also, he immediately proposed and enacted a law, that judges should be elected for one year each, and that no one should be a judge for two consecutive terms.

> Latin: 46.6. et ut secundis auribus accipi orationem animadvertit et infimorum quoque libertati gravem esse superbiam eorum. legem extemplo promulgavit pertulitque, ut in singulos annos iudices legerentur, neu quis biennium continuum iudex esset.

[¶76] 46.7. But whatever influence he gained in this way with the commons, to the same extent he roused the animosity of a large party among the nobility.

> Latin: 46.7. ceterum quantam eo facto ad plebem inierat gratiam, tantum magnae partis principum offenderat animos.

[¶77] 46.8. Moreover, by another act he served the public interest but roused personal enmities against himself. The public revenues were being partly wasted through carelessness, partly appropriated as their booty and spoils of office by some of the prominent men and magistrates, and money to pay the tribute to the Romans each successive year was lacking, and a heavy assessment seemed to threaten the citizens.

> Latin: 46.8. adiecit et aliud, quo bono publico sibi proprias simultates irritavit. vectigalia publica partim neglegentia dilabebantur, partim praedae ac divisui et principum quibusdam et magistratibus erant, et pecunia, quae in stipendium Romanis suo quoque anno penderetur, deerat, tributumque grave privatis inminere videbatur.

[¶78] 47.1. When Hannibal had investigated the revenues, how much was collected as taxes on land and as duty at the ports, for what purposes it was spent, how much the ordinary expenses of the state required, and how much embezzlement took from the treasury, he asserted in the assembly that the state would be rich enough, if it collected the revenues not otherwise used and omitted the assessment on individual citizens, to pay its debt to the Romans, and this assertion he was able to make good.

> Latin: 47.1. Hannibal postquam, vectigalia quanta terrestria maritimaque essent et in quas res erogarentur, animadvertit, et quid eorum ordinarii rei publicae usus consumerent, quantum peculatus averteret, omnibus residuis pecuniis exactis, tributo privatis remisso satis locupletem rem publicam fore ad vectigal praestandum Romanis pronuntiavit in contione et praestitit promissum.

[¶79] 47.3. But now the men whom embezzlement from the treasury had maintained for many years, as if they were being robbed of their property instead of being made to give up the profits of their thefts, in passion and anger tried to bring upon Hannibal the wrath of the Romans, who were themselves seeking an excuse for venting their hatred upon him.

> Latin: 47.3. tum vero ii, quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furtorum manubiis extortis infensi et irati Romanos in Hannibalem, et ipsos causam odii quaerentis, instigabant.

[¶80] 47.4. So, although Publius Scipio Africanus resisted this tendency for a long time, urging that it was undignified for the Roman people to become parties to the animosities of Hannibal's accusers, to lend the support of official prestige to party strife at Carthage, and, not satisfied with having conquered Hannibal in battle, acting, so to speak, as his prosecutors, to assert good faith and

> Latin: 47.4. ita diu repugnante P. Scipione Africano, qui parum ex dignitate populi Romani esse ducebat subscribere odiis accusatorum Hannibalis et factionibus Carthaginiensium inserere publicam auctoritatem nec satis habere bello vicisse Hannibalem, nisi velut accusatores calumniam in eum iurarent ac nomen deferrent, tandem pervicerunt,

[¶81] 47.6. bring charges against him, they at length prevailed upon the senate to send an embassy to Carthage which should lay charges before their senate that Hannibal was conspiring with King Antiochus to foment war.

> Latin: 47.6. ut legati Carthaginem mitterentur, qui ad senatum eorum arguerent Hannibalem cum Antiocho rege consilia belli faciendi inire.

[¶82] 47.7. Three ambassadors were sent — Gnaeus Servilius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Quintus Terentius Culleo. When they arrived in Carthage, on the advice of Hannibal's enemies, they caused the answer to be given to those who asked what their errand was, that they had come to put an end to the disputes which had arisen between the Carthaginians and Masinissa, king of the Numidians.

> Latin: 47.7. legati tres missi, Cn. Servilius, M. Claudius Marcellus, Q. Terentius Culleo. qui cum Carthaginem venissent, ex consilio inimicorum Hannibalis quaerentibus causam adventus dici iusserunt, venisse se ad controversias, quae cum Masinissa rege Numidarum Carthaginiensibus essent, dirimendas.

[¶83] 47.9. This was generally accepted; but Hannibal did not fail to see that he and he alone was the object of the Romans' attack and that peace had been granted to the Carthaginians with the reservation that with him alone there should be implacable war.

> Latin: 47.9. id creditum vulgo; unum Hannibalem se peti ab Romanis non fallebat et ita pacem Carthaginiensibus datam esse, ut inexpiabile bellum adversus se unum maneret.

[¶84] 47.10. So he decided to give way to the emergency and his fate; and having already made all his preparations in advance for his departure, he spent that day in the forum in order to avert suspicion and at dusk, clad in his ordinary dress, he made his way to the gate with two companions who were ignorant of his design.

> Latin: 47.10. itaque cedere tempori et fortunae statuit; et praeparatis iam ante omnibus ad fugam, obversatus eo die in foro avertendae suspicionis causa, primis tenebris vestitu forensi ad portam cum duobus comitibus ignaris consilii est egressus.

[¶85] 48.1. When he had found the horses ready in the place he had ordered them to be, he crossed by night the territory which they call Byzacium and arrived next day at his castle on the coast between Acylla and Thapsus.

> Latin: 48.1. cum equi, quo in loco iusserat, praesto fuissent, nocte Byzacium—ita regionem quandam agri vocant—transgressus, postero die ad mare inter Acyllam et Thapsum ad suam turrem pervenit.

[¶86] 48.2. There a ship was waiting for him, manned and equipped. Thus Hannibal left Africa, bewailing his country's fate more often than his own. The same day he reached the island of Cercina.

> Latin: 48.2. ibi eum parata instructaque remigio excepit navis. ita Africa Hannibal excessit, saepius patriae quam suum eventum miseratus.

[¶87] 48.3. Since there were in port many Phoenician vessels, loaded with merchandise, and crowds of people came to pay their respects to him as he landed, he bade that the answer be given to their questions that he had been sent on an embassy to Tyre.

> Latin: 48.3. eodem die in Cercinam insulam traiecit. ubi cum in portu naves aliquot Phoenicum onerarias cum mercibus invenisset et ad egressum eum e nave concursus salutantium esset factus, percunctantibus legatum se Tyrum missum dici iussit.

[¶88] 48.4. Fearing nevertheless that one of these ships might leave at night and take the word to Thapsus or Hadrumetum that he had been seen at Cercina, he ordered preparations made for a sacrifice and the ship-captains and merchants invited to dinner and the sails and yards borrowed from their ships to provide a canopy — it chanced to be midsummer — for the diners on the shore.

> Latin: 48.4. veritus tamen, ne qua earum navis nocte profecta Thapsum aut Hadrumetum nuntiaret se Cercinae visum, sacrificio apparari iusso magistros navium mercatoresque invitari iussit et vela cum antemnis ex navibus conrogari, ut umbraclum — media aestas forte erat—cenantibus in litore fieret.

[¶89] 48.5. The dinner was given that day with all the pomp the situation and the time permitted, and the feasting was prolonged until late into the night with abundance of wine.

> Latin: 48.5. quanto res et tempus patiebatur apparatu celebratae eius diei epulae sunt; multoque vino in serum noctis convivium productum. Hannibal, cum primum fallendi eos, qui in portu erant, tempus habuit, navem solvit.

[¶90] 48.7. As soon as Hannibal found an opportunity to elude the men who were in the harbour, he set sail. The rest were sound asleep, and when they finally woke from slumber the next day, still heavy with wine, too late to accomplish anything, they spent some hours with the rigging, carrying it back to the ships, setting it up, and adjusting it.

> Latin: 48.7. ceteri sopiti cum postero die tandem ex somno pleni crapulae surrexissent, ad id quod serum erat, aliquot horas referendis in naves collocandisque et aptandis armamentis absumpserunt.

[¶91] 48.8. At Carthage, the crowd of people which was accustomed to visit Hannibal gathered about the doors of his house.

> Latin: 48.8. Carthagine [et] multitudinis adsuetae domum Hannibalis frequentare concursus ad vestibulum aedium est factus.

[¶92] 48.9. When it was generally known that he could not be found, the crowd rushed to the forum, demanding their foremost citizen;

> Latin: 48.9. ut non comparere eum vulgatum est, in forum turba convenit principem civitatis quaerentium;

[¶93] 48.10. some said that he had escaped, which was the case, others that he had been murdered at the instigation of the Romans, and this aroused the greater resentment; one could see the various looks natural in a state made up of men of opposing parties and torn by factional strife; finally word came that he had been seen at Cercina.

> Latin: 48.10. et alii fugam conscisse, id quod erat, alii fraude Romanorum interfectum, idque magis vulgo fremebant, variosque vultus cerneres ut in civitate aliorum alias partes foventium et factionibus discordi; visum deinde Cercinae eum tandem allatum est.

[¶94] 49.1. The Roman ambassadors stated in the senate that proof had been furnished the Fathers at Rome, first, that King Philip had made war upon the Roman people mainly at the instigation of Hannibal, second, that recently letters and messages had been sent by him to Antiochus and the Aetolians, stating that plans had been considered for drawing Carthage into the revolt, and that he had gone nowhere else than to Antiochus; he would never rest, they said, until he had roused the whole world to war;

> Latin: 49.1. et Romani legati cum in senatu exposuissent compertum patribus Romanis esse, et Philippum regem ante ab Hannibale maxime accensum bellum populo Romano fecisse, et nunc litteras nuntiosque ab eo ad Antiochum et Aetolos missos, consiliaque inita inpellendae ad defectionem Carthaginis, nec alio eum quam ad Antiochum regem profectum; haud quieturum eum, antequam bellum toto orbe terrarum concisset;

[¶95] 49.3. they added that such conduct should not go unpunished if the Carthaginians wished to convince the Roman people that none of these things had been done with their approval or with public sanction.

> Latin: 49.3. id ei non debere impune esse, si satisfacere Carthaginienses populo Romano vellent nihil eorum sua voluntate nec publico consilio factum esse:

[¶96] 49.4. The Carthaginians responded that they would do whatever the Romans should have determined was proper.

> Latin: 49.4. Carthaginienses responderunt, quidquid aecum censuissent Romani, facturos esse.

[¶97] 49.5. Hannibal arrived at Tyre after a prosperous voyage and was received by the founders of Carthage as coming from a second home-land, a man so distinguished by everykind of honour.

> Latin: 49.5. Hannibal prospero cursu Tyrum pervenit exceptusque a conditoribus Carthaginis, ut ab altera patria, vir tam clarus omni genere honorum, paucos moratus dies Antiochiam navigat.

[¶98] 49.6. After a brief stay he sailed to Antioch, and when, on his arrival there, he heard that the king had already gone to Asia, he met his son, who was holding the ritual games at Daphne, and after a courteous reception he set sail without delay.

> Latin: 49.6. ibi profectum iam regem in Asiam cum audisset filiumque eius sollemne ludorum ad Daphnen celebrantem convenisset, comiter ab eo exceptus nullam moram navigandi fecit.

[¶99] 49.7. At Ephesus he overtook the king, still wavering in mind and undecided about the war with Rome, but the arrival of Hannibal was no small factor in making up his mind.

> Latin: 49.7. Ephesi regem est consecutus, fluctuantem adhuc animo incertumque de Romano bello; sed haud parvum momentum ad animum eius moliendum adventus Hannibalis fecit.

[¶100] 49.8. At that time, too, the Aetolians were inclined to abandon their alliance with Rome, since the ambassadors whom they had sent to recover Pharsalus and Leucas and certain other cities in accordance with the original treaty had been referred by the senate to Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 49.8. Aetolorum quoque eodem tempore alienati ab societate Romana animi sunt, quorum legatos Pharsalum et Leucadem et quasdam alias civitates ex primo foedere repetentis senatus ad T. Quinctium reiecit.

## 13. Book XXXIV · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/13/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/13/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Amid the anxieties of great wars, either scarce finished or soon to come, an incident occurred, trivial to relate, but which, by reason of the passions it aroused, developed into a violent contention.

> Latin: 1.1. inter bellorum magnorum aut vixdum finitorum aut imminentium curas intercessit res parva dictu, sed quae studiis in magnum certamen excesserit.

[¶1] 1.2. Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, tribunes of the people, proposed to the assembly the abrogation of the Oppian law.

> Latin: 1.2. M. Fundanius et L. Valerius tribuni plebi ad plebem tulerunt de Oppia lege abroganda.

[¶2] 1.3. The tribune Gaius Oppius had carried this law in the heat of the Punic War, in the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Tiberius Sempronius, that no woman should possess more than half an ounce of gold or wear a parti-coloured garment or ride in a carriage in the City or in a town within a mile thereof, except on the occasion of a religious festival.

> Latin: 1.3. tulerat eam C. Oppius tribunus plebis Q. Fabio Ti. Sempronio consulibus, in medio ardore Punici belli, ne qua mulier plus semunciam auri haberet nec vestimento versicolori uteretur neu iuncto vehiculo in urbe oppidove aut propius inde mille passus nisi sacrorum publicorum causa veheretur.

[¶3] 1.4. The tribunes Marcus and Publius Iunius Brutus were supporting the Oppian law, and averred that they would not permit its repeal; many distinguished men came forward to speak for and against it; the Capitoline was filled with crowds of supporters and opponents of the bill.

> Latin: 1.4. M. et P. Iunii Bruti tribuni plebis legem Oppiam tuebantur nec eam se abrogari passuros aiebant; ad suadendum dissuadendumque multi nobiles prodibant; Capitolium turba hominum faventium adversantiumque legi complebatur.

[¶4] 1.5. The matrons could not be kept at home by advice or modesty or their husbands' orders, but blocked all the streets and approaches to the Forum, begging the men as they came down to the Forum that, in the prosperous condition of the state, when the private fortunes of all men were daily increasing, they should allow the women too to have their former distinctions restored.

> Latin: 1.5. matronae nulla nec auctoritate nec verecundia nec imperio virorum contineri limine poterant, omnis vias urbis aditusque in forum obsidebant viros descendentis ad forum orantes, ut florente re publica, crescente in dies privata omnium fortuna matronis quoque pristinum ornatum reddi paterentur.

[¶5] 1.6. The crowd of women grew larger day by day; for they were now coming in from the towns and rural districts.

> Latin: 1.6. augebatur haec frequentia mulierum in dies; nam etiam ex oppidis conciliabulisque conveniebant.

[¶6] 1.7. Soon they dared even to approach and appeal to the consuls, the praetors, and the other officials, but one consul, at least, they found adamant, Marcus Porcius Cato, who spoke thus in favour of the law whose repeal was being urged.

> Latin: 1.7. iam et consules praetoresque et alios magistratus adire et rogare audebant; ceterum minime exorabilem alterum utique consulem, M. Porcium Catonem, habebant, qui pro lege, quae abrogabatur, ita disseruit:

[¶7] 2.1. "If each of us, citizens, had determined to assert his rights and dignity as a husband with respect to his own spouse, we should have less trouble with the sex as a whole;

> Latin: 2.1. ‘si in sua quisque nostrum matre familiae, Quirites, ius et maiestatem viri retinere instituisset, minus cum universis feminis negotii haberemus;

[¶8] 2.2. as it is, our liberty, destroyed at home by female violence, even here in the Forum is crushed and trodden underfoot, and because we have not kept them individually under control, we dread them collectively.

> Latin: 2.2. nunc domi victa libertas nostra impotentia muliebri hic quoque in foro obteritur et calcatur, et, quia singulas non continuimus, universas horremus.

[¶9] 2.3. For my part, I thought it a fairy-tale and a piece of fiction that on a certain island all the men were destroyed, root and branch, by a conspiracy of women; but from no class is there not the greatest danger if you permit them meetings and gatherings and secret consultations.

> Latin: 2.3. equidem fabulam et fictam rem ducebam esse, virorum omne genus in aliqua insula coniuratione muliebri ab stirpe sublatum esse;

[¶10] 2.4. And I can scarcely decide in my own mind whether the act itself or the precedent it sets is worse; the act concerns us consuls and other magistrates; the example, citizens, rather concerns you.

> Latin: 2.4. ab nullo genere non summum periculum est, si coetus et concilia et secretas consultationes esse sinas. atque ego vix statuere apud animum meum possum, utrum peior ipsa res an peiore exemplo agatur;

[¶11] 2.5. For whether the proposal which is laid before you is in the public interest or not is a question for you who are soon to cast your votes; but this female madness, whether it is spontaneous or due to your instigation, Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, but which beyond question brings discredit upon the magistrates — I do not know, I say, whether this madness is more shameful for you, tribunes, or for the consuls: for you, if you have brought these women here to support tribunicial seditions; for us, if we must accept laws given us by a secession of women, as formerly by a secession of plebeians.

> Latin: 2.5. quorum alterum ad nos consules reliquosque magistratus, alterum ad vos, Quirites, magis pertinet. nam utrum e re publica sit necne id, quod ad vos fertur, vestra existimatio est, qui in suffragium ituri estis; haec consternatio muliebris, sive sua sponte sive auctoribus vobis, M. Fundani et L. Valeri, facta est, haud dubie ad culpam magistratuum pertinens, nescio, vobis, tribuni, an consulibus magis sit deformis:

[¶12] 2.7. For myself, I could not conceal my blushes a while ago, when I had to make my way to the Forum through a crowd of women.

> Latin: 2.7. vobis, si feminas ad concitandas tribunicias seditiones iam adduxistis; nobis, si, ut plebis quondam, sic nunc mulierum secessione leges accipiendae sunt.

[¶13] 2.8. Had not respect for the dignity and modesty of some individuals among them rather than of the sex as a whole kept me silent, lest they should seem to have been rebuked by a consul, I should have said, 'What sort of practice is this, of running out into the streets and blocking the roads and speaking to other women's husbands?

> Latin: 2.8. equidem non sine rubore quodam paulo ante per medium agmen mulierum in forum perveni. quod nisi me verecundia singularum magis maiestatis et pudoris quam universarum tenuisset, ne compellatae a consule viderentur, dixissem:

[¶14] 2.9. Could you not have made the same requests, each of your own husband, at home? Or are you more attractive outside and to other women's husbands than to your own?

> Latin: 2.9. ‘qui hic mos est in publicum procurrendi et obsidendi vias et viros alienos appellandi apellandi? istud ipsum suos quaeque domi rogare non potuistis?

[¶15] 2.10. And yet, not even at home, if modesty would keep matrons within the limits of their proper rights, did it become you to concern yourselves with the question of what laws should be adopted in this place or repealed.'

> Latin: 2.10. an blandiores in publico quam in privato et alienis quam vestris estis? quamquam ne domi quidem vos, si sui iuris finibus matronas contineret pudor, quae leges hic rogarentur abrogarenturve, curare decuit.

[¶16] 2.11. Our ancestors permitted no woman to conduct even personal business without a guardian to intervene in her behalf; they wished them to be under the control of fathers, brothers, husbands; we (Heaven help us!) allow them now even to interfere in public affairs, yes, and to visit the Forum and our informal and formal sessions. What else are they doing now on the streets and at the corners except urging the bill of the tribunes and voting for the repeal of the law?

> Latin: 2.11. ’ maiores nostri nullam, ne privatam quidem rem agere feminas sine tutore auctore voluerunt, in manu esse parentium, fratrum, virorum; nos, si diis placet, iam etiam rem publicam capessere eas patimur et foro quoque et contionibus et comitiis immisceri.

[¶17] 2.12. Give loose rein to their uncontrollable nature and to this untamed creature and expect that they will themselves set bounds to their licence;

> Latin: 2.12. quid enim nunc aliud per vias et compita faciunt, quam rogationem tribunorum plebi suadent, quam legem abrogandam censent?

[¶18] 2.13. unless you act, this is the least of the things enjoined upon women by custom or law and to which they submit with a feeling of injustice.

> Latin: 2.13. date frenos impotenti naturae et indomito animali et sperate ipsas modum licentiae facturas;

[¶19] 2.14. It is complete liberty or, rather, if we wish to speak the truth, complete licence that they desire. "If they win in this, what will they not attempt? Review all the laws with which your forefathers restrained their licence and made them subject to their husbands; even with all these bonds you can scarcely control them. What of this?

> Latin: 2.14. nisi vos facietis, minimum hoc eorum est, quae iniquo animo feminae sibi aut moribus aut legibus iniuncta patiuntur. omnium rerum libertatem, immo licentiam, si vere dicere volumus, desiderant. quid enim, si hoc expugnaverint, non temptabunt? recensete omnia muliebria iura, quibus licentiam earum adligaverint maiores vestri per quaeque subiecerint viris; quibus omnibus constrictas vix tamen continere potestis.

[¶20] 3.2. If you suffer them to seize these bonds one by one and wrench themselves free and finally to be placed on a parity with their husbands, do you think that you will be able to endure them? The moment they begin to be your equals, they will be your superiors.

> Latin: 3.2. quid? si carpere singula et extorquere et aequari ad extremum viris patiemini, tolerabiles vobis eas fore creditis? extemplo, simul pares esse coeperint, superiores erunt.

[¶21] 3.3. But, by Hercules, they object to the passage of any new law against them, they complain not of law but of wrongs done them; what they want, rather, is that you repeal this law which you have approved and ratified and which in the trial and experience of so many years you have found good: in other words, that by abolishing this one law you weaken the force of all the rest.

> Latin: 3.3. at hercule ne quid novum in eas rogetur recusant, non ius sed iniuriam deprecantur, immo, ut, quam accepistis iussistis suffragiis vestris legem, quam usu tot annorum et experiendo comprobastis, hanc ut abrogetis, id est ut unam tollendo legem ceteras infirmetis.

[¶22] 3.5. No law is entirely convenient for everyone; this alone is asked, whether it is good for the majority and on the whole. If every law which harms anyone in his private affairs is to be repealed and discarded, what good will it do for all the citizens to pass laws which those at whom they are aimed will at once annul?

> Latin: 3.5. nulla lex satis commoda omnibus est; id modo quaeritur, si maiori parti et in summam prodest. si, quod cuique privatim officiet ius, id destruet ac demolietur, quid attinebit universos rogare leges, quas mox abrogare, in quos latae sunt, possint?

[¶23] 3.6. I should like to know what it is which has caused the panic-stricken matrons to rush out into the streets and barely refrain from entering the Forum and a public meeting. Is it that our captives, their fathers, husbands, sons or brothers, may be ransomed from Hannibal?

> Latin: 3.6. volo tamen audire, quid sit, propter quod matronae consternatae procucurrerint in publicum ac vix foro se et contione abstineant.

[¶24] 3.7. Such a calamity to the state is far away, and may it always be; but yet, when it did happen, you refused this to their pious prayers.

> Latin: 3.7. ut captivi ab Hannibale redimantur parentes, viri, liberi, fratres earum? procul abest absitque semper talis fortuna rei publicae; sed tamen, cum fuit, negastis hoc piis precibus earum.

[¶25] 3.8. But it was not affection nor anxiety about their dear ones which had brought them together: it was a religious rite, and they were about to receive the Idaean Mother as she came from Pessinus in Phrygia. What pretext, respectable even to mention, is now given for this insurrection of the women?

> Latin: 3.8. at non pietas nec sollicitudo pro suis, sed religio congregavit eas: matrem Idaeam a Pessinunte ex Phrygia venientem accepturae sunt. quid honestum dictu saltem seditioni praetenditur muliebri?

[¶26] 3.9. 'That we may glitter with gold and purple,' says one, 'that we may ride in carriages on holidays and ordinary days, that we may be borne through the city as if in triumph over the conquered and vanquished law and over the votes which we have captured and wrested from you; that there may be no limits to our spending and our luxury.'

> Latin: 3.9. ‘ut auro et purpura fulgamus’ inquit, ‘ut carpentis festis profestisque diebus, velut triumphantes de lege victa et abrogata et captis et ereptis suffragiis vestris, per urbem vectemur; ne ullus modus sumptibus, ne luxuriae sit.

[¶27] 4.1. “You have often heard me complaining of the extravagance of the women and often of the men, both private citizens and magistrates even, and ” “lamenting that the state is suffering from those two opposing evils, avarice and luxury, which have been the destruction of every great empire.”

> Latin: 4.1. ’ saepe me querentem de feminarum, saepe de virorum nec de privatorum modo sed etiam magistratuum sumptibus audistis, diversisque duobus vitiis, avaritia et luxuria, civitatem laborare, quae pestes omnia magna imperia everterunt.

[¶28] 4.3. “The better and the happier becomes the fortune of our commonwealth day by day and the greater the empire grows — and already we have crossed into Greece and Asia, places filled with all the allurements of vice, and we are handling the treasures of kings — the more I fear that these things will capture us rather than we them.”

> Latin: 4.3. haec ego, quo melior laetiorque in dies fortuna rei publicae est imperiumque crescit—et iam in Graeciam Asiamque transcendimus omnibus libidinum illecebris repletas et regias etiam adtrectamus gazas—, eo plus horreo, ne illae magis res nos ceperint quam nos illas.

[¶29] 4.4. “Tokens of danger, believe me, were those statues which were brought to this city from Syracuse. Altogether too many people do I hear praising the baubles of Corinth and Athens and laughing at the fictile antefixes of our Roman gods.”

> Latin: 4.4. infesta, mihi credite, signa ab Syracusis illata sunt huic urbi. iam nimis multos audio Corinthi et Athenarum ornamenta laudantis mirantisque et antefixa fictilia deorum Romanorum ridentis.

[¶30] 4.5. “I prefer that these gods be propitious to us, and I trust that they will be if we allow them to remain in their own dwellings.”

> Latin: 4.5. ego hos malo propitios deos et ita spero futuros, si in suis manere sedibus patiemur.

[¶31] 4.6. “In the memory of our forefathers Pyrrhus, through his agent Cineas, tried to corrupt with gifts the minds of our men and women as well. Not yet had the Oppian law been passed to curb female extravagance, yet not one woman took his gifts. What do you think was the reason?”

> Latin: 4.6. patrum nostrorum memoria per legatum Cineam Pyrrhus non virorum modo sed etiam mulierum animos donis temptavit. nondum lex Oppia ad coercendam luxuriam muliebrem lata erat;

[¶32] 4.7. “The same thing which caused our ancestors to pass no law on the subject: there was no extravagance to be restrained.”

> Latin: 4.7. tamen nulla accepit. quam causam fuisse censetis? eadem fuit, quae maioribus nostris nihil de hac re lege sanciundi; nulla erat luxuria, quae coerceretur.

[¶33] 4.8. “As it is necessary that diseases be known before their cures, so passions are born before the laws which keep them within bounds. What provoked the Licinian law about the five hundred iugera except the uncontrolled desire of joining field to field?”

> Latin: 4.8. sicut ante morbos necesse est cognitos esse quam remedia eorum, sic cupiditates prius natae sunt quam leges, quae iis modum facerent.

[¶34] 4.9. “What brought about the Cincian law except that the plebeians had already begun to be vassals and tributaries to the senate? And so it is not strange that no Oppian or any other law was needed to limit female extravagance at the time when they spurned gifts of gold and purple voluntarily offered to them.”

> Latin: 4.9. quid legem Liciniam excitavit de quingentis iugeribus nisi ingens cupido agros continuandi? quid legem Cinciam de donis et muneribus, nisi quia vectigalis iam et stipendiaria plebs esse senatui coeperat?

[¶35] 4.10. “If it were to-day that Cineas were going about the city with those presents he would have found women standing in the streets to receive them. And for some desires I can find no reason or explanation.”

> Latin: 4.10. itaque minime mirum est nec Oppiam nec aliam ullam tum legem desideratam esse, quae modum sumptibus mulierum faceret, cum aurum et purpuram data et oblata ultro non accipiebant.

[¶36] 4.11. “For though it may perhaps cause some natural shame or even anger that what is denied to you is permitted to another, yet, when the dress of all is made alike, what is there which any of you fears will not be conspicuous in herself?”

> Latin: 4.11. si nunc cum illis donis Cineas urbem circumiret, stantis in publico invenisset, quae acciperent.

[¶37] 4.12. “The worst kind of shame, I tell you, is that derived from stinginess or poverty; but the law takes from you the chance of either, since you do not have what it is not allowed you to have.”

> Latin: 4.12. atque ego nonnullarum cupiditatium ne causam quidem aut rationem inire possum, nam ut, quod alii liceat, tibi non licere aliquid fortasse naturalis aut pudoris aut indignationis habeat, sic aequato omnium cultu quid unaquaeque vestrum veretur ne in se conspiciatur?

[¶38] 4.13. ' It is just this equality that I will not put up with,' says yonder rich woman. 'Why do I not stand out conspicuous by reason of gold and purple?

> Latin: 4.13. pessimus quidem pudor est vel parsimoniae vel paupertatis; sed utrumque lex vobis demit, cum id, quod habere non licet, non habetis.

[¶39] 4.14. “Why does the poverty of other women lie concealed under cover of this law, that it may seem that, had it been legal, they would have owned what it is not in their power to own?' Do you wish, citizens, to start a race like this among your wives, so that the rich shall want to own what no other woman can have and the poor, lest they be despised for their poverty, shall spend beyond their means?”

> Latin: 4.14. ‘hanc’ inquit ‘ipsam exaequationem non fero’ illa locuples. ‘cur non insignis auro et purpura conspicior? cur paupertas aliarum sub hac legis specie latet, ut, quod habere non possunt, habiturae, si liceret, fuisse videantur?

[¶40] 4.15. “Once let these women begin to be ashamed of what they should not be ashamed, and they will not be ashamed of what they ought.”

> Latin: 4.15. ‘vultis hoc certamen uxoribus vestris inicere, Quirites, ut divites id habere velint, quod nulla alia possit; pauperes, ne ob hoc ipsum contemnantur, supra vires se extendant?

[¶41] 4.16. “She who can buy from her own purse will buy; she who cannot will beg her husband. Poor wretch that husband, both he who yields and he who yields not, since what he will not himself give he will see given by another man.”

> Latin: 4.16. ne eas simul pudere, quod non oportet, coeperit, quod oportet, non pudebit. quae de suo poterit, parabit, quae non poterit, virum rogabit.

[¶42] 4.17. “Now they publicly address other women's husbands, and, what is more serious, they beg for a law and votes, and from sundry men they get what they ask.”

> Latin: 4.17. miserum illum virum, et qui exoratus et qui non exoratus erit, cum, quod ipse non dederit, datum ab alio videbit.

[¶43] 4.18. “In matters affecting yourself, your property, your children, you, Sir, can be importuned; once the law has ceased to set a limit to your wife's expenditures you will never set it yourself. Do not think, citizens, that the situation which existed before the law was passed will ever return.”

> Latin: 4.18. nunc vulgo alienos viros rogant et, quod maius est, legem et suffragia rogant et a quibusdam impetrant. adversus te et rem tuam et liberos tuos exorabilis es; simul lex modum sumptibus uxoris tuae facere desierit, tu numquam facies.

[¶44] 4.19. “It is safer for a criminal to go unaccused than to be acquitted; and luxury, left undisturbed, would have been more endurable then than it will be now, when it has been, like a wild beast, first rendered angry by its very fetters and then let loose. My opinion is that the Oppian law should on no account be repealed; whatever is your decision, I pray that all the gods may prosper it.”

> Latin: 4.19. nolite eodem loco existimare, Quirites, futuram rem, quo fuit, antequam lex de hoc ferretur. et hominem improbum non accusari tutius est quam absolvi, et luxuria non mota tolerabilior esset, quam erit nunc, ipsis vinculis, sicut ferae bestiae, irritata, deinde emissa. ego nullo modo abrogandam legem Oppiam censeo; vos quod faxitis, deos omnis fortunare velim.’

[¶45] 5.1. After this the tribunes of the people who had declared that they would veto the bill spoke briefly to the same effect, and then Lucius Valerius argued thus for the measure which he had proposed: "If only private citizens had come forward to support or oppose the measure which we have placed before you, I too, since I judged that enough had been said on each side, should have waited in silence for your ballots;

> Latin: 5.1. post haec tribuni quoque plebi, qui se intercessuros professi erant, cum pauca in eandem sententiam adiecissent, tum L. Valerius pro rogatione ab se promulgata ita disseruit: ‘si privati tantummodo ad suadendum dissuadendumque id, quod ab nobis rogatur, processissent, ego quoque, cum satis dictum pro utraque parte existimarem, tacitus suffragia vestra expectassem;

[¶46] 5.2. now, since that most influential man, the consul Marcus Porcius, has attacked our proposal not only with his authority, which unexpressed would have had enough of weight, but also in along and carefully-prepared speech, it is necessary to make a brief reply.

> Latin: 5.2. nunc cum vir gravissimus, consul M. Porcius, non auctoritate solum, quae tacita satis momenti habuisset, sed oratione etiam longa et accurata insectatus sit rogationem nostram, necesse est paucis respondere.

[¶47] 5.3. And yet he used up more words in reproving the matrons than he did in opposing our bill, and, in fact, left it in doubt whether the conduct for which he rebuked the matrons was spontaneous or inspired by us.

> Latin: 5.3. qui tamen plura verba in castigandis matronis quam in rogatione nostra dissuadenda consumpsit, et quidem ut in dubio poneret, utrum id, quod reprenderet, matronae sua sponte an nobis auctoribus fecissent.

[¶48] 5.4. I propose to defend the measure rather than ourselves, at whom the consul directed his insinuations, more to have something to say than to make a serious charge.

> Latin: 5.4. rem defendam, non nos, in quos iecit magis hoc consul verbo tenus, quam ut re insimularet.

[¶49] 5.5. This gathering of women he called a sedition and sometimes' a female secession,' because the matrons, in the streets, had requested you to repeal, in a time of peace and in a rich and prosperous commonwealth, a law that was passed against them in the trying days of a war.

> Latin: 5.5. coetum et seditionem et interdum secessionem muliebrem appellavit, quod matronae in publico vos rogassent, ut legem in se latam per bellum temporibus duris in pace et florenti ac beata re publica abrogaretis.

[¶50] 5.6. I know that there is this and still other vigorous language, which has been sought out to make the argument sound more convincing; we all know, too, that Marcus Cato is an orator not only powerful but sometimes even savage, though he is kind of heart.

> Latin: 5.6. verba magna, quae rei augendae causa conquirantur, et haec et alia esse scio, et M. Catonem oratorem non solum gravem sed interdum etiam trucem esse scimus omnes, cum ingenio sit mitis.

[¶51] 5.7. What new thing, pray, have the matrons done in coming out into the streets in crowds in a case that concerned them? Have they never before this moment appeared in public? Let me unroll your own Origines against you.

> Latin: 5.7. nam quid tandem novi matronae fecerunt, quod frequentes in causa ad se pertinente in publicum processerunt? numquam ante hoc tempus in publico apparuerunt? tuas adversus te Origines revolvam.

[¶52] 5.8. Hear how often they have done it and always, indeed, for the general good. Even in the beginning, while Romulus was king, when the Capitoline had been taken by the Sabines and pitched battle was raging in the centre of the Forum, was not the fighting stopped by the rush of the matrons between the two battle-lines? What of this?

> Latin: 5.8. accipe, quotiens id fecerint, et quidem semper bono publico. iam a principio, regnante Romulo, cum Capitolio ab Sabinis capto medio in foro signis collatis dimicaretur, nonne intercursu matronarum inter acies duas proelium sedatum est? quid? regibus exactis cum Coriolano Marcio duce legiones Volscorum castra ad quintum lapidem posuissent, nonne id agmen, quo obruta haec urbs esset, matronae averterunt?

[¶53] 5.9. When, after the expulsion of the kings, the Volscian legions led by Marcius Coriolanus had encamped at the fifth milestone, did not the matrons turn away from us the army which would have destroyed our city? When the City was later captured by the Gauls, how was it ransomed? Why, the matrons by unanimous consent contributed their gold to the public use. In the recent war (not to go to remoter times), did not the widows, when there was a scarcity of money, aid the treasury with their wealth, and when new gods too were brought in to help us in our crisis, did not the matrons in a body go down to the sea to receive the Idaean Mother? These cases, you say, are different.

> Latin: 5.9. iam urbe capta a Gallis aurum, quo redempta urbs est, nonne matronae consensu omnium in publicum contulerunt? proximo bello, ne antiqua repetam, nonne et, cum pecunia opus fuit, viduarum pecuniae adiuverunt aerarium, et, cum dii quoque novi ad opem ferendam dubiis rebus accerserentur, matronae universae ad mare profectae sunt ad matrem Idaeam accipiendam?

[¶54] 5.11. It is not my purpose to prove them similar; it suffices if I prove that this is nothing new. But what no one wonders that all, - men and women alike, have done in matters that concern them, do we wonder that the women have done in a case peculiarly their own? What now have they done?

> Latin: 5.11. dissimiles, inquis, causae sunt. nec mihi causas aequare propositum est; nihil novi factum purgare satis est. ceterum quod in rebus ad omnis pariter, viros feminas, pertinentibus fecisse eas nemo miratus est, in causa proprie ad ipsas pertinente miramur fecisse?

[¶55] 5.13. We have proud ears, upon my word, if, although masters do not scorn to hear the petitions of slaves, we complain that we are appealed to by respectable women.

> Latin: 5.13. quid autem fecerunt? superbas, me dius fidius, aures habemus, si, cum domini servorum non fastidiant preces, nos rogari ab honestis feminis indignamur.

[¶56] 6.1. "I come now to the matter which is under discussion. On this point the consul's argument was two fold: for he protested against the repeal of any law at all, and particularly of that law which was designed to limit feminine luxury.

> Latin: 6.1. venio nunc ad id, de quo agitur. in quo duplex consulis oratio fuit; nam et legem ullam omnino abrogari est indignatus, et eam praecipue legem, quae luxuriae muliebris coercendae causa lata esset.

[¶57] 6.2. The former argument, a general appeal on behalf of the laws, was becoming to a consul; the latter, against luxury, was consistent with his strict moral code;

> Latin: 6.2. et illa communis pro legibus visa consularis oratio est, et haec adversus luxuriam severissimis moribus conveniebat;

[¶58] 6.3. accordingly, unless I reveal the fallacy in both, there is a danger that some misconception may blind your eyes.

> Latin: 6.3. itaque periculum est, nisi, quid in utraque re vani sit, docuerimus, ne quis error vobis offundatur.

[¶59] 6.4. For while I acknowledge that, of these laws which have been passed, not for a particular occasion, but as permanent institutions because of their enduring benefit, none should be repealed, unless experience shows it to be useless or some emergency in the state renders it valueless, yet I see that certain laws which crises in the state have demanded are, so to speak, mortal, and subject to change as conditions themselves change.

> Latin: 6.4. ego enim quem ad modum ex iis legibus, quae non in tempus aliquod, sed perpetuae utilitatis causa in aeternum latae sunt, nullam abrogari debere fateor, nisi quam aut usus coarguit aut status aliquis rei publicae inutilem fecit, sic, quas tempora aliqua desiderarunt leges, mortales, ut ita dicam, et temporibus ipsis mutabiles esse video.

[¶60] 6.6. Laws passed in time of peace, war frequently annuls, and peace those passed in times of war, just as in handling a ship some means are useful in fair weather and others in a storm.

> Latin: 6.6. quae in pace lata sunt, plerumque bellum abrogat, quae in bello, pax, ut in navis administratione alia in secunda, alia in adversa tempestate usui sunt.

[¶61] 6.7. Since they are so distinguished by nature, to which class, I ask, does the law which we are trying to repeal seem to belong? Well? Is it an ancient regal law, born with the City itself, or, what is next to that, one inscribed on the twelve tables by the decemvirs appointed to codify the law? Is it a law without which our ancestors held that a matron's virtue could not be preserved, and which we too must fear to repeal lest along with it we repeal the modesty and purity of our women?

> Latin: 6.7. haec cum ita natura distincta sint, ex utro tandem genere ea lex esse videtur, quam abrogamus? quid? vetus regia lex, simul cum ipsa urbe nata aut, quod secundum est, ab decemviris ad condenda iura creatis in duodecim tabulis scripta, sine qua cum maiores nostri non existimarint decus matronale servari posse, nobis quoque verendum sit, ne cum ea pudorem sanctitatemque feminarum abrogemus?

[¶62] 6.9. Who is there, then, who does not know that this is a new law, passed twenty years ago, in the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Tiberius Sempronius? Since for so many years our matrons lived virtuous lives without it, what danger is there that when it is repealed they will rush into riotous luxury?

> Latin: 6.9. quis igitur nescit novam istam legem esse, Q. Fabio et Ti. Sempronio consulibus viginti ante annis latam? sine qua cum per tot annos matronae optimis moribus vixerint, quod tandem, ne abrogata ea effundantur ad luxuriam, periculum est?

[¶63] 6.10. For if it were an ancient law, or passed for the purpose of holding feminine caprice under restraint, there would be danger that its abrogation would rouse their passion; but the occasion itself will tell you why the law was passed.

> Latin: 6.10. nam si ista lex vetus aut ideo lata esset, ut finiret libidinem muliebrem, verendum foret, ne abrogata incitaret;

[¶64] 6.11. Hannibal was in Italy, victorious at Cannae; he already held Tarentum, Arpi, Capua; he seemed ready to march on our city of Rome;

> Latin: 6.11. cur sit autem lata, ipsum indicabit tempus. Hannibal in Italia erat, victor ad Cannas; iam Tarentum, iam Arpos, iam Capuam habebat;

[¶65] 6.12. our allies had deserted us; we had no troops in reserve, no naval allies to maintain the fleet, no money in the treasury; slaves were being purchased for employment as soldiers, on condition that the price should be paid their owners after the war;

> Latin: 6.12. ad urbem Romam admoturus exercitum videbatur; defecerant socii; non milites in supplementum, non socios navalis ad classem tuendam, non pecuniam in aerario habebamus; servi, quibus arma darentur, ita ut pretium pro iis bello perfecto dominis solveretur, emebantur;

[¶66] 6.13. the contractors agreed to furnish grain and other things demanded by the war on the same settlement-day; we furnished slaves for rowers in proportion to our census-ratings, and ourselves bore the costs; we all, following the example set by the senators, gave our gold and silver for the public use;

> Latin: 6.13. in eandem diem pecuniae frumentum et cetera, quae belli usus postulabant, praebenda publicani se conducturos professi erant; servos ad remum numero ex censu constituto cum stipendio nostro dabamus;

[¶67] 6.14. widows and minors deposited their money in the treasury; we were forbidden to have at home more than a certain quantity of gold or silver plate or coined silver or bronze; at such a time were the matrons so absorbed in luxury and adornment that the Oppian law was needed to restrain them, when, since the rites of Ceres had to be omitted because all the women were in mourning, the senate limited the period of mourning to thirty days?

> Latin: 6.14. aurum et argentum omne ab senatoribus eius rei initio orto in publicum conferebamus; viduae et pupilli pecunias suas in aerarium deferebant; cautum erat, quo ne plus auri et argenti facti, quo ne plus signati argenti et aeris domi haberemus — : tali tempore in luxuria et ornatu matronae occupatae erant, ut ad eam coercendam Oppia lex desiderata sit, cum, quia Cereris sacrificium lugentibus omnibus matronis intermissum erat, senatus finiri luctum triginta

[¶68] 6.16. Who fails to see that the poverty and distress of the state wrote that law, since all private property had to be diverted to public use, and that the law was to remain in force so long as the cause of its enactment lasted? For, if whatever emergency measure was passed by senatorial decree or popular vote should be for ever observed, why do we repay the loans advanced by private citizens?

> Latin: 6.16. diebus iussit? cui non apparet inopiam et miseriam civitatis [et] quia omnium privatorum pecuniae in usum publicum vertendae erant, istam legem scripsisse, tam diu mansuram, quam diu causa scribendae legis mansisset?

[¶69] 6.17. Why do we let contracts calling for cash payment? Why are slaves not bought to serve in the armies? Why do not private citizens furnish rowers as we did then?

> Latin: 6.17. nam si, quae tunc temporis causa aut decrevit senatus aut populus iussit, in perpetuum servari oportet, cur pecunias reddimus privatis? cur publica praesenti pecunia locamus? cur servi, qui militent, non emuntur? cur privati non damus remiges, sicut tunc dedimus?

[¶70] 7.1. “All other orders, all men, will feel the change for the better in the state; shall our wives alone get no enjoyment from national peace and tranquillity?”

> Latin: 7.1. omnes alii ordines, omnes homines mutationem in meliorem statum rei publicae sentient: ad coniuges tantum nostras pacis et tranquillitatis publicae fructus non perveniet?

[¶71] 7.2. “Shall we men wear purple and walk clad in the toga praetexta while holding priesthoods and offices? Shall our sons wear togas bordered with purple? Shall officials in the colonies and the municipal towns, and here in Rome, the ward-masters, the lowest official rank, be allowed to wear the toga praetexta, and enjoy so great a distinction not only during life, but even after death be burned with it: shall women and women alone be forbidden the use of purple?”

> Latin: 7.2. purpura viri utemur, praetextati in magistratibus, in sacerdotiis; liberi nostri praetextis purpura togis utentur; magistratibus in coloniis municipiisque, hic Romae infimo generi, magistris vicorum, togae praetextae habendae ius permittemus, nec ut vivi solum habeant [tantum] insigne, sed etiam ut cum eo crementur mortui;

[¶72] 7.3. “And when you, a man, are allowed to have purple on your outer garment, will you not permit your wife to own a purple cloak, and will the trappings of your horse be more splendid than the dress of your wife?”

> Latin: 7.3. feminis dumtaxat purpurae usu interdicemus? et, cum tibi viro liceat purpura in vestem stragulam uti, matrem familiae tuam purpureum amiculum habere non sines, et equus tuus speciosius instratus erit quam uxor vestita?

[¶73] 7.4. “In the matter of purple, which is worn out and destroyed, I see some reason — not a good one, it is true — for niggardliness; but in regard to gold, in which there is no loss except the cost of manufacture, what spitefulness does the law show! It is rather a safeguard for use in both private and public emergency, as in fact you have experienced.”

> Latin: 7.4. sed in purpura, quae teritur absumitur, iniustam quidem, sed aliquam tamen causam tenacitatis video; in auro vero, in quo praeter manu pretium nihil intertrimenti fit, quae malignitas est? praesidium potius in eo est et ad privatos et ad publicos usus, sicut experti estis.

[¶74] 7.5. “He said there would be no rivalry among individuals if no one owned anything. But, by Hercules, there is mourning and anger among all when they see the wives of allies of the Latin ” “confederacy permitted the ornaments which are refused to them, when they see them decked out in gold and purple, when they see them riding through the city, and themselves following on foot, as if dominion resided in the Latin towns and not in Rome.”

> Latin: 7.5. nullam aemulationem inter se singularum, quoniam nulla haberet, esse aiebat. at hercule universis dolor et indignatio est, cum sociorum Latini nominis uxoribus vident ea concessa ornamenta, quae sibi adempta sint, cum insignis eas esse auro et purpura, cum illas vehi per urbem, se pedibus sequi, tamquam in illarum civitatibus, non in sua imperium sit.

[¶75] 7.7. “A thing like this would hurt the feelings even of men: what do you think is its effect upon weak women, whom even little things disturb?”

> Latin: 7.7. virorum hoc animos vulnerare posset; quid muliercularum censetis, quas etiam parva movent?

[¶76] 7.8. “No offices, no priesthoods, no triumphs, no decorations, no gifts, no spoils of war can come to them; elegance of appearance, adornment, apparel — these are the woman's badges of honour; in these they rejoice and take delight; these our ancestors called the woman's world.”

> Latin: 7.8. non magistratus nec sacerdotia nec triumphi nec insignia nec dona aut spolia bellica iis contingere possunt;

[¶77] 7.9. “What else do they lay aside in times of mourning than purple and jewellery?” “What do they put on when they have finished their time of mourning? What do they add save more splendid jewels in times of congratulation and thanks giving?”

> Latin: 7.9. munditiae et ornatus et cultus, haec feminarum insignia sunt, his gaudent et gloriantur, hunc mundum muliebrem appellarunt maiores nostri, quid aliud in luctu quam purpuram atque aurum deponunt? quid, cum eluxerunt, sumunt? quid in gratulationibus supplicationibusque nisi excellentiorem ornatum adiciunt?

[¶78] 7.11. “Of course, if you repeal the Oppian law, you will have no authority if you wish to forbid any of these things which now the law forbids; daughters, wives, even sisters of some will be less under control — never ” “while their males survive is feminine slavery shaken off; and even they abhor the freedom which loss of husbands and fathers gives.”

> Latin: 7.11. scilicet, si legem Oppiam abrogaritis, non vestri arbitrii erit, si quid eius vetare volueritis, quod nunc lex vetat; minus filiae, uxores, sorores etiam quibusdam in manu erunt; — numquam salvis suis exuitur servitus muliebris; et ipsae libertatem, quam viduitas et orbitas facit, detestantur, in vestro arbitrio suum ornatum quam in legis malunt esse;

[¶79] 7.13. “They prefer to have their finery under your control and not the law's; you too should keep them in control and guardianship and not in slavery, and should prefer the name of father or husband to that of master. The consul a while ago used words intended to create prejudice when he spoke of female 'sedition' and 'secession.' ” “For the danger, he tells you, is that they will seize the Sacred Mount or the Aventine, as the angered plebeians once did: in reality their frail nature must endure whatever you decree.”

> Latin: 7.13. et vos in manu et tutela, non in servitio debetis habere eas et malle patres vos aut viros quam dominos dici. invidiosis nominibus utebatur modo consul seditionem muliebrem et secessionem appellando. id enim periculum est, ne Sacrum montem, sicut quondam irata plebs, aut Aventinum capiant;

[¶80] 7.15. “The greater the authority you exercise, the greater the self-restraint with which you should use your power.”

> Latin: 7.15. — patiendum huic infirmitati est, quodcumque vos censueritis. quo plus potestis, eo moderatius imperio uti debetis.’

[¶81] 8.1. When these speeches against and for the bill had been delivered, the next day an even greater crowd of women appeared in public, and all of them in a body beset the doors of the Bruti, who were vetoing their colleagues' proposal, and they did not desist until the threat of veto was withdrawn by the, tribunes.

> Latin: 8.1. haec cum contra legem proque lege dicta essent, aliquanto maior frequentia mulierum postero die sese in publicum effudit, unoque agmine omnes Brutorum ianuas obsederunt, qui collegarum rogationi intercedebant, nec ante abstiterunt, quam remissa intercessio ab tribunis est.

[¶82] 8.3. After that there was no question that all the tribes would vote to repeal the law. The law was repealed twenty years after it was passed.

> Latin: 8.3. nulla deinde dubitatio fuit, quin omnes tribus legem abrogarent. viginti annis post abrogata est quam lata.

[¶83] 8.4. Marcus Porcius the consul, as soon as the Oppian law was abrogated, at once set out for the harbour of Luna with twenty-five warships, of which five belonged to the allies, having ordered his army to muster at the same place and sent a proclamation along the coast to collect ships of every kind;

> Latin: 8.4. M. Porcius consul, postquam abrogata lex Oppia est, extemplo viginti quinque navibus longis, quarum quinque sociorum erant, ad Lunae portum profectus est eodem exercitu convenire iusso et edicto per oram maritimam misso navibus omnis generis contractis ab Luna proficiscens edixit, ut ad portum Pyrenaei sequerentur;

[¶84] 8.5. as he set out from Luna he issued an order that they should follow him to the port of Pyrenaeus, and thence he would proceed against the enemy with all the fleet. They sailed past the Ligurian mountains and the Gallic gulf and joined him on the day he had set. Thence they sailed to Rhoda and ejected by violence a guard of Spaniards that was in the fortress.

> Latin: 8.5. inde se frequenti classe ad hostis iturum. praetervecti Ligustinos montes sinumque Gallicum ad diem, quam edixerat, convenerunt. inde Rhodam ventum, et praesidium Hispanorum, quod in castello erat, vi deiectum.

[¶85] 8.7. From Rhoda with favouring winds they came to Emporiae, and there landed all the forces except the naval allies.

> Latin: 8.7. ab Rhoda secundo vento Emporias perventum. ibi copiae omnes praeter socios navales in terram expositae.

[¶86] 9.1. Even at that time Emporiae consisted of two towns separated by a wall. One was inhabited by Greeks from Phocaea, whence came the Massilienses also, the other by the Spaniards;

> Latin: 9.1. iam tunc Emporiae duo oppida erant muro divisa. unum Graeci habebant, a Phocaea, unde et Massilienses, oriundi, alterum Hispani;

[¶87] 9.2. but the Greek town, being entirely open to the sea, had only a small extent of wall, of less than four hundred paces in length, while the Spaniards, who were farther back from the sea, had a wall three miles around.

> Latin: 9.2. sed Graecum oppidum in mare expositum totum orbem muri minus quadringentos passus patentem habebat, Hispanis retractior a mari trium milium passuum in circuitu murus erat.

[¶88] 9.3. A third class of inhabitants, Roman colonists, was added by the deified Caesar after the final defeat of the sons of Pompey, and at present all are fused into one mass, the Spaniards first, and later the Greeks, having been received into Roman citizenship.

> Latin: 9.3. tertium genus Romani coloni ab divo Caesare post devictos Pompei liberos adiecti. nunc in corpus unum confusi omnes Hispanis prius, postremo et Graecis in civitatem Romanam adscitis.

[¶89] 9.4. One who saw them at that time would wonder what secured the safety of the Greeks, with the open sea on one side and the Spaniards, so fierce and warlike a people, their neighbours on the other. Discipline was their protector against their weakness, which among more vigorous peoples is best main tained when there is cause for fear.

> Latin: 9.4. miraretur, qui tum cerneret, aperto mari ab altera parte, ab altera Hispanis, tam fera et bellicosa gente, obiectis quae res eos tutaretur. disciplina erat custos infirmitatis, quam inter validiores optime timor continet.

[¶90] 9.5. The part of the wall which faced the interior they kept strongly fortified, with only a single gate leading in that direction, and at this one of the magistrates was posted as a continuous guard.

> Latin: 9.5. partem muri versam in agros egregie munitam habebant, una tantum in eam regionem porta imposita, cuius adsiduus custos semper aliquis ex magistratibus erat.

[¶91] 9.6. At night a third of the citizens kept vigil on the walls; they did this not merely as a result of custom or in obedience to the law, but they posted their sentinels and sent out their patrols with all the care they would have used had the enemy been at their gates.

> Latin: 9.6. nocte pars tertia civium in muris excubabat; neque moris causa tantum aut legis, sed quanta si hostis ad portas esset et servabant vigilias et circumibant cura.

[¶92] 9.7. No Spaniard was admitted to the city, nor did the Greeks themselves leave the city without good cause. Towards the sea the gates were open to all.

> Latin: 9.7. Hispanum neminem in urbem recipiebant; ne ipsi quidem temere urbe excedebant. ad mare patebat omnibus exitus.

[¶93] 9.8. Through the gate which led to the Spanish town they never passed except in large bodies, usually the third which had maintained the watch on the walls the night before.

> Latin: 9.8. porta ad Hispanorum oppidum versa numquam nisi frequentes, pars tertia fere, cuius proxima nocte vigiliae in muris fuerant, egrediebantur.

[¶94] 9.9. The cause of going out of the town was this: the Spaniards, who had no experience with the sea, enjoyed transacting business with them, and wanted both to buy the foreign merchandise which they brought in in their ships and to dispose of the products of their farms. The desire for the benefits of this interchange caused the Spanish city to be open to the Greeks.

> Latin: 9.9. causa exeundi haec erat: commercio eorum Hispani, imprudentes maris, gaudebant mercarique et ipsi ea, quae externa navibus inveherentur, et agrorum exigere fructus volebant. huius mutui usus desiderium, ut Hispana urbs Graecis pateret, faciebat.

[¶95] 9.10. They were safer, too, for the reason that they were under the shelter of the Roman friendship, which they cultivated with resources inferior to those of the Massilienses but with equal devotion. At this time also they received the consul and his army with courtesy and kindness.

> Latin: 9.10. erant etiam eo tutiores, quod sub umbra Romanae amicitiae latebant, quam sicut minoribus viribus quam Massilienses, pari colebant fide. tum quoque consulem exercitumque comiter ac benigne acceperunt.

[¶96] 9.11. Cato delayed there a few days, until he could find out where the forces of the enemy lay and what strength they possessed, and, not to be idle even in that time of waiting, he spent the whole period in drilling his troops.

> Latin: 9.11. paucos ibi moratus dies Cato, dum exploraret, ubi et quantae hostium copiae essent, ut ne mora quidem segnis esset, omne id tempus exercendis militibus consumpsit.

[¶97] 9.12. It happened to be the time of year when the Spaniards had the grain on their threshing floors; he therefore forbade the contractors to purchase any and sent them back to Rome, saying, “This war will support itself.”

> Latin: 9.12. id erat forte tempus anni, ut frumentum in areis Hispani haberent; itaque redemptoribus vetitis frumentum parare ac Romam dimissis ‘bellum’ inquit ‘ se ipsum alet’.

[¶98] 9.13. Leaving Emporiae, he burned and laid waste the fields of the enemy and filled everything with flight and terror.

> Latin: 9.13. profectus ab Emporiis agros hostium urit vastatque, omnia fuga et terrore complet.

[¶99] 10.1. At the same time, as Marcus Helvius was retiring from Farther Spain, accompanied by a guard of six thousand men furnished by Appius Claudius the praetor, the Celtiberi with a large force fell upon him near the town of Iliturgi.

> Latin: 10.1. eodem tempore M. Helvio decedenti ex ulteriore Hispania cum praesidio sex milium, dato ab Ap. Claudio praetore, Celtiberi agmine ingenti ad oppidum Iliturgi occurrunt.

[¶100] 10.2. Valerius writes that there were twenty thousand men there, that twelve thousand of them were killed, the town of Iliturgi taken and all the adults put to death.

> Latin: 10.2. viginti milia armatorum fuisse Valerius scribit, duodecim milia ex iis caesa, oppidum Iliturgi receptum et puberes omnis interfectos.

[¶101] 10.3. After that Helvius came to the camp of Cato, and, because this region was now safe from the enemy, sent his guard back to Farther Spain and set out for Rome, and by reason of his victory entered the city in an ovation.

> Latin: 10.3. inde ad castra Catonis Helvius pervenit et, quia tuta iam ab hostibus regio erat, praesidio in ulteriorem Hispaniam remisso Romam est profectus et ob rem feliciter gestam ovans urbem est ingressus.

[¶102] 10.4. He deposited in the treasury fourteen thousand seven hundred and thirty-two pounds of uncoined silver, seventeen thousand and twenty-three denarii stamped with the two-horse chariot, and one hundred and nineteen thousand four hundred and forty-nine silver coins of Osca.

> Latin: 10.4. argenti infecti tulit in aerarium decem quattuor milia pondo septingenta triginta duo et signati bigatorum septendecim milia viginti tres et Oscensis argenti undeviginti milia quadringentos undequadraginta;

[¶103] 10.5. The reason for the senate's refusal of a triumph was that he had fought under another's auspices and in another's province. But it was not until two years later that he had returned home, though he had turned his province over to his successor Quintus Minucius, having been detained there the following year by a long and serious illness.

> Latin: 10.5. causa triumphi negandi senatui fuit, quod alieno auspicio et in aliena provincia pugnasset. ceterum biennio post redierat, cum provincia successori Q. Minucio tradita annum insequentem retentus ibi longo et gravi fuisset morbo.

## 14. Book XXXIV · chapters 10–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/14/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/14/#p-N

[¶0] 10.6. So he entered Rome in an ovation only two months before his successor Quintus Minucius celebrated his triumph.

> Latin: 10.6. itaque duobus modo mensibus ante Helvius ovans urbem est ingressus, quam successor eius Q. Minucius triumpharet.

[¶1] 10.7. He too brought with him thirty-four thousand eight hundred pounds of silver and seventy-three thousand coined denarii and two hundred and seventy-eight thousand pieces of Oscan silver.

> Latin: 10.7. hic quoque tulit argenti pondo triginta quattuor milia octingenta et bigatorum septuaginta tria milia et Oscensis argenti ducenta septuaginta octo milia.

[¶2] 11.1. Meanwhile in Spain the consul was encamped not far from Emporiae.

> Latin: 11.1. in Hispania interim consul haud procul Emporiis castra habebat.

[¶3] 11.2. Thither came from Bilistages, chieftain of the Ilergetes, three ambassadors, one of whom was his son, complaining that their strongholds were being besieged and that there was no hope of offering resistance unless the Roman sent aid; three thousand soldiers were sufficient, and if so great a force arrived, the enemy would not await them.

> Latin: 11.2. eo legati tres ab Ilergetum regulo Bilistage, in quibus unus filius eius erat, venerunt, querentes castella sua oppugnari nec spem ullam esse resistendi, nisi praesidium Romanus misisset;

[¶4] 11.3. To this the consul replied that he was indeed moved both by their danger and their fear;

> Latin: 11.3. tria milia militum satis esse, nec hostis, si tanta manus venisset, mansuros. ad ea consul, moveri quidem se vel periculo eorum vel metu, dicere;

[¶5] 11.4. but he had by no means enough troops, since a great number of the enemy was close at hand and he expected every day to have to meet them in pitched battle (he had no idea how soon), to allow him safely to weaken himself by dividing his army.

> Latin: 11.4. sed sibi nequaquam tantum copiarum esse, ut, cum magna vis hostium haud procul absit, et, quam mox signis collatis dimicandum sit, in dies expectet, dividendo exercitum minuere tuto vires possit.

[¶6] 11.5. When the ambassadors heard this, they wept and threw themselves at the consul's feet, and begged him not to abandon them in such a crisis:

> Latin: 11.5. legati, ubi haec audierunt, flentes ad genua consulis provolvuntur, orant, ne se in rebus tam trepidis deserat:

[¶7] 11.6. where would they turn, rejected by the Romans? They had no allies, no other hope anywhere in the world.

> Latin: 11.6. quo enim se, repulsos ab Romanis, ituros?

[¶8] 11.7. They might have escaped the existing danger if they had been willing to violate their pledges and unite with the rest, but no threats and no prospects of danger had moved them, since they hoped to have a sufficient help and assistance in the Romans.

> Latin: 11.7. nullos se socios, nihil usquam in terris aliud spei habere. potuisse se extra id periculum esse, si decedere fide, si coniurare cum ceteris voluissent. nullis minis, nullis terriculis se motos, sperantis satis opis et auxilii sibi in Romanis esse.

[¶9] 11.8. If this were not the case, and they were refused by the consul, they called gods and men to witness that unwilling and under compulsion, to avoid the fate which the Saguntines suffered, they would join the rebellion and perish with the rest of the Spaniards rather than alone.

> Latin: 11.8. id si nullum sit, si sibi a consule negetur, deos hominesque se testis facere, invitos et coactos se, ne eadem, quae Saguntini passi sint, patiantur, defecturos et cum ceteris potius Hispanis quam solos perituros esse.

[¶10] 12.1. And on that day they were dismissed thus, unanswered. During the night which followed, a double care distressed the consul: he was unwilling to abandon his allies, unwilling to weaken his army, an action which might either delay his engaging or cause danger in the fight.

> Latin: 12.1. et illo quidem die sic sine responso dimissi. consulem nocte, quae insecuta est, anceps cura agitare; nolle deserere socios, nolle minuere exercitum, quod aut moram sibi ad dimicandum aut in dimicando periculum adferre posset.

[¶11] 12.3. His decision not to weaken his forces remained unchanged, lest he suffer the disgrace of defeat at the hands of the enemy; he determined to offer to the allies hope instead of actuality:

> Latin: 12.3. stat sententia non minuere copias, ne quid interim hostes inferant ignominiae;

[¶12] 12.4. often, and especially in war, appearances have had the effect of realities, and the man who believes that help is at hand acts as if he really had it, and by this very confidence, which inspires both hope and daring, is saved.

> Latin: 12.4. sociis spem pro re ostentandam censet; saepe vana pro veris, maxime in bello, valuisse, et credentem se aliquid auxilii habere, perinde atque haberet, ipsa fiducia et sperando atque audendo servatum.

[¶13] 12.5. On the following day he answered the ambassadors that, although he feared that he would diminish his own strength by lending part of it to them, yet he was paying regard to their emergency and peril rather than to himself.

> Latin: 12.5. postero die legatis respondet, quamquam vereatur, ne suas vires aliis eas commodando minuat, tamen se illorum temporis ac periculi magis quam sui rationem habere.

[¶14] 12.6. He ordered warning to be given to one-third of the soldiers of each cohort to cook food in good season and put it on board ship, and the ships to be made ready for sailing the third day.

> Latin: 12.6. denuntiari militum parti tertiae ex omnibus cohortibus iubet, ut cibum, quem in naves imponant, mature coquant, navesque in diem tertium expediri [iussit]. duos ex legatis Bilistagi atque Ilergetibus nuntiare ea iubet;

[¶15] 12.7. He directed two of the ambassadors to take this news to Bilistages and the Ilergetes; the chief's son he kept with him, persuading him with kindly treatment and with gifts. The ambassadors did not leave until they saw the soldiers marching on board the ships; reporting this as unquestioned fact, they filled not only their own people but also the enemy with the news of the approaching Roman aid.

> Latin: 12.7. filium reguli comiter habendo et muneribus apud se retinet. legati non ante profecti, quam impositos in naves milites viderunt; id pro haud dubio iam nuntiantes non suos modo sed etiam hostis fama Romani auxilii adventantis impleverunt.

[¶16] 13.1. The consul, when enough of a show had been given to keep up appearances, ordered the soldiers to disembark; and he himself, since now the time of the year was drawing near when active operations could be carried on, established a winter camp three miles from Emporiae. Thence as occasion offered, now in this direction and now in that, leaving small guards at the camp, he led the soldiers into the enemy's country to seek plunder.

> Latin: 13.1. consul, ubi satis, quod in speciem fuit, ostentatum est, revocari ex navibus milites iubet; ipse, cum iam id tempus anni appeteret, quo geri res possent, castra hiberna tria milia passuum ab Emporiis posuit. inde per occasiones nunc hac parte, nunc illa modico praesidio castris relicto praedatum milites in hostium agros ducebat.

[¶17] 13.3. They usually set out at night, so as to march as far as possible from the camp and to take the enemy off their guard. By this means he hardened his recruits and captured a great number of the enemy; no longer did they venture to go outside the fortifications of their stations.

> Latin: 13.3. nocte ferme proficiscebantur, ut et quam longissime a castris procederent et inopinantis opprimerent. et exercebat ea res novos milites, et hostium magna vis excipiebatur;

[¶18] 13.4. When he had in this way sufficiently tested the tempers of his own men and the enemy, he called into conference the tribunes and prefects and all the cavalry and centurions.

> Latin: 13.4. nec iam egredi extra munimenta castellorum audebant. ubi satis ad hunc modum et suorum et hostium animos est expertus, convocari tribunos praefectosque et equites omnis et centuriones iussit.

[¶19] 13.5. “The time,” he said, “which you have often longed for is at hand, when you will have the opportunity of making display of your courage. So far you have fought more like guerillas than like soldiers; now, foe facing foe, you will meet in regular battle.”

> Latin: 13.5. ‘tempus’ inquit, ‘quod saepe optastis, venit, quo vobis potestas fieret virtutem vestram ostendendi. adhuc praedonum magis quam bellantium militastis more;

[¶20] 13.6. “Henceforth you will be able, not to pillage country districts, but to drain the wealth of cities.”

> Latin: 13.6. nunc iusta pugna hostes cum hostibus conferetis manus; non agros inde populari, sed urbium opes exhaurire licebit.

[¶21] 13.7. “Our fathers, when the Carthaginians had both generals and armies in Spain, and they themselves had not a single soldier here, still demanded that it be stated in the treaty that the Ebro river should be the boundary of their empire;”

> Latin: 13.7. patres nostri, cum in Hispania Carthaginiensium et imperatores [ibi] et exercitus essent, ipsi nullum in ea militem haberent, tamen addi hoc in foedere voluerunt, ut imperii sui Hiberus fluvius esset finis;

[¶22] 13.8. “now, when there are two praetors, a consul, and three Roman armies stationed in Spain, and for nearly ten years no Carthaginian has been in these provinces, our empire on this side of the Ebro has been lost.” “This it is your task to recover with your arms and your daring, and to compel this nation, which is rather in rebellion rashly than warring with steadiness of purpose, to accept again the yoke which it has thrown off.”

> Latin: 13.8. nunc cum duo praetores, cum consul, cum tres exercitus Romani Hispaniam obtineant, Carthaginiensium decem iam prope annis nemo in his provinciis sit, imperium nobis citra Hiberum amissum est. hoc armis et virtute reciperetis oportet et nationem rebellantem magis temere quam constanter bellantem iugum, quo se exuit, accipere rursus cogatis.

[¶23] 13.10. After encouraging them in about this fashion, he announced that he would lead them against the enemy's camp that night, and so dismissed them to seek rest.

> Latin: 13.10. ’ in hunc modum maxime adhortatus pronuntiat se nocte ad castra hostium ducturum. ita ad corpora curanda dimissi.

[¶24] 14.1. At midnight, after taking the auspices in due form, he set out, that he might choose the place he wished before the enemy was aware of his coming, led his troops beyond the camp of the enemy, and at daybreak, drawing up his line of battle, he sent three cohorts close to the very rampart.

> Latin: 14.1. nocte media, cum auspicio operam dedisset, profectus, ut locum quem vellet, priusquam hostes sentirent, caperet, praeter castra hostium circumducit et prima luce acie instructa sub ipsum vallum tres cohortes mittit.

[¶25] 14.2. The barbarians, marvelling that the Romans had appeared in their rear, themselves ran to arms.

> Latin: 14.2. mirantes barbari ab tergo apparuisse Romanum discurrere et ipsi ad arma.

[¶26] 14.3. Meanwhile the consul harangued his troops: “Nowhere, soldiers, is there any hope except in your courage, and I have deliberately acted so that there should be none.”

> Latin: 14.3. interim consul apud suos ‘nusquam nisi in virtute spes est, milites’ inquit, ‘ et ego sedulo, ne esset, feci.

[¶27] 14.4. “Between us and our camp is the enemy, and in the rear is the enemy's country. What is most glorious is also the safest: to place our hopes in valour.” After this he ordered the cohorts recalled, to draw the enemy out of their camp by the pretence of flight.

> Latin: 14.4. inter castra nostra et nos medii hostes et ab tergo hostium ager est. quod pulcherrimum, idem tutissimum: in virtute spem positam habere. sub haec cohortes recipi iubet, ut barbaros simulatione fugae eliceret.

[¶28] 14.5. What he had anticipated occurred. Thinking that the Romans were retreating in terror, they rushed out of the gate and filled with soldiers all the space that was left between the camp and the enemy's battle-line.

> Latin: 14.5. id, quod crediderat, evenit. pertimuisse et cedere rati Romanos porta erumpunt et, quantum inter castra sua et aciem hostium relictum erat loci, armatis complent.

[¶29] 14.6. While they were in the confusion of forming their array, the consul, who had everything already prepared and in order, fell upon them in their disorder. The cavalry was the first to enter the battle on both flanks, but on the right they were at once repulsed, and retiring in fear they even caused a panic among the infantry.

> Latin: 14.6. dum trepidant acie instruenda, consul iam paratis ordinatisque omnibus incompositos adgreditur. equites primos ab utroque cornu in pugnam induxit. sed in dextro extemplo pulsi cedentesque trepidi etiam pediti terrorem intulere.

[¶30] 14.7. When the consul observed this, he ordered two picked cohorts to march around the right flank of the enemy and to show themselves in the rear before the infantry masses clashed.

> Latin: 14.7. quod ubi consul vidit, duas cohortes delectas ab dextro latere hostium circumduci iubet et ab tergo se ostendere, priusquam concurrerent peditum acies.

[¶31] 14.8. The alarm which thus confronted the enemy equalized the disadvantage caused by the flight of the Roman cavalry; but so greatly had the infantry and cavalry on the right flank been thrown into confusion that the consul himself seized with his hand some of them and turned them around to face the enemy.

> Latin: 14.8. is terror obiectus hosti rem metu Romanorum equitum inclinatam aequavit; tamen adeo turbati erant dextrae alae pedites equitesque, ut quosdam consul manu ipse reprenderit verteritque in hostem.

[¶32] 14.9. And so, as long as the fight was being carried on with missiles, the issue was uncertain; on the right, where the panic and flight had begun, the Roman resisted with difficulty, while on the left and in the centre the barbarians were hard pressed and looked back with dread at the cohorts which were coming up in their rear.

> Latin: 14.9. ita et quamdiu missilibus pugnatum est, anceps pugna erat, et iam ab dextra parte, unde terror et fuga coeperat, aegre Romanus restabat;

[¶33] 14.10. When they drew their swords after hurling their darts and javelins, then the battle, so to speak, took on new life.

> Latin: 14.10. ab sinistro cornu et a fronte urgebantur barbari et cohortes a tergo instantes pavidi respiciebant.

[¶34] 14.11. For they no longer received unexpected random wounds from a distance, but closing foot to foot put all their hope in courage and in strength.

> Latin: 14.11. ut emissis soliferreis phalaricisque gladios strinxerunt, tum velut redintegrata est pugna. non caecis ictibus procul ex improviso vulnerabantur, sed pede collato tota in virtute ac viribus spes erat.

[¶35] 15.1. As his men grew weary, the consul rekindled their spirits by bringing up reserve cohorts from the second line.

> Latin: 15.1. fessos iam suos consul ex secunda acie subsidiariis cohortibus in pugnam inductis accendit.

[¶36] 15.2. A new line was established; fresh troops with unused weapons attacked the exhausted enemy and first, with a furious attack in wedge formation, pushed them back, then scattered them and put them to flight; with headlong speed they made across the fields for camp.

> Latin: 15.2. nova acies facta; integri recentibus telis fatigatos adorti hostis primum acri impetu velut cuneo perculerunt, deinde dissipatos in fugam averterunt; effuso per agros cursu castra repetebantur.

[¶37] 15.3. When Cato saw everything filled with confusion, he rode back to the second legion, which was in reserve, and ordered it to advance at quickened pace to attack the enemy's camp.

> Latin: 15.3. ubi omnia fuga completa vidit Cato, ipse ad secundam legionem, quae in subsidio posita erat, revehitur et signa proferri plenoque gradu ad castra hostium oppugnanda succedere iubet.

[¶38] 15.4. If a soldier in too great eagerness got ahead of the rank, he himself rode up between the lines and struck him with his spear-shaft, and ordered the tribunes and centurions to punish him. By this time the camp was being attacked and the Romans driven back from the rampart with stones and poles and every sort of missile.

> Latin: 15.4. si quis extra ordinem avidius procurrit, et ipse interequitans sparo percutit et tribunos centurionesque castigare iubet.

[¶39] 15.5. But when the new legion came up, the vigour of the attackers increased, and the enemy fought with greater desperation in defence of their rampart.

> Latin: 15.5. iam castra oppugnabantur, saxisque et sudibus et omni genere telorum summovebantur a vallo Romani. ubi recens admota legio est, tum et oppugnantibus animus crevit, et infensius hostes pro vallo pugnabant.

[¶40] 15.6. The consul scanned everything with his gaze, that he might break through wherever the resistance was weakest. He saw that there were few defenders at the left gate, and there he led the principes and hastati of the second legion.

> Latin: 15.6. consul omnia oculis perlustrat, ut, qua minima vi resistatur, ea parte irrumpat. ad sinistram portam infrequentis videt;

[¶41] 15.7. The guard which was posted at the gate did not resist their onset; and the rest, seeing the enemy within the fortification, having lost their camp, likewise threw away their standards and arms. They were cut to pieces at the gates, where they were held fast in the narrow passages by their own numbers.

> Latin: 15.7. eo secundae legionis principes hastatosque inducit. non sustinuit impetum eorum statio, quae portae apposita erat; et ceteri, postquam intra vallum hostem vident, ipsi castris exuti signa armaque abiciunt.

[¶42] 15.8. The soldiers of the second legion attacked them in the rear, the rest plundered the camp.

> Latin: 15.8. caeduntur in portis, suomet ipsi agmine in arto haerentes. secundani terga hostium caedunt, ceteri castra diripiunt.

[¶43] 15.9. Valerius Antias relates that more than forty thousand of the enemy fell that day; Cato himself, a man not much inclined to be grudging in his own praise, says that many were killed, but does not give a definite number.

> Latin: 15.9. Valerius Antias supra quadraginta milia hostium caesa eo die scribit; Cato ipse, haud sane detrectator laudum suarum, multos caesos ait, numerum non adscribit.

[¶44] 16.1. Three praiseworthy acts he is credited with having performed that day; first, that he had led the army around far from his ships and camp and engaged in the midst of the enemy, where his men had no hope except in their own courage;

> Latin: 16.1. tria eo die laudabilia fecisse putatur, unum, quod circumducto exercitu procul navibus suis castrisque, ubi spem nusquam nisi in virtute haberent, inter medios hostes proelium commisit;

[¶45] 16.2. second, that he had thrown the cohorts against the enemy's rear; third, that he had ordered the second legion, when all the rest were disordered by their pursuit of the enemy, to march up to the gate of the camp at quickened pace but in orderly and disciplined formation under their standards.

> Latin: 16.2. alterum, quod cohortes ab tergo hostibus obiecit; tertium, quod secundam legionem ceteris omnibus effusis ad sequendos hostes pleno gradu sub signis compositam instructamque subire ad portam castrorum iussit.

[¶46] 16.3. Later on there was no resting idle after his victory. When, after giving the signal to retire, he had led his men back to camp laden with booty, he gave them a few hours for rest and led them out to plunder.

> Latin: 16.3. nihil deinde a victoria cessatum. cum receptui signo dato suos spoliis onustos in castra reduxisset, paucis horis noctis ad quietem datis ad praedandum in agros duxit.

[¶47] 16.4. They ravaged more widely, since the enemy was scattered in flight. This had no less influence than the defeat of the previous day in causing the Spaniards of Emporiae and their neighbours to submit.

> Latin: 16.4. effusius, ut sparsis hostibus fuga, praedati sunt, quae res non minus quam pugna pridie adversa Emporitanos Hispanos accolasque eorum in deditionem compulit.

[¶48] 16.5. Many citizens of other states as well, who had taken refuge in Emporiae, surrendered. All of these the consul treated kindly, and after refreshing them with wine and food sent them home.

> Latin: 16.5. multi et aliarum civitatium, qui Emporias perfugerant, dediderunt se. quos omnes appellatos benigne vinoque et cibo curatos domos dimisit.

[¶49] 16.6. He then speedily moved his camp, and wherever the column went ambassadors met him, surrendering their cities, and by the time he reached Tarraco, all Spain on this side of the Ebro had been subdued, while captives, both Romans and Latins of the confederacy, who had been overtaken by various misfortunes in Spain, were brought in and presented to the consul by the barbarians.

> Latin: 16.6. confestim inde castra movit, et, quacumque incedebat agmen, legati dedentium civitates suas occurrebant, et, cum Tarraconem venit, iam omnis cis Hiberum Hispania perdomita erat, captivique et Romani et socium ac Latini nominis, variis casibus in Hispania oppressi, donum consuli a barbaris reducebantur.

[¶50] 16.8. Then the story was circulated that the consul meant to lead the army into Turdetania, and it was falsely reported to the mountaineers of the outlying districts that he had already set out.

> Latin: 16.8. fama deinde vulgatur consulem in Turdetaniam exercitum ducturum, et ad devios montanos ‘profectum etiam’ falso perlatum est.

[¶51] 16.9. On this idle and unauthenticated rumour seven forts of the Bergistani revolted, but the consul led out his army and reduced them to submission without any battle worth mentioning.

> Latin: 16.9. ad hunc vanum et sine auctore ullo rumorem Bergistanorum civitatis septem castella defecerunt. eos educto exercitu consul sine memorando proelio in potestatem redegit.

[¶52] 16.10. A little later, when the consul had returned to Tarraco but before he moved from that place, the same peoples revolted and were again subdued, but the same indulgence was not granted to the conquered. They were all sold at auction, in order to prevent their disturbing the peace too frequently.

> Latin: 16.10. haud ita multo post eidem, regresso Tarraconem consule, priusquam inde quoquam procederet, defecerunt. iterum subacti; sed non eadem venia victis fuit. sub corona veniere omnes, ne saepius pacem sollicitarent.

[¶53] 17.1. Meanwhile Publius Manlius the praetor had taken over the veteran army from Quintus Minucius whom he had succeeded, and uniting with it the army, also made up of veterans, of Appius Claudius Nero from Farther Spain, set out for Turdetania.

> Latin: 17.1. interim P. Manlius praetor exercitu vetere a Q. Minucio, cui successerat, accepto, adiuncto et Ap. Claudi Neronis ex ulteriore Hispania vetere item exercitu, in Turdetaniam proficiscitur.

[¶54] 17.2. The Turdetani were considered the least warlike of all the Spaniards, yet, relying on their numbers, they went out to meet the Roman column.

> Latin: 17.2. omnium Hispanorum maxime imbelles habentur Turdetani; freti tamen multitudine sua obviam ierunt agmini Romano.

[¶55] 17.3. The cavalry, sent against them, at once broke their line, and the infantry engagement was almost no battle at all; the veteran soldiers, well acquainted with the enemy and his manner of fighting, rendered the result certain.

> Latin: 17.3. eques immissus turbavit extemplo aciem eorum. pedestre proelium nullius ferme certaminis fuit; milites veteres, periti hostium bellique, haud dubiam pugnam fecerunt.

[¶56] 17.4. Yet the war was not ended by that battle: the Turduli hired ten thousand Celtiberi and prepared to carry on the war with the weapons of strangers.

> Latin: 17.4. nec tamen ea pugna debellatum est; decem milia Celtiberum mercede Turduli conducunt alienisque armis parabant bellum.

[¶57] 17.5. The consul meanwhile, alarmed by the rebellion of the Bergistani, and thinking that other states as well would follow their example if occasion offered, disarmed all the Spaniards on this side of the Ebro.

> Latin: 17.5. consul interim rebellione Bergistanorum ictus, ceteras quoque civitates ratus per occasionem idem facturas, arma omnibus cis Hiberum Hispanis adimit.

[¶58] 17.6. This action they took so hard that many committed suicide, a high-spirited people, who thought that life without arms was not worth living.

> Latin: 17.6. quam rem adeo aegre passi, ut multi mortem sibimet ipsi consciscerent, ferox genus, nullam vitam rati sine armis esse.

[¶59] 17.7. When this was reported to the consul, he ordered the senators of all the states summoned to his presence and addressed them thus: “It is not more to our interest than to yours that you should not rebel, inasmuch as this has always happened with greater misfortune to the Spaniards than trouble to the Roman army.”

> Latin: 17.7. quod ubi consuli renuntiatum est, senatores omnium civitatium ad se vocari iussit atque iis ‘non nostra’ inquit ‘magis quam vestra refert vos non rebellare, si quidem id maiore Hispanorum malo quam exercitus Romani labore semper adhuc factum est.

[¶60] 17.8. “I think that there is only one way to prevent this — to arrange matters so that you will not be able to rebel. I wish to accomplish this in the gentlest possible manner.”

> Latin: 17.8. id ut ne fiat, uno modo arbitror caveri posse, si effectum erit, ne possitis rebellare.

[¶61] 17.9. “Do you, then, aid me with your advice on this matter. I shall follow no counsel more gladly than that which you yourselves shall give me.”

> Latin: 17.9. volo id quam mollissima via consequi. vos quoque in ea re consilio me adiuvate. nullum libentius sequar, quam quod vosmet ipsi attuleritis.

[¶62] 17.10. When they were silent, he said that he would give them a space of a few days for reflection.

> Latin: 17.10. ’ tacentibus spatium se ad deliberandum dierum paucorum dare dixit.

[¶63] 17.11. When they were recalled, and had kept silent at the second council also, on one day he destroyed the walls of all the towns and proceeded against those who were not yet submissive, and as he passed through region after region, he accepted the surrender of all the neighbouring states.

> Latin: 17.11. cum revocati secundo quoque concilio tacuissent, uno die muris omnium dirutis, ad eos, qui nondum parebant, profectus, ut in quamque regionem venerat, omnes, qui circa incolebant, populos in deditionem accepit.

[¶64] 17.12. Segestica alone, an important and rich city, he captured with sheds and mantlets.

> Latin: 17.12. Segesticam tantum, gravem atque opulentam civitatem, vineis et pluteis cepit.

[¶65] 18.1. He had the greater difficulty in reducing the enemy than those who had first gone to Spain, because the Spaniards transferred their allegiance to his predecessors through weariness of the authority of the Carthaginians, but in his case the task was, so to speak, to claim them as slaves after they had had a taste of liberty;

> Latin: 18.1. eo maiorem habebat difficultatem in subigendis hostibus, quam qui primi venerant in Hispaniam, quod ad illos taedio imperii Carthaginiensium Hispani deficiebant, huic ex usurpata libertate in servitutem velut adserendi erant;

[¶66] 18.2. and everything was in such commotion that some were in arms, some were being compelled by siege to join the uprising, and, unless prompt assistance were sent them, would not be able to hold out longer.

> Latin: 18.2. et ita mota omnia accepit, ut alii in armis essent, alii obsidione ad defectionem cogerentur nec, nisi in tempore subventum foret, ultra sustentaturi fuerint.

[¶67] 18.3. But in the consul there was such vigour of mind and character that he attended to and performed all business, great and small, and he not only planned and gave orders for what was advantageous, but himself executed most of them; he exercised sterner and severer discipline over no one in all the army than over himself, and in frugality and vigilance and exertion he vied with the lowest of his soldiers, and except for his rank and his authority he enjoyed no distinction as compared with the rest of the army.

> Latin: 18.3. sed in consule ea vis animi atque ingenii fuit, ut omnia maxima minimaque per se adiret atque ageret nec cogitaret modo imperaretque, quae in rem essent, sed pleraque ipse per se transigeret nec in quemquam omnium gravius severiusque quam in semet ipsum imperium exerceret, parsimonia et vigiliis et labore cum ultimis militum certaret nec quicquam in exercitu suo praecipui praeter honorem atque imperium haberet.

[¶68] 19.1. The Celtiberi who had been hired by the enemy, as has been said before, made the war in Turdetania more difficult for the praetor Publius Manlius. Therefore the consul, summoned by a message from the praetor, led his legions there.

> Latin: 19.1. difficilius bellum in Turdetania praetori P. Manlio Celtiberi mercede exciti ab hostibus, sicut ante dictum est, faciebant. itaque eo consul accersitus litteris praetoris legiones duxit.

[¶69] 19.2. When he arrived, the Celtiberi and the Turdetani were in separate camps. With the Turdetani the Romans immediately began to skirmish, attacking their outguards, and they always came off victorious, no matter how rashly they had attacked.

> Latin: 19.2. ubi eo venit, castra separatim Celtiberi et Turdetani habebant. cum Turdetanis extemplo levia proelia incursantes in stationes eorum Romani facere semperque victores ex quamvis temere coepto certamine abire.

[¶70] 19.3. The consul ordered some of the military tribunes to go to confer with the Celtiberi and to offer them their choice of three proposals: first, if they wished to come over to the Roman side and receive twice the pay they had agreed to accept from the Turdetani;

> Latin: 19.3. ad Celtiberos in colloquium tribunos militum ire consul atque iis trium condicionum electionem ferre iubet, priman, si transire ad Romanos velint et duplex stipendium accipere, quam quantum a Turdetanis pepigissent;

[¶71] 19.5. second, if they wished to go home after receiving a public pledge that the fact of their having joined the enemies of Rome should not cause them any damage;

> Latin: 19.5. alteram, si domos abire, publica fide accepta, nihil eam rem noxiae futuram, quod hostibus se Romanorum iunxissent;

[¶72] 19.6. third, if battle was their desire under any conditions, that they should name a time and place for an armed settlement with him. The Celtiberi asked for time to consider the proposals.

> Latin: 19.6. tertiam, si utique bellum placeat, diem locumque constituant, ubi secum armis decernant.

[¶73] 19.7. A council was held, at which the Turdetani crowded in, causing great excitement; for that reason a decision was impossible.

> Latin: 19.7. a Celtiberis dies ad consultandum petita. concilium immixtis Turdetanis habitum magno cum tumultu; eo minus decerni quicquam potuit.

[¶74] 19.8. Although it was uncertain whether their relation with the Celtiberi was one of war or peace, the Romans, nevertheless, just as if it were a time of peace, were bringing provisions from the farms and strongholds, often going in squads of ten into their fortifications under private truces, as if the right of trade had been officially recognized.

> Latin: 19.8. cum incerta bellum an pax cum Celtiberis essent, commeatus tamen haud secus quam in pace ex agris castellisque hostium Romani portabant, deni saepe munimenta eorum, velut communi pacto commercio, privatis indutiis ingredientes.

[¶75] 19.9. When the consul failed to draw the enemy out to battle, he first sent certain light-armed cohorts out to ravage the fields of a region hitherto unattacked, then, hearing that the baggage and equipment of the Celtiberi was all at Saguntla, he proceeded to attack that town.

> Latin: 19.9. consul ubi hostis ad pugnam elicere nequit, primum praedatum sub signis aliquot expeditas cohortis in agrum integrae regionis ducit, deinde audito, Saguntiae Celtiberum omnis sarcinas impedimentaque relicta, eo pergit ducere ad oppugnandum.

[¶76] 19.11. When he found that nothing would provoke them to battle, he paid not only his own soldiers but those of the praetor and with seven cohorts (the rest being left in the praetor's camp) returned to the Ebro.

> Latin: 19.11. postquam nulla moventur re, persoluto stipendio non suis modo sed etiam praetoris militibus relictoque omni exercitu in castris praetoris ipse cum septem cohortibus ad Hiberum est regressus.

[¶77] 20.1. With this small force he captured several towns. The Sedetani, the Ausetani, and the Suessetani came over to him.

> Latin: 20.1. ea tam exigua manu oppida aliquot cepit. defecere ad eum Sedetani, Ausetani, Suessetani.

[¶78] 20.2. The Lacetani, a remote and forest-dwelling race, were kept under arms, partly by their native savageness, partly by their consciousness of having pillaged the allies in sudden raids while the consul and the army were engaged in the campaign in Turdetania.

> Latin: 20.2. Lacetanos, deviam et silvestrem gentem, cum insita feritas continebat in armis, tum conscientia, dum consul exercitusque Turdulo bello esset occupatus, depopulatorum subitis incursionibus sociorum.

[¶79] 20.3. Therefore the consul led to the attack upon their citadel not only the Roman cohorts but the young men of the allies, who were justly incensed at them.

> Latin: 20.3. igitur ad oppidum eorum oppugnandum consul ducit non Romanas modo cohortes, sed iuventutem etiam merito infensorum iis sociorum.

[¶80] 20.4. Their town was long, but was not extensive in breadth in proportion. He halted at a distance of about four hundred paces from it.

> Latin: 20.4. oppidum longum, in latitudinem haudquaquam tantundem patens habebant. quadringentos inde ferme passus constituit signa.

[¶81] 20.5. There he left a guard of chosen cohorts, ordering them not to stir from that place until he came to them in person; the rest of the troops he led to the farther side of the town. The largest contingent among all his auxiliaries was furnished by the young men of the Suessetani; these he ordered to assault the wall.

> Latin: 20.5. ibi delectarum cohortium stationem relinquens praecepit iis, ne se ex eo loco ante moverent, quam ipse ad eos venisset; ceteras copias ad ulteriorem partem urbis circumducit. maximum ex omnibus auxiliis numerum Suessetanae iuventutis habebat; eos ad murum oppugnandum subire iubet.

[¶82] 20.6. When the Lacetani recognized their arms and standards, and recalled how often they had offered them insults with impunity in their own lands and how often they had routed them and put them to flight in pitched battle, they suddenly threw open the gate and attacked them in a body. The Suessetani scarcely waited for them to raise the shout, much less for them to charge.

> Latin: 20.6. quorum ubi arma signaque Lacetani cognovere, memores, quam saepe in agro eorum impune persultassent, quotiens ipsos signis collatis fudissent fugassentque, patefacta repente porta universi in eos erumpunt.

[¶83] 20.7. When the consul saw that this was turning out as he had expected it would, he put spurs to his horse and rode off under the enemy's wall to the cohorts, and bringing them into action, since the enemy had all

> Latin: 20.7. vix clamorem eorum nedum impetum Suessetani tulere. quod postquam, sicut futurum ratus erat, consul fieri etiam vidit, equo citato subter murum hostium ad cohortes avehitur atque eas arreptas, effusis omnibus ad sequendos Suessetanos, qua silentium ac solitudo erat, in urbem inducit priusque omnia cepit, quam se reciperent Lacetani.

[¶84] 20.9. scattered to pursue the Suessetani, he led them into the city on the side where all was silence and solitude and was in complete control before the Lacetani returned. Having nothing left to them but their arms, they presently surrendered. The conqueror then quickly led his troops to the fort of Bergium. This was now primarily a nest of robbers, and from it raids were being made on the pacified districts of this province.

> Latin: 20.9. mox ipsos nihil praeter arma habentis in deditionem accepit. confestim inde victor ad Bergium castrum ducit. receptaculum id maxime praedonum erat, et inde incursiones in agros pacatos provinciae eius fiebant.

[¶85] 21.2. A leader of the Bergistani escaped from it to the consul and began to apologize for himself and his fellow-citizens: their own state was not under their control, he said; the robbers, once admitted to the town, had brought it completely under their own dominion.

> Latin: 21.2. transfugit inde ad consulem princeps Bergistanus et purgare se ac popularis coepit: non esse in manu ipsis rem publicam; praedones receptos totum suae potestatis id castrum fecisse.

[¶86] 21.3. The consul directed him to go back home, having provided himself with a plausible explanation for his absence;

> Latin: 21.3. consul eum domum redire conficta aliqua probabili, cur afuisset, causa iussit;

[¶87] 21.4. when he should see the Romans approaching the walls and the robbers intent on defending the fortifications, he, with the men of his own party, would remember to seize the citadel.

> Latin: 21.4. cum se muros subisse cerneret intentosque praedones ad tuenda moenia esse, tum uti cum suae factionis hominibus meminisset arcem occupare.

[¶88] 21.5. This was done according to instructions; suddenly a double terror gripped the barbarians, as on one side the Romans were climbing the walls and on the other the citadel had been taken. The consul took possession of the place and ordered the men who had occupied the citadel and their relatives to be free, and to enjoy possession of their property, and, directing the quaestor to sell the other Bergistani, he put the robbers to death. Having restored order in the province, he arranged for the collection of large revenues from the iron and silver mines, and as a result of the regulations made at that time the wealth of the province increased every day.

> Latin: 21.5. id, uti praeceperat, factum; repente anceps terror hinc muros ascendentibus Romanis, illinc arce capta barbaros circumvasit. huius potitus loci consul eos, qui arcem tenuerant, liberos esse cum cognatis suaque habere iussit, Bergistanos ceteros quaestori ut venderet imperavit, de praedonibus supplicium sumpsit. pacata provincia vectigalia magna instituit ex ferrariis argentariisque, quibus tum institutis locupletior in dies provincia fuit.

[¶89] 21.8. By reason of these achievements in Spain the Fathers decreed a thanksgiving for three days.

> Latin: 21.8. ob has res gestas in Hispania supplicationem in triduum patres decreverunt.

[¶90] 22.1. During the same summer the other consul, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, engaged in pitched battle with a force of the Boi near the forest of Litana and defeated them.

> Latin: 22.1. eadem aestate alter consul L. Valerius Flaccus in Gallia cum Boiorum manu propter Litanam silvam signis collatis secundo proelio conflixit, octo milia Gallorum caesa traduntur;

[¶91] 22.2. Eight thousand of the Gauls are said to have fallen; the rest gave up the war and scattered to their villages and fields.

> Latin: 22.2. ceteri omisso bello in vicos suos atque agros dilapsi.

[¶92] 22.3. For the rest of the summer the consul kept his army at Placentia and Cremona, in the neighbourhood of the Po, and rebuilt the parts of those cities which had been destroyed in the war.

> Latin: 22.3. consul relicum aestatis circa Padum Placentiae et Cremonae exercitum habuit restituitque, quae in iis oppidis bello diruta fuerant.

[¶93] 22.4. While this was the state of affairs in Italy and Spain, Titus Quinctius had spent the winter in Greece in such a fashion that, with the exception of the Aetolians, who had neither gained rewards of victory in proportion to their hopes nor proved able to be long satisfied with quiet, all Greece, enjoying to the full the blessings of peace and liberty combined, was happy in its condition, and admired the Roman commander's bravery in war no more than his self-control, justice, and moderation after victory, and at this time the decree of the senate which declared war against Nabis the Lacedaemonian was delivered to him.

> Latin: 22.4. cum hic status rerum in Italia Hispaniaque esset, T. Quinctio in Graecia ita hibernis actis, ut exceptis Aetolis, quibus nec pro spe victoriae praemia contigerant, nec diu quies placere poterat, universa Graecia simul pacis libertatisque perfruens bonis egregie statu suo gauderet nec magis in bello virtutem Romani ducis quam in victoria temperantiam iustitiamque et moderationem miraretur, senatus consultum, quo bellum adversus Nabim Lacedaemonium decretum erat, adfertur.

[¶94] 22.6. When he had read this decree, Quinctius announced a council, to be held at Corinth on a designated day, and made up of delegations from all the allied states.

> Latin: 22.6. quo lecto Quinctius conventum Corinthum omnium sociarum civitatium legationibus in diem certam edicit. ad quam ubi frequentes undique principes convenerunt, ita uti ne Aetoli quidem abessent, tali oratione est usus:

[¶95] 22.7. When the prominent men in great numbers had come from all quarters to this meeting, not even the Aetolians being unrepresented, he addressed them as follows: “The war against Philip was waged by the Romans and Greeks with feelings and aims no less common than their several reasons for entering the war.”

> Latin: 22.7. ‘bellum adversus Philippum non magis communi animo consilioque Romani et Graeci gesserunt, quam utrique suas causas belli habuerunt.

[¶96] 22.8. “For he had violated his friendship with the Romans, now by aiding their enemies the Carthaginians, now by attacking our allies in this country, and towards you he conducted himself in such a way that your wrongs,” “even if we did not remember our own injuries, were a sufficiently good reason why we should take up the quarrel. To-day's decision depends entirely on you.”

> Latin: 22.8. nam et Romanorum amicitiam nunc Carthaginiensis hostis eorum iuvando, nunc hic sociis nostris oppugnandis violaverat et in vos talis fuit, ut nobis, etiam si nostrarum oblivisceremur iniuriarum, vestrae iniuriae satis digna causa belli fuerit.

[¶97] 22.10. “I lay before you the question whether you wish to permit Argos, which, as you know, has been seized by Nabis, to remain under his control, or whether you think it proper that this most famous and ancient ” “city, situated in the heart of Greece, should be restored to liberty and enjoy the same condition as the other cities of the Peloponnesus and Greece.”

> Latin: 22.10. hodierna consultatio tota ex vobis pendet. refero enim ad vos, utrum Argos, sicut scitis ipsi, ab Nabide occupatos pati velitis sub dicione eius esse, an aequum censeatis nobilissimam vetustissimamque civitatem, in media Graecia sitam, repeti in libertatem et eodem statu quo ceteras urbes Peloponnesi et Graeciae esse, haec consultatio, ut videtis, tota de re pertinente ad vos est;

[¶98] 22.12. “This question, as you see, is one-which is altogether your concern; it does not touch the Romans at all, except in so far as the slavery of one city of liberated Greece does not permit their fame to be perfect and complete.”

> Latin: 22.12. Romanos nihil contingit, nisi quatenus liberatae Graeciae unius civitatis servitus non plenam nec integram gloriam esse sinit.

[¶99] 22.13. “But if no concern for that city nor the example thus set nor the danger that the contagion of that evil may spread affects you, that is, so far as we are concerned, well and good. I ask your opinions on this matter, and shall abide by whatever decision the majority of you shall reach.”

> Latin: 22.13. ceterum, si vos nec cura eius civitatis nec exemplum nec periculum movet, ne serpat latius contagio eius mali, nos aequi bonique facimus. de hac re vos consulo, staturus eo, quod plures censueritis.’

[¶100] 23.1. After this speech from the Roman commander, they began to ascertain the views of the others.

> Latin: 23.1. post orationem Romani imperatoris percenseri aliorum sententiae coeptae sunt.

[¶101] 23.2. When the Athenian ambassador had, to the extent of his capacity, and with effusive thanks, extolled the Romans' services to Greece, saying that “when appealed to they had given aid against Philip, and were ” “of their own accord and without an appeal offering assistance against Nabis,” and had lamented that these services,

> Latin: 23.2. cum legatus Atheniensium, quantum poterat, gratiis agendis Romanorum in Graeciam merita extulisset, ‘ imploratos [auxilium] adversus Philippum tulisse opem, non rogatos ultro adversus tyrannum Nabim offerre auxilium’, indignatusque esset haec tanta merita sermonibus tamen aliquorum carpi futura calumniantium,

[¶102] 23.4. great as they were, - were nevertheless criticized in the talk of certain persons who threw out dark hints about the future, though they should rather be confessing their gratitude for the past, it was clear that he was attacking the Aetolians. Therefore Alexander, a leading man of that people, assailed first the Athenians, once the leaders and champions of liberty, now the betrayers of the common cause from their desire to win a place for themselves by adulation, then he complained that the Achaeans, the one-time soldiers of Philip, then finally deserters from him as his fortunes declined, had regained Corinth and in addition were trying to obtain Argos, while the Aetolians, foes to Philip from the beginning, allies to the Romans at all times, although they had agreed in the treaty that the cities and fields were to be theirs when Philip was defeated, were being cheated out of Echinus and Pharsalus;

> Latin: 23.4. cum fateri potius praeteritorum gratiam deberent, apparebat incessi Aetolos. igitur Alexander, princeps gentis, invectus primum in Atheniensis, libertatis quondam duces et auctores, adsentationis propriae gratia communem causam prodentis, questus deinde [est] Achaeos, Philippi quondam milites, ad postremum inclinata fortuna eius transfugas, et Corinthum recepisse et id agere, ut Argos habeant, Aetolos, primos hostis Philippi, semper socios Romanorum, pactos in foedere suas urbes agrosque fore devicto Philippo, fraudari Echino et Pharsalo,

[¶103] 23.8. he also charged the Romans with deceit, in that, while they held out the empty name of liberty, they were holding with their garrisons Chalcis and Demetrias, despite the fact that they had been wont to object, when Philip hesitated to withdraw his troops from these towns, that “while Demetrias and Chalcis and Corinth were ” “in his hands, Greece would never be free,” and finally, in that they were making Argos and Nabis an excuse for remaining in Greece and keeping their army there.

> Latin: 23.8. insimulavit fraudis Romanos, quod vano titulo libertatis ostentato Chalcidem et Demetriadem praesidiis tenerent, qui Philippo cunctanti deducere inde praesidia obicere semper soliti sint ‘ numquam, donec Demetrias Chalcisque et Corinthus tenerentur, liberam Graeciam fore’, postremo quia manendi in Graecia retinendique exercitus Argos et Nabim causam facerent.

[¶104] 23.10. Let them, he said, transport their legions to Italy;

> Latin: 23.10. deportarent legiones in Italiam;

[¶105] 23.11. adding that the Aetolians promised either that Nabis would withdraw his garrison from Argos voluntarily and under terms imposed by them, or that they would compel him by force of arms to yield to the will of united Greece.

> Latin: 23.11. Aetolos polliceri aut condicionibus et voluntate sua Nabim praesidium Argis deducturum, aut vi atque armis coacturos in potestate consentientis Graeciae esse.

[¶106] 24.1. This boastful speech first provoked Aristae nus, praetor of the Achaeans, to speak:

> Latin: 24.1. haec vaniloquentia primum Aristaenum, praetorem Achaeorum, excitavit.

[¶107] 24.2. “May Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Queen Juno, under whose protection Argos is, forbid that that city be the prize to be contended for by the Spartan tyrant and the Aetolian robbers, in such a critical moment that its recovery by you would be a greater misery than its possession by him.”

> Latin: 24.2. ‘ne istuc’ inquit ‘Iuppiter optimus maximus sirit Iunoque regina, cuius in tutela Argi sunt, ut illa civitas inter tyrannum Lacedaemonium et latrones Aetolos praemium sit posita in eo discrimine, ut miserius a vobis recipiatur, quam ab illo capta est.

[¶108] 24.3. “The sea that lies between does not protect us from those brigands, Titus Quinctius; what will become of us if they establish their citadel in the heart of the Peloponnesus? They have only the tongue of Greeks, as they have only the shape of men; they live under rules and practices more savage than any barbarians, yes, than any wild beasts.”

> Latin: 24.3. mare interiectum ab istis praedonibus non tuetur nos, T. Quincti; quid, si in media Peloponneso arcem sibi fecerint, futurum nobis est? linguam tantum Graecorum habent, sicut speciem hominum;

[¶109] 24.4. “Therefore we beg you, Romans, both to recover Argos from Nabis and to establish the affairs of Greece in such a way as to leave us well protected from the brigandage of the Aetolians as well.”

> Latin: 24.4. moribus ritibusque efferatioribus quam ulli barbari, immo quam immanes beluae vivunt. itaque vos rogamus, Romani, ut et ab Nabide Argos reciperetis et ita res Graeciae constituatis, ut ab latrocinio quoque Aetolorum satis pacata haec relinquatis.

[¶110] 24.5. When men from all sides were uniting in censuring the Aetolians, the Roman said that he would have answered them, did he not see that all men were so enraged at them that they required to be soothed rather than provoked.

> Latin: 24.5. ’ Romanus, cunctis undique increpantibus Aetolos, responsurum se fuisse iis dixit, nisi ita infensos omnis in eos videret, ut sedandi potius quam irritandi essent.

[¶111] 24.6. He said that he was content with the opinions expressed about the Romans and the Aetolians, and therefore put the question what they would do about a war against Nabis if he would not give Argos back to the Achaeans. When a unanimous decree for war had been passed, he urged them that each state should send auxiliaries in proportion to its strength.

> Latin: 24.6. contentum itaque opinione ea, quae de Romanis Aetolisque esset, referre se dixit, quid de Nabidis bello placeret, nisi redderet Achaeis Argos, cum omnes bellum decressent, auxilia ut pro viribus suis quaeque civitates mitterent, est hortatus.

[¶112] 24.7. He even sent an ambassador to the Aetolians, more for the purpose of laying bare their intentions (and in this he succeeded) than from the hope that he could gain their adherence.

> Latin: 24.7. ad Aetolos legatum etiam misit, magis ut nudaret animos, id quod evenit, quam spe impetrari posse.

[¶113] 25.1. He ordered the tribunes of the soldiers to summon the army from Elatia.

> Latin: 25.1. tribunis militum, ut exercitum ab Elatia arcesserent, imperavit.

[¶114] 25.2. About this time, - too, ambassadors from Antiochus arrived to discuss an alliance, but received the reply that he had nothing to say in the absence of the ten commissioners; it would be necessary for them to go to Rome and apply to the senate.

> Latin: 25.2. per eosdem dies et Antiochi legatis de societate agentibus respondit nihil se absentibus decem legatis sententiae habere;

[¶115] 25.3. He then proceeded to lead the assembled forces from Elatia towards Argos, and in the vicinity of Cleonae Aristaenus the praetor met him with ten thousand Achaean infantry and one thousand cavalry, and uniting their forces they encamped a short distance away.

> Latin: 25.3. Romam eundum ad senatum iis esse. ipse copias adductas ab Elatia ducere Argos pergit; atque ei circa Cleonas Aristaenus praetor cum decem milibus Achaeorum, equitibus mille occurrit, et haud procul inde iunctis exercitibus posuerunt castra.

## 15. Book XXXIV · chapters 25–35

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15/#p-N

[¶0] 25.4. The next, day they marched down into the plain of the Argives and selected for their camp a position about four miles from Argos.

> Latin: 25.4. postero die in campum Argivorum descenderunt et quattuor ferme milia ab Argis locum castris capiunt.

[¶1] 25.5. The commander of the Spartan garrison was Pythagoras, at once the son-in-law and brother-in-law of the tyrant, and at the approach of the Roman she posted strong guards on both citadels (for Argos has two citadels) and likewise on other places that were favourably situated or open to attack;

> Latin: 25.5. praefectus praesidii Laconum erat Pythagoras, gener idem tyranni et uxoris eius frater, qui sub adventum Romanorum et utrasque arces — nam duas habent Argi — loca alia, quae aut opportuna aut suspecta erant, validis praesidiis firmavit;

[¶2] 25.6. but while he was taking this action he could not conceal the fear which the coming of the Romans caused, and on top of the danger from outside there was also a mutiny within.

> Latin: 25.6. sed inter haec agenda pavorem iniectum adventu Romanorum dissimulare haudquaquam poterat; et ad externum terrorem intestina etiam seditio accessit.

[¶3] 25.7. There was an Argive named Damocles, a young man of greater spirit than discretion, who, after exchanging oaths, began conferring with suitable persons regarding expelling the garrison, and, in his desire to add strength to his conspiracy, proved to be too careless in his estimation of fidelity.

> Latin: 25.7. Damocles erat Argius, adulescens maioris animi quam consilii, qui primo, iureiurando interposito, de praesidio expellendo cum idoneis conlocutus, dum vires adicere coniurationi studet, incautior fidei aestimator fuit.

[¶4] 25.8. When an agent sent by the prefect summoned him as he was talking to one of his party, he perceived that the plot had been betrayed and urged the conspirators who were with him to join him in armed resistance rather than perish under torture.

> Latin: 25.8. conloquentem eum cum suis satelles a praefecto missus cum accerseret, sensit proditum consilium esse hortatusque est coniuratos, qui aderant, ut potius, quam extorti morerentur, arma secum caperent.

[¶5] 25.9. And so with a few of his friends he rushed into the forum, crying out that all who wished the safety of the state should follow him as the sponsor and leader of freedom. He roused almost no one, since they saw no immediate prospect of success anywhere, and not even any considerable material strength.

> Latin: 25.9. atque ita cum paucis in forum pergit ire clamitans, ut, qui salvam rem publicam vellent, auctorem et ducem se libertatis sequerentur.

[¶6] 25.10. As he was uttering such appeals, the Lacedaemonians surrounded him and his party and put them to death.

> Latin: 25.10. haud sane movit quemquam, quia nihil usquam spei propinquae, nedum satis firmi praesidii cernebant.

[¶7] 25.11. Then some of the others were arrested, and most of these were executed, a few imprisoned.

> Latin: 25.11. haec vociferantem eum Lacedaemonii circumventum cum suis interfecerunt. comprensi deinde quidam et alii.

[¶8] 25.12. During the following night many let themselves down over the wall by means of ropes and took refuge with the Romans.

> Latin: 25.12. ex iis occisi plures, pauci in custodiam coniecti; multi proxima nocte funibus per murum demissi ad Romanos perfugerunt.

[¶9] 26.1. When these men assured him that if the Roman army had been at the gates the uprising would not have been so futile, and that the Argives would not remain quiet if he moved his camp nearer the city, Quinctius sent the light infantry and cavalry, who engaged with a party of Lacedaemonians who rushed out of the gate near Cylarabis — a

> Latin: 26.1. Quinctius adfirmantibus iis, si ad portas exercitus Romanus fuisset, non sine effectu motum eum futurum fuisse, et, si propius castra admoverentur, non quieturos Argivos, misit expeditos pedites equitesque, qui circa Cylarabim— gymnasium id est minus trecentos passus ab urbe —

[¶10] 26.3. gymnasium less than three hundred paces from the city — and without great effort drove them back into the town. Then the Roman general placed his camp on the spot where the battle had occurred.

> Latin: 26.3. cum erumpentibus a porta Lacedaemoniis proelium commiserunt atque eos haud magno certamine compulerunt in urbem. et castra eo ipso loco, ubi pugnatum erat, imperator Romanus posuit.

[¶11] 26.4. He spent the next day watching to see if any new disturbance would arise; when he saw that the state had been overawed he called a council to consider laying siege to Argos.

> Latin: 26.4. diem inde unum in speculis fuit, si quid novi motus oreretur; postquam oppressam metu civitatem vidit, advocat consilium de oppugnandis Argis.

[¶12] 26.5. The opinion of all the Greek chieftains except Aristaenus was the same, that since there was no other cause for the war than that city, the war should by preference begin there.

> Latin: 26.5. omnium principum Graeciae praeter Aristaenum eadem sententia erat, cum causa belli non alia esset, inde potissimum ordiendum bellum.

[¶13] 26.6. Quinctius was by no means of the same opinion, and he listened with unmistakable -approval to the argument of Aristaenus, which was opposed to this generally held view;

> Latin: 26.6. Quinctio id nequaquam placebat, et Aristaenum contra omnium consensum disserentem cum haud dubia approbatione audivit;

[¶14] 26.7. and he even asked what, since the war had been undertaken for the sake of the Argives and against the tyrant, was less consistent than to let the enemy alone and attack Argos?

> Latin: 26.7. et ipse adiecit, cum pro Argivis adversus tyrannum bellum susceptum sit, quid minus conveniens esse, quam omisso hoste Argos oppugnari?

[¶15] 26.8. For his part, he would seek the main objective of the war, Sparta and the tyrant. Accordingly he dismissed the council and sent light cohorts out to forage. The ripe grain was harvested and brought into camp; the unripe was trampled down and destroyed, to prevent the enemy from enjoying it later.

> Latin: 26.8. se vero caput belli Lacedaemonem et tyrannum petiturum. et dimisso consilio frumentatum expeditas cohortes misit. quod maturi erat circa, demessum et convectum est; viride, ne hostes mox haberent, protritum et corruptum.

[¶16] 26.9. Then he moved his camp and crossing Mount Parthenius and passing Tegea he encamped on the third day near Caryae. There, before he entered the enemy's country he waited for the auxiliaries of the allies.

> Latin: 26.9. castra deinde movit et Parthenio superato monte praeter Tegeam tertio die ad Caryas posuit castra. ibi, priusquam hostium intraret agrum, sociorum auxilia expectavit.

[¶17] 26.10. Fifteen hundred Macedonians came from Philip and four hundred Thessalian cavalry. It was no longer auxiliaries, of whom there were plenty, that delayed the Roman commander, but the supplies that the neighbouring states had been ordered to contribute.

> Latin: 26.10. venerunt Macedones a Philippo mille et quingenti et Thessalorum equites quadringenti. nec iam auxilia, quorum adfatim erat, sed commeatus finitumis urbibus imperati morabantur Romanum.

[¶18] 26.11. Also, great fleets were assembling: Lucius Quinctius had now arrived from Leucas with forty ships, together with eighteen warships of the Rhodians, and King Eumenes was off the Cyclades islands with ten warships, thirty cruisers and with them other vessels of smaller size. Many exiles of the Lacedaemonians, driven out by the misdeeds of the tyrants, also came to the Roman camp in the hope of being restored to their homes.

> Latin: 26.11. navales quoque magnae copiae conveniebant; iam ab Leucade L. Quinctius quadraginta navibus venerat, iam Rhodiae duodeviginti tectae naves, iam Eumenes rex circa Cycladas insulas erat cum decem tectis navibus, triginta lembis mixtisque aliis minoris formae navigiis.

[¶19] 26.12. There were many who had been driven out by one tyrant or another, through the several generations which had elapsed since tyrants first got control of Sparta.

> Latin: 26.12. ipsorum quoque Lacedaemoniorum exules permulti, tyrannorum iniuria pulsi, spe reciperandae patriae in castra Romana convenerunt.

[¶20] 26.13. The chief of the exiles was Agesipolis, to whom the throne of Lacedaemon belonged by right of birth, who had been exiled in his childhood by the tyrant Lycurgus after the death of Cleomenes, who had been the first to hold the tyranny in Sparta.

> Latin: 26.13. multi autem erant, iam per aliquot aetates, ex quo tyranni tenebant Lacedaemonem, alii ab aliis expulsi. princeps erat exulum Agesipolis, cuius iure gentis regnum Lacedaemone erat, pulsus infans ab Lycurgo tyranno post mortem Cleomenis, qui primus tyrannus Lacedaemone fuit.

[¶21] 27.1. When so great a war on land and sea was threatening the tyrant, though on a true estimate of his own strength and that of the enemy he could see almost no hope of success, he nevertheless did not neglect his preparations for war, but summoned from Crete a thousand of their chosen youths, in addition to a thousand who were already with him; he had also in his force three thousand mercenaries and ten thousand of his own countrymen along with the rural guards, and he fortified the city with a moat and rampart.

> Latin: 27.1. cum terra marique tantum belli circumstaret tyrannum, et prope nulla spes esset vere vires suas hostiumque aestimanti, non tamen omisit bellum, sed et a Creta mille delectos iuventutis eorum excivit, cum mille iam haberet, et tria milia mercennariorum militum, decem milia popularium cum castellanis agrestibus in armis habuit et fossa valloque urbem communivit;

[¶22] 27.3. To prevent any internal disorder, he held the people in check with terror and severe punishments, since he could not hope that they would wish well to a tyrant.

> Latin: 27.3. et, ne quid intestini motus oreretur, metu et acerbitate poenarum tenebat animos, quoniam, ut salvum vellent tyrannum, sperare non poterat.

[¶23] 27.4. Since he entertained suspicions regarding certain citizens, he led out his entire force into a plain — they call it Dromos — and stacking arms bade the Spartans to be summoned to a meeting and surrounded the gathering with armed guards.

> Latin: 27.4. cum suspectos quosdam civium haberet, eductis in campum omnibus copiis — Dromon ipsi vocant — positis armis ad contionem vocari iubet Lacedaemonios atque eorum contioni satellites armatos circumdedit;

[¶24] 27.6. Then he made some brief opening remarks, showing why he should be pardoned in such an emergency, when he feared everything and guarded against everything, and that it was to their own interest, if the present state of affairs made him suspect certain citizens, that these persons should be prevented from making any attempt upon him rather than punished for making the attempt;

> Latin: 27.6. et pauca praefatus, cur sibi omnia timenti caventique ignoscendum in tali tempore foret, et ipsorum referre, si quos suspectos status praesens rerum faceret, prohiberi potius, ne quid moliri possint, quam puniri molientis;

[¶25] 27.7. he would accordingly hold certain persons under guard until the storm which was threatening should pass; when the enemy was driven off — and there was less danger from them if only internal treachery could be prevented — he would at once release them; after this he ordered the names of about eighty of the most prominent young men to be read, and each one, as he answered to his name, was turned over to the guards; during the next night he put them all to death.

> Latin: 27.7. itaque quosdam se in custodia habiturum, donec ea, quae instet, tempestas praetereat; hostibus repulsis, a quibus, si modo proditio intestina satis caveatur, minus periculi esse, extemplo eos emissurum — : sub haec citari nomina octoginta ferme principum iuventutis iussit atque eos, ut quisque ad nomen responderat, in custodiam tradidit;

[¶26] 27.9. Then some of the Ilotae, a rural people, who had been country-dwellers from remote antiquity, were charged with trying to desert, driven with whips through all the streets, and put to death. By thus inspiring fear he stunned the minds of the crowd and prevented any attempt at revolution.

> Latin: 27.9. nocte insequenti omnes interfecti. Ilotarum deinde quidam — hi sunt iam inde antiquitus castellani, agreste genus —, transfugere voluisse insimulati per omnis vicos sub verberibus acti necantur. hoc terrore obstipuerant multitudinis animi ab omni conatu novorum consiliorum.

[¶27] 27.10. He kept his troops within the walls, thinking himself unequal to the enemy, if he should dare to risk a battle, and fearing to leave the city while all men's minds were in such suspense and uncertainty.

> Latin: 27.10. intra munitiones copias continebat, nec parem se ratus, si dimicare acie vellet, et urbem relinquere tam suspensis et incertis omnium animis metuens.

[¶28] 28.1. Quinctius had now made adequate preparations and had left his base and on the second day arrived at Sellasia above the Oenus river, at which place it was said that Antigonus, king of the Macedonians, had contended in pitched battle with Cleomenes, the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 28.1. Quinctius satis iam omnibus paratis profectus ab stativis die altero ad Sellasiam super Oenunta fluvium pervenit, quo in loco Antigonus, Macedonum rex, cum Cleomene, Lacedaemoniorum tyranno, signis conlatis dimicasse dicebatur.

[¶29] 28.2. Having learned that the descent was through a difficult and narrow pass, he sent men ahead to build a road over a short bypass over the mountains, and came by a sufficiently wide and open way to the river Eurotas, which flows almost under the very walls of the city.

> Latin: 28.2. inde cum audisset descensum difficilis et artae viae esse, brevi per montes circuitu praemissis, qui munirent viam, lato satis et patenti limite ad Eurotam rotam amnem, sub ipsis prope fluentem moenibus, pervenit.

[¶30] 28.3. When the Romans were laying out their camp and Quinctius himself with the cavalry and light infantry had gone on ahead, the auxiliary forces of the tyrant attacked and threw them into panic and disorder, since they anticipated no such event, because no enemy had shown himself on their entire march and they had passed through an apparently peaceful country.

> Latin: 28.3. ubi castra metantis Romanos Quinctiumque ipsum cum equitibus atque expeditis praegressum auxiliares tyranni adorti in terrorem ac tumultum coniecerunt nihil tale expectantis, quia nemo iis obvius toto itinere fuerat, ac velut pacato agro transierant.

[¶31] 28.4. For a time there was confusion as the cavalry called to the infantry and the infantry to the cavalry, since each lacked confidence in itself; — finally, the standards of the legions came up, and when the leading cohorts of the column were thrown into the fight, those who had a moment before been a cause of terror were driven in panic into the city.

> Latin: 28.4. aliquamdiu peditibus equites, equitibus pedites vocantibus, cum in se cuique minimum fiduciae esset, trepidatum est; tandem signa legionum supervenerunt, et, cum primi agminis cohortes inductae in proelium essent, qui modo terrori fuerant, trepidantes in urbem compulsi sunt.

[¶32] 28.6. The Romans retired so far from the wall that they were beyond spear-range, and forming their line waited for a while; when no enemy came out against them, they retired to the camp.

> Latin: 28.6. Romani, cum tantum a muro recessissent, ut extra ictum teli essent, acie derecta paulisper steterunt; postquam nemo hostium contra exibat, redierunt in castra.

[¶33] 28.7. The next day Quinctius began to lead his troops in array along the river and past the city to the foot of Mount Menelaus; at the head marched the legionary cohorts and the light infantry and the cavalry formed the rear-guard.

> Latin: 28.7. postero die Quinctius prope flumen praeter urbem sub ipsas Menelai montis radices ducere copias instructas pergit; primae legionariae cohortes ibant, levis armatura et equites agmen cogebant.

[¶34] 28.8. Inside the wall Nabis had formed and made ready his mercenaries, in whom he placed most confidence, to attack the enemy in the rear.

> Latin: 28.8. Nabis intra murum instructos paratosque sub signis habebat mercennarios milites, in quibus omnis fiducia erat, ut ab tergo hostem adgrederetur.

[¶35] 28.9. When the tail of the column had passed, they burst from the town through several gates at once, with the same fury as the day before.

> Latin: 28.9. postquam extremum agmen praeteriit, tum ab oppido, eodem, quo pridie eruperant, tumultu pluribus simul locis erumpunt.

[¶36] 28.10. Appius Claudius was bringing up the rear; he had prepared the minds of his men for what was likely to occur, lest it catch them unawares, and he at once faced about and presented a solid front to the enemy.

> Latin: 28.10. Ap. Claudius agmen cogebat; qui ad id, quod futurum erat, ne inopinatum accideret, praeparatis suorum animis signa extemplo convertit totumque in hostem agmen circumegit.

[¶37] 28.11. So, just as if organized battle-lines had met, there was a regular battle for a while; at length the soldiers of Nabis turned in flight; and this would have been less hazardous and dangerous if the Achaeans, who knew the ground, had not pressed them hard. They caused great slaughter and disarmed many of them as they scattered in flight in every direction.

> Latin: 28.11. itaque, velut rectae acies concurrissent, iustum aliquamdiu proelium fuit; tandem Nabidis milites in fugam inclinarunt; quae minus infesta ac trepida fuisset, ni Achaei locorum prudentes institissent. ii et caedem ingentem ediderunt et dispersos passim fuga plerosque armis exuerunt. Quinctius prope Amyclas posuit castra;

[¶38] 28.12. Quinctius encamped near Amyclae, and from that base he laid waste all the well-populated and pleasant country districts which surrounded the city, and when no enemy now left the gates he moved his camp to the river Eurotas. Next he devastated the valley that lies below Taygetus and the fields that stretched towards the sea.

> Latin: 28.12. unde cum perpopulatus omnia circumiecta urbi frequentis et amoeni agri loca esset, nullo iam hostium porta excedente castra movit ad fluvium Eurotam. inde vallem Taygeto subiectam agrosque ad mare pertinentis evastat.

[¶39] 29.1. At about the same time Lucius Quinctius received the surrender of the towns on the coast, some by their own choice, some from fear or as a result of attack.

> Latin: 29.1. eodem fere tempore L. Quinctius maritimae orae oppida partim voluntate, partim metu aut vi recepit.

[¶40] 29.2. Then, having learned that the town of Gytheum was the Lacedaemonians' storehouse of naval supplies of all kinds and that the Roman camp was not far from the sea, he determined to attack the town with his whole force.

> Latin: 29.2. certior deinde factus Gytheum oppidum omnium maritimarum rerum Lacedaemoniis receptaculum esse nec procul a mari castra Romana abesse, omnibus id copiis adgredi constituit.

[¶41] 29.3. It was at that time a strongly fortified place, well supplied with large numbers of citizens and immigrants and with all military equipment.

> Latin: 29.3. erat eo tempore valida urbs, et multitudine civium incolarumque et omni bellico apparatu instructa.

[¶42] 29.4. At an opportune moment for Quinctius, who was undertaking a difficult task, King Eumenes and the Rhodian fleet appeared.

> Latin: 29.4. in tempore Quinctio rem haud facilem adgredienti rex Eumenes et classis Rhodiorum supervenerunt.

[¶43] 29.5. A huge crowd of naval allies, assembled from the three fleets, within a few days made ready all the engines necessary for the siege of a city strongly fortified by land and sea.

> Latin: 29.5. ingens multitudo navalium sociorum e tribus contracta classibus intra paucos dies omnia, quae ad oppugnationem urbis terra marique munitae faciunda opera erant, effecit, iam testudinibus admotis murus subruebatur.

[¶44] 29.6. Soon mantlets were brought up and the wall was being undermined and shaken by battering-rams. So one tower was overthrown by the repeated blows, and the adjacent wall was ruined by its fall;

> Latin: 29.6. iam arietibus quatiebatur. itaque una crebris ictibus eversa est turris quodque circa muri erat casu eius prostratum;

[¶45] 29.7. and the Romans attempted at once to force their way in from the harbour side, whence the approach was more level, to distract the enemy's attention from the more exposed place, and also through the breach made by the falling of the wall.

> Latin: 29.7. et Romani simul a portu, unde aditus planior erat, ut distenderent ab apertiore loco hostis, simul per patefactum ruina iter inrumpere conabantur.

[¶46] 29.8. Nor were they far from winning to the place they sought, but their attack was slowed up by the hope held out to them, but soon after found delusive, that the city would capitulate.

> Latin: 29.8. nec multum afuit, quin, qua intenderant, penetrarent; sed tardavit impetum eorum spes obiecta dedendae urbis, mox deinde eadem turbata. Dexagoridas et Gorgopas pari imperio praeerant urbi.

[¶47] 29.9. Dexagoridas and Gorgopas were in command of the city, with equal authority Dexagoridas had sent word to the Roman lieutenant that he would give up the city, and when the time and method of procedure had been agreed upon, the traitor was slain by Gorgopas and the city was more vigorously defended by him alone. And the continuance of the siege would have been more difficult if Titus Quinctius had not come up with four thousand picked troops.

> Latin: 29.9. Dexagoridas miserat ad legatum Romanum traditurum se urbem; et cum ad eam rem tempus et ratio convenisset, a Gorgopa proditor interficitur, intentiusque ab uno urbs defendebatur. et difficilior facta oppugnatio erat, ni T. Quinctius cum quattuor milibus delectorum militum supervenisset.

[¶48] 29.11. When he had revealed his line of battle, drawn up on the brow of a hill no great distance from the city, and on the other side Lucius Quinctius was pressing the assault from his works on land and sea, then despair compelled Gorgopas too to adopt the plan which he had punished with death in another's case, and bargaining that he should be permitted to lead away the soldiers whom he

> Latin: 29.11. is cum supercilio haud procul distantis tumuli ab urbe instructam aciem ostendisset, et ex altera parte L. Quinctius ab operibus suis terra marique instaret, tum vero desperatio Gorgopan quoque coegit id consilii, quod in altero morte vindicaverat, capere,

[¶49] 29.13. had had as a garrison, he surrendered the city to Quinctius.

> Latin: 29.13. et pactus, ut abducere inde milites, quos praesidii causa habebat, liceret, tradidit Quinctio urbem.

[¶50] 29.14. Before Gytheum was surrendered, Pythagoras, the prefect who had been left at Argos, turned over the guardianship of the city to Timocrates of Pellene and with a thousand mercenaries and two thousand Argives joined Nabis in Lacedaemon.

> Latin: 29.14. priusquam Gytheum traderetur, Pythagoras, praefectus Argis relictus, tradita custodia urbis Timocrati Pellenensi cum mille mercennariis militibus et duobus milibus Argivorum Lacedaemonem ad Nabim venit.

[¶51] 30.1. Although Nabis had been greatly alarmed at the approach of the Roman fleet and the surrender of the coast towns, yet he had rested on a slender hope as long as Gytheum was held by his troops; when he learned that it too had been given over to the Romans and that, while on land there was no hope, all the country being in the hands of the enemy, he was entirely cut off from the sea as well, considering that he must yield to fortune, he first sent a herald to the camp to find out whether they would permit ambassadors to be sent to them.

> Latin: 30.1. Nabis sicut primo adventu Romanae classis et traditione oppidorum maritimae orae conterritus erat, sic parva spe cum acquievisset Gytheo ab suis retento, postquam id quoque traditum Romanis audivit esse et, cum ab terra omnibus circa hosti li bus nihil spei esset, a mari quoque toto se interclusum, cedendum fortunae ratus caduceatorem primum in castra misit ad explorandum, si paterentur legatos ad se mitti.

[¶52] 30.4. When this was granted Pythagoras came to the commander with no other message than that the tyrant be granted an interview with the general.

> Latin: 30.4. qua impetrata re Pythagoras ad imperatorem venit nullis cum aliis mandatis, quam ut tyranno colloqui cum imperatore liceret.

[¶53] 30.5. When a council was summoned and all agreed that an interview should be granted, a time and place were appointed.

> Latin: 30.5. consilio advocato cum omnes dandum colloquium censuissent, dies locusque constituitur.

[¶54] 30.6. They arrived with moderate escorts at some hills in the intervening country, and both parties, leaving their cohorts on guard in plain sight, came down to the meeting-place, Nabis with a picked body-guard, Quinctius with his brother, King Eumenes, Sosilas the Rhodian, Aristaenus, praetor of the Achaeans, and a few military tribunes.

> Latin: 30.6. in mediae regionis tumulos modicis copiis sequentibus cum venissent, relictis ibi in statione conspecta utrimque cohortibus Nabis cum delectis custodibus corporis, Quinctius cum fratre et Eumene rege et Sosila Rhodio et Aristaeno, Achaeorum praetore, tribunisque militum paucis descendit.

[¶55] 31.1. When the tyrant had been given the option of speaking first or of listening, he began thus: “If, Titus Quinctius and you others who are present, I had been able to discover for myself any reason why you should have declared or should now be waging war upon me, I should have waited in silence for the decision as to my fate;”

> Latin: 31.1. ibi permisso, [ut] seu dicere prius seu audire mallet, ita coepit tyrannus: ‘si ipse per me, T. Quincti vosque qui adestis, causam excogitare, cur mihi aut indixissetis bellum aut inferretis, possem, tacitus eventum fortunae meae expectassem;

[¶56] 31.2. “but as it is, I have been unable to control my curiosity to know, before I perish, why I am to perish.” “And, by Hercules, if you were such men as the Carthaginians are reputed to be, among whom no sanctity attaches to a pledge of alliance, as regards myself too I should not wonder that you take little thought as to how you are acting;”

> Latin: 31.2. nunc imperare animo nequivi, quin, priusquam perirem, cur periturus essem, scirem. et hercules, si tales essetis, qualis esse Carthaginienses fama est, apud quos nihil societatis fides sancti haberet, in me quoque vobis quid faceretis minus pensi esse non mirarer;

[¶57] 31.4. “but now, as I look at you, I see that you are Romans, men who hold treaties to be the most sacred of divinely-established institutions, and a pledge to be the most sacred of human ties.”

> Latin: 31.4. nunc cum vos intueor, Romanos esse video, qui rerum divinarum foedera, humanarum fidem socialem sanctissimam habeatis;

[¶58] 31.5. “When I look at myself, I hope that I see myself as one who, as a member of the state, in common with the other Lacedaemonians, has enjoyed a most ancient treaty with you, and who on his own account and in his own person has recently, during ” “the war with Philip, renewed this friendship and alliance.”

> Latin: 31.5. cum me ipse respexi, eum me esse spero, cui et publice, sicut ceteris Lacedaemoniis, vobiscum vetustissimum foedus sit et meo nomine privatim amicitia ac societas, nuper Philippi bello renovata. at enim ego eam violavi et everti, quod Argivorum civitatem teneo.

[¶59] 31.7. “But, you say, I have violated and overturned it because I hold the city of Argos. How shall I defend myself against this charge? By the aid of the facts or by consideration of the time? The facts give me a double defence: first, when the citizens themselves invited me and turned the city over to me, I accepted it, not seized it; second, I received it when the city belonged to Philip's faction and was not in league with you.”

> Latin: 31.7. quo modo hoc tuear? re an tempore? res mihi duplicem defensionem praebet; nam et ipsis vocantibus ac tradentibus urbem eam accepi, non occupavi, et accepi, cum Philippi partium, non in vestra societate esset.

[¶60] 31.8. “The time likewise acquits me of that charge, since the alliance between you and me was arranged at a time when I was already in possession of Argos, and your stipulation was that I should send you assistance for the war, not that I should withdraw my garrison from Argos.”

> Latin: 31.8. tempus autem eo me liberat, quod, cum iam Argos haberem, societas mihi vobiscum convenit, et, ut vobis mitterem ad bellum auxilia, non, ut Argis praesidium deducerem, pepigistis.

[¶61] 31.9. “But, by Hercules, in the dispute which concerns Argos, I come out the victor both by the justice of my case, because I received a ” “city which belonged not to you but to the enemy, received it by its own act and not through compulsion; and by your own admission, since by the terms of our alliance you left Argos in my hands.”

> Latin: 31.9. at hercule in ea controversia, quae de Argis est, superior sum et aequitate rei, quod non vestram urbem, sed hostium, quod volentem, non vi coactam accepi, et vestra confessione, quod in condicionibus societatis Argos mihi reliquistis;

[¶62] 31.11. “But my title of tyrant and my behaviour argue against me, because I summon slaves to the enjoyment of freedom and establish the needy commons upon the soil.”

> Latin: 31.11. ceterum nomen tyranni et facta me premunt, quod servos ad libertatem voco, quod in agros inopem plebem deduco. de nomine hoc respondere possum, me.

[¶63] 31.12. “As to my title, I can give this reply, that, whatever I am, I was the same when you yourself, Titus Quinctius, made the alliance with me.”

> Latin: 31.12. qualiscumque sum, eundem esse, qui fui, cum tu ipse mecum, T. Quincti, societatem pepigisti.

[¶64] 31.13. “At that time I recall that you saluted me as king; at this time I see that I am called tyrant. Therefore, if I had changed the title of my office, I should have to explain my inconsistency; since you are changing it, you must give reason for your own.”

> Latin: 31.13. tum me regem appellari a vobis memini, nunc tyrannum vocari video. itaque, si ego nomen imperii mutassem, mihi meae inconstantiae, cum vos mutetis, vobis vestrae reddenda ratio est.

[¶65] 31.14. “As to the fact that I have increased population by freeing slaves and have distributed land to the poor, I can defend myself against this charge by the plea of the time as I did before:”

> Latin: 31.14. quod ad multitudinem servis liberatis auctam et egentibus divisum agrum attinet, possum quidem et in hoc me iure temporis tutari:

[¶66] 31.15. “I had already done all this, such as it is, at the time when you arranged the alliance with me and accepted my aid in the war against Philip;”

> Latin: 31.15. iam feceram haec, qualiacumque sunt, cum societatem mecum pepigistis et auxilia in bello adversus Philippum accepistis;

[¶67] 31.16. “but if I had just recently done this, I should not ask, 'What harm have I done you in this way, or how have I broken the treaty?' but merely say that I had acted according to the tradition and custom of our ancestors.”

> Latin: 31.16. sed si nunc ea fecissem, non dico ‘quid in eo vos laesissem aut vestram amicitiam violassem?’, sed illud, me more atque instituto maiorum fecisse.

[¶68] 31.17. “Do not weigh what is done in Lacedaemon on the scales of your own laws and institutions. It is unnecessary to make a detailed comparison. You choose your cavalry and your infantry according to their census-ratings, and you desire that a few should excel in wealth and that the commons should be under their control;”

> Latin: 31.17. nolite ad vestras leges atque instituta exigere ea, quae Lacedaemone fiunt. nihil comparare singula necesse est. vos a censu equitem, a censu peditem legitis, et paucos excellere opibus, plebem subiectam esse illis vultis;

[¶69] 31.18. “our law-giver ordained that the state should not be in the hands of the few, whom you call the senate, and that no one order should predominate in the state, but he believed that by equalizing wealth and rank it would come to pass that there would be many to bear arms for the country.”

> Latin: 31.18. noster legum lator non in paucorum manu rem publicam esse voluit, quem vos senatum appellatis, nec excellere unum aut alterum ordinem in civitate, sed per aequationem fortunae ac dignitatis fore credidit, ut multi essent, qui arma pro patria ferrent.

[¶70] 31.19. “I admit that I have spoken at greater length than suits the traditional brevity of our speech; and I might have summed up briefly by stating that since I entered upon my friendship with you, I have done nothing to make you regret it.”

> Latin: 31.19. pluribus me ipse egisse quam pro patria sermonis brevitate fateor; et breviter peroratum esse potuit, nihil me, postquam vobiscum institui amicitiam, cur eius vos paeniteret, commisisse.’

[¶71] 32.1. The Roman commander responded thus: “We have never made any treaty of friendship and alliance with ” “you, but with Pelops, the lawful and legitimate king of the Spartans, whose rights the tyrants, who afterwards exercised violent sway in Sparta, since we were kept busy by wars, now with Carthage, now with Gaul, now with one state after another, had usurped, just as you too have done during this recent Macedonian war.”

> Latin: 32.1. ad haec imperator Romanus: ‘amicitia et societas nobis nulla tecum, sed cum Pelope, rege Lacedaemoniorum iusto ac legitimo, facta est, cuius ius tyranni quoque, qui postea per vim tenuerunt Lacedaemone imperium, quia nos bella nunc Punica, nunc Gallica, nunc alia ex aliis occupaverant, usurparunt, sicut tu quoque hoc Macedonico bello fecisti.

[¶72] 32.3. “What would be less consistent than for a people that was fighting against Philip for the liberation of Greece to make a treaty of friendship with a tyrant? And a treaty with a tyrant the most savage and lawless that ever lived?”

> Latin: 32.3. nam quid minus conveniret quam nos, qui pro libertate Graeciae adversus Philippum gereremus bellum, cum tyranno instituere amicitiam? et tyranno tam saevo, quam qui umquam fuit saevissimus et violentissimus in suos?

[¶73] 32.4. “Even if you had neither taken Argos through fraud nor continued to hold it in the same way, we should be compelled, while we were setting all Greece free, to restore Sparta as well to its ancient liberty and its laws, which you have mentioned as if you were an imitator of Lycurgus.”

> Latin: 32.4. nobis vero, etiam si Argos nec cepisses per fraudem nec teneres, liberantibus omnem Graeciam Lacedaemon quoque vindicanda in antiquam libertatem erat atque in leges suas, quarum modo tamquam aemulus Lycurgi mentionem fecisti.

[¶74] 32.5. “It will be our responsibility that Philip's garrisons are withdrawn from Iasus and Bargyliae; shall we leave Argos and Lacedaemon, two most celebrated cities, once the lights of Greece, under your feet, that their slavery may tarnish our glory as liberators of Greece? But, you say, the Argives were on the side of Philip. We do not at all ask you to be indignant with them on our account.”

> Latin: 32.5. an, ut ab Iaso et Bargyliis praesidia Philippi deducantur, curae erit nobis; Argos et Lacedaemonem, duas clarissimas urbes, lumina quondam Graeciae, sub pedibus tuis relinquemus, quae titulum nobis liberatae Graeciae servientes deforment?

[¶75] 32.6. “We have convincing proof that the blame for this rests on two or at most three men, not on the state, just as, by Hercules, when you, Nabis, with your garrison were invited and received into the citadel, nothing was done with official sanction.” “We know that the people of Thessaly and Phocis and Locris joined the party of Philip with the general approval of those peoples;”

> Latin: 32.6. at enim cum Philippo Argivi senserunt. remittimus hoc tibi, ne nostram vicem irascaris. satis compertum habemus duorum aut summum trium in ea re, non civitatis culpam esse, tam hercule, quam in te tuoque praesidio accersendo accipiendoque in arcem nihil est publico consilio actum.

[¶76] 32.8. “nevertheless, we have set them free along with the rest of Greece; what then do you think we shall do in the case of the Argives, who are innocent of any official decision?”

> Latin: 32.8. Thessalos et Phocensis et Locrensis consensu omnium scimus partium Philippi fuisse; tamen cum cetera liberavimus Graecia; quid tandem censes in Argivis, qui insontes publici consilii sint, facturos?

[¶77] 32.9. “You said that we were charging you with inviting slaves to become free and dividing the land among poor men, nor are these trivial accusations; but what are they in comparison with the crimes which are every day committed in endless succession by you and your followers? Hold a free assembly in either Argos or Lacedaemon, if you want to hear true accusations against a most lawless despotism.”

> Latin: 32.9. servorum ad libertatem vocatorum et egentibus hominibus agri divisi crimina tibi obici dicebas, non quidem nec ipsa mediocria; sed quid ista sunt prae iis, quae a te tuisque cotidie alia super alia facinora eduntur?

[¶78] 32.10. “To pass over all other crimes of more distant date, what a slaughter did that Pythagoras, your son-inlaw, cause at Argos almost under my eyes?”

> Latin: 32.10. exhibe liberam contionem vel Argis vel Lacedaemone, si audire iuvat vera dominationis impotentissimae crimina.

[¶79] 32.11. “Of what were you yourself guilty, at a time when I was practically on the frontiers of the Spartans?”

> Latin: 32.11. ut alia omnia vetustiora omittam, quam caedem Argis Pythagoras iste, gener tuus, paene in oculis meis edidit? quam tu ipse, cum iam prope in finibus Lacedaemoniorum essem?

[¶80] 32.12. “Come, bid those men be led out in chains whom you arrested in the assembly and announced in the hearing of all your fellow-citizens that you would hold in confinement: let their wretched parents see that those whom they are mourning without cause are alive.”

> Latin: 32.12. age dum, quos in contione comprehensos omnibus audientibus civibus tuis te in custodia habiturum esse pronuntiasti, iube vinctos produci; miseri parentes, quos falso lugent, vivere sciant.

[¶81] 32.13. “But, you say, granting now that all this is so, how does this concern you, O Romans? Can you say that to the deliverers of Greece? Can you say that to men who have crossed the sea and waged war on land and sea that they might accomplish this liberation?”

> Latin: 32.13. at enim, ut iam ita sint haec, quid ad vos, Romani? hoc tu dicas liberantibus Graeciam? hoc iis, qui, ut liberare possent, mare traiecerunt, terra marique gesserunt bellum?

[¶82] 32.14. “Yet you say, I have not personally violated your friendship and alliance. In how many instances do you want me to prove that you have done so? I shall not be long, but shall sum up the whole matter.”

> Latin: 32.14. vos tamen, inquis, vestramque amicitiam ac societatem proprie non violavi. quotiens vis te id arguam fecisse? sed nolo pluribus;

[¶83] 32.15. “In what ways, then, is friendship violated? Chiefly, no doubt, in these two ways: if you treat my allies as enemies, and if you associate yourself with my enemies.”

> Latin: 32.15. summam rem complectar. quibus igitur rebus amicitia violatur? nempe his maxime duabus, si socios meos pro hostibus habeas, si cum hostibus te coniungas.

[¶84] 32.16. “Both of these things you have done; for, in the first place, Messene, a city received into our friendship under one and the same treaty as Sparta, a city that was our ally, you, also our ally, captured by force of arms; in the second place, you arranged not only an alliance with Philip, our enemy, but also (Heaven help us!) ” “a personal relationship through the intervention of his prefect ”

> Latin: 32.16. utrumque a te factum est; nam et Messenen, uno atque eodem iure foederis quo et Lacedaemonem in amicitiam nostram acceptam, socius ipse sociam nobis urbem vi atque armis cepisti et cum Philippo, hoste nostro, non societatem solum sed, si diis placet, adfinitatem etiam per Philoclen, praefectum eius,

[¶85] 32.18. “Philocles, and, just as if you were making regular war upon us, you rendered the sea around Malea dangerous with your pirate ships, and you captured and killed more Roman citizens, almost, than Philip did, and the coast of Macedonia was safer than the promontory of Malea for the ships that were transporting supplies for our armies.” “Cease then, if you please, to utter fine-sounding words about loyalty and treaty obligations, and dropping your popular style speak ” “as a tyrant and an enemy.”

> Latin: 32.18. pepigisti et ut bellum adversus nos gerens mare circa Maleum infestum navibus piraticis fecisti et plures prope cives Romanos quam Philippus cepisti atque occidisti, tutiorque Macedoniae ora quam promunturium Maleae commeatus ad exercitus nostros portantibus navibus fuit, proinde parce, sis, fidem ac iura societatis iactare et omissa populari oratione tamquam tyrannus et hostis loquere.

[¶86] 33.1. After this Aristaenus began first to advise Nabis and then to plead with him, while he was in a position to do so and while there was opportunity, to consider his own interests and prospects, and then to recall by name the tyrants of the neighbouring states who had laid down their authority and restored liberty to their subjects and so had passed not only a secure but also an honourable old age among their fellow-citizens.

> Latin: 33.1. ’ sub haec Aristaenus nunc monere Nabim, nunc etiam orare, ut, dum liceret, dum occasio esset, sibi ac fortunis suis consuleret; referre deinde nominatim tyrannos civitatium finitimarum coepit, qui deposito imperio restitutaque libertate suis non tutam modo sed etiam honoratam inter civis senectutem egissent.

[¶87] 33.3. After this interchange of speeches, the approach of night broke up the conference. The next day Nabis agreed to withdraw from Argos and lead away his garrison, since this was the Romans' pleasure, and to give back the prisoners and deserters;

> Latin: 33.3. his dictis in vicem auditisque nox prope diremit colloquium. postero die Nabis Argis se cedere ac deducere praesidium, quando ita Romanis placeret, et captivos et perfugas redditurum dixit;

[¶88] 33.4. if they had further demands, he requested that they deliver them in writing, that he might discuss them with his friends.

> Latin: 33.4. aliud si quid postularent, scriptum ut ederent petiit, ut deliberare cum amicis posset.

[¶89] 33.5. So an interval was granted the tyrant for his deliberations, and Quinctius also held a council to which he summoned the chiefs of the allies.

> Latin: 33.5. ita et tyranno tempus datum ad consultandum est, et Quinctius sociorum etiam principibus adhibitis habuit consilium.

[¶90] 33.6. The opinion of the majority was that they should continue the war and get rid of the tyrant; never under other conditions would the liberty of Greece be assured; it would have been much better not to have begun the war against him than to discontinue it when once begun;

> Latin: 33.6. maximae partis sententia erat perseverandum in bello esse et tollendum tyrannum; numquam aliter tutam libertatem Graeciae fore;

[¶91] 33.7. and he, having obtained a quasi-approval of his despotism, would be more firmly established for having won the sanction of the Roman people for his unjust rule, and by his example would prompt many in other states to plot against the freedom of their citizens. The mind of the commander himself was more inclined towards peace.

> Latin: 33.7. satius multo fuisse non moveri bellum adversus eum quam omitti motum; et ipsum velut comprobata dominatione firmiorem futurum auctore iniusti imperii adsumpto populo Romano et exemplo multos in aliis civitatibus ad insidiandum libertati civium suorum incitaturum.

[¶92] 33.9. For he saw that with the enemy driven inside his fortifications nothing remained but a siege, but the siege would be of uncertain issue and long duration, since they would invest, not Gytheum (and this, besides, had been surrendered, not captured), but Lacedaemon, a city exceedingly powerful in men and arms.

> Latin: 33.9. ipsius imperatoris animus ad pacem inclinatior erat. videbat enim compulso intra moenia hoste nihil praeter obsidionem restare, eam autem fore diuturnam;

[¶93] 33.10. There had been, he continued, one real hope, if dissension and insurrection among the Spartans themselves could have been begun while they were bringing up the army; when they saw the standards almost carried into the gates, no one had stirred.

> Latin: 33.10. non enim Gytheum, quod ipsum tamen traditum, non expugnatum esset, sed Lacedaemonem, validissimam urbem viris armisque, oppugnaturos.

[¶94] 33.11. He added that Villius, the ambassador, had reported on his return that the peace with Antiochus could not be depended upon, and that he had crossed into Europe with far greater military and naval forces than before.

> Latin: 33.11. unam spem fuisse, si qua admoventibus exercitum dissensio inter ipsos ac seditio excitari posset; cum signa portis prope inferri cernerent, neminem se movisse.

[¶95] 33.12. If the siege of Sparta, he asked, kept the army busy, with what other troops would they conduct the war against a king so mighty and powerful?

> Latin: 33.12. adiciebat et cum Antiocho infidam pacem Villium legatum inde redeuntem nuntiare; multo maioribus quam ante terrestribus navalibusque copiis in Europam eum transisse.

[¶96] 33.13. Such was his spoken argument; unexpressed was another anxiety, that a new consul might obtain the province of Greece from the lots, and that he might be compelled to hand over to a successor an incomplete victory in the war.

> Latin: 33.13. si occupasset obsidio Lacedaemonis exercitum, quibus aliis copiis adversus regem tam validum ac potentem bellum gesturos? haec propalam dicebat; illa tacita suberat cura, ne novus consul Graeciam provinciam sortiretur et inchoata belli victoria successori tradenda esset.

[¶97] 34.1. When by arguing on the other side he produced no effect among the allies, by pretending to go over to their opinion he brought all into agreement with his plan.

> Latin: 34.1. cum adversus tendendo nihil moveret socios, simulando se transire in eorum sententiam omnis in adsensum consilii sui traduxit.

[¶98] 34.2. “May success attend us,” he said, “and let us lay siege to Sparta, since that is your will: but do not be deceived about this: since the siege of cities is a slow business, as you know, which often exhausts the patience of the besiegers sooner than that of the besieged, you ought even now to hold this prospect before your minds, that we must winter around the walls of Lacedaemon.”

> Latin: 34.2. ‘bene vertat’ inquit, ‘obsideamus Lacedaemonem, quando ita placet; illud modo ne fallat: [ceterum] cum res tam lenta, quam ipsi scitis, oppugnatio urbium sit et obsidentibus prius saepe quam obsessis taedium adferat, iam nunc hoc ita proponere vos animis oportet, hibernandum circa Lacedaemonis moenia esse.

[¶99] 34.3. “If this delay involved merely toil and danger, I should urge you to prepare both minds and bodies to resist them;”

> Latin: 34.3. quae mora si laborem tantum ac periculum haberet, ut et animis et corporibus ad sustinenda ea parati essetis, hortarer vos;

[¶100] 34.4. “but now it demands much money also, for siege-works, for engines and artillery with which we must attack so strong a town, and for the purchase of provisions for you and us against the winter.”

> Latin: 34.4. nunc impensa quoque magna eget in opera, in machinationes et tormenta, quibus tanta urbs oppugnanda est, in commeatus vobis nobisque in hiemem expediendos.

[¶101] 34.5. “Therefore, to prevent any sudden fear or a disgraceful abandonment of an unfinished enterprise, I propose that you should write to your states in advance, to ascertain what is the temper and what the strength of each. Of troops to aid me, I have enough and more; but the more numerous we are, the more supplies we shall require.”

> Latin: 34.5. itaque, ne aut repente trepidetis aut rem inchoatam turpiter destituatis, scribendum ante vestris civitatibus censeo, explorandum, quid quaeque animi, quid virium habeat.

[¶102] 34.6. “The enemy's country already offers nothing but the naked soil. Besides, winter will soon be here, making it difficult to transport supplies from a distance.”

> Latin: 34.6. auxiliorum satis superque habeo; sed quo plures sumus, pluribus rebus egebimus. nihil iam praeter nudum solum ager hostium habet, ad hoc hiems accedet ad comportandum ex longinquo difficilis.

[¶103] 34.7. This speech at once directed the minds of all to thoughts of the domestic difficulties of each, the sloth, the ill-will, and the jealousy of those who stayed at home towards the soldiers in the field, the liberty that made agreement difficult, the public poverty, the unwillingness to make contributions from private funds. Their inclinations accordingly suffered a sudden change, and they granted authority to the commander to do what he considered consistent with the general interest of the Roman people and the allies.

> Latin: 34.7. ’ haec oratio primum animos omnium ad respicienda sua cui u sque domestica mala convertit, segnitiam, invidiam et obtrectationem domi manentium adversus militantis, libertatem difficilem ad consensum, inopiam publicam, malignitatem conferendi ex privato. versis itaque subito voluntatibus faceret, quod e re publica populi Romani sociorumque esse crederet, imperatori permiserunt.

[¶104] 35.1. Quinctius then summoned only his lieutenants and the tribunes of the soldiers, and wrote down the terms on which peace should be made with the tyrant:

> Latin: 35.1. inde Quinctius adhibitis legatis tantum tribunisque militum condiciones, in quas pax cum tyranno fieret, has conscripsit: sex mensium indutiae ut essent Nabidi Romanisque et Eumeni regi et Rhodiis;

[¶105] 35.2. that there should be a truce of six months between Nabis and the Romans, King Eumenes, and the Rhodians; that Titus Quinctius and Nabis should at once send ambassadors to Rome, that the peace might be ratified by the authority of the senate;

> Latin: 35.2. legatos extemplo mitterent Romam T. Quinctius et Nabis, ut pax [ex] auctoritate senatus confirmaretur;

[¶106] 35.3. that the day on which the written conditions of peace should be delivered to Nabis should be the beginning of the armistice, and that ten days from that time the garrisons should be withdrawn from Argos and the other towns in Argive territory, and that they be handed over to the Romans, empty and free of troops, and that no slave, whether belonging to the king or to the state or to a private individual, should be removed, and if any had been previously removed they should be duly returned to their owners;

> Latin: 35.3. et qua die scriptae condiciones pacis editae Nabidi forent, ea dies ut indutiarum principium esset, et ut ex ea die intra decimum diem ab Argis ceterisque oppidis, quae in Argivorum agro essent, praesidia omnia deducerentur vacuaque et libera traderentur Romanis, et ne quod inde mancipium regium publicumve aut privatum educeretur, si qua ante educta forent, dominis recte restituerentur;

[¶107] 35.5. that he should give back the ships which he had taken from the cities on the sea, and that he should not have any ship except two small vessels which were propelled by not more than sixteen oars;

> Latin: 35.5. naves, quas civitatibus maritimis ademisset, redderet neve ipse navem ullam praeter duos lembos, qui non plus quam sedecim remis agerentur, haberet;

## 16. Book XXXIV · chapters 35–49

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/16/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/16/#p-N

[¶0] 35.6. that he should restore the fugitives and captives to all the cities allied with the Roman people and to the Messenians all the property which could be found and which the owners could identify;

> Latin: 35.6. perfugas et captivos omnibus sociis populi Romani civitatibus redderet et Messeniis omnia, quae comparerent quaeque domini cognossent;

[¶1] 35.7. that he should likewise return to the Lacedaemonian exiles their children and their wives who were willing to attend their husbands, provided that no wife should against her will follow a husband into exile;

> Latin: 35.7. exulibus quoque Lacedaemoniis liberos coniuges restitueret, quae earum viros sequi voluissent, invita ne qua exulis comes esset;

[¶2] 35.8. that all property should be duly restored to the mercenary soldiers of Nabis who had deserted either to their own states or to the Romans;

> Latin: 35.8. mercennariorum militum Nabidis, qui aut in civitates suas aut ad Romanos transissent, iis res suae omnes recte redderentur;

[¶3] 35.9. that he should retain possession of no town in Crete, and those which he had held he should turn over to the Romans; that he should form no alliance with any people of the Cretans or anyone else, and should wage no war with them;

> Latin: 35.9. in Creta insula ne quam urbem haberet; quas habuisset, redderet Romanis; ne quam societatem cum ullo Cretensium aut quoquam alio institueret neu bellum gereret;

[¶4] 35.10. that from all the cities, both those which he had given up and those which had put themselves and their possessions under the protection and control of the Roman people, he should withdraw his garrisons and should keep himself and his troops away from them;

> Latin: 35.10. civitatibus omnibus, quasque [et] ipse restituisset quaeque se suaque in fidem ac dicionem populi Romani tradidissent, omnia praesidia deduceret seque ipse suosque ab iis abstineret;

[¶5] 35.11. that he should found no city or fort on his own or another's territory; that he should give five hostages that these conditions should be observed, such as were satisfactory to the Roman commander, and among them his son, and should pay one hundred talents of silver immediately and fifty talents per year for eight years.

> Latin: 35.11. ne quod oppidum neu quod castellum in suo alienove agro conderet; obsides, ea ita futura, daret quinque, quos imperatori Romano placuisset, et filium in iis suum, et talenta centum argenti in praesenti et quinquaginta talenta in singulos annos per annos octo.

[¶6] 36.1. These articles were reduced to writing and delivered to Lacedaemon, the camp having been moved nearer to the town.

> Latin: 36.1. haec conscripta castris propius urbem motis Lacedaemonem mittuntur.

[¶7] 36.2. Nothing in them was really pleasing to the tyrant, except that, contrary to his expectations, no mention was made of any restoration of the exiles; but the most offensive clause was that which deprived him of the ships and the cities on the coast.

> Latin: 36.2. nec sane quicquam eorum satis placebat tyranno, nisi quod praeter spem reducendorum exulum mentio nulla facta erat; maxime autem omnium ea res offendebat, quod et naves et maritimae civitates ademptae erant.

[¶8] 36.3. The sea, indeed, had been of great profit to him, since his pirate boats had attacked the whole coast from the promontory of Malea; besides, he found the soldiers of these cities made by far the best kind of fighting men.

> Latin: 36.3. fuerat autem ei magno fructui mare, omnem oram a Maleo praedatoriis navibus infestam habenti; iuventutem praeterea civitatium earum ad supplementum longe optimi generis militum habebat.

[¶9] 36.4. Although he had discussed these conditions with his advisers in secret, nevertheless everyone was discussing them in common talk, since it is the nature of the courtiers of kings to be untrustworthy in all respects, but especially for keeping secrets.

> Latin: 36.4. has condiciones quamquam ipse in secreto volutaverat cum amicis, vulgo tamen omnes fama ferebant, vanis, ut ad ceteram fidem, sic ad secreta tegenda satellitum regiorum ingeniis.

[¶10] 36.5. People generally did not criticize the terms as a whole so much as individuals found fault with those that concerned themselves. Those who had married the wives of exiles, or had possessed themselves of parts of their property, mourned as if they were to be robbed, and were not to restore the property of others.

> Latin: 36.5. non tam omnia universi, quam ea, quae ad quemque pertinerent, singuli carpebant. qui exulum coniuges in matrimonio habebant aut ex bonis eorum aliquid possederant, tamquam amissuri, non reddituri indignabantur.

[¶11] 36.6. Before the eyes of the slaves who had been freed by the tyrant was the vision not only of their vainly-gained liberty but of a slavery much more grievous than before, since they were returned to the authority of angered masters.

> Latin: 36.6. servis liberatis a tyranno non irrita modo futura libertas, sed multo foedior, quam fuisset ante, servitus redeuntibus in iratorum dominorum potestatem ante oculos obversabatur.

[¶12] 36.7. The mercenaries saw with regret that the rewards of service would diminish in peace, and they likewise knew that they could not return to their own states, which were not more opposed to tyrants than to their servants.

> Latin: 36.7. mercennarii milites et pretia militiae casura in pace aegre ferebant et reditum sibi nullum in civitates videbant, infensas non tyrannis magis quam satellitibus eorum.

[¶13] 37.1. At first they made these complaints as they discussed the terms in their own gatherings; then suddenly they ran to arms.

> Latin: 37.1. haec inter se primo in circulis serentes fremere;

[¶14] 37.2. When the tyrant perceived that the people had of their own accord become angry enough, he ordered an assembly summoned.

> Latin: 37.2. deinde subito ad arma discurrerunt. quo tumultu cum per se satis irritatam multitudinem cerneret tyrannus, contionem advocari iussit.

[¶15] 37.3. When he had explained there the demands made by the Romans, and had falsely represented some of them as more burdensome and unjust than they actually were, and when each point was received with signs of disapproval, now from the whole assembly, now from one part or another, he asked what answer they wanted him to give and what they wished him to do.

> Latin: 37.3. ubi cum ea, quae imperarentur ab Romanis, exposuisset et graviora atque indigniora quaedam falso adfinxisset, et ad singula nunc ab universis, nunc a partibus contionis acclamaretur, interrogavit, quid se respondere ad ea aut quid facere vellent.

[¶16] 37.4. Almost unanimously they bade him give no answer but to continue the war, and each one individually, as a crowd is wont to do, counselled him to be of good cheer and good hope, reminding him that fortune favoured the brave.

> Latin: 37.4. prope una voce omnes nihil responderi et bellum geri iusserunt; et pro se quisque, qualia multitudo solet, bonum animum habere et bene sperare iubentes, fortis fortunam adiuvare aiebant.

[¶17] 37.5. Inspired by such speeches, the tyrant announced that he would have the support of Antiochus and the Aetolians, and that he had abundant strength to withstand the siege.

> Latin: 37.5. his vocibus incitatus tyrannus et Antiochum Aetolosque adiuturos pronuntiat, et sibi ad obsidionem sustinendam copiarum adfatim esse.

[¶18] 37.6. All thoughts of peace had gone from their minds and they rushed to their posts, unable to remain quiet longer. The sally of a few skirmishers and the weapons which they hurled at once removed from the Romans any doubt that the war would go on.

> Latin: 37.6. exciderat pacis mentio ex omnium animis, et in stationes non ultra quieturi discurrunt. paucorum excursio lacessentium et emissa iacula extemplo et Romanis dubitationem, quin bellandum esset, exemerunt.

[¶19] 37.7. For the first four days there were only minor engagements with no very certain result; on the fifth day, in a regular battle, the Lacedaemonians were driven back into the town in such confusion that some of the Romans, as they were cutting down the fugitives, entered the city through the gaps which at that time existed in the wall.

> Latin: 37.7. levia inde proelia per quadriduum primum sine ullo satis certo eventu commissa; quinto die prope iusta pugna adeo paventes in oppidum Lacedaemonii compulsi sunt, ut quidam milites Romani terga fugientium caedentes per intermissa, ut tunc erant, moenia urbem intrarint.

[¶20] 38.1. And for the time Quinctius, having put a stop to the enemy's raids by reason of the alarm he had given them, and thinking that there was no alternative to the investment of the city, sent messengers to bring up the marines from Gytheum, and himself with the tribunes of the soldiers rode around the walls to reconnoitre the city's position.

> Latin: 38.1. et tunc quidem Quinctius satis eo terrore coercitis excursionibus hostium nihil praeter ipsius oppugnationem urbis superesse ratus, missis, qui omnis navalis socios a Gytheo accerserent, ipse interim cum tribunis militum ad visendum urbis situm moenia circumvehitur.

[¶21] 38.2. Sparta had at one time been without a wall; the tyrants had recently constructed a wall in the open and flat places; the higher ground and that difficult to approach was defended by guards of soldiers instead of a fortification.

> Latin: 38.2. fuerat quondam sine muro Sparta; tyranni nuper locis patentibus planisque obiecerant murum; altiora loca et difficilia aditu stationibus armatorum pro munimento obiectis tutabantur.

[¶22] 38.3. When he had made a sufficiently complete reconnaissance, thinking that he should attack from an encircling line, he stationed around the city his whole force — there were altogether, Romans and allies, foot and horse, soldiers and marines, about fifty thousand men.

> Latin: 38.3. ubi satis omnia inspexit, corona oppugnandum ratus omnibus copiis — erant autem Romanorum sociorumque, simul peditum equitumque, simul terrestrium ac navalium copiarum, ad quinquaginta milia hominum — urbem cinxit.

[¶23] 38.4. Some bore ladders, others torches, others other things, with which to attack and likewise to cause terror. The main body of his army he formed in three columns: his order was to attack with one on the side of the Phoebeum, with the second at the Dictynneum, with the third in the quarter which they call Heptagoniae — all these were open places without walls.

> Latin: 38.4. alii scalas, alii ignem, alii alia, quibus non oppugnarent modo sed etiam terrerent, portabant. iussi sublato clamore subire undique omnes, ut, qua primum occurrerent quave opem ferrent, ad omnia simul paventes Lacedaemonii ignorarent. quod roboris in exercitu erat, trifariam divisum; parte una a Phoebeo, altera a Dictynneo, tertia ab eo loco, quem Heptagonias appellant — omnia autem haec aperta sine muro loca sunt — adgredi iubet.

[¶24] 38.6. The city being thus encircled on every side with terror, the tyrant at first, actively attending to the sudden shouts and the panic-stricken messages, just as each spot was in greatest straits, either went to meet the enemy in person or despatched assistance;

> Latin: 38.6. cum tantus undique terror urbem circumvasisset, primo tyrannus et ad clamores repentinos et ad nuntios trepidos motus, ut quisque maxime laboraret locus, aut ipse occurrebat aut aliquos mittebat;

[¶25] 38.7. later on, as the confusion increased on all sides, he was so benumbed by terror that he was unable either to order what was appropriate or to hear the reports, and not only lost his power of judgment but was almost bereft of reason.

> Latin: 38.7. deinde circumfuso undique pavore ita obtorpuit, ut nec dicere, quod in rem esset, nec audire posset nec inops modo consilii sed vix mentis compos esset.

[¶26] 39.1. At first the Lacedaemonians held up the Roman attack in the narrow approaches, and the three lines were fighting in different places at the same time; then, as the fighting grew more severe, the battle was by no means equal.

> Latin: 39.1. Romanos primo sustinebant in angustiis Lacedaemonii, ternaeque acies tempore uno locis diversis pugnabant; deinde crescente certamine nequaquam erat proelium par.

[¶27] 39.2. For the Spartans were fighting with long-distance weapons, from which the Roman soldier protected himself with great ease, partly by the size of his shield, partly because some javelins missed their mark and others fell only lightly.

> Latin: 39.2. missilibus enim Lacedaemonii pugnabant, a quibus se et magnitudine scuti perfacile Romanus tuebatur miles, et quod alii vani, alii leves admodum ictus erant.

[¶28] 39.3. For on account of the limited space and the throngs of soldiers, they not only had no room from which to hurl them on the run, which gives them the greatest momentum, but they lacked even room to try to throw them from an unimpeded and solid footing.

> Latin: 39.3. nam propter angustias loci confertamque turbam non modo ad emittenda cum procursu, quo plurimum concitantur, tela spatium habebant, sed ne ut de gradu quidem libero ac stabili conarentur.

[¶29] 39.4. Consequently, of the weapons hurled from directly opposite none pierced the bodies, and few even the shields;

> Latin: 39.4. itaque ex adverso missa tela nulla in corporibus, rara in scutis haerebant;

[¶30] 39.5. some of the Romans were wounded by troops on their flanks who occupied the higher ground; presently, as they advanced, some unexpected wounds were suffered from spears and even tiles hurled from the housetops.

> Latin: 39.5. ab circumstantibus ex superioribus locis vulnerati quidam sunt; mox progressos iam etiam ex tectis non tela modo sed tegulae quoque inopinantis perculerunt.

[¶31] 39.6. Then they held their shields above their heads and fitted them so closely together that no space was left for random shots or even for the insertion of a javelin from near at hand, and having formed their testudo they forced their way forward.

> Latin: 39.6. sublatis deinde supra capita scutis continuatisque ita inter se, ut non modo ad caecos ictus sed ne ad inserendum quidem ex propinquo telum loci quicquam esset, testudine facta subibant.

[¶32] 39.7. The first narrow streets they entered, crowded with their own troops and those of the enemy, delayed them for a while; after they came out into the wider avenues of the city, gradually driving back the enemy, the violence of their assault could not be resisted longer.

> Latin: 39.7. et primae angustiae paulisper sua hostiumque refertae turba tenuerunt; postquam in patentiorem viam urbis paulatim urgentes hostem processere, non ultra vis eorum atque impetus sustineri poterant.

[¶33] 39.8. When the Lacedaemonians had turned to flee, and in headlong flight were seeking the higher ground, Nabis too, trembling as if the city had been taken, looked about him for a way to escape; Pythagoras not only displayed the courage and performed the functions of a commander in other respects, but was, moreover, the sole reason why the city was not captured, for he ordered the buildings nearest the wall to be set on fire.

> Latin: 39.8. cum terga vertissent Lacedaemonii et fuga effusa superiora peterent loca, Nabis quidem ut capta urbe trepidans, quanam ipse evaderet, circumspectabat; Pythagoras cum ad cetera animo officioque ducis fungebatur, tum vero unus, ne caperetur urbs, causa fuit; succendi enim aedificia proxima muro iussit.

[¶34] 39.10. When these had flamed up in an instant, and the men who ordinarily would be accustomed to bring aid to put out the fire were helping it to burn more fiercely, the roofs were collapsing upon the Romans, and not only pieces of tile but half-burned beams were falling upon the soldiers and flames were shooting far out, while the smoke too was creating greater terror than danger.

> Latin: 39.10. quae cum momento temporis arsissent, ut adiuvantibus ignem, qui alias ad exstinguendum opem ferre solent, ruere in Romanos tecta, nec tegularum modo fragmenta sed etiam ambusta tigna ad armatos pervenire, et flamma late fundi, fumus terrorem etiam maiorem quam periculum facere.

[¶35] 39.12. And so those of the Romans who were outside the city and were just at that moment making their most violent attack, retired from the wall, and likewise those who had already entered, lest they be cut off from their own men by the fire which was rising in their rear, fell back, and Quinctius, when he saw what the situation was, ordered the signal sounded for a retirement.

> Latin: 39.12. itaque et qui extra urbem erant Romanorum, tum maxime impetum facientes recessere a muro, et qui iam intraverant, ne incendio ab tergo oriente intercluderentur ab suis, receperunt sese;

[¶36] 39.13. And so, when they had almost captured the city they were recalled and returned to their camp.

> Latin: 39.13. et Quinctius, postquam, quid rei esset, vidit, receptui canere iussit. ita iam capta prope urbe revocati in castra redierunt.

[¶37] 40.1. Quinctius found more cause for hope in the enemy's panic than in the actual success he had gained, and for three days following kept them in a state of terror, sometimes harrying them with assaults, sometimes blocking open spaces with siege-works, that no way might be left open for escape.

> Latin: 40.1. Quinctius plus ex timore hostium quam ex re ipsa spei nactus, per triduum insequens territavit eos nunc proeliis lacessendo, nunc operibus intersaepiendo quaedam, ne exitus ad fugam esset.

[¶38] 40.2. Under the pressure of these repeated threats the tyrant again sent Pythagoras to plead for him, but Quinctius at first scornfully ordered him to be expelled from the camp, but later, when he begged like a suppliant and threw himself at his feet, he at length granted him an audience.

> Latin: 40.2. his comminationibus compulsus tyrannus Pythagoram rursus oratorem misit; quem Quinctius primo aspernatus excedere castris iussit, dein suppliciter orantem advolutumque genibus tandem audivit. prima oratio fuit omnia permittentis arbitrio Romanorum;

[¶39] 40.4. The beginning of his speech was an offer of complete submission to the decision of the Romans, but when this accomplished nothing, being held to be idle and unavailing, matters were then brought to this point that a truce should be concluded on the basis of the terms which had been delivered in writing a few days before, and the money and hostages were received.

> Latin: 40.4. dein cum ea velut vana et sine effectu nihil proficeret, eo deducta est res, ut iis condicionibus, quae ex scripto paucis ante diebus editae erant, indutiae fierent, pecuniaque et obsides accepti.

[¶40] 40.5. While the tyrant was being besieged, the Argives, when man after man brought the news that Lacedaemon was all but captured, themselves took heart, for the additional reason that Pythagoras had departed with the strongest contingent of the garrison, and making light of the few who were in the citadel, they chose one Archippus as leader and drove out the garrison; as for Timocrates of Pellene, because he had ruled them with kindness, they allowed him to leave alive under a safeguard.

> Latin: 40.5. dum oppugnatur tyrannus, Argivi, nuntiis aliis [prope] super alios adferentibus tantum non iam captam Lacedaemonem esse erecti et ipsi, simul eo, quod Pythagoras cum parte validissima praesidii excesserat, contempta paucitate eorum, qui in arce erant, duce Archippo quodam praesidium expulerunt;

[¶41] 40.7. In the midst of their rejoicing Quinctius came to them, having granted peace to the tyrant and sent away from Lacedaemon Eumenes and the Rhodians and his brother Lucius Quinctius to the fleet.

> Latin: 40.7. Timocratem Pellenensem, quia clementer praefuerat, vivum fide data emiserunt. huic laetitiae Quinctius supervenit pace data tyranno dimissisque ab Lacedaemone Eumene et Rhodiis et L. Quinctio fratre ad classem.

[¶42] 41.1. The most popular of the festivals, the famous spectacle of the Nemean Games, which had been omitted at the usual time because of the misfortunes of war, was now, on the arrival of the Roman army and commander, proclaimed by the joyful citizens, who had chosen the general himself to preside at the games.

> Latin: 41.1. laeta civitas celeberrimum festorum dierum ac nobile ludicrum Nemeorum, die stata propter belli mala praetermissum, in adventum Romani exercitus ducisque indixerunt praefeceruntque ludis ipsum imperatorem.

[¶43] 41.2. There were many things which added to their joy: those of their countrymen had been brought back from Lacedaemon, who had been taken there by Pythagoras recently and by Nabis earlier;

> Latin: 41.2. multa erant, quae gaudium cumularent: reducti cives ab Lacedaemone erant, quos nuper Pythagoras quosque ante Nabis abduxerat;

[¶44] 41.3. the men had come back who had escaped after the discovery of the conspiracy by Pythagoras and after the executions had begun; they saw liberty recovered after a long interval, and they beheld the authors of that liberty, — the Romans, whose cause for warring with the tyrant they had themselves been.

> Latin: 41.3. redierant, qui post compertam a Pythagora coniurationem et caede iam coepta effugerant; libertatem ex longo intervallo libertatisque auctores Romanos, quibus causa bellandi cum tyranno ipsi fuissent, cernebant. testata quoque ipso Nemeorum die voce praeconis libertas est Argivorum.

[¶45] 41.4. Moreover, the freedom of the Argives was proclaimed by the voice of the herald on the very day of the Nemean Games. As regards the Achaeans, whatever joy the restoration of Argos to the common council of Achaea brought to them was rendered incomplete to the same degree by the fact that Lacedaemon was left enslaved, with the tyrant close at hand;

> Latin: 41.4. Achaeis quantum restituti Argi in commune Achaiae concilium laetitiae adferebant, tantum serva Lacedaemon relicta et lateri adhaerens tyrannus non sincerum gaudium praebebant;

[¶46] 41.5. the Aetolians, too, attacked the position of affairs at all their meetings: with Philip, they said, there had been no cessation from war until he had evacuated all the cities of Greece;

> Latin: 41.5. Aetoli vero eam rem omnibus conciliis lacerare: cum Philippo non ante desitum bellari, quam omnibus excederet Graeciae urbibus; tyranno relictam Lacedaemonem;

[¶47] 41.6. Sparta was abandoned to the tyrant, and its legal king, though in the Roman camp, and other citizens of the highest station, would live in exile; the Roman army had become the ready agent of Nabis' despotism.

> Latin: 41.6. regem autem legitimum, qui in Romanis fuerit castris, ceterosque nobilissimos cives in exilio victuros;

[¶48] 41.7. From Argos Quinctius led his troops back to Elatia, whence he had set out to the Spartan war.

> Latin: 41.7. Nabidis dominationis satellitem factum populum Romanum. Quinctius ab Argis Elatiam, unde ad bellum Spartanum profectus erat, copias reduxit.

[¶49] 41.8. There are some who say that the tyrant fought the war, not by making sallies from the town, but by placing his camp face to face with the Roman, and that after long delay, because he was waiting for aid from the Aetolians, he was in the end compelled to fight in battle array when the Romans attacked his foragers;

> Latin: 41.8. sunt qui non ex oppido proficiscentem bellum gessisse tyrannum tradant, sed castris adversus Romana positis castra diuque cunctatum, quia Aetolorum auxilia expectasset, coactum ad extremum acie confligere impetu in pabulatores suos a Romanis facto;

[¶50] 41.10. defeated in that battle and expelled from his camp, he asked for peace, after fourteen thousand of his men had been killed and more than four thousand captured.

> Latin: 41.10. eo proelio victum castrisque exutum pacem petisse, cum cecidissent quattuordecim milia militum, capta plus quattuor milia essent.

[¶51] 42.1. At about the same time letters arrived both from Titus Quinctius, narrating what had happened before Lacedaemon, and from Marcus Porcius the consul, from Spain. Thanksgivings of three days each were decreed by the senate in the names of both.

> Latin: 42.1. eodem fere tempore et a T. Quinctio de rebus ad Lacedaemonem gestis et a M. Porcio consule ex Hispania litterae adlatae. utriusque nomine in dies ternos supplicatio ab senatu decreta est.

[¶52] 42.2. Lucius Valerius the consul, having enjoyed peace in his province after the defeat of the Boi near the forest of Litana, returned to Rome to hold the elections, and announced the choice of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus (for the second time) and Tiberius Sempronius Longus.

> Latin: 42.2. L. Valerius consul, cum post fusos circa Litanam silvam Boios quietam provinciam habuisset, comitiorum causa Romam rediit et creavit consules P. Cornelium Scipionem Africanum iterum et Ti. Sempronium Longum. horum patres primo anno secundi Punici belli consules fuerant.

[¶53] 42.4. Their fathers had been consuls in the first year of the Second Punic War. Next the praetorian elections were held; the choice fell on Publius Cornelius Scipio, Gnaeus Cornelius Merenda and Gnaeus Cornelius Blasio, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Sextus Digitius, and Titus Iuventius Thalna. After the elections were over the consul returned to the province.

> Latin: 42.4. praetoria inde comitia habita; creati P. Cornelius Scipio et duo Cn. Cornelii, Merenda et Blasio, et Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus et Sex. Digitius et T. Iuventius Thalna. comitiis perfectis consul in provinciam rediit.

[¶54] 42.5. This year the people of Ferentinum tried to secure a new privilege, to wit, that Latins who had registered as applicants for membership in a Roman colony should be Roman citizens.

> Latin: 42.5. Novum ius eo anno a Ferentinatibus temptatum, ut Latini, qui in coloniam Romanam nomina dedissent, cives Romani essent.

[¶55] 42.6. For such of them as had given in their names were enrolled as colonists of Puteoli, Salernum, and Buxentum, and since they had on that account conducted themselves as Roman citizens, the senate gave judgment that they were not Roman citizens.

> Latin: 42.6. Puteolos Salernumque et Buxentum adscripti coloni, qui nomina dederant, et cum ob id se pro civibus Romanis ferrent, senatus iudicavit non esse eos civis Romanos.

[¶56] 43.1. In the beginning of the year in which - Publius Scipio Africanus (for the second time) and Tiberius Sempronius Longus were consuls, the ambassadors of the tyrant Nabis came to Rome.

> Latin: 43.1. principio anni, quo P. Scipio Africanus iterum et Ti. Sempronius Longus consules fuerunt, legati Nabidis tyranni Romam venerunt.

[¶57] 43.2. An audience before the senate was granted them outside the City in the temple of Apollo. They requested that the peace which had been agreed upon with Titus Quinctius be ratified, and this was granted to them.

> Latin: 43.2. iis extra urbem in aede Apollinis senatus datus est. pax, quae cum T. Quinctio convenisset, ut rata esset, petierunt impetraruntque.

[¶58] 43.3. When the question of the provinces was brought up, a full meeting of the senate adopted a proposal that, since the wars in Spain and Macedonia had been finished, both consuls should have Italy as their province.

> Latin: 43.3. de provinciis cum relatum esset, senatus frequens in eam sententiam ibat, ut, quoniam in Hispania et Macedonia debellatum foret, consulibus ambobus Italia provincia esset.

[¶59] 43.4. Scipio was of the opinion that one consul sufficed for Italy and that Macedonia should be decreed to the other. His arguments were that a great war was threatened by Antiochus, who had already and without provocation crossed into Europe; what did they think he would do then, with the Aetolians, avowed enemies, on one side calling him to the war, and on the other Hannibal, a general distinguished for his defeats of the Romans, urging him on?

> Latin: 43.4. Scipio satis esse Italiae unum consulem censebat; alteri Macedoniam decernendam esse. bellum grave ab Antiocho imminere. iam ipsum sua sponte in Europam transgressum; quid deinde facturum censerent, cum hinc Aetoli, haud dubii hostes, vocarent ad bellum, illinc Hannibal, Romanis cladibus insignis imperator, stimularet?

[¶60] 43.6. While the debate about the consular provinces was in progress, the praetors cast lots; the city jurisdiction fell to Gnaeus Domitius, that between citizens and aliens to Titus Iuventius, - Farther Spain to Publius Cornelius, Nearer Spain to Sextus Digitius, Sicily to Gnaeus Cornelius Blasio and Sardinia to Merenda.

> Latin: 43.6. dum de provinciis consulum disceptatur, praetores sortiti sunt; Cn. Domitio urbana iurisdictio, T. Iuventio peregrina evenit, P. Cornelio Hispania ulterior, Sex. Digitio citerior, duobus Cn. Corneliis Blasioni Sicilia, Merendae Sardinia. in Macedoniam novum exercitum transportari non placuit, eum, qui esset ibi, reduci in Italiam a Quinctio ac dimitti;

[¶61] 43.8. It was decided that a new army should not be taken over to Macedonia and that the troops who were there should be brought back by Titus Quinctius and demobilized; likewise the army which was with Marcus Porcius Cato in Spain should be disbanded; that both consuls should have Italy as province and should enrol two city legions, so that after the discharge of those prescribed by the senate there should be in all eight Roman legions.

> Latin: 43.8. item eum exercitum dimitti, qui cum M. Porcio Catone in Hispania esset; consulibus ambobus Italiam provinciam esse, et duas urbanas scribere eos legiones, ut dimissis, quos senatus censuisset, exercitibus octo omnino Romanae legiones essent.

[¶62] 44.1. The “sacred spring” had been celebrated in the previous year, during the consulship of Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius.

> Latin: 44.1. ver sacrum factum erat priore anno, M. Porcio et L. Valerio consulibus.

[¶63] 44.2. Since Publius Licinius the pontiff had announced, first to the college, and then, by the direction of the college, to the senate, that this had not been properly performed, the Fathers voted that it should be celebrated anew under the supervision of the pontiffs, and that the Great Games, which had been vowed at the same time, should be performed with the customary appropriation of the necessary funds;

> Latin: 44.2. id cum P. Licinius pontifex non esse recte factum collegio primum, deinde ex auctoritate collegii patribus renuntiasset, de integro faciendum arbitratu pontificum censuerunt, ludosque magnos, qui una voti essent, tanta pecunia, quanta adsoleret, faciendos;

[¶64] 44.3. the “sacred spring” was defined as including all the animals born between the Calends of March and the day preceding the Calends of May in the consulship of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius.

> Latin: 44.3. ver sacrum videri pecus, quod natum esset inter kal. Martias et pridie kal. Maias P. Cornelio et Ti. Sempronio consulibus.

[¶65] 44.4. The election of censors was then held, and Sextus Aelius Paetus and Gaius Cornelius Cethegus were chosen. As princeps senatus they made the consul Publius Scipio their choice, who had been the choice of the previous censors as well. They passed over only three senators, none of whom had held a curule office.

> Latin: 44.4. censorum inde comitia sunt habita. creati censores Sex. Aelius Paetus et C. Cornelius Cethegus. principem senatus P. Scipionem consulem, quem et priores censores legerant, legerunt. tris omnino senatores, neminem curuli honore usum, praeterierunt, gratiam quoque ingentem apud eum ordinem pepererunt, quod ludis Romanis aedilibus curulibus imperarunt, ut loca senatoria secernerent a populo;

[¶66] 44.5. They won great favour with that order in another way, since at the Roman Games they ordered the curule aediles to separate the senatorial seats from those of the commons; for up to that time the seats from which they watched the games were taken indiscriminately. Very few of the knights were degraded by the taking away of their horses, nor was severity shown towards any rank. The atrium Libertatis and the villa publica were rebuilt and enlarged by the same censors.

> Latin: 44.5. nam antea in promiscuo spectabant. equitibus quoque perpaucis adempti equi, nec in ullum ordinem saevitum. atrium Libertatis et villa publica ab iisdem refecta amplificataque.

[¶67] 44.6. The “sacred spring” was celebrated and the votive Roman Games performed according to the vow made by Servius Sulpicius Galba.

> Latin: 44.6. Ver sacrum ludique Romani votivi, quos voverat Ser. Sulpicius Galba consul, facti. cum spectaculo eorum occupati animi hominum essent, Q.

[¶68] 44.7. While men's minds were intent upon this spectacle, Quintus Pleminius, who, on account of the many crimes against gods and men which he had committed at Locri, had been thrown into prison, had arranged that men should at night set fire to the city in several places, so that in a state panic-stricken by the disturbance at night the prison might be broken open.

> Latin: 44.7. Pleminius, qui propter multa in deos hominesque scelera Locris admissa in carcerem coniectus fuerat, comparaverat homines, qui pluribus simul locis urbis nocte incendia facerent, ut in consternata nocturno tumultu civitate refringi carcer posset.

[¶69] 44.8. This was revealed by the testimony of his accomplices and was laid before the senate. Pleminius was transferred to the lower prison and put to death.

> Latin: 44.8. ea res indicio consciorum palam facta delataque ad senatum est. Pleminius in inferiorem demissus carcerem est necatusque.

[¶70] 45.1. Colonies of Roman citizens were that year founded at Puteoli, Volturnum, Liternum, three hundred to each.

> Latin: 45.1. coloniae civium Romanorum eo anno deductae sunt Puteolos, Volturnum, Liternum, treceni homines in singulas.

[¶71] 45.2. Also, colonies of Roman citizens were established at Salernum and Buxentum. The triumvirs who established them were Tiberius Sempronius Longus (one of the consuls of the year), Marcus Servilius and Quintus Minucius Thermus. The land which had belonged to the Campanians was divided among them.

> Latin: 45.2. item Salernum Buxentumque coloniae civium Romanorum deductae sunt. deduxere triumviri Ti. Sempronius Longus, qui tum consul erat, M. Servilius, Q. Minucius Thermus. ager divisus est, qui Campanorum fuerat.

[¶72] 45.3. Likewise at Sipontum, in territory which had belonged to the Arpini, a colony of Roman citizens was founded by other triumvirs, Decimus Iunius Brutus, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus, and Marcus Helvius. Colonies of Roman citizens were established at Tempsa and Croton.

> Latin: 45.3. Sipontum item in agrum, qui Arpinorum fuerat, coloniam civium Romanorum alii triumviri, D. Iunius Brutus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, M. Helvius, deduxerunt. Tempsam item et Crotonem coloniae civium Romanorum deductae.

[¶73] 45.4. The land of Tempsa had been taken from the Brutti, who in turn had expelled the Greeks; Croton had been held by the Greeks.

> Latin: 45.4. Tempsanus ager de Bruttiis captus erat; Bruttii Graecos expulerant; Crotonem Graeci habebant.

[¶74] 45.5. The triumvirs for Croton were Gnaeus Octavius, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, and Gaius Laetorius; for Tempsa, Lucius Cornelius Merula, Quintus..., and Gaius Salonius.

> Latin: 45.5. triumviri Cn. Octavius, L. Aemilius Paulus, C. Laetorius Crotonem, Tempsam L. Cornelius Merula, Q. …, C. Salonius deduxerunt.

[¶75] 45.6. Also, prodigies that year were both seen at Rome and reported from other places. In the Forum and the comitium and on the Capitoline drops of blood were seen, showers of earth fell several times, and the head of Vulcan burst into flames. It was announced that milk had flowed in the river Nar, that free-born children without eyes or noses had been born at Ariminum, and in the Picene country one without feet or hands.

> Latin: 45.6. prodigia quoque alia visa eo anno Romae sunt, alia nuntiata. in foro et comitio et Capitolio sanguinis guttae visae sunt. et terra aliquotiens pluvit, et caput Vulcani arsit. nuntiatum est Nare amni lac fluxisse; pueros ingenuos Arimini sine oculis ac naso, et in Piceno agro non pedes, non manus habentem natum.

[¶76] 45.8. These prodigies were expiated by order of the pontiffs, and a nine-day sacrifice was performed because the Hadriani reported that a shower of stones had fallen in their country.

> Latin: 45.8. ea prodigia ex pontificum decreto procurata. et sacrificium novemdiale factum est, quod Hadriani nuntiaverant in agro suo lapidibus pluvisse.

[¶77] 46.1. In Gaul the proconsul Lucius Valerius Flaccus, in the vicinity of Milan, fought a pitched battle with the Insubrian Gauls and the Boi, who, led by Dorulatus had crossed the Po to rouse the Insubres to arms, and defeated them.

> Latin: 46.1. in Gallia L. Valerius Flaccus proconsul circa Mediolanium cum Gallis Insubribus et Bois, qui Dorulato duce ad concitandos Insubres Padum transgressi erant, signis collatis depugnavit.

[¶78] 46.2. Ten thousand of the enemy fell. About the same time his colleague Marcus Porcius Cato triumphed over Spain. He carried in his triumph twenty-five thousand pounds of silver bullion, one hundred and twenty-three thousand silver denarii, five hundred and forty thousand silver coins of Osca, and one thousand four hundred pounds of gold.

> Latin: 46.2. decem milia hostium sunt caesa. per eos dies collega eius M. Porcius Cato ex Hispania triumphavit. tulit in eo triumpho argenti infecti viginti quinque milia pondo, bigati centum viginti tria milia, Oscensis quingenta quadraginta, auri pondo mille quadringenta.

[¶79] 46.3. From the booty, he gave to each of his soldiers two hundred and seventy asses, and thrice that amount to each trooper. Tiberius Sempronius the consul proceeded to his province and first invaded the country of the Boi.

> Latin: 46.3. militibus ex praeda divisit in singulos ducenos septuagenos aeris, triplex equiti.

[¶80] 46.4. Boiorix, their chieftain at the time, with his two brothers, had aroused the whole people to revolt and had placed his camp in open country, so that it was clear that they would fight if the enemy entered their territory.

> Latin: 46.4. Ti. Sempronius consul in provinciam profectus in Boiorum primum agrum legiones duxit. Boiorix tum regulus eorum cum duobus fratribus tota gente concitata ad rebellandum castra locis apertis posuit, ut appareret dimicaturos, si hostis finis intrasset.

[¶81] 46.5. When the consul saw how great was their strength and what confidence filled the enemy, he sent word to his colleague that, if he saw fit, he should make haste to arrive: that he, assuming the defensive, would drag matters out until his arrival.

> Latin: 46.5. consul ubi, quantae copiae, quanta fiducia esset hosti, sensit, nuntium ad collegam mittit, ut, si videretur ei, maturaret venire: se tergiversando in adventum eius rem extracturum.

[¶82] 46.6. The same motive which the consul had for delay was also for the Gauls (not to mention the fact that the enemy's hesitation gave them courage), a reason for acting quickly so as to finish the campaign before the armies of the consuls were united.

> Latin: 46.6. quae causa consuli cunctandi, eadem Gallis, praeterquam quod cunctatio hostium animos faciebat, rei maturandae erat, ut, priusquam coniungerentur consulum copiae, rem transigerent.

[¶83] 46.7. For two days, however, they did nothing more than stand ready to engage if anyone came out to meet them; on the third day they advanced towards the rampart and attacked the camp on all sides at once. The consul immediately ordered his men to take up arms;

> Latin: 46.7. per biduum tamen nihil aliud quam steterunt parati ad pugnandum, si quis contra egrederetur; tertio subiere ad vallum castraque simul ab omni parte adgressi sunt.

[¶84] 46.8. then he kept them under arms for a while, that he might increase the foolish confidence of the enemy and arrange his forces by the gates through which they would severally make their sally. Two legions were ordered to march out by the two main gates.

> Latin: 46.8. consul arma extemplo capere milites iussit; armatos inde paulisper continuit, ut et stolidam fiduciam hosti augeret et disponeret copias, quibus quaeque portis erumperent.

[¶85] 46.9. But at the actual opening of the gates the Gauls met them in such close array that they blocked the road.

> Latin: 46.9. duae legiones duabus principalibus portis signa efferre iussae.

[¶86] 46.10. For a long time they fought in these confined spaces; it was a matter not so much of hands and swords as of making their way by pushing against one another with shields and bodies, the Romans trying to force a way out for their standards, the Gauls trying either to enter the camp or to prevent the Romans from leaving it. Nor could the lines be moved in either direction until Quintus Victorius, a senior centurion, and Gaius Atinius, tribune of the soldiers, the latter of the fourth, the former of the second legion, resorting to a device often tried in desperate encounters, snatched the standards from the hands of their bearers and threw them into the midst of the enemy.

> Latin: 46.10. sed in ipso exitu ita conferti obstitere Galli, ut clauderent viam. diu in angustiis augustiis pugnatum est; nec dextris magis gladiisque gerebatur res, quam scutis corporibusque ipsis obnixi urgebant, Romani, ut signa foras efferrent, Galli, ut aut in castra ipsi penetrarent aut exire Romanos prohiberent.

[¶87] 46.12. In their eager struggle to get back their standard, the soldiers of the second legion were the first to force their way through the gate. They were now fighting outside the rampart, the fourth legion being still inside the gate, when a new uproar was heard on the opposite side of the camp. The Gauls had broken through the porta quaestoria and after stubborn resistance had slain the quaestor Lucius Postumius, whose surname was Tympanus, and Marcus Atinius and Publius Sempronius, commanders of allied detachments, and about two hundred of their men.

> Latin: 46.12. nec ante in hanc aut illam partem moveri acies potuerunt, quam Q. Victorius primi pili centurio et C. Atinius tribunus militum, quartae hic, ille secundae legionis, rem in asperis proeliis saepe temptatam, signa adempta signiferis in hostis iniecerunt. dum repetunt enixe signum, priores secundani se porta eiecere. iam hi extra vallum pugnabant quarta legione in porta haerente, cum alius tumultus ex aversa parte castrorum est exortus. in portam quaestoriam irruperant Galli resistentisque pertinacius occiderant L. Postumium quaestorem, cui Tympano fuit cognomen, et M. Atinium et P. Sempronium, praefectos socium, et ducentos ferme milites.

[¶88] 47.3. They had gained possession of the camp in that quarter, until an attached cohort, sent by the consul to defend the porta quaestoria, killed some of the Gauls who had entered the camp, drove others outside the rampart, and blocked the entrance against those who were attacking the gate.

> Latin: 47.3. capta ab ea parte castra erant, donec cohors extraordinaria, missa a consule ad tuendam quaestoriam portam, et eos, qui intra vallum erant, partim occidit, partim expulit castris et irrumpentibus obstitit.

[¶89] 47.4. At almost the same instant the fourth legion with two attached cohorts burst through the gate. So there were three battles at once in different places around the camp, and the confused shouts distracted the minds of the fighters from their own immediate combats to the uncertain fortunes of their comrades. Until noon the battle went on with equal strength and with nearly the same hopes.

> Latin: 47.4. eodem fere tempore et quarta legio cum duabus extraordinariis cohortibus porta erupit. ita simul tria proelia circa castra locis distantibus erant, clamoresque dissoni ad incertos suorum eventus a praesenti certamine animos pugnantium avertebant.

[¶90] 47.5. When fatigue and heat had compelled the Gauls, with their soft and feeble bodies and their small capacity for enduring thirst, to retire from the fight, the Romans charged the few that were left and drove them, broken, to their camp.

> Latin: 47.5. usque ad meridiem aequis viribus ac prope pari spe pugnatum est. labor et aestus mollia et fluida corpora Gallorum et minime patientia sitis cum decedere pugna coegisset, in paucos restantis impetum Romani fecerunt fusosque compulerunt in castra.

[¶91] 47.6. Thereupon the consul ordered the recall sounded; at this the majority turned back, but part, in their eagerness to fight and their hope of capturing the enemy's camp, pushed on to the rampart.

> Latin: 47.6. signum inde receptui ab consule datum est; ad quod pars maior receperunt sese, pars certaminis studio et spe potiundi castris hostium perstitit ad vallum.

[¶92] 47.7. The whole mass of Gauls, in disdain of their small number, rushed out from their camp; the Romans in turn were put to flight and returned to their camp in consequence of their own terror and panic, although they had refused to retire at their commander's order. Thus there were varied fortunes on both sides, now defeat and now victory; yet about eleven thousand of the Gauls fell and five thousand of the Romans.

> Latin: 47.7. eorum paucitate contempta Galli universi ex castris eruperunt; fusi inde Romani, quae imperio consulis noluerant, suo pavore ac terrore castra repetunt. ita varia hinc atque illinc nunc fuga, nunc victoria fuit;

[¶93] 47.8. The Gauls retired into the interior of their country, while the consul led his legions to Placentia.

> Latin: 47.8. Gallorum tamen ad undecim milia, Romanorum quinque milia sunt occisa. Galli recepere in intima finium sese; consul Placentiam legiones duxit.

[¶94] 48.1. Some say that Scipio united his army with that of his colleague and marched through the territory of the Boi and Ligures, plundering as he went, as far as the forests and marshes permitted, others that without accomplishing anything worth recording, he returned to Rome to hold the elections.

> Latin: 48.1. Scipionem alii coniuncto exercitu cum collega per Boiorum Ligurumque agros populantem isse, quoad progredi silvae paludesque passae sint, scribunt, alii nulla memorabili gesta re Romam comitiorum causa redisse.

[¶95] 48.2. In that same year Titus Quinctius at Elatia, where he had put his troops into winter quarters, spent the entire period of the winter in administering justice and in undoing the arrangements in the cities which had been caused by the arbitrary conduct of Philip and his prefects, since by increasing the power of the men of their own faction they diminished the privilege and liberty of the rest.

> Latin: 48.2. eodem hoc anno T. Quinctius Elatiae, quo in hiberna reduxerat copias, totum hiemis tempus iure dicundo consumpsit mutandisque iis, quae aut ipsius Philippi aut praefectorum eius licentia in civitatibus facta erant, cum suae factionis hominum vires augendo ius ac libertatem aliorum deprimerent.

[¶96] 48.3. In the beginning of spring he summoned a council and went to Corinth. There he addressed the embassies of all the states, gathered around as for an assembly: he began with the time when the first friendship was instituted between the Romans and the Greek people, and reviewed the achievements of the commanders who had preceded him in Macedonia, and his own.

> Latin: 48.3. veris initio Corinthum conventu edicto venit. ibi omnium civitatium legationes in contionis modum circumfusas est adlocutus, orsus ab inita primum Romanis amicitia cum Graecorum gente et imperatorum, qui ante se in Macedonia fuissent, suisque rebus gestis.

[¶97] 48.5. The whole speech was received with great applause, except when mention was made of Nabis; it seemed by no means consistent for the liberator of Greece to have left a tyrant, who was not only a burden to his own country but a source of danger to all the cities in the neighbourhood, clinging to the vitals of a most famous state.

> Latin: 48.5. omnia cum approbatione ingenti sunt audita, praeterquam cum ad mentionem Nabidis ventum esset; id minime conveniens liberanti Graeciam videbatur, tyrannum reliquisse non suae solum patriae gravem, sed omnibus circa civitatibus metuendum, haerentem visceribus nobilissimae civitatis. nec ignarus huius habitus animorum Quinctius, si sine excidio Lacedaemonis fieri potuisset, fatebatur pacis cum tyranno mentionem admittendam auribus non fuisse;

[¶98] 49.1. Quinctius, being aware of their feelings on this point, confessed that had it been possible without the destruction of Sparta, he would never have listened to any suggestion of peace with the tyrant; as it was, since he could not be crushed without causing the ruin of a most powerful state, it had seemed better that the tyrant be left helpless and almost entirely stripped of weapons with which to harm anyone, than to permit the city to be destroyed by remedies too violent to be endured, and to perish in the very act of recovering its liberty.

> Latin: 49.1. nunc, cum aliter quam ruina gravissimae civitatis opprimi non posset, satius visum esse, tyrannum debilitatum ac totis prope viribus ad nocendum cuiquam ademptis relinqui, quam intermori vehementioribus, quam quae pati posset, remediis civitatem sinere, in ipsa vindicta libertatis perituram. praeteritorum commemorationi subiecit, proficisci sibi in Italiam atque omnem exercitum deportare in animo esse;

[¶99] 49.4. He added to his account of the past, that it was his intention to leave for Italy and take his entire army with him; within ten days they would hear that Demetrias and Chalcis had been evacuated, and Acrocorinthus, under their own eyes, he would turn over to the Achaeans free from troops, that all might know whether the habit of lying belonged to the Romans or the Aetolians, who in all their talk had spread abroad the story that

> Latin: 49.4. Demetriadis Chalcidisque praesidia intra decimum diem audituros deducta, Acrocorinthum ipsis extemplo videntibus vacuam Achaeis traditurum, ut omnes scirent, utrum Romanis an Aetolis mentiri mos esset,

[¶100] 49.6. the cause of liberty had been unwisely entrusted to the Roman people, and that the Greeks had only changed masters, the Romans for the Macedonians.

> Latin: 49.6. qui male commissam libertatem populo Romano sermonibus distulerint et mutatos pro Macedonibus Romanos dominos. sed illis nec, quid dicerent, nec, quid facerent, quicquam umquam pensi fuisse;

[¶101] 49.7. But these were men who weighed lightly what they said or did; he counselled the other states to judge their friends by their actions, not their words, and to reflect carefully on whom they should trust and against whom they should be on their guard. They should use their liberty with discretion; controlled, it was salutary to individuals and to states; uncontrolled, it was both a burden to others and a source of impetuous and lawless action to its possessors. He advised the leaders in the states and the other orders to strive for harmony among themselves, and all the cities to take measures for the general good.

> Latin: 49.7. reliquas civitates monere, ut ex factis, non ex dictis amicos pensent intellegantque, quibus credendum et a quibus cavendum sit. libertate modice utantur; temperatam eam salubrem et singulis et civitatibus esse, nimiam, et aliis gravem et ipsis qui habeant, praecipitem et effrenatam esse.

[¶102] 49.9. Against men who acted in unison neither king nor tyrant would be strong enough to do harm; strife and dissension furnished every opportunity to plotters, since the party which was defeated in an internal struggle would rather join hands with a foreigner than yield to a countryman.

> Latin: 49.9. concordiae in civitatibus principes et ordines inter se, et in commune omnes civitates consulerent. adversus consentientis nec regem quemquam satis validum nec tyrannum fore;

[¶103] 49.10. The liberty which had been gained by the arms of others and restored to them by the good faith of aliens, they should keep and guard by their own efforts, that the Roman people might know that liberty had been given to men who deserved it and that their gift had been well bestowed.

> Latin: 49.10. discordiam et seditionem omnia opportuna insidiantibus facere, cum pars, quae domestico certamine inferior sit, externo potius se applicet quam civi cedat. alienis armis partam, externa fide redditam libertatem sua cura custodirent servarentque, ut populus Romanus dignis datam libertatem ac munus suum bene positum sciret.

## 17. Book XXXIV · chapters 50–62

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/17/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/17/#p-N

[¶0] 50.1. When they heard these words, as from a father's lips, tears of joy dropped from every eye, so that they even interrupted him in the midst of his speech.

> Latin: 50.1. has velut parentis voces cum audirent, manare omnibus gaudio lacrimae, adeo ut ipsum quoque confunderent dicentem.

[¶1] 50.2. For a while there was the murmur of those who approved his words and of those who urged one another to let that utterance sink into the mind and heart as if it had been spoken by an oracle.

> Latin: 50.2. paulisper fremitus approbantium dicta fuit monentiumque aliorum alios, ut eas voces velut oraculo missas in pectora animosque demitterent.

[¶2] 50.3. Then, when they had become silent, he asked them that any Roman citizens who might be in slavery in their states should be sought out and sent to him in Thessaly; it was unbecoming even for themselves that the liberators should be slaves in the land they had set free.

> Latin: 50.3. silentio deinde facto petiit ab iis, ut civis Romanos, si qui apud eos in servitute essent, conquisitos intra duos menses mitterent ad se in Thessaliam; ne ipsis quidem honestum esse in liberata terra liberatores eius servire.

[¶3] 50.4. All cried out that they owed him thanks for this too, among other things, because he had reminded them to perform so just and necessary an obligation.

> Latin: 50.4. omnes acclamarunt gratias se inter cetera etiam ob hoc agere, quod admoniti essent, ut tam pio, tam necessario officio fungerentur.

[¶4] 50.5. There was a great number of them, captives in the Punic War, whom Hannibal had sold when they were not ransomed by their relatives.

> Latin: 50.5. ingens numerus erat bello Punico captorum, quos Hannibal, cum ab suis non redimerentur, venum dederat.

[¶5] 50.6. It is an indication of their number that Polybius writes that this cost the Achaeans one hundred talents, although they had fixed the price per head to be paid to their owners at five hundred denarii. On that basis Achaea had one thousand two hundred.

> Latin: 50.6. multitudinis eorum argumentum est, quod Polybius scribit centum talentis eam rem Achaeis stetisse, cum quingenos denarios pretium in capita, quod redderetur dominis, statuissent. mille enim ducentos ea ratione Achaia habuit.

[¶6] 50.7. Calculate now, in proportion to this, how many there probably were in all Greece. The meeting had not been dismissed when they saw the garrison coming down from Acrocorinthus, marching towards the gate, and departing. The commander followed their column with all the assembly attending him and proclaiming him their preserver and liberator, and when he had taken leave of them and dismissed them he returned to Elatia over the same route by which he had come.

> Latin: 50.7. adice nunc pro portione, quot verisimile sit Graeciam totam habuisse. nondum conventus dimissus erat, cum respiciunt praesidium ab Acrocorintho descendens protinus duci ad portam atque abire. quorum agmen imperator secutus prosequentibus cunctis, servatorem liberatoremque acclamantibus, salutatis dimissisque iis eadem, qua venerat, via Elatiam rediit.

[¶7] 50.10. Thence he sent his lieutenant Appius Claudius away with all his troops, with orders to march through Thessaly and Epirus to Oricum and await him there, for it was his intention to transport the army thence to Italy.

> Latin: 50.10. inde cum omnibus copiis Ap. Claudium legatum dimittit. per Thessaliam atque Epirum ducere Oricum iubet atque se ibi opperiri;

[¶8] 50.11. He also wrote to his brother Lucius Quinctius, his lieutenant and commander of the fleet, to assemble there transports from all the coast of Greece.

> Latin: 50.11. inde namque in animo esse exercitum in Italiam traicere. et L. Quinctio fratri, legato et praefecto classis, scribit, ut onerarias ex omni Graeciae ora eodem contraheret.

[¶9] 51.1. He himself went to Chalcis, withdrawing the garrisons not from Chalcis alone but from Oreus and Eretria also, called a council there of the Euboean states and let them go after reminding them in what condition he had found them and in what he was leaving them.

> Latin: 51.1. ipse Chalcidem profectus, deductis non a Chalcide solum sed etiam ab Oreo atque Eretria praesidiis, conventum ibi Euboicarum habuit civitatium admonitosque, in quo statu rerum accepisset eos et in quo relinqueret, dimisit.

[¶10] 51.3. From there he proceeded to Demetrias; and having withdrawn the garrison he departed with all the citizens escorting him, as had happened at Corinth and Chalcis, and continued his journey to Thessaly, where there were the states not only to be set free, but also to be brought into some reasonable condition of order after all the chaos and confusion.

> Latin: 51.3. Demetriadem inde proficiscitur; deductoque praesidio prosequentibus cunctis, sicut Corinthi et Chalcide, pergit ire in Thessaliam, ubi non liberandae modo civitates erant, sed ex omni colluvione et confusione in aliquam tolerabilem formam redigendae.

[¶11] 51.5. For they had been thrown into confusion not only by the faults of the times and the king's lawless and violent behaviour, but also by the restless character of the people, which from the earliest times down to the present day has never conducted a meeting or an assembly or a council without dissension and rioting.

> Latin: 51.5. nec enim temporum modo vitiis ac violentia et licentia regia turbati erant sed inquieto etiam ingenio gentis, nec comitia nec conventum nec concilium ullum non per seditionem ac tumultum iam inde a principio ad nostram usque aetatem traducentis.

[¶12] 51.6. He chose the senate and magistrates mainly on the basis of property and strove to make that element in the community more influential which found it advantageous to have everything peaceful and quiet.

> Latin: 51.6. a censu maxime et senatum et iudices legit potentioremque eam partem civitatium fecit, cui salva et tranquilla omnia esse magis expediebat.

[¶13] 52.1. When he had thus completed the organization of Thessaly, he marched through Epirus to Oricum, whence he planned to set sail.

> Latin: 52.1. ita cum percensuisset Thessaliam, per Epirum Oricum, unde erat traiecturus, venit.

[¶14] 52.2. From Oricum all his troops were conveyed across to Brundisium. Thence they proceeded all the way through Italy to Rome in a virtual triumph, the captured articles forming as long a column as the troops which marched ahead of him.

> Latin: 52.2. ab Orico copiae omnes Brundisium transportatae. inde per totam Italiam ad urbem prope triumphantes non minore agmine rerum captarum quam suo prae se acto venerunt.

[¶15] 52.3. When they arrived in Rome, Quinctius was granted an audience with the senate outside the city for the narration of his achievements, and a well-deserved triumph was voted by the eager senators.

> Latin: 52.3. postquam Romam ventum est, senatus extra urbem Quinctio ad res gestas edisserendas datus est triumphusque meritis ab lubentibus decretus.

[¶16] 52.4. The triumph lasted three days. On the first day the procession displayed the arms, weapons, and statues of bronze and marble, more of which had been captured from Philip than received from the cities of Greece; and on the second day the gold and silver, wrought, unwrought, and minted.

> Latin: 52.4. triduum triumphavit. die primo arma, tela signaque aerea et marmorea transtulit, plura Philippo adempta, quam quae ex civitatibus ceperat; secundo aurum argentumque factum infectumque et signatum.

[¶17] 52.5. Of unwrought silver he had forty-three thousand two hundred and seventy pounds; of wrought silver there were many vases of all varieties, most of them embossed and some of remarkable workmanship; there were besides many fashioned from bronze, and in addition ten shields of silver.

> Latin: 52.5. infecti argenti fuit quadraginta tria milia pondo et ducenta septuaginta, facti vasa multa omnis generis, caelata pleraque, quaedam eximiae artis; et ex aere multa fabrefacta;

[¶18] 52.6. Of minted silver there were eighty-four thousand Attic coins called “tetrachma,” and the weight of silver in them is about equivalent to three denarii each.

> Latin: 52.6. ad hoc clipea argentea decem. signati argenti octoginta quattuor milia fuere Atticorum; tetrachma vocant; trium fere denariorum in singulis argenti est pondus.

[¶19] 52.7. There were three thousand seven hundred and fourteen pounds of gold, one shield made completely of gold, and fourteen thousand five hundred and fourteen gold coins with the image of Philip upon them.

> Latin: 52.7. auri pondo fuit tria milia septingenta quattuordecim et clipeum unum ex auro totum et Philippei nummi aurei quattuordecim milia quingenti quattuordecim.

[¶20] 52.8. On the third day one hundred and fourteen golden crowns, gifts from the cities, were carried past; the victims were in the procession, and in front of the chariot there were many noble prisoners and hostages, among whom were Demetrius, the son of King Philip, and the Spartan Armenes, son of the tyrant Nabis. After them Quinctius himself entered the city. Following the chariot were throngs of soldiers, since the whole army had been brought back from the province.

> Latin: 52.8. tertio die coronae aureae, dona civitatium, tralatae centum quattuordecim; et hostiae ductae et ante currum multi nobiles captivi obsidesque, inter quos Demetrius, regis Philippi filius, fuit et Armenes, Nabidis tyranni filius, Lacedaemonius.

[¶21] 52.10. Each of these received in the distribution two hundred and fifty asses for the infantry, twice that amount for the centurions, and thrice for the cavalry.

> Latin: 52.10. ipse deinde Quinctius in urbem est invectus. secuti currum milites frequentes ut exercitu omni ex provincia deportato.

[¶22] 52.11. A striking sight in the procession was furnished by the prisoners who had been released from slavery, following with shaven heads.

> Latin: 52.11. his duceni quinquageni aeris in pedites divisi, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. praebuerunt speciem triumpho capitibus rasis secuti, qui servitute exempti fuerant.

[¶23] 53.1. At the end of this year Quintus Aelius Tubero, the tribune of the people, on the authority of the senate, proposed to the people and the assembly voted that two Latin colonies should be founded, one among the Brutti, the other in the country around Thurii.

> Latin: 53.1. exitu anni huius Q. Aelius Tubero tribunus plebis ex senatus consulto tulit ad plebem, plebesque scivit, uti duae Latinae coloniae una in Bruttios, altera in Thurinum agrum deducerentur.

[¶24] 53.2. Triumvirs were chosen to establish these colonies, whose authority should continue through three years; for the colony among the Brutti, Quintus Naevius, Marcus Minucius Rufus, and Marcus Furius Crassipes; for the colony in the land of Thurium, Aulus Manlius, Quintus Aelius, and Lucius Apustius. These two elections were conducted by the city praetor Gnaeus Domitius on the Capitoline.

> Latin: 53.2. his deducendis triumviri creati, quibus in triennium imperium esset, in Bruttios Q. Naevius, M. Minucius Rufus, M. Furius Crassipes, in Thurinum agrum A. Manlius, Q. Aelius, L. Apustius. ea bina comitia Cn. Domitius praetor urbanus in Capitolio habuit.

[¶25] 53.3. Several temples were dedicated that year: one to Iuno Matuta in the Forum Olitorium, which had been vowed and contracted for four years before in the Gallic war by the consul Gaius Cornelius, who also, while censor, dedicated it; the second to Faunus;

> Latin: 53.3. aedes eo anno aliquot dedicatae sunt: una Iunonis Matutae in foro olitorio, vota locataque quadriennio ante a C. Cornelio consule Gallico bello;

[¶26] 53.4. two years earlier the contract for its construction out of the money received as fines had been let out by the aediles Gaius Scribonius and Gnaeus Domitius, the latter of whom dedicated it while city praetor.

> Latin: 53.4. censor idem dedicavit; altera Fauni; aediles eam biennio ante ex multaticio argento faciendam locarant C. Scribonius et Cn. Domitius, qui praetor urbanus eam dedicavit.

[¶27] 53.5. Also, Quintus Marcius Ralla, a duumvir created for this purpose, dedicated a temple to Fortuna Primigenia on the Quirinal hill;

> Latin: 53.5. et aedem Fortunae Primigeniae in colle Quirinali dedicavit Q. Marcius Ralla, duumvir ad id ipsum creatus;

[¶28] 53.6. Publius Sempronius Sophus the consul had vowed this temple ten years before, during the Punic war, and as censor he had let the contract.

> Latin: 53.6. voverat eam decem annis ante Punico bello P. Sempronius Sophus consul, locaverat idem censor.

[¶29] 53.7. Likewise, on the Island, Gaius Servilius the duumvir dedicated a temple to Jupiter; it had been vowed six years before in the Gallic war by the praetor Lucius Furius Purpurio, and contracted for by the same man as consul. These were the events of that year.

> Latin: 53.7. et in insula Iovis aedem C. Servilius duumvir dedicavit; vota erat sex annis ante Gallico bello ab L. Furio Purpurione praetore, ab eodem postea consule locata. haec eo anno acta.

[¶30] 54.1. Publius Scipio came back from the province of Gaul to choose the new consuls. The consular elections were held, at which Lucius Cornelius Merula and Quintus Minucius Thermus were returned.

> Latin: 54.1. P. Scipio ex provincia Gallia ad consules subrogandos venit. comitia consulum fuere, quibus creati sunt L. Cornelius Merula et Q. Minucius Thermus.

[¶31] 54.2. On the following day the praetors were elected, Lucius Cornelius Scipio, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Gaius Scribonius, Marcus Valerius Messala, Lucius Porcius Licinus, and Gaius Flaminius. At the Megalesian Games dramatic performances were for the first time introduced by the curule aediles Aulus Atilius Serranus and Lucius Scribonius Libo.

> Latin: 54.2. postero die creati sunt praetores L. Cornelius Scipio, M. Fulvius Nobilior, C. Scribonius, M. Valerius Messala, L. Porcius Licinus et C. Flaminius.

[¶32] 54.3. At the Roman Games given by these aediles, the senate for the first time looked on segregated from the common people, and this caused gossip, as every novelty usually does, some thinking that this distinction, which should have been granted long before, was at last bestowed upon a most honourable body; others taking the view that whatever was added to the majesty of the senate was subtracted from the dignity of the commons, and that all such discriminations, which tended to draw the orders apart, were dangerous to impartial harmony and freedom.

> Latin: 54.3. Megalesia ludos scaenicos A. Atilius Serranus, L. Scribonius Libo aediles curules primi fecerunt. horum aedilium ludos Romanos primum senatus a populo secretus spectavit, praebuitque sermones, sicut omnis novitas solet, aliis tandem, quod multo ante debuerit, tributum existimantibus amplissimo ordini, aliis demptum ex dignitate populi, quidquid maiestati patrum adiectum esset, interpretantibus et omnia discrimina talia, quibus ordines discernerentur, et concordiae et libertatis aequae minuendae esse.

[¶33] 54.6. For five hundred and fifty-eight years, they said, people had looked on from seats chosen at random; what had suddenly happened to make the Fathers unwilling to have the plebeians mingle with them in the crowd, or the rich man scorn the poor man as his neighbour at the show?

> Latin: 54.6. ad quingentesimum quinquagesimum octavum annum in promiscuo spectatum esse; quid repente factum, cur immisceri sibi in cavea patres plebem nollent?

[¶34] 54.7. This was a novel and arrogant caprice, never desired nor practised by the senate of any other people.

> Latin: 54.7. cur dives pauperem consessorem fastidiret? novam, superbam libidinem, ab nullius ante gentis senatu neque desideratam neque institutam.

[¶35] 54.8. It is reported that in the end even Africanus had repented that in his consulship he had suggested this innovation. So difficult it is to prove the need of any variation from ancient custom; people always prefer to stand by the old ways, unless experience convincingly proves them bad.

> Latin: 54.8. postremo ipsum quoque Africanum, quod consul auctor eius rei fuisset, paenituisse ferunt. adeo nihil motum ex antiquo probabile est; veteribus, nisi quae usus evidenter arguit, stari malunt.

[¶36] 55.1. In the beginning of this year, the consulship - of Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Minucius, earthquakes were reported with such frequency that people grew tired, not only of the cause itself, but of the ceremonies prescribed on that account;

> Latin: 55.1. principio anni, quo L. Cornelius Q. Minucius consules fuerunt, terrae motus ita crebri nuntiabantur, ut non rei tantum ipsius sed feriarum quoque ob id indictarum homines taederet;

[¶37] 55.2. for the senate could not be convened nor public business transacted, since the consuls were busy with sacrifices and rites of expiation.

> Latin: 55.2. nam neque senatus haberi neque res publica administrari poterat sacrificando expiandoque occupatis consulibus.

[¶38] 55.3. Finally, the decemvirs were directed to consult the Books, and in accordance with their report a three-day period of prayer was ordered.

> Latin: 55.3. postremo decemviris adire libros iussis, ex responso eorum supplicatio per triduum fuit.

[¶39] 55.4. Men with garlands on their heads made supplications at all the couches of the gods, and a decree was published that all who were of one family should offer their prayers collectively. Likewise, on the recommendation of the senate, the consuls proclaimed that on any day on which an earthquake had been reported and rites ordained, no one should report another earthquake.

> Latin: 55.4. coronati ad omnia pulvinaria supplicaverunt, edictumque est, ut omnes, qui ex una familia essent, supplicarent pariter. item ex auctoritate senatus consules edixerunt, ne quis, quo die terrae motu nuntiato feriae indictae essent, eo die alium terrae motum nuntiaret.

[¶40] 55.5. Then the consuls first and afterwards the praetors drew lots for the provinces.

> Latin: 55.5. provincias deinde consules prius, tum praetores sortiti.

[¶41] 55.6. Gaul fell to Cornelius, the Ligures to Minucius; the allotment to the praetors gave the city jurisdiction to Gaius Scribonius, that between citizens and aliens to Marcus Valerius, Sicily to Lucius Cornelius, Sardinia to Lucius Porcius, Nearer Spain to Gaius Flaminius, and Farther Spain to Marcus Fulvius.

> Latin: 55.6. Cornelio Gallia, Minucio Ligures evenerunt; sortiti praetores C. Scribonius urbanam, M. Valerius peregrinam, L. Cornelius Siciliam, L. Porcius Sardiniam, C. Flaminius Hispaniam citeriorem, M. Fulvius Hispaniam ulteriorem.

[¶42] 56.1. Though the consuls expected no war that year, a letter came from Marcus Cincius — he was the prefect at Pisae — announcing that twenty thousand of the Ligures were in arms, had caused a conspiracy to be formed in all the towns of the whole tribe, and had first devastated the fields around Luna and then had entered the territory of Pisae and overrun the whole sea-coast.

> Latin: 56.1. nihil eo anno belli expectantibus consulibus litterae M. Cinci —praefectus is Pisis erat— adlatae, Ligurum viginti milia armatorum coniuratione per omnia conciliabula universae gentis facta Lunensem primum agrum depopulatos, Pisanum deinde finem transgressos omnem oram maris peragrasse.

[¶43] 56.3. Therefore Minucius, the consul to whom the Ligures had been allotted as his province, on the authorization of the senate mounted the rostra and proclaimed that the two city legions which had been enlisted the previous year should assemble at Arretium the tenth day hence; in their place he would enrol two city legions.

> Latin: 56.3. itaque Minucius consul, cui Ligures provincia evenerat, ex auctoritate senatus in rostra escendit et edixit, ut legiones duae urbanae, quae superiore anno conscriptae essent, post diem decimum Arretii adessent; in earum locum se duas legiones urbanas scripturum.

[¶44] 56.5. Also he sent notice to the allies of the Latin confederacy, that is, to their magistrates and ambassadors, who were under the obligation to furnish soldiers, that they should meet him on the Capitoline.

> Latin: 56.5. item sociis et Latino nomini, magistratibus legatisque eorum, qui milites dare debebant, edixit, ut in Capitolio se adirent.

[¶45] 56.6. For these he made up a list amounting to fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry, in accordance with the quota of young men in each state, and ordered them to go straight from the Capitoline to the gate and, in order to expedite the matter, proceed to hold the levy.

> Latin: 56.6. iis quindecim milia peditum et quingentos equites, pro numero cuiusque iuniorum, discripsit et inde ex Capitolio protinus ire ad portam et, ut maturaretur res, proficisci ad dilectum iussit.

[¶46] 56.8. Fulvius and Flaminius each received three thousand Roman infantry and one hundred cavalry as reinforcements, with five thousand infantry of the allies and the Latin confederacy and two hundred cavalry, and the praetors were instructed to discharge their veterans on their arrival in the province.

> Latin: 56.8. Fulvio Flaminioque terna milia Romanorum peditum, centeni equites in supplementum et quina milia socium Latini nominis et duceni equites decreti, mandatumque praetoribus, ut veteres dimitterent milites, cum in provinciam venissent.

[¶47] 56.9. When numerous soldiers who were in the city legions had appealed to the tribunes of the people to look into the cases of those who had given completed service or illness as bases for claims of exemption from military service, dispatches from Tiberius Sempronius put an end to their attempt: in these he wrote that ten thousand of the Ligures had entered the territory of Placentia and had laid it waste with slaughter and fire up to the very walls of the colony and the banks of the Po; the nation of the Boi was also considering a rebellion.

> Latin: 56.9. cum milites, qui in legionibus urbanis erant, frequentes tribunos plebei adissent, uti causas cognoscerent eorum, quibus aut emerita stipendia aut morbus causae essent, quo minus militarent, eam rem litterae Ti. Sempronii discusserunt, in quibus scriptum erat, Ligurum decem milia in agrum Placentinum venisse et eum usque ad ipsa coloniae moenia et Padi ripas cum caedibus et incendiis perpopulatos esse;

[¶48] 56.11. For these reasons the senate decreed that a state of civil war existed, and that it was their pleasure that the tribunes of the people should not investigate the cases of soldiers to prevent their mustering according to the proclamation.

> Latin: 56.11. Boiorum quoque gentem ad rebellionem spectare. ob eas res tumultum esse decrevit senatus; tribunos plebei non placere causas militaris cognoscere, quo minus ad edictum conveniretur.

[¶49] 56.12. They added also that the allies of the Latin confederacy who had been in the army of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius and had been discharged by those consuls should assemble on the day and at the place in Etruria which the consul Lucius Cornelius had announced in his proclamation, and that the consul Lucius Cornelius, on his way to the province, should enlist, in the towns and rural districts along his route, whatever soldiers he saw fit, should arm them and lead them with him, and that he should have the privilege of discharging whichever of them he desired and at whatever time.

> Latin: 56.12. adiecerunt etiam, ut socii nominis Latini, qui in exercitu P. Cornelii Ti. Sempronii fuissent et dimissi ab iis consulibus essent, ut, ad quam diem L. Cornelius consul edixisset et in quem locum edixisset Etruriae, convenirent, et uti L. Cornelius consul in provinciam proficiscens in oppidis agrisque, qua iturus esset, si quos ei videretur, milites scriberet armaretque et duceret secum, dimittendique ei, quos eorum quandoque vellet, ius esset.

[¶50] 57.1. After the consuls had conducted their levies and departed to their provinces, Titus Quinctius demanded that the senate should listen to an account of the arrangements which he, in concert with the ten commissioners, had made, and should, if it was their pleasure, ratify them by their vote;

> Latin: 57.1. postquam consules dilectu habito profecti in provincias sunt, tum T. Quinctius postulavit, ut de iis, quae cum decem legatis ipse statuisset, senatus audiret eaque, si videretur, auctoritate sua confirmaret;

[¶51] 57.2. they would accomplish this more easily if they would hear the words of the ambassadors who had come from all Greece and a great part of Asia and those who had come from the kings.

> Latin: 57.2. id eos facilius facturos, si legatorum verba, qui ex universa Graecia et magna parte Asiae quique ab regibus venissent, audissent.

[¶52] 57.3. These embassies were introduced to the senate by the city praetor, Gaius Scribonius, and were accorded a courteous reception.

> Latin: 57.3. eae legationes a C. Scribonio praetore urbano in senatum introductae sunt, benigneque omnibus responsum.

[¶53] 57.4. Since the discussion with Antiochus was of longer duration, it was referred to the ten commissioners, part of whom had met the king either in Asia or at Lysimachia.

> Latin: 57.4. cum Antiocho quia longior disceptatio erat, decem legatis, quorum pars aut in Asia aut Lysimachiae apud regem fuerant, delegata est.

[¶54] 57.5. Titus Quinctius was instructed to hear, in the company of the commissioners, what the king's ambassadors had to say, and to make such a reply to them. as was consistent with the dignity and the interest of the Roman people.

> Latin: 57.5. T. Quinctio mandatum, ut adhibitis iis legatorum regis verba audiret responderetque iis, quae ex dignitate atque utilitate populi Romani responderi possent.

[¶55] 57.6. Menippus and Hegesianax were the leaders of the king's embassy. On their behalf, Menippus said that he did not see what there was in their embassy that was so difficult, since they had come merely to ask for friendship and conclude an alliance.

> Latin: 57.6. Menippus et Hegesianax principes regiae legationis erant. ex iis Menippus ignorare se dixit, quidnam perplexi sua legatio haberet, cum simpliciter ad amicitiam petendam iungendamque societatem venissent.

[¶56] 57.7. There were three kinds of treaties, he said, by which states and kings concluded friendships: one, when in time of war terms were imposed upon the conquered; for when everything was surrendered to him who was the more powerful in arms, it is the victor's right and privilege to decide what of the conquered's property he wishes to confiscate; the second, when states that are equally matched in war conclude peace and friendship on terms of equality;

> Latin: 57.7. esse autem tria genera foederum, quibus inter se paciscerentur amicitias civitates regesque: unum, cum bello victis dicerentur leges; ubi enim omnia ei, qui armis plus posset, dedita essent, quae ex iis habere victos, quibus multari eos velit, ipsius ius atque arbitrium esse;

[¶57] 57.8. under these conditions demands for restitution are made and granted by mutual agreement, and if the ownership of any property has been rendered uncertain by the war, these questions are settled according to the rules of traditional law or the convenience of each party;

> Latin: 57.8. alterum, cum pares bello aequo foedere in pacem atque amicitiam venirent; tunc enim repeti reddique per conventionem res et, si quarum turbata bello possessio sit, eas aut ex formula iuris antiqui aut ex partis utriusque commodo componi;

[¶58] 57.9. the third exists when states that have never been at war come together to pledge mutual friendship in a treaty of alliance; neither party gives or accepts conditions; for that happens when a conquering and a conquered party meet. Since Antiochus was in this last class, he wondered on what account the Romans deemed it right to impose terms upon him.

> Latin: 57.9. tertium esse genus, cum, qui numquam hostes fuerint, ad amicitiam sociali foedere inter se iungendam coeant; eos neque dicere nec accipere leges;

[¶59] 57.10. prescribing what cities of Asia he was to leave free and independent and what he was to make tributary to him, and what cities they forbade the king's armies and the king to enter.

> Latin: 57.10. id enim victoris et victi esse. ex eo genere cum Antiochus esset, mirari se, quod Romani aequum censeant leges ei dicere, quas Asiae urbium liberas et immunis, quas stipendiarias esse velint, quas intrare praesidia regia regemque vetent.

[¶60] 57.11. For in that way it was proper to make peace with Philip, an enemy, but not a treaty of alliance with Antiochus, a friend.

> Latin: 57.11. cum Philippo enim hoste pacem, non cum Antiocho amico societatis foedus ita sanciendum esse.

[¶61] 58.1. Quinctius replied thus: “Since it is your pleasure to discuss the matter systematically and to enumerate the different ways of establishing friendships, I shall set forth two conditions without which you may report to the king that there is no way to form a friendship with the Roman people:” “first, that if he wishes us to have no interest in what concerns the cities of Asia, he too must himself keep entirely out of Europe;”

> Latin: 58.1. ad ea Quinctius: ‘quoniam vobis distincte agere libet et genera iungendarum amicitiarum enumerare, ego quoque duas condiciones ponam, extra quas nullam esse regi nuntietis amicitiae cum populo Romano iungendae, unam si nos nihil, quod ad urbes Asiae attinet, curare velit, ut et ipse omni Europa abstineat;

[¶62] 58.3. “second, that if he will not keep himself within the limits of Asia, but crosses into Europe, the Romans too shall have the right both to defend the existing friendships with the cities of Asia and to add new treaties of alliance.”

> Latin: 58.3. alteram, si se ille Asiae finibus non contineat et in Europam transcendat, ut et Romanis ius sit Asiae civitatium amicitias et tueri, quas habeant, et novas complecti.

[¶63] 58.4. It was indeed monstrous, replied Hegesianax, even to listen to a proposal that Antiochus should be excluded from the cities of Thrace and Chersonesus, districts which his forefather Seleucus, when he had defeated King Lysimachus in war and slain him in battle, had most honourably gained and bequeathed to his successors, and part of which, when they had been seized by the Thracians, Antiochus had with equal glory recovered in war, part of which, when abandoned, like Lysimachia itself, he had repopulated by recalling the inhabitants, and which, when destroyed by calamities and fires, he had rebuilt at great expense.

> Latin: 58.4. ’ enimvero id auditu etiam dicere indignum esse Hegesianax, Thraciae et Chersonesi urbibus arceri Antiochum, cum, quae Seleucus, proavus eius, Lysimacho rege bello victo et in acie caeso per summum decus parta reliquerit, pari cum laude eadem ab Thracibus possessa, partim armis receperit Antiochus, partim deserta, sicut ipsam Lysimachiam, et revocatis cultoribus frequentaverit et, quae strata ruinis atque incendiis erant, ingentibus impensis aedificaverit.

[¶64] 58.6. What kind of analogy was there then between the two cases, that Antiochus should be ousted from this possession, so acquired and so recovered, and that the Romans should keep out of Asia, which has never been theirs?

> Latin: 58.6. quid igitur simile esse ex ea possessione, ita parta, ita recuperata, deduci Antiochum, et Romanos abstinere Asia, quae numquam eorum fuerit?

[¶65] 58.7. Antiochus is seeking the friendship of the Romans, but a friendship which when obtained will be a source of honour and not a cause for shame.

> Latin: 58.7. amicitiam expetere Romanorum Antiochum, sed quae impetrata gloriae sibi, non pudori sit.

[¶66] 58.8. To this Quinctius responded: “Inasmuch as we are weighing the honourable, as it indeed ought to be considered either the only or at least the first object of concern to the foremost people of the world and to so great a king, which, pray, seems the more ” “honourable, to wish all the cities of Greece which are found everywhere to be free, or to make them slaves and tributaries?”

> Latin: 58.8. ad haec Quinctius ‘quando quidem’ inquit ‘honesta pensamus, sicut aut sola aut prima certe pensari decet principi orbis terrarum populo et tanto regi, utrum tandem videtur honestius, liberas velle omnis, quae ubique sunt, Graeciae urbis, an servas et vectigalis facere?

[¶67] 58.10. “If Antiochus believes it noble for him that the cities which his great-grandfather held by the law of war, but which his grandfather and his father never treated as their property, be reduced to slavery, then the Roman people ” “likewise considers it an obligation, imposed by its loyalty and consistency, not to abandon that championship of the liberty of the Greeks which it has taken upon itself.”

> Latin: 58.10. si sibi Antiochus pulchrum esse censete, quas urbes proavus belli iure habuerit, avus paterque numquam usurpaverit pro suis, eas repetere in servitutem, et populus Romanus susceptum patrocinium libertatis Graecorum non deserere fidei constantiaeque suae ducit esse.

[¶68] 58.12. “As it liberated Greece from Philip, so it intends to free from Antiochus the cities of Asia which are of the Greek race.”

> Latin: 58.12. sicut a Philippo Graeciam liberavit, ita et ab Antiocho Asiae urbes, quae Graii nominis sint, liberare in animo habet.

[¶69] 58.13. “For colonies were not sent out to Aeolis and Ionia to become the slaves of asking, but to increase the population and extend the influence of a most ancient people throughout the world.”

> Latin: 58.13. neque enim in Aeolidem Ioniamque coloniae in servitutem regiam missae sunt, sed stirpis augendae causa gentisque vetustissimae per orbem terrarum propagandae.’

[¶70] 59.1. At this Hegesianax hesitated, and could not deny that it was more honourable to go out under the banner of liberty than of slavery, and Publius Sulpicius, the eldest of the ten commissioners, said: “Why not stop beating around the bush?”

> Latin: 59.1. cum haesitaret Hegesianax nec infitiari posset honestiorem causam libertatis quam servitutis praetexi titulo,’quin mittimus ambages?‘inquit P. Sulpicius, qui maximus natu ex decem legatis erat;

[¶71] 59.2. “Choose one of the two conditions so clearly stated by Quinctius a while ago, or cease to talk of friendship.” “But we,” replied Menippus, “have neither the desire nor the authority to make any settlement by which the power of Antiochus will be diminished.” The next day, when Quinctius had brought into the senate all the embassies from Greece and Asia, that they might know what was the attitude of the Roman people and what that of Antiochus towards the cities of Greece, he set forth both the king's demands and his own:

> Latin: 59.2. ‘alteram ex duabus condicionibus, quae modo diserte a Quinctio latae sunt, legite aut supersedete de amicitia agere‘ ’nos vero‘inquit Menippus ‘nec volumus nec possumus pacisci quicquam, quo regnum Antiochi minuatur.’ postero die Quinctius legationes universas Graeciae Asiaeque cum in senatum introduxisset, ut scirent, quali animo populus Romanus, quali Antiochus erga civitates Graeciae essent, postulata et regis et sua exposuit:

[¶72] 59.5. he bade them carry word back to their states that with the same courage and the same fidelity with which the Roman people had won their liberty from Philip, they would win it from Antiochus if he did not retire from Europe.

> Latin: 59.5. renuntiarent civitatibus suis populum Romanum, qua virtute quaque fide libertatem eorum a Philippo vindicaverit, eadem ab Antiocho, nisi decedat Europa, vindicaturum.

[¶73] 59.6. Then Menippus began to beg both Quinctius and the Fathers not to make a hasty decision, as a result of which they would throw the whole world into confusion;

> Latin: 59.6. tum Menippus deprecari et Quinctium et patres institit, ne festinarent decernere, quo decreto turbaturi orbem terrarum essent;

[¶74] 59.7. let them both take for themselves and grant to the king time to consider; that he would be enabled to do so when the terms had been reported to him, and would either win some concession or else yield for the sake of peace. Accordingly the whole matter was postponed.

> Latin: 59.7. tempus et sibi sumerent et regi ad cogitandum darent; cogitaturum, cum renuntiatae condiciones essent, et impetraturum aliquid aut pacis causa concessurum. ita integra dilata res est.

[¶75] 59.8. It was decided to send to the king the same ambassadors who had met him at Lysimachia, namely, Publius Sulpicius, Publius Villius, and Publius Aelius.

> Latin: 59.8. legatos mitti ad regem eosdem, qui Lysimachiae apud eum fuerant, placuit, P. Sulpicium, P. Villium, P. Aelium.

[¶76] 60.1. They had hardly left the city when the ambassadors from Carthage reported that Antiochus was beyond doubt preparing for war with the aid of Hannibal, and created a feeling of anxiety lest a Punic war also was being provoked.

> Latin: 60.1. vixdum hi profecti erant, cum a Carthagine legati bellum haud dubie parare Antiochum Hannibale ministro attulerunt inieceruntque curam, ne simul et Punicum excitaretur bellum.

[¶77] 60.2. Hannibal, an exile from his country, had taken refuge with Antiochus, as has been said before, and was held in great honour by the king, for no other reason than that there could be no more suitable adviser for one who had long been revolving in his mind plans for an attack on Rome.

> Latin: 60.2. Hannibal patria profugus pervenerat ad Antiochum, sicut ante dictum est, et erat apud regem in magno honore, nulla alia arte, nisi quod volutanti diu consilia de Romano bello nemo aptior super tali re particeps esse sermonis poterat.

[¶78] 60.3. His opinion was always one and the same, that the war should be waged in Italy;

> Latin: 60.3. sententia eius una atque eadem semper erat, ut in Italia bellum gereretur: Italiam et commeatus et militem praebituram externo hosti;

[¶79] 60.4. Italy would supply both food and soldiers to a foreign enemy; if no disturbance was created there and the Roman people was permitted to use the man-power and the resources of Italy for a war outside of Italy, neither the king nor any people could be a match for the Romans.

> Latin: 60.4. si nihil ibi moveatur, liceatque populo Romano viribus et copiis Italiae extra Italiam bellum gerere, neque regem neque gentem ullam parem Romanis esse.

[¶80] 60.5. He asked for himself a hundred warships, ten thousand infantry, and a thousand cavalry; with that fleet he would first visit -Africa; — he had great hopes that the Carthaginians too could be induced by him to revolt; if they hesitated, he would, in some part of Italy, arouse a war against the Romans.

> Latin: 60.5. sibi centum tectas naves et decem milia peditum, mille equites deposcebat: ea se classe primum Africam petiturum; magno opere confidere et Carthaginienses ad rebellandum ab se compelli posse;

[¶81] 60.6. The king should cross to Europe with the rest of his army and hold his forces in some part of Greece, not crossing to Italy, yet prepared to cross, which would be sufficient to produce the impression and start the rumour of war.

> Latin: 60.6. si illi cunctentur, se aliqua parte Italiae excitaturum Romanis bellum. regem cum ceteris omnibus transire in Europam debere et in aliqua parte Graeciae copias continere neque traicientem et, quod in speciem famamque belli satis sit, paratum traicere.

[¶82] 61.1. When he had brought the king around to this opinion, and thought that he should prepare the minds of his countrymen for what he was going to do, he did not dare to write a letter lest, if intercepted by any chance, it reveal his designs;

> Latin: 61.1. in hanc sententiam cum adduxisset regem, praeparandos sibi ad id popularium animos ratus litteras, ne quo casu interceptae palam facerent conata, scribere non est ausus;

[¶83] 61.2. he found at Ephesus a Tyrian, Aristo by name, and having tested his resourcefulness on less important errands, he loaded him with gifts and also with the hope of rewards, to which even the king finally gave his assent, and sent him to Carthage with his instructions.

> Latin: 61.2. Aristonem quendam Tyrium nanctus Ephesi expertusque sollertiam levioribus ministeriis, partim donis, partim spe praemiorum oneratum, quibus etiam ipse rex adnuerat, Carthaginem cum mandatis mittit.

[¶84] 61.3. He gave him the names of the persons whom he needed to meet, and provided him with secret modes of identification, by means of which they could be assured that the instructions were from him.

> Latin: 61.3. edit nomina eorum, quibus conventis opus esset; instruit etiam secretis notis, per quas haud dubie agnoscerent sua mandata esse.

[¶85] 61.4. When this Aristo arrived in Carthage, his reason for coming was discovered as quickly by the enemies of Hannibal as by his friends.

> Latin: 61.4. hunc Aristonem Carthagine obversantem non prius amici quam inimici Hannibalis, qua de causa venisset, cognoverunt.

[¶86] 61.5. And at first the incident was discussed in conversations at social gatherings and at dinners;

> Latin: 61.5. et primo in circulis conviviis celebrata sermonibus res est;

[¶87] 61.6. later, in the senate some said that nothing had been accomplished by the exile of Hannibal if, even when away, he could plot revolution and by stirring up men's minds disturb the security of the state;

> Latin: 61.6. deinde in senatu quidam nihil actum esse dicere exilio Hannibalis, si absens quoque novas moliri res et sollicitando animos hominum turbare statum civitatis posset;

[¶88] 61.7. a certain Aristo, a stranger from Tyre, had come equipped with instructions from Hannibal and King Antiochus; every day certain individuals had secret conferences with him; schemes were being concocted in secret which would presently break out in the ruin of the entire community.

> Latin: 61.7. Aristonem quendam, Tyrium advenam, instructum mandatis ab Hannibale et rege Antiocho venisse; certos homines cotidie cum eo secreta colloquia serere; in occulto coqui, quod mox in omnium perniciem erupturum esset.

[¶89] 61.8. All exclaimed that Aristo ought to be summoned and asked why he had come, and if he gave no good explanation, he should be sent to Rome in charge of ambassadors; they had already suffered enough punishment for the rashness of one man; private citizens might do wrong at their own risk, but the state should be saved not only from doing wrong but also from the reputation of doing wrong.

> Latin: 61.8. conclamare omnes vocari Aristonem debere, et quaeri, quid venisset, et, nisi expromeret, cum legatis Romam mitti; satis pro temeritate unius hominis suppliciorum pensum esse;

[¶90] 61.9. Aristo when summoned defended himself and made use of the strongest argument for his innocence, that he had brought no written communication to anyone;

> Latin: 61.9. privatos suo periculo peccaturos; rem publicam non extra noxam modo sed etiam extra famam noxae conservandam esse.

[¶91] 61.10. but he did not make entirely clear the reason why he had come, and was most noticeably at a loss when they charged him with having relations only with men of the Barcine faction.

> Latin: 61.10. vocatus Ariston purgare sese et firmissimo propugnaculo uti, quod litterarum nihil ad quemquam attulisset;

[¶92] 61.11. A violent debate then began, some arguing that he should be at once arrested as a spy and held under guard, others saying that there was no cause for measures that suggested martial law;

> Latin: 61.11. ceterum nec causam adventus satis expediebat et in eo maxime haesitabat, quod cum Barcinae solum factionis hominibus collocutum eum arguebant.

[¶93] 61.12. it set a bad precedent to arrest strangers with no convincing proof, and the same treatment would be applied to Carthaginians, not only in Tyre but in other markets which they frequently visited.

> Latin: 61.12. orta inde altercatio est aliis pro speculatore comprehendi iam et custodiri iubentibus, aliis negantibus tumultuandi causam esse;

[¶94] 61.13. A decision was not reached that day. Aristo, employing Carthaginian artifice against Carthaginians, as soon as it was dusk hung a written tablet over the place where the magistrates daily held their sessions, in the most crowded part of the city, and in the third watch went on board his ship and escaped. The next day, when the sufetes took their seats to administer justice, the tablet was seen, taken down, and read.

> Latin: 61.13. mali rem exempli esse de nihilo hospites corripi; idem Carthaginiensibus et Tyri et in aliis emporiis, quo frequenter commeent, eventurum. dilata eo die res est. Ariston Punico ingenio inter Poenos usus tabellas conscriptas celeberrimo loco super sedem cotidianam magistratuum prima vespera suspendit, ipse de tertia vigilia navem conscendit et profugit.

[¶95] 61.15. Its message was that Aristo had come with a private message for no man, but with a public errand to the elders — so they call their senate. The charge having thus been made general, the investigation of a few men was less vigorously pushed;

> Latin: 61.15. postero die cum sufetes ad ius dicendum consedissent, conspectae tabellae demptaeque et lectae. scriptum erat Aristonem privatim ad neminem, publice ad seniores—ita senatum vocabant—mandata habuisse.

[¶96] 61.16. nevertheless, it was voted that an embassy should be sent to Rome to report the whole affair to the consuls and the senate, and at the same time to complain about the injuries inflicted by Masinissa.

> Latin: 61.16. publicato crimine minus intenta de paucis quaestio erat; mitti tamen legatos Romam, qui rem ad consules et senatum deferrent, placuit, simul qui de iniuriis Masinissae quererentur.

[¶97] 62.1. When Masinissa perceived that the good name of the Carthaginians was tarnished and that they were quarrelling among themselves, the nobles being suspected by the senate on account of their conferences with Aristo, the senate by the people on account of the declaration made by the same Aristo, considering that he had an opportunity to injure them, he both ravaged their coast and compelled certain cities which were dependents of the Carthaginians to pay their tribute to him.

> Latin: 62.1. Masinissa postquám et infames Carthaginiensis et inter se ipsos discordes sensit, principibus propter colloquia Aristonis senatui, senatu propter indicium eiusdem Aristonis populo suspecto, locum iniuriae esse ratus agrum maritimum eorum et depopulatus est et quasdam urbes vectigalis Carthaginiensium sibi coegit stipendium pendere.

[¶98] 62.3. They call this district Emporia; it is the coast of the lesser Syrtis and a fertile spot; one of its cities is Leptis, and this paid to the Carthaginians a tribute of one talent per day.

> Latin: 62.3. Emporia vocant eam regionem; in ora est minoris Syrtis et agri uberis; una civitas eius Leptis; ea singula in dies talenta vectigal Carthaginiensibus dedit.

[¶99] 62.4. At this time Masinissa had endangered this whole region, and, with respect to part of it, had raised a question as to its ownership, whether it belonged to his kingdom or to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 62.4. hanc tum regionem et totam infestam Masinissa et ex quadam parte dubiae possessionis, sui regni an Carthaginiensium esset, effecerat.

[¶100] 62.5. And because he saw that they would go to Rome both to clear themselves and to complain of him, he likewise sent ambassadors to Rome for the double purpose of increasing Roman suspicions of them, by their insinuations, and of setting on foot an argument about the tribute-rights.

> Latin: 62.5. et quia simul ad purganda crimina et questum de se Romam eos ituros comperit, qui et illa onerarent suspicionibus et de iure vectigalium disceptarent, legatos et ipse Romam mittit.

[¶101] 62.6. The Carthaginians were first given audience, and with their account of the Tyrian stranger they rendered the Fathers anxious lest they should have to fight with Antiochus and the Carthaginians at the same time.

> Latin: 62.6. auditi de Tyrio advena primum Carthaginienses curam iniecere patribus, ne cum Antiocho simul et Poenis bellandum esset.

[¶102] 62.7. What most weighed against them was a suspicion due to the fact that they had set no guard over the person or ship of a man whom they had decided to arrest and send to Rome. Then the dispute with the king's envoys about the land began.

> Latin: 62.7. maxime ea suspicio crimen urgebat, quod, quem comprensum Romam mitti placuisset, nec ipsum nec navem eius custodissent.

[¶103] 62.8. The Carthaginians maintained their case by their boundary-rights, because the district was within the limits which Publius Scipio, when he conquered them, had set for the land which should be under Carthaginian jurisdiction, and by the king's own admission, who, when he was pursuing Aphthir, a fugitive from his country, who was wandering around Cyrene with a party of Numidians, had requested, as a favour from them, a right of way through this very country as if it had without question belonged to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 62.8. de agro deinde cum regis legatis disceptari coeptum. Carthaginienses iure finium causam tutabantur, quod intra eos terminos esset, quibus P. Scipio victor agrum, qui iuris esset Carthaginiensium, finisset, et confessione regis, qui, cum Aphthirem, profugum ex regno suo, cum parte Numidarum vagantem circa Cyrenas persequeretur, precario ab se iter per eum ipsum agrum tamquam haud dubie Carthaginiensium iuris petisset.

[¶104] 62.11. The Numidians charged that they were not telling the truth about the limits fixed by Scipio, and asked, if one wanted to determine the real origin of a property-right, what land in Africa was really Carthaginian. Coming there as strangers, they had been granted as a gift, for the purpose of building a city, as much land as they could encompass with the cut-up hide of a bull;

> Latin: 62.11. Numidae et de terminatione Scipionis mentiri eos arguebant, et, si quis veram originem iuris exigere vellet, quem proprium agrum Carthaginiensium in Africa esse?

[¶105] 62.12. to whatever extent they had expanded beyond the limits of the Bursa, their seat, they had land gained by violence and without right.

> Latin: 62.12. advenis, quantum secto bovis tergo amplecti loci potuerint, tantum ad urbem communiendam precario datum; quidquid Bursam, sedem suam, excesserint, vi atque iniuria partum habere.

[¶106] 62.13. As to the particular tract of land in question, they could not even prove that they had held it for any considerable time, and much less that they had held it continuously from the time they had begun to claim it. As occasion offered, now they and now the Numidian kings had claimed the right to it, and possession had always remained with the party that was stronger in arms.

> Latin: 62.13. neque eum, de quo agatur, probare eos posse non modo semper, ex quo coeperint, sed ne diu quidem se possedisse. per opportunitates nunc illos, nunc reges Numidarum usurpasse ius, semperque penes eum possessionem fuisse, qui plus armis potuisset.

[¶107] 62.14. They asked that the land should remain in the condition in which it was before the Carthaginians became enemies to the Romans and the king of the Numidians their ally and friend and not to interfere to prevent that person from holding the land who was able to do so.

> Latin: 62.14. cuius condicionis res fuerit, priusquam hostes Romanis Carthaginienses, socius atque amicus rex Numidarum esset, eius sinerent esse nec se interponerent, quo minus, qui posset, teneret.

[¶108] 62.15. It was decided that the envoys of both states should receive the reply that they would send ambassadors to Africa to judge, on the actual ground, between the Carthaginian people and the king.

> Latin: 62.15. responderi legatis utriusque partis placuit missuros se in Africam, qui inter populum Carthaginiensem et regem in re praesenti disceptarent.

[¶109] 62.16. The ambassadors who were sent were Publius Scipio Africanus, Gaius Cornelius Cethegus, and Marcus Minucius Rufus, and after hearing the testimony and inspecting the place they left the matter undecided, without expressing an opinion in favour of either side.

> Latin: 62.16. missi P. Scipio Africanus et C. Cornelius Cethegus et M. Minucius Rufus audita inspectaque re omnia suspensa neutro inclinatis sententiis reliquere.

[¶110] 62.17. Whether they did this of their own accord or because they had been so instructed is not so certain as that this seemed expedient under the circumstances, that the case be left entirely undecided;

> Latin: 62.17. id utrum sua sponte fecerint, an quia mandatum ita fuerit, non tam certum est, quam videtur tempori aptum fuisse, integro certamine eos relinqui;

[¶111] 62.18. if this were not the case, Scipio alone, either from his knowledge of the affair or through his personal influence, since he deserved so well of both sides, could have settled the dispute by a nod.

> Latin: 62.18. nam ni ita esset, unus Scipio vel notitia rei vel auctoritate, ita de utrisque meritus, finire nutu disceptationem potuisset.

## 18. Book XXXV · chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. In the beginning of the year in which these events occurred, Sextus Digitius, praetor in Hither Spain, fought battles, numerous rather than memorable, with the tribes which had, in great numbers, revolted after the departure of Marcus Cato, and most of these engagements were so unfortunate in result that he turned over to his successor barely half as many soldiers as he had received.

> Latin: 1.1. principio anni, quo haec gesta sunt, Sex. Digitius praetor in Hispania citeriore cum civitatibus iis, quae post profectionem M. Catonis permultae rebellaverant, crebra magis quam digna dictu proelia fecit, et adeo pleraque adversa, ut vix dimidium militum, quam quod acceperat, successori tradiderit.

[¶1] 1.3. Nor is there any doubt that all Spain would have taken courage to rebel had not the other praetor, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, fought many successful battles beyond the Ebro and so intimidated the natives that not less than fifty towns surrendered to him.

> Latin: 1.3. nec dubium est, quin omnis Hispania sublatura animos fuerit, ni alter praetor P. Cornelius Cn. F. Scipio trans Iberum multa secunda proelia fecisset, quo terrore non minus quinquaginta oppida ad eum defecerunt.

[¶2] 1.4. These were Scipio's achievements as praetor; when he was propraetor he fell upon the Lusitani as they were returning home after plundering the farther province, laden with much spoil, while they were still on the march, and from the third hour of the day to the eighth maintained an indecisive action.

> Latin: 1.4. praetor haec gesserat Scipio; idem pro praetore Lusitanos, pervastata ulteriore provincia cum ingenti praeda domum redeuntis, in ipso itinere adgressus ab hora tertia diei ad octavam incerto eventu pugnavit, numero militum impar, superior aliis: nam et acie frequenti armatis adversus longum et impeditum turba pecorum agmen et recenti milite adversus fessos longo itinere concurrerat.

[¶3] 1.6. He was unequal in number of troops, superior in all else; for with his troops in a compact body he had clashed with a column long drawn out and hindered by the great number of its pack-animals, and he fought with fresh troops against an enemy worn out by a long march.

> Latin: 1.6. tertia namque vigilia exierant hostes; huic nocturno itineri tres diurnae horae accesserant, nec ulla quiete data laborem viae proelium exceperat. itaque principio pugnae vigoris aliquid in corporibus animisque fuit, et turbaverant primo Romanos; deinde aequata paulisper pugna est. in hoc discrimine ludos Iovi, si fudisset cecidissetque hostis, propraetor vovit.

[¶4] 1.8. For they had set out during the third watch; three daylight hours had been added to their night march, and the battle had followed at once upon the labour of the journey, with no time given for repose. Accordingly, only at the outset of the fight did they retain some energy of mind and body, and at first they had thrown the Romans into confusion; later the battle became gradually more even.

> Latin: 1.8. tandem gradum acrius intulere Romani, cessitque Lusitanus, deinde prorsus terga dedit; et cum institissent fugientibus victores, ad duodecim milia hostium sunt caesa, capti quingenti quadraginta, omnes ferme equites, et signa militaria capta centum triginta quattuor.

[¶5] 1.9. At this crisis the propraetor vowed games to Jupiter if he should rout and slaughter the enemy.

> Latin: 1.9. de exercitu Romano septuaginta et tres amissi.

[¶6] 1.10. At length the Romans pressed on with greater vigour and the Lusitani gave way and finally fled; and while the victors pursued the fleeing foe, about twelve thousand of the enemy were killed, five hundred forty were taken prisoners, almost all cavalry, and one hundred thirty-four standards were captured. From the Roman army seventy-three were lost. The battle was fought not far from the city of Ilipa;

> Latin: 1.10. pugnatum haud procul Ilipa urbe est; eo victorem opulentum praeda exercitum P. Cornelius reduxit. ea omnis ante urbem exposita est, potestasque dominis suas res cognoscendi facta est; cetera vendenda quaestori data; quod inde refectum est militi divisum.

[¶7] 2.1. thither Publius Cornelius led the army flushed with victory and enriched with spoils.

> Latin: 2.1. nondum ab Roma profectus erat C. Flaminius praetor, cum haec in Hispania gerebantur.

[¶8] 2.2. All the booty was exposed to view before the city, and the opportunity was afforded the owners of identifying their property; the rest was turned over to the quaestor to sell and the proceeds were divided among the soldiers.

> Latin: 2.2. itaque adversae quam secundae res per ipsum amicosque eius magis sermonibus celebrabantur;

[¶9] 2.3. II. Gaius Flaminius had not yet left Rome when this happened in Spain. Therefore defeat rather than victory was the constant burden of the talk of him and his friends, and, since a great war had flared up in the province and he was to take over from Sextus Digitius the scanty remnants of his army, and even these filled with panic and terror, he had tried to induce them to decree to him one of the city-legions, and when he had added to this the force which he had enlisted in accordance with the decree of the senate, that he should choose from the whole number six thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry: with this legion —for little confidence could be placed in the army of Sextus Digitius —he would carry on the campaign.

> Latin: 2.3. et temptaverat, quoniam bellum ingens in provincia exarsisset, et exiguas reliquias exercitus ab Sex. Digitio atque eas ipsas plenas pavoris ac fugae accepturus esset, ut sibi unam ex urbanis legionibus decernerent, ad quam cum militem ab se ipso scriptum ex senatus consulto adiecisset, eligeret ex omni numero sex milia et ducentos pedites, equites trecentos: ea se legione — nam in Sex. Digiti exercitu haud multum spei esse—rem gesturum.

[¶10] 2.6. The elders declared that no decree of the senate should be passed on the basis of rumours causelessly invented by private individuals to gratify magistrates;

> Latin: 2.6. seniores negare ad rumores a privatis temere in gratiam magistratuum confictos senatus consulta facienda esse; nisi quod aut praetores ex provinciis scriberent aut legati renuntiarent, nihil ratum haberi debere;

[¶11] 2.7. unless either the praetors should send reports from the provinces or their legates bring word, nothing should be considered settled; if an emergency existed in Spain, it was their will that the praetor should enlist emergency troops outside of Italy. It was the senate's intention that these emergency troops should be raised in Spain.

> Latin: 2.7. si tumultus in Hispania esset, placere tumultuarios milites extra Italiam scribi a praetore. mens ea senatus fuit, ut in Hispania tumultuarii milites legerentur.

[¶12] 2.8. Valerius Antias writes that Gaius Flaminius sailed also to Sicily to conduct his levy and that on his way from Sicily to Spain he was driven by a storm to Africa and administered the oath to stragglers from the army of Publius Africanus;

> Latin: 2.8. Valerius Antias et in Siciliam navigasse dilectus causa C. Flaminium scribit, et, ex Sicilia Hispaniam petentem, tempestate in Africam delatum vagos milites de exercitu P. Africani sacramento rogasse;

[¶13] 2.9. that to the contingents from these two provinces he added a third in Spain.

> Latin: 2.9. his duarum provinciarum dilectibus tertium in Hispania adiecisse.

[¶14] 3.1. Nor was the war with the Ligures in Italy any slower to begin. Pisa was already besieged by about forty thousand men, large numbers daily pouring in by reason of the report of the war and in the hope of booty.

> Latin: 3.1. nec in Italia segnius Ligurum bellum crescebat. Pisas iam quadraginta milibus hominum, adfluente cotidie multitudine ad famam belli spemque praedae, circumsedebant.

[¶15] 3.2. The consul Minucius arrived at Arretium on the day on which he had ordered the troops to assemble. Thence he led the force in a hollow-square formation toward Pisa, and since the enemy had moved their camp across the river, no more than a mile from the town, the consul marched into the city that had without doubt been saved by his arrival.

> Latin: 3.2. Minucius consul Arretium die quam edixerat ad conveniendum militibus venit. inde quadrato agmine ad Pisas duxit, et cum hostes non plus mille passuum ab oppido trans fluvium movissent castra, consul urbem haud dubie servatam adventu suo est ingressus.

[¶16] 3.3. The next day he too crossed the river and encamped about five hundred paces from the enemy.

> Latin: 3.3. postero die et ipse trans fluvium quingentos ferme passus ab hoste posuit castra. inde levibus proeliis a populationibus agrum sociorum tutabatur;

[¶17] 3.4. From this base he defended the allies' country from ravage by fighting petty battles; he did not dare to march out in battle-line with raw troops, collected from many tribes and not yet well enough known to one another to feel confidence in their comrades.

> Latin: 3.4. in aciem exire non audebat novo milite et ex multis generibus hominum collecto necdum noto satis inter se, ut fidere alii aliis possent.

[¶18] 3.5. The Ligures both marched out to battle, trusting in their numbers and prepared to risk a decisive engagement, and, since they had abundance of men, sent out many parties to plunder in all directions on the borders of the territory, and when a large number of animals and much booty had been collected, guards were available to conduct them to their forts and villages.

> Latin: 3.5. Ligures multitudine freti et in aciem exibant, parati de summa rerum decernere, et abundantes militum numero passim multas manus per extrema finium ad praedandum mittebant, et, cum coacta vis magna pecorum praedaeque esset, paratum erat praesidium, per quos in castella eorum vicosque ageretur.

[¶19] 4.1. While the Ligurian war was at a standstill around Pisa, the other consul, Lucius Cornelius Merula, led his army through the farthest lands of the Ligures into the country of the Boii, where the war was conducted in a fashion far different from that in the war with the Ligures.

> Latin: 4.1. cum bellum Ligustinum ad Pisas constitisset, consul alter, L. Cornelius Merula, per extremos Ligurum finis exercitum in agrum Boiorum induxit, ubi longe alia belli ratio quam cum Liguribus erat.

[¶20] 4.2. The consul marched out to offer battle, the enemy declined to engage; the Romans scattered to plunder when no one confronted them, and the Boii preferred the devastation of their lands without interference on their part to the risk of a decisive battle while protecting them.

> Latin: 4.2. consul in aciem exibat, hostes pugnam detractabant; praedatumque, ubi nemo obviam exiret, discurrebant Romani, Boi diripi sua impune quam tuendo ea conserere certamen malebant.

[¶21] 4.3. When everything had been sufficiently wasted with sword and fire, the consul retired from the enemy's country and marched toward Mutina, his column taking no precautions as if it was traversing a pacified country.

> Latin: 4.3. postquam omnia ferro ignique satis evastata erant, consul agro hostium excessit, et ad Mutinam agmine incauto, ut inter pacatos, ducebat.

[¶22] 4.4. When the Boii saw that the enemy had withdrawn from their territory, they followed stealthily, seeking a place for an ambush. At night they passed the Roman camp and seized a defile through which the Romans had to march.

> Latin: 4.4. Boi ut egressum suis finibus hostem sensere, sequebantur silenti agmine, locum insidiis quaerentes. nocte praetergressi castra Romana saltum, qua transeundum erat Romanis, insederunt.

[¶23] 4.5. Since their precautions for secrecy were insufficient, the consul, who had been accustomed to break camp late in the night, waited for daylight, that darkness might not increase the terror from a sudden attack, and, although he was moving by day, he nevertheless sent out a troop of cavalry to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 4.5. id cum parum occulte fecissent, consul, qui multa nocte solitus erat movere castra, ne nox terrorem in tumultuario proelio augeret, lucem expectavit et, cum luce moveret, tamen turmam equitum exploratum misit.

[¶24] 4.6. When word came back how strong the enemy was and where he was stationed, he ordered the baggage of the whole column brought into the midst and the triarii to construct a rampart around it, and with the remainder of the army in battle-array marched towards the enemy.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam relatum est, quantae copiae, et in quo loco essent, totius agminis sarcinas in medium coici iussit et triarios vallum circumicere, cetero exercitu instructo ad hostem accessit.

[¶25] 4.7. The Gauls did the same when they realized that their stratagem was discovered and that they would have to fight in regular and fair combat where constant courage would conquer.

> Latin: 4.7. idem et Galli fecerunt, postquam apertas esse insidias et recto ac iusto proelio, ubi vera vinceret virtus, dimicandum viderunt.

[¶26] 5.1. At about the second hour the battle began. The left squadron of the allies and the irregular troops were fighting in the front line; their commanders were two lieutenants of consular rank, Marcus Marcellus and Tiberius Sempronius, consul of the preceding year.

> Latin: 5.1. hora secunda ferme concursum est. sinistra sociorum [equitum] ala et extraordinarii prima in acie pugnabant; praeerant duo consulares legati, M. Marcellus et Ti. Sempronius, prioris anni consul.

[¶27] 5.2. The new consul was now with the leading standards, now holding back the legions in reserve, lest in their ardour for the fight they should rush forward before the signal was given.

> Latin: 5.2. novus consul nunc ad prima signa erat, nunc legiones continebat in subsidiis, ne certaminis studio prius procurrerent, quam datum signum esset.

[¶28] 5.3. He ordered two military tribunes, Quintus and Publius Minucius, to lead the cavalry of these legions beyond the flanks of the battle-line into open ground, whence, when the signal was given, they were to attack from the open.

> Latin: 5.3. equites earum extra aciem in locum patentem. Q. et P. Minucios tribunos militum educere iussit; inde, cum signum dedisset, impetum ex aperto facerent.

[¶29] 5.4. As he was thus engaged, a runner from Tiberius Sempronius Longus came to him, saying that the irregulars were not holding the Gallic attack and that many of them had been killed and that those who were left, partly as a result of their exertions, partly from fear, had lost their zest for fighting. He should send in, if he saw fit, one of the two legions before a disgraceful defeat was sustained.

> Latin: 5.4. haec agenti nuntius venit a Ti. Sempronio Longo non sustinere extraordinarios impetum Gallorum; et caesos permultos esse et, qui supersint, partim labore partim metu remisisse ardorem pugnae. legionem alteram ex duabus, si videretur, summitteret, priusquam ignominia acciperetur.

[¶30] 5.6. The second legion was sent forward and the irregular troops relieved. Then the battle was restored, since fresh troops, a legion with full ranks, had entered the fight; and the left squadron was withdrawn from the battle and the right took its place in the battle-line. The sun with its fierce rays scorched the bodies of the Gauls, which were little capable of enduring heat; nevertheless, in dense ranks, resting now on one another, now on their shields, they withstood the attacks of the Romans.

> Latin: 5.6. secunda missa est legio, et extraordinarii recepti. tum redintegrata est pugna, cum et recens miles et frequens ordinibus legio successisset. et sinistra ala ex proelio subducta est, dextra in primam aciem subiit. sol ingenti ardore torrebat minime patientia aestus Gallorum corpora; densis tamen ordinibus nunc alii in alios, nunc in scuta incumbentes sustinebant impetus Romanorum.

[¶31] 5.8. When the consul saw this, he ordered Gaius Livius Salinator, who commanded the auxiliary cavalry, to charge at the utmost speed, the legionary cavalry to be in support.

> Latin: 5.8. quod ubi animadvertit consul, ad perturbandos ordines eorum C. Livium Salinatorem, qui praeerat alariis equitibus, quam concitatissimos equos immittere iubet et legionarios equites in subsidiis esse.

[¶32] 5.9. This storm of horsemen at first threw the battle-line of the Gauls into confusion and disorder, then scattered it, but without causing a rout.

> Latin: 5.9. haec procella equestris primo confudit et turbavit, deinde dissipavit aciem Gallorum, non tamen ut terga darent.

[¶33] 5.10. The captains prevented this, striking with their staffs the backs of the terror-stricken and forcing them back into the line, but the auxiliary cavalry, riding among them, would not allow this.

> Latin: 5.10. obstabant duces, hastilibus caedentes terga trepidantium et redire in ordines cogentes; sed interequitantes alarii non patiebantur.

[¶34] 5.11. The consul urged the troops to make a little more effort; victory, he said, was in their grasp; they should press on while they saw the enemy disordered and in terror; if they permitted the ranks to be reformed they would fight again a new and doubtful battle. He ordered the standard-bearers to advance.

> Latin: 5.11. consul obtestabatur milites, ut paulum adniterentur; victoriam in manibus esse; dum turbatos et trepidantis viderent, instarent; si restitui ordines sivissent, integro rursus eos proelio et dubio dimicaturos.

[¶35] 5.12. All joined in the effort and at last turned the enemy to flight. As they were fleeing and scattering this way and that in rout, at that moment the legionary cavalry was let loose to pursue them.

> Latin: 5.12. inferre vexillarios iussit signa. omnes conisi tandem averterunt hostem. postquam terga dabant et in fugam passim effundebantur, tum ad persequendos eos legionarii equites immissi.

[¶36] 5.13. Fourteen thousand of the Boii perished on that day; one thousand and ninety-two were captured alive, seven hundred and twenty-one cavalrymen, with three of their commanders, two hundred and twelve standards and sixty-three carts were taken.

> Latin: 5.13. quattuordecim milia Boiorum eo die sunt caesa; vivi capti mille nonaginta duo, equites septingenti viginti unus, tres duces eorum, signa militaria ducenta duodecim, carpenta sexaginta tria.

[¶37] 5.14. But for the Romans the victory was not bloodless; more than five thousand of the soldiers, Romans and allies, fell, twenty-three centurions, four commanders of allies, and Marcus Genucius and Quintus and Marcus Marcius, military tribunes of the second legion.

> Latin: 5.14. nec Romanis incruenta victoria fuit; supra quinque milia militum, ipsorum aut sociorum, amissa, centuriones tres et viginti, praefecti socium quattuor et M. Genucius et Q. et M. Marcii tribuni militum secundae legionis.

[¶38] 6.1. At about the same time letters from the two consuls arrived at Rome, one from Lucius Cornelius reporting the battle with the Boii near Mutina, the other from Quintus Minucius from Pisa:

> Latin: 6.1. eodem fere tempore duorum consulum litterae allatae sunt, L. Corneli de proelio ad Mutinam cum Bois facto et Q. Minuci a Pisis:

[¶39] 6.2. the latter said that it had fallen to his lot to preside at the consular elections, but so unsettled were conditions generally among the Ligures that he could not leave there without loss to the allies and danger to the state.

> Latin: 6.2. comitia suae sortis esse; ceterum adeo suspensa omnia in Liguribus se habere, ut abscedi inde sine pernicie sociorum et damno rei publicae non posset.

[¶40] 6.3. If it pleased the Fathers, they should write to his colleague, who had finished his campaign, to return to Rome for the elections;

> Latin: 6.3. si ita videretur patribus, mitterent ad collegam, ut is, qui profligatum bellum haberet, ad comitia Romam rediret;

[¶41] 6.4. if he protested against doing this, because the task had not fallen to him by lot, he would himself do the senate's bidding; only let the senate consider again and again whether an interregnum would not be more advantageous to the state than his absence from his province at such a time.

> Latin: 6.4. si id facere gravaretur, quod non suae sortis id negotium esset, se quidem facturum, quodcumque senatus censuisset; sed etiam atque etiam viderent, ne magis e re publica esset interregnum iniri, quam ab se in eo statu relinqui provinciam.

[¶42] 6.5. The senate entrusted to Gaius Scribonius the task of sending two commissioners from the senatorial order to Lucius Cornelius the consul, to deliver to him the letter forwarded by his colleague to the senate, and to inform him that if he did not come to Rome to elect the magistrates the senate, rather than take Quintus Minucius away from an unfinished war, would suffer an interregnum to begin.

> Latin: 6.5. senatus C. Scribonio negotium dedit, ut duos legatos ex ordine senatorio mitteret ad L. Cornelium consulem, qui litteras collegae ad senatum missas deferrent ad eum et nuntiarent senatum, ni is ad magistratus subrogandos Romam veniret, potius quam Q.

[¶43] 6.6. The commissioners who were sent brought back the reply that Lucius Cornelius would come to Rome to choose the magistrates.

> Latin: 6.6. Minucium a bello integro avocaret, interregnum iniri passurum.

[¶44] 6.7. Regarding the despatches of Lucius Cornelius, which he had written after he had fought the battle with the Boii, a controversy broke out in the senate because his lieutenant, Marcus Claudius, had written privately to many senators that gratitude was due to the good fortune of the Roman people and the valour of the soldiers because the issue had been successful;

> Latin: 6.7. missi legati renuntiarunt L. Cornelium ad magistratus subrogandos Romam venturum. de litteris L. Corneli, quas scripserat secundum proelium cum Bois factum, disceptatio in senatu fuit, quia privatim plerisque senatoribus legatus M.

[¶45] 6.9. but that by the action of the consul, both heavy losses of men had occurred and the army of the enemy had escaped, though there had been the opportunity to destroy it; the loss of men had been heavier since troops to replace the exhausted had come up too slowly from the reserve;

> Latin: 6.9. Claudius scripserat fortunae populi Romani et militum virtuti gratiam habendam, quod res bene gesta esset; consulis opera et militum aliquantum amissum, et hostium exercitum, cuius delendi oblata fortuna fuerit, elapsum:

[¶46] 6.10. the enemy had slipped from their hands both because the legionary cavalry had received their orders too ate and because they had not been permitted to pursue the fleeing enemy.

> Latin: 6.10. milites eo plures perisse. quod tardius ex subsidiis, qui laborantibus opem ferrent, successissent; hostes e manibus emissos, quod equitibus legionariis et tardius datum signum esset et persequi fugientes non licuisset.

[¶47] 7.1. Regarding this matter, it was decreed that no unconsidered action should be taken; the decision was postponed for a fuller meeting.

> Latin: 7.1. de ea re nihil temere decerni placuit; ad frequentiores consultatio dilata est:

[¶48] 7.2. This was due to the fact that another anxiety was weighing upon them —that the public was burdened by interest-payments, and that, although greed was held in check by numerous laws governing usury, a way of evasion was opened because accounts were transferred to allies, who were not under the operation of these laws; thus debtors were overwhelmed with unrestricted charges.

> Latin: 7.2. instabat enim cura alia, quod civitas faenore laborabat, et quod, cum multis faenebribus legibus constricta avaritia esset, via fraudis inita erat, ut in socios, qui non tenerentur iis legibus, nomina transcriberent: ita libero faenore obruebantur debitores.

[¶49] 7.3. When a method of curbing this practice was sought, it was determined that a day should be fixed, namely, the last occurrence of the festival of the Feralia, that whatever allies had, after that date, loaned money to Roman citizens, should make a public statement to that effect, and that proceedings regarding money so loaned after that date should be governed by the laws of whichever state the debtor should elect.

> Latin: 7.3. cuius coercendi cum ratio quaereretur, diem finiri placuit Feralia, quae proxime fuissent, ut, qui post eam diem socii civibus Romanis credidissent pecunias, profiterentur, et ex ea die pecuniae creditae, quibus debitor vellet legibus, ius creditori redderetur. inde postquam professionibus detecta est magnitudo aeris alieni per hanc fraudem contracti, M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ex auctoritate patrum plebem rogavit, plebesque scivit, ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae ius idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset.

[¶50] 7.5. Then, after the greatness of the debt contracted by this evasion was revealed by these public declarations, Marcus Sempronius, tribune of the people, with the authorization of the senate proposed to the assembly, and the assembly voted, that the allies of the Latin confederacy should have the same law regarding the loan of money that applied to Roman citizens. Such were the events, civil and military, which took place in Italy. In Spain the war was by no means so serious as the exaggerated report of it had been. Gaius Flaminius in Hither Spain captured the town of Inlucia in the land of the Oretani and then conducted the troops to their winter stations, and during the winter fought several battles, unworthy of record, against raiding parties of brigands rather than soldiers, with varying results but not without the loss of men. Greater things were done by Marcus Fulvius.

> Latin: 7.5. haec in Italia domi militiaeque acta. in Hispania nequaquam tantum belli fuit, quantum auxerat fama. C. Flaminius in citeriore Hispania oppidum Inluciam in Oretanis cepit, deinde in hibernacula milites deduxit, et per hiemem proelia aliquot nulla memoria digna adversus latronum magis quam hostium excursiones vario tamen eventu nec sine militum iactura sunt facta.

[¶51] 7.8. Near the town of Toletum he engaged the Vaccaei, the Vettones and the Celtiberi in pitched battle, routed and put to flight the armies of these tribes, and captured alive their king Hilernus.

> Latin: 7.8. maiores gestae res a M. Fulvio. is apud Toletum oppidum cum Vaccaeis Vettonibusque et Celtiberis signis collatis dimicavit, exercitum earum gentium fudit fugavitque, regem Hilernum vivum cepit.

[¶52] 8.1. While this was going on in Spain, the day of the elections was drawing near. And so Lucius Cornelius the consul left Marcus Claudius with the army and returned to Rome.

> Latin: 8.1. cum haec in Hispania gerebantur, comitiorum iam appetebat dies. itaque L. Cornelius consul relicto ad exercitum M. Claudio legato Romam venit.

[¶53] 8.2. When he had discoursed in the senate about his achievements and the condition in which his province was, he voiced a complaint to the Fathers because, after so great a war had been so successfully finished by a single victory, no honour had been paid to the immortal gods.

> Latin: 8.2. is in senatu cum de rebus ab se gestis disseruisset, quoque statu provincia esset, questus est cum patribus conscriptis, quod tanto bello una secunda pugna tam feliciter perfecto non esset habitus diis immortalibus honos.

[¶54] 8.3. He then demanded that they decree a thanksgiving and a triumph at the same time.

> Latin: 8.3. postulavit deinde, supplicationem simul triumphumque decernerent.

[¶55] 8.4. Before, however, the formal motion was put, Quintus Metellus, who had been consul and dictator, said that letters had arrived at the same time, addressed both to the senate by Lucius Cornelius and to a great part of the senators by Marcus Marcellus, that these reports contradicted one another, and that a decision had been postponed for the reason that the debate might be held in the presence of the writers of these letters.

> Latin: 8.4. prius tamen quam relatio fieret, Q. Metellus, qui consul dictatorque fuerat, litteras eodem tempore dixit et consulis L. Corneli ad senatum et M. Marcelli ad magnam partem senatorum adlatas esse inter se pugnantis, eoque dilatam esse consultationem, ut praesentibus auctoribus earum litterarum disceptaretur.

[¶56] 8.5. He had accordingly assumed that the consul, who knew that something unfavourable to himself had been written by his subordinate, since he had himself to come to Rome, would bring his lieutenant with him to the City, especially as it would have been more correct to entrust the army to Tiberius Sempronius, who had the imperium, than to a

> Latin: 8.5. itaque expectasse sese, ut consul, qui sciret ab legato suo adversus se scriptum aliquid, cum ipsi veniendum esset, deduceret eum secum Romam, cum etiam verius esset Ti. Sempronio imperium habenti tradi exercitum quam legato:

[¶57] 8.7. lieutenant: as matters stood, it seemed that he had wilfully kept away a man who, if he made in person the statement which he had made in writing, might both bring his charges openly and, supposing he asserted what was untrue, be himself charged, until the truth was clearly revealed. It was his proposal, therefore, that nothing which the consul demanded should be decreed for the present.

> Latin: 8.7. nunc videri esse amotum de industria, qui ea, quae scripsisset, praesens dicere et arguere coram, et, si quid vani adferret, argui posset, donec ad liquidum veritas explorata esset.

[¶58] 8.8. When he pressed his claims with undiminished vigour, that the thanksgiving be voted and that he be allowed to ride into the City in triumph, Marcus and Gaius Titinius, tribunes of the people, declared that they would veto it if any decree of the senate were passed regarding the question.

> Latin: 8.8. itaque nihil eorum, quae postularet consul, decernendum in praesentia censere. cum pergeret nihilo segnius referre, ut supplicationes decernerentur triumphantique sibi urbem invehi liceret, M. et C. Titinii tribuni plebis se intercessuros, si de ea re fieret senatus consultum, dixerunt.

[¶59] 9.1. Censors had been elected the previous year, Sextus Aelius Paetus and Gaius Cornelius Cethegus. Cornelius closed the lustrum.

> Latin: 9.1. censores erant priore anno creati Sex. Aelius Paetus et C. Cornelius Cethegus.

[¶60] 9.2. The number of citizens rated was one hundred forty-three thousand seven hundred four. There were great floods that year, and the Tiber overflowed the flat parts of the City; around the Porta Flumentana certain buildings even collapsed and fell.

> Latin: 9.2. Cornelius lustrum condidit. censa sunt civium capita CXXXXIII. DCCIIII. aquae ingentes eo anno fuerunt, et Tiberis loca plana urbis inundavit;

[¶61] 9.3. Also, the Porta Caelimontana was smitten by a thunderbolt and the wall in several places round about was struck by lightning;

> Latin: 9.3. circa portam Flumentanam etiam collapsa quaedam ruinis sunt. et porta Coelimontana fulmine icta est, murusque circa multis locis de caelo tactus;

[¶62] 9.4. and at Aricia, at Lanuvium and on the Aventine there were showers of stones; it was also reported from Capua that a great swarm of wasps had flown into the forum and settled in the temple of Mars; the wasps, it was said, were carefully collected and consumed by fire.

> Latin: 9.4. et Ariciae et Lanuvii et in Aventino lapidibus pluvit; et a Capua nuntiatum est examen vesparum ingens in forum advolasse et in Martis aede consedisse; eas collectas cum cura et igni crematas esse.

[¶63] 9.5. By reason of these prodigies the decemvirs were directed to consult the Books, and a nine-day sacrifice was performed, a supplication proclaimed, and the City purified.

> Latin: 9.5. horum prodigiorum causa decemviri libros adire iussi, et novemdiale sacrum factum, et supplicatio indicta est atque urbs lustrata.

[¶64] 9.6. At the same time a shrine to Victoria Virgo near the temple of Victory was dedicated by Marcus Porcius Cato, two years after he had vowed it.

> Latin: 9.6. iisdem diebus aediculam Victoriae Virginis prope aedem Victoriae M. Porcius Cato dedicavit biennio post, quam vovit.

[¶65] 9.7. In the same year a Latin colony was established at Castrum Frentinum by the triumvirs Aulus Manlius Volso, Lucius Apustius Fullo and Quintus Aelius Tubero; by the law of the last-named the colony was created. Three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry joined it, a small number in proportion to the size of the tract. The allotments of land could have been thirty iugera per infantryman and sixty per cavalryman.

> Latin: 9.7. eodem anno coloniam Latinam in castrum Frentinum triumviri deduxerunt A. Manlius Volso L. Apustius Fullo Q. Aelius Tubero, cuius lege deducebatur. tria milia peditum iere, trecenti equites, numerus exiguus pro copia agri.

[¶66] 9.8. At the suggestion of Apustius one-third of the land was reserved, whereby they were enabled later to enroll new colonists if they saw fit. Twenty iugera were given to each infantryman, forty to each cavalryman.

> Latin: 9.8. dari potuere tricena iugera in pedites, sexagena in equites. Apustio auctore tertia pars agri dempta est, quo postea, si vellent, novos colonos adscribere possent. vicena iugera pedites, quadragena equites acceperunt.

[¶67] 10.1. It was now the end of the year, and canvassing at the consular election was more spirited than ever before.

> Latin: 10.1. in exitu iam annus erat, et ambitio magis quam umquam alias exarserat consularibus comitiis. multi et potentes petebant patricii plebeique, P.

[¶68] 10.2. The candidates were many and influential, patricians and plebeians, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, who had recently returned from Spain after performing great deeds, and Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, who had commanded the fleet in Greece, and Gnaeus Manlius Volso; these were the patricians;

> Latin: 10.2. Cornelius Cn. filius Scipio, qui ex Hispania provincia nuper decesserat magnis rebus gestis, et L. Quinctius Flamininus, qui classi in Graecia praefuerat, et Cn. Manlius Volso;

[¶69] 10.3. the plebeians now were Gaius Laelius, Gnaeus Domitius, Gaius Livius Salinator, and Manius Acilius.

> Latin: 10.3. hi patricii; plebeii autem C. Laelius, Cn. Domitius, C. Livius Salinator, M’ .

[¶70] 10.4. But the eyes of all men were turned upon Quinctius and Cornelius; for both were patricians, contending for one place, and recently-won military glory lent favour to each. But before all else, the brothers of the candidates increased their rivalry, since they were the two most celebrated commanders of their age.

> Latin: 10.4. Acilius. sed omnium oculi in Quinctium Corneliumque coniecti: nam et in unum locum petebant ambo patricii, et rei militaris gloria recens utrumque commendabat.

[¶71] 10.5. The greater fame was Scipio's, and the greater it was, the more it was exposed to jealousy; that of Quinctius was fresher, inasmuch as he had triumphed that very year. There was also the fact that the other had been for about ten years constantly in the public eye, a fact which renders prominent men less venerated from sheer surfeit of seeing them: he had been consul for the second time after the defeat of Hannibal and censor; in the case of Quinctius, everything was new and fresh for winning favour;

> Latin: 10.5. ceterum ante omnia certamen accendebant fratres candidatorum, duo clarissimi aetatis suae imperatores. maior gloria Scipionis, et quo maior, eo propior invidiam; Quincti recentior, ut qui eo anno triumphasset, accedebat, quod alter decimum jam prope annum adsiduus in oculis hominum fuerat, quae res minus verendos magnos homines ipsa satietate facit, consul iterum post devictum Hannibalem censorque fuerat;

[¶72] 10.7. he had neither asked anything from the people since his triumph nor obtained anything. He said that he was campaigning for a real brother, not a cousin, for his lieutenant and a sharer in the conduct of the war;

> Latin: 10.7. in Quinctio nova et recentia omnia ad gratiam erant; nihil nec petierat a populo post triumphum nec adeptus erat.

[¶73] 10.8. he on land, his brother on the sea, had conducted the operations. By such arguments he brought it to pass that his brother was preferred to the candidate whom his brother, Africanus, favoured, whom the Cornelian gens supported, while a consul Cornelius presided at the election, and who was honoured with so powerful a preliminary recommendation from the senate, which chose him as the best man of the state to receive the Idaean Mother when she came from Pessinus to Rome.

> Latin: 10.8. pro fratre germano, non patrueli se petere aiebat, pro legato et participe administrandi belli; se terra, fratrem mari rem gessisse. his obtinuit, ut praeferretur candidato, quem Africanus frater ducebat, quem Cornelia gens Cornelio consule comitia habente, quem tantum praeiudicium senatus, virum e civitate optimum iudicatum, qui matrem Idaeam Pessinunte venientem in urbem acciperet.

[¶74] 10.10. Lucius Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus were chosen consuls: so little weight did Africanus have even in the selection of the plebeian consul, although he was working for Gaius Laelius.

> Latin: 10.10. L. Quinctius et Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus consules facti: adeo ne in plebeio quidem consule, cum pro C. Laelio niteretur, Africanus valuit.

[¶75] 10.11. The next day the praetors were chosen, Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Fulvius Centumalus, Aulus Atilius Serranus, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Valerius Tappo, Quintus Salonius Sarra.

> Latin: 10.11. postero die praetores creati L. Scribonius Libo M. Fulvius Centumalus A. Atilius Serranus M. Baebius Tamphilus L. Valerius Tappo Q. Salonius Sarra. aedilitas insignis eo anno fuit M. Aemilii Lepidi et L. Aemilii Pauli;

[¶76] 10.12. The aedileship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Lucius Aemilius Paulus was notable that year; they condemned many grazers; out of the fines they set up gilded shields on the roof of the temple of Jupiter, constructed one portico outside the Porta Trigemina, adding a wharf on the Tiber, and another portico from the Porta Fontinalis to the altar of Mars, where the way led into the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 10.12. multos pecuarios damnarunt; ex ea pecunia clipea inaurata in fastigio Iovis aedis posuerunt, porticum unam extra portam Trigeminam, emporio ad Tiberim adiecto, alteram ab porta Fontinali ad Martis aram, qua in Campum iter esset, perduxerunt.

[¶77] 11.1. For a long time nothing worth recording occurred among the Ligures; but at the end of this year on two occasions situations of grave peril arose, for in the first place the consul's camp was assailed and with difficulty defended, and a little later, when the Roman column was being led through a narrow glade, the very exit was blocked by an army of the Ligures.

> Latin: 11.1. diu nihil in Liguribus dignum memoria gestum erat; extremo eius anni bis in magnum periculum res adducta est: nam et castra consulis oppugnata aegre sunt defensa, et non ita multo post per saltum angustum cum duceretur agmen Romanum, ipsas fauces exercitus Ligurum insedit.

[¶78] 11.3. Since the way there was not open, the consul began to move to the rear and retrace his steps. In the rear too the exit of the pass was closed by part of the enemy, and visions of the Caudine disaster not only flitted through their minds but also appeared before their eyes.

> Latin: 11.3. qua cum exitus non pateret, converso agmine redire institit consul. et ab tergo fauces saltus occupatae a parte hostium erant, Caudinaeque cladis memoria non animis modo, sed prope oculis obversabatur.

[¶79] 11.4. He had about eight hundred Numidian cavalry among the auxiliaries. Their commander promised the consul that he and his men would break through wherever he wished, if only the consul would inform him on which side the towns were more numerous;

> Latin: 11.4. Numidas octingentos ferme equites inter auxilia habebat. eorum praefectus consuli pollicetur se parte utra vellet cum suis erupturum, tantum uti diceret, utra pars frequentior vicis esset;

[¶80] 11.5. he would attack them and give his first attention to setting fire to the buildings, that the alarm might compel the Ligures to withdraw from the pass which they were holding and scatter to aid their friends.

> Latin: 11.5. in eos se impetum facturum et nihil prius quam flammam tectis iniecturum, ut is pavor cogeret Ligures excedere saltu, quem obsiderent, et discurrere ad opem ferendam suis.

[¶81] 11.6. The consul praised him and loaded him with hopes of reward. The Numidians mounted their horses and began to ride up to the outposts of the enemy, attacking no one.

> Latin: 11.6. collaudatum eum consul spe praemiorum onerat. Numidae equos conscendunt et obequitare stationibus hostium, neminem lacessentes, coeperunt.

[¶82] 11.7. At first nothing was more contemptible than their appearance: horses and men were tiny and gaunt; the riders unequipped and unarmed, except that they carried javelins with them; the horses without bridles, their very motion being the ugly gait of animals running with stiff necks and outstretched heads.

> Latin: 11.7. nihil primo adspectu contemptius: equi hominesque paululi et graciles, discinctus et inermis eques, praeterquam quod iacula secum portat, equi sine frenis, deformis ipse cursus rigida cervice et extento capite currentium.

[¶83] 11.8. Purposely making themselves more contemptible, they would fall from their horses and make themselves a spectacle to be jeered.

> Latin: 11.8. hunc contemptum de industria augentes labi ex equis et per ludibrium spectaculo esse.

[¶84] 11.9. So those who had been in the outposts, eager and ready if they should be attacked, now for the most part sat unarmed and watching the show.

> Latin: 11.9. itaque qui primo intenti paratique, si lacesserentur, in stationibus fuerant, iam inermes sedentesque pars maxima spectabant.

[¶85] 11.10. The Numidians kept riding up to them, then retiring, but coming gradually closer to the pass, like men incapable of controlling their horses and carried by them against their will.

> Latin: 11.10. Numidae adequitare, dein refugere, sed propius saltum paulatim evehi, velut quos impotentis regendi equi invitos efferrent. postremo subditis calcaribus per medias stationes hostium erupere, et in agrum latiorem evecti omnia propinqua viae tecta incendunt;

[¶86] 11.11. At last they applied their spurs and burst through the midst of the enemy's outposts, and riding out into the more open country set fire to all the buildings along the road; then they hurled their torches upon the nearest village; with sword and fire they ravaged everything. First the smoke was seen, then the shouts of frightened villagers were heard, and finally the fleeing elders and children caused panic in the camp.

> Latin: 11.11. proximo deinde vico inferunt ignem; ferro flammaque omnia pervastant. fumus primo conspectus, deinde clamor trepidantium in vicis auditus, postremo seniores puerique refugientes tumultum in castris fecerunt.

[¶87] 11.13. And so without design, without orders, each for himself hurried to defend his own, and in a moment the camp was abandoned and the consul, freed from siege, arrived at his intended destination.

> Latin: 11.13. itaque sine consilio, sine imperio pro se quisque currere ad sua tutanda; momentoque temporis castra relicta erant, et obsidione liberatus consul, quo intenderat, pervenit.

[¶88] 12.1. But neither the Boii nor the Spaniards, with whom war was carried on that year, were so hostile and so dangerous to the Romans as the people of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 12.1. sed neque Boi neque Hispani, cum quibus eo anno bellatum erat, tam inimice infesti erant Romanis quam Aetolorum gens.

[¶89] 12.2. After the evacuation of Greece by the armies they had at first been in hopes that Antiochus would come to occupy masterless Europe and that neither Philip nor Nabis would remain quiet.

> Latin: 12.2. ii post deportatos ex Graecia exercitus primo in spe fuerant et Antiochum in vacuam Europae possessionem venturum, nec Philippum aut Nabim quieturos.

[¶90] 12.3. When they saw that no movement was being made, thinking that some agitation and confusion should be caused, lest their scheming should become feeble from lack of exercise, they called a council at Naupactus.

> Latin: 12.3. ubi nihil usquam moveri viderunt, agitandum aliquid miscendumque rati, ne cunctando senescerent consilia, concilium Naupactum indixerunt.

[¶91] 12.4. There Thoas, their chief magistrate, complained of the injuries inflicted by the Romans and of the condition of Aetolia, because of all the states and cities of Greece they were the least honoured, after that victory for which they themselves had been the chief cause, and proposed that ambassadors should be sent around to the kings, who should not only sound out their sentiments but should rouse each, by proper inducements, to a Roman war.

> Latin: 12.4. ibi Thoas praetor eorum conquestus iniurias Romanorum statumque Aetoliae, quod omnium Graeciae gentium civitatiumque inhonoratissimi post eam victoriam essent, cuius causa ipsi fuissent, legatos censuit circa reges mittendos, qui non solum temptarent animos eorum, sed suis quemque stimulis moverent ad Romanum bellum.

[¶92] 12.6. Damocritus was dispatched to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, Dicaearchus, the praetor's brother, to Antiochus.

> Latin: 12.6. Damocritus ad Nabim, Nicander ad Philippum, Dicaearchus, frater praetoris, ad Antiochum est missus.

[¶93] 12.7. To the Spartan tyrant Damocritus pointed out the weakening of the tyranny from the loss of the coast towns; thence he had drawn soldiers, thence ships and naval allies; shut up, almost, within his own walls, he saw the Achaeans lording it in the Peloponnesus;

> Latin: 12.7. tyranno Lacedaemonio Damocritus ademptis maritimis civitatibus enervatam tyrannidem dicere; inde militem, inde naves navalesque socios habuisse; inclusum suis prope muris Achaeos videre dominantis in Peloponneso;

[¶94] 12.8. he would never have a chance to recover his own if he let pass the one which then existed; there was, moreover, no Roman army in Greece; Gytheum and the other Spartan towns on the coast would not be considered by the Romans an adequate reason why they should again transport their legions to Greece.

> Latin: 12.8. numquam habiturum reciperandi sua occasionem si eam, quae tum esset, praetermisisset; [et] nullum exercitum Romanum in Graecia esse, nec [propter] Gytheum aut maritimos alios Laconas dignam causam existimaturos Romanos, cur legiones rursus in Graeciam transmittant.

[¶95] 12.9. This was said to rouse the zeal of the tyrant, that, when Antiochus had crossed to Greece, the consciousness that the Roman friendship had been violated by the injuries done their allies might unite him with Antiochus.

> Latin: 12.9. haec ad incitandum animum tyranni dicebantur, ut, cum Antiochus in Graeciam traiecisset, conscientia violatae per sociorum iniurias Romanae amicitiae coniungeret se cum Antiocho.

[¶96] 12.10. As to Philip, Nicander tried to provoke him by a somewhat similar argument; there was also more material for his persuasiveness, in proportion to the greater height from which the king had fallen, in comparison with the tyrant, and in proportion to the heavier losses he had suffered.

> Latin: 12.10. et Philippum Nicander haud dissimili oratione incitabat; erat etiam maior orationis materia, quo ex altiore fastigio rex quam tyrannus detractus erat, quoque plures ademptae res.

[¶97] 12.11. In addition, he spoke of the ancient renown of the kings of Macedonia and the victorious progress of that race throughout the earth.

> Latin: 12.11. ad hoc vetusta regum Macedoniae fama peragratusque orbis terrarum victoriis eius gentis referebatur. et tutum vel incepto vel eventu se consilium adferre:

[¶98] 12.12. He said, moreover, that the advice which he offered was safe, whether in the beginning or at the end: for he would not counsel Philip to move before Antiochus with his army should cross to Greece, and when he, who without Antiochus had so long sustained the war against the Romans and the Aetolians, was joined by Antiochus and had as allies the Aetolians, who had been at that time more dangerous foes than the Romans, with what strength, pray, could the Romans withstand him?

> Latin: 12.12. nam neque, ut ante se moveat Philippus, quam Antiochus cum exercitu transierit in Graeciam, suadere, et, qui sine Antiocho adversus Romanos Aetolosque tam diu sustinuerit bellum, ei adiuncto Antiocho, sociis Aetolis, qui tum graviores hostes quam Romani fuerint, quibus tandem viribus resistere Romanos posse?

[¶99] 12.14. He spoke further of the general Hannibal, born an enemy to the Romans, who had destroyed both their commanders and their soldiers in greater numbers than now remained.

> Latin: 12.14. adiciebat de duce Hannibale, nato adversus Romanos hoste, qui plures et duces et milites eorum occidisset, quam quot superessent, haec Philippo Nicander;

[¶100] 12.15. Such was Nicander's message to Philip; Dicaearchus approached Antiochus in another fashion, and first of all he said that the booty from Philip had become the Romans', the victory was the Aetolians'; none other than the Aetolians had given the Romans ingress to Greece and furnished them with the strength to conquer.

> Latin: 12.15. alia Dicaearchus Antiocho; et omnium primum praedam de Philippo Romanorum esse dicere, victoriam Aetolorum; et aditum in Graeciam Romanis nullos alios quam Aetolos dedisse, et ad vincendum vires eosdem praebuisse.

[¶101] 12.16. Finally, he told Antiochus how great forces, infantry and cavalry, they would furnish him for the war, what stations for his land forces, what harbours for his navies.

> Latin: 12.16. deinde quantas peditum equitumque copias praebituri Antiocho ad bellum essent, quae loca terrestribus copiis, quos portus maritimis.

[¶102] 12.17. Then he employed a gratuitous lie regarding Philip and Nabis: each was ready to rebel and would seize the earliest opportunity to regain what he had lost in war. Thus throughout the whole world at once the Aetolians were arousing war against the Romans.

> Latin: 12.17. tum de Philippo et Nabide libero mendacio abutebatur: paratum utrumque ad rebellandum esse, et primam quamque occasionem reciperandi ea, quae bello amisissent, arrepturos. ita per totum simul orbem terrarum Aetoli Romanis concitabant bellum. et reges tamen aut non moti aut tardius moti sunt;

[¶103] 13.1. And the kings, nevertheless, either were unmoved or were moved too slowly; Nabis at once sent agents around all the maritime towns to stir up seditions in them, and some of the leading men he won over to his side by gifts, others, who stubbornly adhered to the Roman alliance, lie put to death.

> Latin: 13.1. Nabis extemplo circa omnis maritimos vicos dimisit ad seditiones in iis miscendas, et alios principum donis ad suam causam perduxit, alios pertinaciter in societate Romana manentis occidit.

[¶104] 13.2. The Achaeans had been entrusted with the responsibility for all maritime affairs in Sparta by Titus Quinctius, So immediately they sent ambassadors to the tyrant to remind him of the Roman treaty and to warn him not to disturb the peace which he had so earnestly sought, and sent reinforcements to Gytheum, which was now being besieged by the tyrant, and ambassadors to Rome to report these doings.

> Latin: 13.2. Achaeis omnium maritimorum Laconum tuendorum a T. Quinctio cura mandata erat. itaque extemplo et ad tyrannum legatos miserunt, qui admonerent foederis Romani, denuntiarentque, ne pacem, quam tantopere petisset, turbaret, et auxilia ad Gytheum, quod iam oppugnabatur ab tyranno, et Romam qui ea nuntiarent, legatos miserunt.

[¶105] 13.4. King Antiochus, having given his daughter in marriage to King Ptolemy of Egypt at Raphia in Phoenicia during that winter, when he had retired to Antioch, came by way of Cilicia, crossing the Taurus mountains well on towards the end of the winter, to Ephesus;

> Latin: 13.4. Antiochus rex, ea hieme Raphiae in Phoenice Ptolomaeo regi Aegypti filia in matrimonium data, cum Antiochiam se recepisset, per Ciliciam Tauro monte superato extremo iam hiemis Ephesum pervenit;

[¶106] 13.5. thence at the beginning of spring, sending his son Antiochus into Syria to guard the remotest parts of his kingdom, lest any disturbance behind him should occur in his absence, he himself set out with all his land forces to attack the Pisidae who dwell around Sida.

> Latin: 13.5. inde principio veris, Antiocho filio misso in Syriam ad custodiam ultimarum partium regni, ne quid absente se ab tergo moveretur, ipse cum omnibus terrestribus copiis ad Pisidas, qui circa Sidam incolunt, oppugnandos est profectus.

[¶107] 13.6. At that time the Roman commissioners, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had been sent to Antiochus, as has already been stated, having been ordered to visit Eumenes first, came to Elaea; thence they climbed up to Pergamum, where Eumenes' capital was located.

> Latin: 13.6. eo tempore legati Romani P. Sulpicius et P. Villius, qui ad Antiochum, sicut ante dictum est, missi erant, iussi prius Eumenem adire Elaeam venere; inde Pergamum — ibi regia Eumenis fuit — escenderunt.

[¶108] 13.7. Eumenes was anxious for war against Antiochus, believing that a king so much more powerful than himself was a dangerous neighbour, if there was peace, and also that, if war should be provoked, he was no more likely to be a match for the Romans than Philip had been, and that either he would be utterly destroyed or, if peace were granted him after he had been defeated, much that was taken from Antiochus would fall to his own lot, so that thenceforth he could easily defend himself against Antiochus without any Roman aid.

> Latin: 13.7. cupidus belli adversus Antiochum Eumenes erat, gravem, si pax esset, accolam tanto potentiorem regem credens, eundem, si motum bellum esset, non magis parem Romanis fore, quam Philippus fuisset, et aut funditus sublatum iri, aut, si pax victo daretur, multa illi detracta sibi accessura, ut facile deinde se ab eo sine ullo auxilio Romano tueri posset.

[¶109] 13.9. Even if some misfortune should befall, it was better, he thought, to endure whatever fate with the Romans as allies than by himself either to submit to the sovereignty of Antiochus or, if he refused, to be compelled to do so by force of arms;

> Latin: 13.9. etiam si quid adversi casurum foret, satius esse Romanis sociis quamcumque fortunam subire, quam solum aut imperium pati Antiochi aut abnuentem vi atque armis cogi:

[¶110] 13.10. for these reasons with all his prestige and all his diplomatic skill he urged the Romans to war.

> Latin: 13.10. ob haec, quantum auctoritate, quantum consilio valebat, incitabat Romanos ad bellum.

[¶111] 14.1. Sulpicius was ill and remained at Pergamum; but Villius, when he learned that the king was involved in the war in Pisidia, set out for Ephesus, and while he tarried there for a few days he saw to it that he had frequent meetings with Hannibal, who

> Latin: 14.1. Sulpicius aeger Pergami substitit; Villius cum Pisidiae bello occupatum esse regem audisset, Ephesum profectus, dum paucos ibi moratur dies, dedit operam, ut cum Hannibale, qui tum ibi forte erat,

## 19. Book XXXV · chapters 14–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/19/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/19/#p-N

[¶0] 14.3. happened to be there, that he might explore his sentiments and, if it was in any way possible, dispel his fear that any danger threatened him from the Romans.

> Latin: 14.3. saepe congrederetur, ut animum eius temptaret, et, si qua posset, metum demeret periculi quicquam ei ab Romanis esse.

[¶1] 14.4. By these conversations nothing else was accomplished, yet it followed automatically, as if it had been consciously sought, that Hannibal, by reason of them, was less highly valued by the king and was more an object of suspicion in all respects.

> Latin: 14.4. iis colloquiis aliud quidem actum nihil est, secutum tamen sua sponte est, velut consilio petitum esset, ut vilior ob ea regi Hannibal et suspectior ad omnia fieret.

[¶2] 14.5. Claudius, following the Greek history of Acilius, reports that Publius Africanus was a member of that embassy and that at Ephesus he conferred with Hannibal, and he even relates one conversation:

> Latin: 14.5. Claudius, secutus Graecos Acilianos libros, P. Africanum in ea fuisse legatione tradit, eumque Ephesi collocutum cum Hannibale, et sermonem unum etiam refert:

[¶3] 14.6. when Africanus asked who, in Hannibal's opinion, was the greatest general, Hannibal named Alexander, the king of the Macedonians, because with a small force he had routed armies innumerable and because he had traversed the most distant regions, even to see which transcended human hopes.

> Latin: 14.6. quaerenti Africano, quem fuisse maximum imperatorem Hannibal crederet, respondisse, Alexandrum Macedonum regem, quod parva manu innumerabiles exercitus fudisset, quodque ultimas oras, quas visere supra spem humanam esset, peragrasset.

[¶4] 14.8. To the next request, as to whom he would rank second, Hannibal selected Pyrrhus; saying that he had been the first to teach the art of castrametation;

> Latin: 14.8. quaerenti deinde, quem secundum poneret, Pyrrhum dixisse; castra metari primum docuisse;

[¶5] 14.9. besides, no one had chosen his ground or placed his troops more discriminatingly; he possessed also the art of winning men over to him, so that the Italian peoples preferred the lordship of a foreign king to that of the Roman people, so long the master in that land. When he continued, asking whom Hannibal considered third, he named himself without hesitation.

> Latin: 14.9. ad hoc neminem elegantius loca cepisse, praesidia disposuisse; artem etiam conciliandi sibi homines eam habuisse, ut Italicae gentes regis externi quam populi Romani, tam diu principis in ea terra, imperium esse mallent.

[¶6] 14.10. Then Scipio broke into a laugh and said, “What would you say if you had defeated me?”

> Latin: 14.10. exequenti, quem tertium duceret, haud dubie semet ipsum dixisse.

[¶7] 14.11. “Then, beyond doubt,” he replied, “I should place myself both before Alexander and before Pyrrhus and before all other generals.”

> Latin: 14.11. tum risum obortum Scipioni, et subiecisse “quidnam tu diceres, si me vicisses?” “tum vero me” inquit “et ante Alexandrum et ante Pyrrhum et ante alios omnes imperatores esse.

[¶8] 14.12. Both this response, with the unexpected turn given it by Punic cleverness, and this unlooked-for kind of flattery, he says, stirred Scipio deeply, because Hannibal had segregated him from all other commanders as one beyond estimation.

> Latin: 14.12. ” et perplexum Punico astu responsum et improvisum adsentationis genus Scipionem movisse, quod e grege se imperatorum velut inaestimabilem secrevisset.

[¶9] 15.1. Villius proceeded from Ephesus to Apamea and there Antiochus came when he learned of the arrival of the Roman commissioners.

> Latin: 15.1. Villius ab Epheso Apameam processit. eo et Antiochus audito legatorum Romanorum adventu occurrit.

[¶10] 15.2. At Apamea there was almost the same debate that had taken place in Rome between Quinctius and the king's ambassadors. The announcement of the death of Antiochus, the king's son, who, as I had said just previously, had been sent to Syria, broke off the conference.

> Latin: 15.2. Apameae congressis disceptatio eadem ferme fuit, quae Romae inter Quinctium et legatos regis fuerat, mors nuntiata Antiochi filii regis, quem missum paulo ante dixeram in Syriam, diremit conloquia.

[¶11] 15.3. There was great grief at the court and great regret at the loss of the young man, for he had already shown such revelations of himself that it was clear that if longer life had been his fate the character of a great and just king would have been his.

> Latin: 15.3. magnus luctus in regia fuit magnumque eius iuvenis desiderium: id enim iam specimen sui dederat, ut, si vita longior contigisset, magni iustique regis in eo indolem fuisse appareret.

[¶12] 15.4. The dearer and more pleasing he was to all, the more did his death cause a suspicion that his father, believing that such a successor, following close upon his own old age, would bring discredit upon him, had, through the agency of certain eunuchs, who, by their services in such crimes, commend themselves to kings, removed him by poison.

> Latin: 15.4. quo carior acceptiorque omnibus erat, eo mors eius suspectior fuit, gravem successorem eum instare senectuti suae patrem credentem per spadones quosdam, talium ministeriis facinorum acceptos regibus, veneno sustulisse.

[¶13] 15.5. They even furnished a cause for this secret crime, that he had given Lysimachia to his son Seleucus, but had not had a similar capital to bestow upon Antiochus, that he might banish him far from his presence even while conferring a mark of honour upon him.

> Latin: 15.5. eam quoque causam clandestino facinori adiciebant, quod Seleuco filio Lysimachiam dedisset, Antiocho quam similem daret sedem, ut procul ab se honore eum quoque ablegaret, non habuisset.

[¶14] 15.6. Nevertheless, a show of deep mourning filled the palace for some days, and the Roman ambassador, not to be an inconvenient visitor at an inopportune time, withdrew to Pergamum.

> Latin: 15.6. magni tamen luctus species per aliquot dies regiam tenuit; legatusque Romanus ne alieno tempore incommodus obversaretur, Pergamum concessit;

[¶15] 15.7. The king gave up the war that he had undertaken and returned to Ephesus. There, while the palace was closed during the mourning, the king continued secretly plotting with one Minnio, who was the chief of his friends.

> Latin: 15.7. rex Ephesum omisso quod inchoaverat bello redit. ibi per luctum regia clausa cum Minnione quodam, qui princeps amicorum eius erat, secreta consilia agitavit.

[¶16] 15.8. Minnio, who was totally unacquainted with foreign affairs, and who judged the king's strength from events occurring in Syria or Asia, believed that Antiochus not only had a better cause, since the Roman demands were in no wise fair, but would conquer in war as well.

> Latin: 15.8. Minnio, ignarus omnium externorum viresque aestimans regis ex rebus in Syria aut Asia gestis, non causa modo superiorem esse Antiochum, quod nihil aequi postularent Romani, sed bello quoque superaturum credebat.

[¶17] 15.9. When the king shunned a meeting with the commissioners, whether he had already found this debate unprofitable or because he was confused in mind by his recent grief, Minnio convinced him that he would say whatever was appropriate to the situation and that the commissioners should be summoned from Pergamum.

> Latin: 15.9. fugienti regi disceptationem cum legatis, seu iam experto eam minus prosperam seu maerore recenti confuso, professus Minnio se quae pro causa essent dicturum persuasit, ut a Pergamo accerserentur legati.

[¶18] 16.1. Sulpicius had now recovered, and so both came to Ephesus. Minnio apologized for the king's inability to be present, and in his absence the discussion began.

> Latin: 16.1. iam convaluerat Sulpicius; itaque ambo Ephesum venerunt. rex a Minnione excusatus, et absente eo agi res coepta est.

[¶19] 16.2. Then Minnio opened the debate with a prepared speech. “I see, Romans,” he said, “that you employ the plausible pretext of liberating Greek states, but your actions are inconsistent with your words, and you lay down one rule of conduct for Antiochus but yourselves follow another.”

> Latin: 16.2. ibi praeparata oratione Minnio “specioso titulo“inquit “uti vos, Romani, Graecarum civitatium liberandarum video, sed facta vestra orationi non conveniunt, et aliud Antiocho iuris statuistis, alio ipsi utimini.

[¶20] 16.3. “For how are the people of Zmyrna and Lampsacus more Greek than the men of Naples or Rhegium or Tarentum, from whom you exact tribute, from whom you exact ships in accordance with treaty-stipulations?”

> Latin: 16.3. qui enim magis Zmyrnaei Lampsacenique Graeci sunt quam Neapolitani et Regini et Tarentini a quibus stipendium, a quibus naves ex foedere exigitis?

[¶21] 16.4. “Why do Syracuse and other Greek cities of Sicily receive every year a praetor with the imperium and the rods and axes? Assuredly you make no other assertion than that you have imposed these conditions upon cities that have been conquered in battle.”

> Latin: 16.4. cur Syracusas atque in alias Siciliae Graecas urbes praetorem quotannis cum imperio et virgis et securibus mittitis? nihil aliud profecto dicatis quam armis superatis vos iis has leges imposuisse.

[¶22] 16.5. “Learn from Antiochus that the case is the same with Zmyrna and Lampsacus and the cities which are in Ionia or Aeolis.”

> Latin: 16.5. eandem de Zmyrna, Lampsaco civitatibusque, quae Ioniae aut Aeolidis sunt, causam ab Antiocho accipite.

[¶23] 16.6. “Conquered in war by his forefathers and made tributaries and vassals, he restores them to their ancient status; therefore I wish that he be answered on these points, if this is a discussion based on equity and not a search for a pretext for war.”

> Latin: 16.6. bello superatas a maioribus, stipendiarias ac vectigales factas in antiquum ius repetit: itaque ad haec ei responderi velim, si ex aequo disceptatur et non belli causa quaeritur.

[¶24] 16.7. To this Sulpicius replied: “Antiochus has acted modestly, who, if there is nothing else to be said on his behalf, has preferred that anyone else should say this rather than himself.”

> Latin: 16.7. “ad ea Sulpicius “fecit verecunde“inquit “Antiochus, qui, si alia pro causa eius non erant, quae dicerentur, quemlibet ista quam se dicere maluit.

[¶25] 16.8. “What likeness is there in the status of the states which you have mentioned? From the people of Rhegium and Naples and Tarentum we demand what they owe in accordance with the treaty from the time they came under our sovereignty, with one unbroken continuity of right, always recognized, never interrupted.”

> Latin: 16.8. quid enim simile habet civitatium earum, quas comparasti, causa? ab Reginis et Neapolitanis et Tarentinis, ex quo in nostram venerunt potestatem, uno et perpetuo tenore iuris, semper usurpato, numquam intermisso, quae ex foedere debent, exigimus.

[¶26] 16.9. “Pray, can you say that as those peoples have changed the treaty neither through themselves nor through anyone else, so the Asian cities, when once they came into the possession of Antiochus' forefathers, have remained in the ” “continuous possession of your empire, and that some have not passed under the power of Philip, some into the hands of Ptolemy, and some have enjoyed liberty with none to challenge them?”

> Latin: 16.9. potesne tandem dicere, ut ii populi non per se, non per alium quemquam foedus mutaverint, sic Asiae civitates, ut semel venere in maiorum Antiochi potestatem, in perpetua possessione regni vestri permansisse, et non alias earum in Philippi, alias in Ptolomaei fuisse potestate, alias per multos annos nullo ambigente libertatem usurpasse?

[¶27] 16.11. “For if the fact that they have once been slaves, constrained by the injustice of the times, is to confer the right of reasserting control and forcing them into slavery after so many generations, how does this differ from saying that our labours have been fruitless, in that we have freed Greece from Philip and that his descendants may again demand Corinth, Chalcis, Demetrias, and the whole state of the Thessalians?” “But why do I plead the cause of these cities, which it is fairer ” “that both we and the king should learn from their own pleadings?”

> Latin: 16.11. nam si, quod aliquando servierunt, temporum iniquitate pressi, ius post tot secula adserendi eos in servitutem faciet, quid abest, quin actum nihil nobis sit, quod a Philippo liberavimus Graeciam, et repetant posteri eius Corinthum Chalcidem Demetriadem et Thessalorum totam gentem? sed quid ego causam civitatium ago, quam ipsis agentibus et nos et regem ipsum cognoscere aequius est?

[¶28] 17.1. He then ordered the embassies of the cities to be summoned, which had previously been made ready and coached by Eumenes, who considered that in whatsoever degree the strength of Antiochus was diminished, by so much his own power would be increased.

> Latin: 17.1. “Vocari deinde civitatium legationes iussit, praeparatas iam ante et instructas ab Eumene, qui, quantumcumque virium Antiocho decessisset, suo id accessurum regno ducebat.

[¶29] 17.2. These embassies, being admitted in great numbers, while each one brought in now its own complaints, now its demands, and all mingled the just with the unjust, converted the meeting from an orderly debate into a wrangle. And so, with nothing conceded or gained, just as they had come, the ambassadors, uncertain of everything, returned to Rome.

> Latin: 17.2. admissi plures, dum suas quisque nunc querellas, nunc postulationes inserit, et aequa iniquis miscent, ex disceptatione altercationem fecerunt. itaque nec remissa ulla re nec impetrata aeque, ac venerant, omnium incerti legati Romam redierunt.

[¶30] 17.3. When they had been dismissed the king held a council regarding the Roman war. There each tried to outdo the other in violence, since each thought that he would win greater favour in proportion to the severity of his attitude towards the Romans, while others assailed the insolence of their demands, seeing that they were imposing terms upon Antiochus the supreme monarch of Asia, just as upon the conquered Nabis;

> Latin: 17.3. rex dimissis iis consilium de bello Romano habuit. ibi alius alio ferocius, quia, quo quisque asperius adversus Romanos locutus esset, eo spes gratiae maior erat, alius superbiam postulatorum increpare, tamquam Nabidi victo, sic Antiocho, maximo Asiae regum, imponentium leges;

[¶31] 17.5. and yet to Nabis had been left the control in his own homeland and in the country of Lacedaemon;

> Latin: 17.5. quamquam Nabidi tamen dominationem in patria sua et patria Lacedaemone remissam, Antiocho si Zmyrna et Lampsacus imperata faciant, indignum videri;

[¶32] 17.6. while in the ease of Antiochus it seemed monstrous should Zmyrna and Lampsacus do his bidding; others argued that these states were of small importance and scarcely worthy of mention as causes of war for so great a king; but always the beginnings of tyrannical rule were small, unless one believed that the Persians, when they demanded water and earth from the Spartans, actually needed a clod of soil or a sip of water.

> Latin: 17.6. alii parvas et vix dictu dignas belli causas tanto regi eas civitates esse; sed initium semper a parvis iniusta imperandi fieri, nisi crederent Persas, cum aquam terramque ab Lacedaemoniis petierint, gleba terrae et haustu aquae eguisse. per similem temptationem Romanis de duabus civitatibus agi; et alias civitates, simul duas iugum exuisse vidissent, ad liberatorem populum defecturas.

[¶33] 17.8. A like experiment the Romans were attempting in the case of the two cities; but other states, once they saw these two throwing off the yoke, would revolt to the people that would set them free. If liberty was not preferable to slavery, nevertheless, no existing situation was so attractive to anyone as the hope of a change of circumstances. Alexander the Acarnanian was present at this council; he had once been the friend of Philip, but lately had left him and attached himself to the more flourishing court of Antiochus and, as a man well acquainted with Greece and not without knowledge of the Romans, had advanced so far in the friendship of the king that he was accepted as a member even of secret councils.

> Latin: 17.8. si non libertas servitute potior sit, tamen omni praesenti statu spem cuique novandi res suas blandiorem esse. Alexander Acarnan in consilio erat; Philippo quondam amicus, nuper relicto eo secutus opulentiorem regiam Antiochi et tamquam peritus Graeciae nec ignarus Romanorum in eum gradum amicitiae regis, ut consiliis quoque arcanis interesset, acceptus erat.

[¶34] 18.3. He, as if the question were not whether there should be war or no, but where and in what fashion the war should be conducted, asserted that he foresaw in his mind a certain victory if the king should have crossed to Europe and fixed the seat of hostilities in some part of Greece.

> Latin: 18.3. is, tamquam non, utrum bellandum esset necne, consuleretur, sed, ubi et qua ratione bellum gereretur, victoriam se haud dubiam proponere animo adfirmabat, si in Europam transisset rex et in aliqua Graeciae parte sedem bello cepisset.

[¶35] 18.4. Even now, at the beginning, he would find the Aetolians, who dwelt in the navel of Greece, in arms, advanced troops ready for the utmost hardships;

> Latin: 18.4. iam primum Aetolos, qui umbilicum Graeciae incolerent, in armis eum inventurum, antesignanos ad asperrima quaeque belli paratos;

[¶36] 18.5. on the two wings of Greece, so to speak, Nabis from the Peloponnesus would cause universal confusion, trying to recover the city of the Argives, trying to recover the coast towns from which the Romans had ousted him when they shut him up within the walls of Lacedaemon;

> Latin: 18.5. in duobus velut cornibus Graeciae, Nabim a Peloponneso concitaturum omnia, repetentem Argivorum urbem, repetentem maritimas civitates, quibus eum depulsum Romani Lacedaemonis muris inclusissent, a Macedonia Philippum, ubi primum bellicum cani audisset, arma capturum: nosse se spiritus eius, nosse animum;

[¶37] 18.6. from Macedonia Philip, the moment he heard the trumpet sound, would take up arms; he was acquainted with his high spirits and with his temper; he knew that like wild beasts which were confined in cages or by chains he had long been turning over in his mind wild passions;

> Latin: 18.6. scire ferarum modo, quae claustris aut vinculis teneantur, ingentis iam diu iras eum in pectore volvere;

[¶38] 18.7. he himself, moreover, recalled how often in the war Philip had been wont to pray to the gods that they would grant him Antiochus as an ally; if now he should attain the fulfilment of his prayer, he would delay not one instant in rebelling.

> Latin: 18.7. meminisse etiam se, quotiens in bello precari omnis deos solitus sit, ut Antiochum sibi darent adiutorem, cuius voti si compos nunc fiat, nullam moram rebellandi facturum.

[¶39] 18.8. Only let there be no delay or hesitation, for victory turned upon the question whether suitable ground and allies were secured in advance. Hannibal too should be sent to Africa without delay in order to distract the Romans.

> Latin: 18.8. tantum non cunctandum nec cessandum esse: in eo enim victoriam verti, si et loca opportuna et socii praeoccuparentur. Hannibalem quoque sine mora mittendum in Africam esse ad distringendos Romanos.

[¶40] 19.1. Hannibal had not been invited to this council, being an object of suspicion to the king on account of his conferences with Villius, and being held in no honour after that.

> Latin: 19.1. Hannibal non adhibitus est in consilium, propter conloquia cum Villio suspectus regi et in nullo postea honore habitus. primo eam contumeliam tacitus tulit;

[¶41] 19.2. At first he endured this humiliation in silence; then, thinking that it was better both to inquire the reason for this sudden change of attitude and to clear himself, he chose a suitable time and frankly asked the reason for the king's anger, and having heard it, he said, “My father Hamilcar, Antiochus, led me, still a little boy, to the altar when he was sacrificing and bound me by an oath never to be a friend to the Roman people.”

> Latin: 19.2. deinde melius esse ratus et percunctari causam repentinae alienationis et purgare se, tempore apto quaesita simpliciter iracundiae causa auditaque “ pater Hamilcar” inquit, “Antioche, parvum admodum me, cum sacrificaret, altaribus admotum iureiurando adegit numquam amicum fore populi Romani.

[¶42] 19.4. “Under this oath I fought for six and thirty years; this oath drove me from my fatherland in time of peace; it brought me, an exile from my home, to your court; with it as my guiding principle, if you disappoint my hopes, wherever I know that strength and arms are found, searching throughout the whole earth, I shall find some enemies of the Romans.”

> Latin: 19.4. sub hoc sacramento sex et triginta annos militavi; hoc me in pace patria mea expulit; hoc patria extorrem in tuam regiam adduxit; hoc duce, si tu spem meam destitueris, ubicumque vires, ubi arma esse sciam, inveniam toto orbe terrarum quaerens aliquos Romanis hostis.

[¶43] 19.5. “And so, whoever of your courtiers have a fancy to win favour with you by insinuations against me, let them choose another means of winning it at my expense.”

> Latin: 19.5. itaque si quibus tuorum meis criminibus apud te crescere libet, aliam materiam crescendi ex me quaerant.

[¶44] 19.6. “I hate and am hateful to the Romans. That I speak the truth my father Hamilcar and the gods are witnesses. So long as you plan concerning a war on Rome, consider Hannibal among your first friends; if anything inclines you towards peace, seek for that advice some other man with whom to consult.”

> Latin: 19.6. odi odioque sum Romanis. id me verum dicere pater Hamilcar et dii testes sunt. proinde cum de bello Romano cogitabis, inter primos amicos Hannibalem habeto; si qua res te ad pacem compellet, in id consilium alium, cum quo deliberes, quaerito.

[¶45] 19.7. This speech not only convinced the king but reconciled him to Hannibal. The council broke up with the decision that war should be begun.

> Latin: 19.7. ” non movit modo talis oratio regem, sed etiam reconciliavit Hannibali. ex consilio ita discessum est, ut bellum gereretur.

[¶46] 20.1. At Rome, in talk at least, they had no thoughts except for Antiochus as their enemy, but as yet there were no preparations for war except in their minds.

> Latin: 20.1. Romae destinabant quidem sermonibus hostem Antiochum, sed nihildum ad id bellum praeter animos parabant.

[¶47] 20.2. To both consuls Italy was decreed as a province, with the qualification that they should arrange between themselves or decide by lot which should preside at the elections that year;

> Latin: 20.2. consulibus ambobus Italia provincia decreta est, ita ut inter se compararent sortirenturve, uter comitiis eius anni praeesset;

[¶48] 20.3. the one to whom that responsibility did not fall should be prepared to lead the legions outside of Italy if any need should arise anywhere.

> Latin: 20.3. ad utrum ea non pertineret cura, ut paratus esset, si quo eum extra Italiam opus esset ducere legiones.

[¶49] 20.4. This consul was authorized to recruit two new legions and, from the allies of the Latin confederacy, twenty thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry;

> Latin: 20.4. huic consuli permissum, ut duas legiones scriberet novas et socium nominis Latini viginti milia et equites octingentos;

[¶50] 20.5. to the other consul were assigned the two legions which Lucius Cornelius, consul of the preceding year, had commanded and, of the allies of the Latin confederacy from the same army, fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 20.5. alteri consuli duae legiones decretae, quas L. Cornelius consul superioris anni habuisset et socium ac Latini nominis ex eodem exercitu quindecim milia et equites quingenti.

[¶51] 20.6. In the case of Quintus Minucius, along with the army which he had in Liguria, his imperium was prolonged; it was added that as reinforcements four thousand Roman infantry should be enlisted and one hundred and fifty cavalry, and the allies were ordered to furnish the same general with five thousand infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry.

> Latin: 20.6. Q. Minucio cum exercitu, quem in Liguribus habebat, prorogatum imperium; additum, in supplementum ut quattuor milia peditum Romanorum scriberentur, centum quinquaginta equites, et sociis eodem quinque milia peditum imperarentur, ducenti quinquaginta equites.

[¶52] 20.7. Gnaeus Domitius received from the lot a province outside Italy, wherever the senate should decree; to Lucius Quinctius fell Gaul and the holding of the elections.

> Latin: 20.7. Cn. Domitio extra Italiam, quo senatus censuisset, provincia evenit, L. Quinctio Gallia et comitia habenda.

[¶53] 20.8. The praetors then drew for their provinces, and Marcus Fulvius Centumalus received the urban jurisdiction, Lucius Scribonius Libo that between citizens and aliens, Lucius Valerius Tappo Sicily, Quintus Salonius Sarra Sardinia, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus Hither Spain, Aulus Atilius Serranus Farther Spain.

> Latin: 20.8. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, M. Fulvius Centumalus urbanam, L. Scribonius Libo peregrinam, L. Valerius Tappo Siciliam, Q. Salonius Sarra Sardiniam, M. Baebius Tamphilus Hispaniam citeriorem, A. Atilius Serranus ulteriorem.

[¶54] 20.9. But the provinces of these two were changed first by the senate and then by vote of the people also:

> Latin: 20.9. sed his duobus primum senatus consulto, deinde plebei etiam scito permutatae provinciae sunt:

[¶55] 20.10. to Atilius the fleet and Macedonia were assigned, to Baebius the Brutti.

> Latin: 20.10. A. Atilio classis et Macedonia, Baebio Brutti decreti.

[¶56] 20.11. The imperium of Flaminius and Fulvius in the Spanish provinces was prolonged. To Atilius for service among the Brutti were assigned the two legions which had been in reserve the year before, and it was ordered that the allies should furnish him with fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 20.11. Flaminio Fulvioque in Hispaniis prorogatum imperium. Atilio in Bruttios duae legiones decretae, quae priore anno urbanae fuissent, et ut sociis eodem milia peditum quindecim imperarentur et quingenti equites.

[¶57] 20.12. Baebius Tamphilus was directed to build thirty quinqueremes and to launch from the dockyards whatever old ships were seaworthy, and to enlist naval allies; the consuls were also directed to turn over to him two thousand allies of the Latin confederacy and one thousand Roman infantry.

> Latin: 20.12. Baebius Tamphilus triginta naves quinqueremes facere iussus et ex navalibus veteres deducere, si quae utiles essent, et scribere navalis socios; et consulibus imperatum, ut ei duo milia socium ac Latini nominis et mille Romanos darent pedites.

[¶58] 20.13. These two praetors and two armies, on land and sea, were prepared, it was said, to operate against Nabis, who was now openly attacking the allies of the Roman people; but the ambassadors sent to Antiochus were awaited, and in the expectation of their return the senate had forbidden the consul Gnaeus Domitius to leave the City.

> Latin: 20.13. hi duo praetores et duo exercitus, terrestris navalisque, adversus Nabim aperte iam oppugnantem socios populi Romani dicebantur parari; ceterum legati ad Antiochum missi expectabantur, et priusquam ii redissent, vetuerat Cn. Domitium consulem senatus discedere ab urbe.

[¶59] 21.1. The praetors Fulvius and Scribonius, to whom had been allotted the province of administering justice in Rome, were instructed to make ready, in addition to the fleet which Baebius was to command, one hundred quinqueremes.

> Latin: 21.1. praetoribus Fulvio et Scribonio, quibus ut ius dicerent Romae provincia erat, negotium datum, ut praeter eam classem, cui Baebius praefuturus erat, centum quinqueremes pararent.

[¶60] 21.2. Before the consul and praetors set out for their provinces, a supplication was held by reason of prodigies.

> Latin: 21.2. priusquam consul praetoresque in provincias proficiscerentur, supplicatio fuit prodigiorum causa.

[¶61] 21.3. A she-goat was reported from Picenum to have given birth to six kids at one time, and at Arretium a boy with one hand was born, at Amiternum there was a shower of earth, at Formiae the wall and gate were struck by lightning, and, a thing which caused the greatest terror, at Rome a cow belonging to the consul Gnaeus Domitius spoke, saying, “Rome, for thyself beware.”

> Latin: 21.3. capram sex haedos uno fetu edidisse ex Piceno nuntiatum est et Arreti puerum natum unimanum, Amiterni terram pluvisse, Formiis portam murumque de caelo tacta et, quod maxime terrebat, consulis Cn. Domiti bovem locutum “ Roma, cave tibi.”

[¶62] 21.5. The period of prayer was held on account of the other portents; the haruspices ordered that the cow be carefully kept and fed. The Tiber, attacking the city with a more violent rush than the year before, swept away the two bridges and many buildings, especially around the Porta Flumentana. A huge stone, dislodged either by the rains or by an earthquake too slight to be felt otherwise, fell into the vicus lugarius from the Capitoline and killed many people. In the flooded lands round about many cattle were washed away and damage was done to the farmhouses.

> Latin: 21.5. ceterorum prodigiorum causa supplicatum est; bovem cum cura servari alique haruspices iusserunt. Tiberis infestiore quam priore impetu illatus urbi duos pontis, aedificia multa, maxime circa Flumentanam portam, evertit. saxum ingens, sive imbribus seu motu terrae leniore, quam ut alioqui sentiretur, labefactatum in vicum Iugarium ex Capitolio procidit et multos oppressit. in agris passim inundatis pecua ablata, villarum strages facta est.

[¶63] 21.7. Before the consul Lucius Quinctius arrived in his province, Quintus Minucius, in the neighbourhood of Pisa, met the Ligures in a pitched battle;

> Latin: 21.7. priusquam L. Quinctius consul in provinciam perveniret, Q. Minucius in agro Pisano cum Liguribus signis collatis pugnavit; novem milia hostium occidit, ceteros fusos fugatosque in castra compulit.

[¶64] 21.8. he killed nine thousand of the enemy, routed and put to flight the rest and drove them into their camp. This was vigorously attacked and defended until nightfall.

> Latin: 21.8. ea usque in noctem magno certamine oppugnata defensaque sunt.

[¶65] 21.9. By night the Ligures secretly withdrew and at daybreak the Romans entered the abandoned camp; less booty was found there because the spoils from the country were from time to time sent home.

> Latin: 21.9. nocte clam profecti Ligures; prima luce vacua castra Romanus invasit; praedae minus inventum est, quod subinde spolia agrorum capta domos mittebant.

[¶66] 21.10. Minucius then gave the enemy no rest; from Pisan territory he marched into the land of the Ligures and completely laid waste their citadels and towns with fire and sword.

> Latin: 21.10. Minucius nihil deinde laxamenti hostibus dedit; ex agro Pisano in Ligures profectus castella vicosque eorum igni ferroque pervastavit.

[¶67] 21.11. There the booty of Etruria, which had been sent on by the raiders, sated the Roman soldiers.

> Latin: 21.11. ibi praeda Etrusca, quae missa a populatoribus fuerat, repletus est miles Romanus.

[¶68] 22.1. About the same time the commissioners returned from the kings to Rome; when they had no report to make which furnished a sufficiently pressing cause for war, except against the Lacedaemonian tyrant, whom the Achaean ambassadors also reported to be attacking the Spartan coast in contravention of the treaty, the praetor Atilius was ordered to Greece with the fleet to defend the allies.

> Latin: 22.1. sub idem tempus legati ab regibus Romam reverterunt, qui cum nihil, quod satis maturam causam belli haberet nisi adversus Lacedaemonium tyrannum, attulissent, quem et Achaei legati nuntiabant contra foedus maritimam oram Laconum oppugnare, Atilius praetor cum classe missus in Graeciam est ad tuendos socios.

[¶69] 22.3. Both the consuls were directed to depart for their provinces, since no action was imminent from Antiochus. Domitius by way of Ariminum, where the way was most direct, Quinctius through Liguria, came into the Boian territory.

> Latin: 22.3. consules, quando nihil ab Antiocho instaret, proficisci ambo in provincias placuit. Domitius ab Arimino, qua proximum fuit Quinctius per Ligures in Boios venit.

[¶70] 22.4. The columns of the two consuls in different directions ravaged the land of the enemy far and wide. At first a few of their cavalry with their commanders, and then the senate as a body, and finally all who possessed anything of fortune or rank, to the number of fifteen hundred, took refuge with the consuls.

> Latin: 22.4. duo consulum agmina diversa late agrum hostium pervastarunt. primo equites eorum pauci cum praefectis, deinde universus senatus, postremo in quibus aut fortuna aliqua aut dignitas erat, ad mille quingenti ad consules transfugerunt.

[¶71] 22.5. In both the Spanish provinces as well things went prosperously this year, for Gaius Flaminius captured by storm the rich fortified town of Licabrum and took alive the noble chieftain Conribilo, and Marcus Fulvius the proconsul engaged with two armies of the enemy in two successful battles, captured two Spanish towns, Vescelia and Helo, and numerous forts; others voluntarily deserted

> Latin: 22.5. — et in utraque Hispania eo anno res prospere gestae: nam et C. Flaminius oppidum Licabrum munitum opulentumque vineis expugnavit et nobilem regulum Conribilonem vivum cepit, et M. Fulvius proconsul cum duobus exercitibus hostium duo secunda proelia fecit, oppida duo Hispanorum, Vesceliam Helonemque, et castella multa expugnavit; alia voluntate ad eum defecerunt.

[¶72] 22.7. to him. Then he marched against the Oretani, and after capturing two towns, Noliba and Cusibis, advanced to the river Tagus. There lay Toletum, a small town but on a naturally strong site.

> Latin: 22.7. tum in Oretanos progressus et ibi duobus potitus oppidis, Noliba et Cusibi, ad Tagum amnem ire pergit.

[¶73] 22.8. While he was besieging this city, a large force of the Vettones came to the aid of the Toletani. With them he fought successfully in a pitched battle, and after routing the Vettones he took Toletum by siege.

> Latin: 22.8. Toletum ibi parva urbs erat sed loco munito. eam cum oppugnaret, Vettonum magnus exercitus Toletanis subsidio venit. cum iis signis collatis prospere pugnavit et fusis Vettonibus operibus Toletum cepit.

[¶74] 23.1. But at that time the wars which were going on caused less concern to the Fathers than the anticipation of the war with Antiochus which had not yet begun. For although everything was repeatedly investigated by commissioners, yet rumours, anonymous and groundlessly circulated, mingled much falsehood with the truth.

> Latin: 23.1. ceterum eo tempore minus ea bella, quae gerebantur, curae patribus erant quam expectatio nondum coepti cum Antiocho belli, nam etsi per legatos identidem omnia explorabantur, tamen rumores temere sine ullis auctoribus orti multa falsa veris miscebant.

[¶75] 23.3. Among them was the story that Antiochus, on his arrival in Aetolia, would immediately send a fleet to Sicily.

> Latin: 23.3. inter quae adlatum erat, cum in Aetoliam venisset Antiochus, extemplo classem eum in Siciliam missurum.

[¶76] 23.4. Therefore the senate, although it had sent the praetor Atilius with a fleet to Greece, still, because there was need not only of military forces to influence the temper of the allies, but also of prestige, sent Titus Quinctius and Gnaeus Octavius and Gnaeus Servilius and Publius Villius as ambassadors to Greece, and decreed that Marcus Baebius should march his legions from Bruttian territory to Tarentum and Brundisium, thence, if the situation should demand it, should cross to Macedonia;

> Latin: 23.4. itaque senatus, etsi praetorem Atilium cum classe miserat in Graeciam, tamen, quia non copiis modo sed etiam auctoritate opus erat ad tenendos sociorum animos, T. Quinctium et Cn. Octavium et Cn. Servilium et P. Villium legatos in Graeciam misit et, ut M. Baebius ex Bruttis ad Tarentum et Brundisium promoveret legiones, decrevit, inde, si res posceret, in Macedoniam traiceret, et ut M.

[¶77] 23.6. that Marcus Fulvius the praetor should send a fleet of twenty vessels to defend the coast of Sicily;

> Latin: 23.6. Fulvius praetor classem navium viginti mitteret ad tuendam Siciliae oram, et ut cum imperio esset, qui classem eam duceret — duxit L.

[¶78] 23.7. that he who commanded the fleet should have the imperium (the commander was Lucius Oppius Salinator, who had been plebeian aedile the previous year); that the same praetor should write to his colleague Lucius Valerius that there was danger that the fleet of King Antiochus would cross to Sicily from Aetolia, and that consequently the senate had resolved that in addition to the army which he had he should enlist an emergency force of about twelve thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry with which to defend the sea-coast of the province on the side which faced Greece.

> Latin: 23.7. Oppius Salinator, qui priore anno aedilis plebei fuerat —, et ut idem praetor L. Valerio collegae scriberet periculum esse, ne classis regis Antiochi ex Aetolia in Siciliam traiceret: itaque placere senatui ad eum exercitum, quem haberet, tumultuariorum militum ad duodecim milia et quadringentos equites scriberet, quibus oram maritimam provinciae, qua vergeret in Graeciam, tueri posset.

[¶79] 23.9. This levy the praetor raised not only from Sicily proper but from the surrounding islands also, and all the towns on the coast which looked toward Greece he strengthened with garrisons. Further food was given to the rumours by the coming of Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, who brought the news that King Antiochus had crossed the Hellespont with his army and that the Aetolians were making such preparations that they would be in arms at his arrival.

> Latin: 23.9. eum dilectum praetor non ex Sicilia ipsa tantum sed ex circumiacentibus insulis habuit, oppidaque omnia maritima, quae in Graeciam versa erant, praesidiis firmavit. addidit alimenta rumoribus adventus Attali, Eumenis fratris, qui nuntiavit Antiochum regem Hellespontum cum exercitu transisse, et Aetolos ita se parare, ut sub adventum eius in armis essent.

[¶80] 23.11. Both Eumenes who was absent and Attalus who was present were thanked, and a free lodging was given Attalus, a place of entertainment and gifts were presented to him —two horses, two suits of equestrian armour, silver vases of one hundred pounds weight and golden vases of twenty pounds.

> Latin: 23.11. et Eumeni absenti et praesenti Attalo gratiae actae, et aedes liberae locus lautia decreta, et munera data, equi duo, bina equestria arma et vasa argentea centum pondo et aurea viginti pondo.

[¶81] 24.1. When one messenger after another kept reporting that the war was close at hand, it seemed important under the circumstances that the consuls should be chosen at the first possible opportunity.

> Latin: 24.1. cum alii atque alii nuntii bellum instare adferrent, ad rem pertinere visum est consules primo quoque tempore creari.

[¶82] 24.2. Therefore a decree of the senate was passed to the effect that Marcus Fulvius the praetor should at once send despatches to the consul, in which he should be informed of the senate's desire that he should turn over his province and army to his lieutenants and return to Rome, and send ahead while on the road the edict in which he announced the election for the choice of consuls.

> Latin: 24.2. itaque senatus consultum factum est, ut M. Fulvius praetor litteras extemplo ad consulem mitteret, quibus certior fieret senatui placere, provincia exercituque tradito legatis Romam reverti eum et ex itinere praemittere edictum, quo comitia consulibus creandis ediceret. paruit iis litteris consul et praemisso edicto Romam venit.

[¶83] 24.4. The consul obeyed the message, and sending his edict ahead he came to Rome. In this year also there was a hotly-contested campaign, since three patricians were contending for one place —Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, who had suffered defeat the year before, and Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gnaeus Manlius Volso.

> Latin: 24.4. eo quoque anno magna ambitio fuit, quod patricii tres in unum locum petierunt, P. Cornelius Cn. F. Scipio, qui priore anno repulsam tulerat, et L. Cornelius Scipio et Cn. Manlius Volso.

[¶84] 24.5. Publius Scipio, that it might seem in the case of so great a man that the honour was postponed but not refused, received one consulship; he was given as colleague from the plebeians Manius Acilius Glabrio.

> Latin: 24.5. P. Scipioni, ut dilatum viro tali, non negatum honorem appareret, consulatus datus est; additur ei de plebe collega M'. Acilius Glabrio.

[¶85] 24.6. The next day the praetors were chosen — Lucius Aemilius Paulus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus Junius Brutus, Aulus Cornelius Mammula, Gaius Livius and Lucius Oppius, both of whom had the surname Salinator; it was Oppius who had led the fleet of twenty ships to Sicily.

> Latin: 24.6. postero die praetores creati L. Aemilius Paulus M. Aemilius Lepidus M. Iunius Brutus A. Cornelius Mammula C. Livius et L. Oppius, utrique eorum Salinator cognomen erat; Oppius is erat, qui classem viginti navium in Siciliam duxerat.

[¶86] 24.7. Meanwhile, until the new magistrates should cast lots for the provinces, Marcus Baebius was directed to cross with all his forces from Brundisium to Epirus and to hold his troops around Apollonia, and Marcus Fulvius the urban praetor was entrusted with the task of building fifty new quinqueremes.

> Latin: 24.7. interim, dum novi magistratus sortirentur provincias, M. Baebius a Brundisio cum omnibus copiis transire in Epirum est iussus et circa Apolloniam copias continere, et M. Fulvio praetori urbano negotium datum est, ut quinqueremes novas quinquaginta faceret.

[¶87] 25.1. And the Roman people, for its part, was thus making itself ready for any undertaking of Antiochus;

> Latin: 25.1. et populus quidem Romanus ita se ad omnis conatus Antiochi praeparabat;

[¶88] 25.2. Nabis by now was not putting off the war but was besieging Gytheum with all his might, and in his wrath at the Achaeans, because they had sent aid to the besieged, was devastating their fields.

> Latin: 25.2. Nabis iam non differebat bellum, sed summa vi Gytheum oppugnabat et infestus Achaeis, quod miserant obsessis praesidium, agros eorum vastabat. Achaei non antea ausi capessere bellum, quam ab Roma revertissent legati, ut, quid senatui placeret, scirent, post reditum legatorum et Sicyonem concilium edixerunt et legatos ad T.

[¶89] 25.4. The Achaeans did not venture to begin hostilities until their deputies had returned from Rome, that they might know what was the will of the senate, but after the return of the ambassadors they both called a council at Sicyon and sent agents to Titus Quinctius to ask advice from him. In the council the votes of all were for an immediate beginning of the war; the letter of Titus Quinctius caused some hesitation, since in it he suggested that the praetor and the Roman fleet should be awaited.

> Latin: 25.4. Quinctium miserunt, qui consilium ab eo peterent. in concilio omnium ad bellum extemplo capessendum inclinatae sententiae erant; litterae T. Quincti cunctationem iniecerunt, quibus auctor erat praetorem classemque Romanam expectandi.

[¶90] 25.6. When some of the chiefs thought that they should abide by their decision, while others argued that the advice of him whom they themselves had consulted should be followed, the multitude waited for the opinion of Philopoemen.

> Latin: 25.6. cum principum alii in sententia permanerent, alii utendum eius, quem ipsi consuluissent, consilio censerent, multitudo Philopoemenis sententiam expectabat.

[¶91] 25.7. He was then chief magistrate and surpassed everyone at that time in wisdom and influence. Beginning his speech by saying that it was a good practice among the Aetolians that the praetor, when he had put the question of war before them, should not himself state his opinion, he bade them to take as soon as possible what action they wished:

> Latin: 25.7. praetor is tum erat et omnis eo tempore et prudentia et auctoritate anteibat. is praefatus bene comparatum apud Aetolos esse, ne praetor, cum de bello consuluisset, ipse sententiam diceret, statuere quam primum ipsos, quid vellent, iussit:

[¶92] 25.8. as praetor he would carry out their orders faithfully and diligently and would strive, so far as this depended on human wisdom, that they should not regret either peace or war.

> Latin: 25.8. praetorem decreta eorum cum fide et cura exsecuturum adnisurumque, ut, quantum in consilio humano positum esset, nec pacis eos paeniteret nec belli.

[¶93] 25.9. This speech had more weight in urging them to war than if he had, by openly counselling it, revealed a desire to command.

> Latin: 25.9. plus ea oratio momenti ad incitandos ad bellum habuit, quam si aperte suadendo cupiditatem res gerendi ostendisset.

[¶94] 25.10. And so with complete agreement the war was decreed, and the time and method of prosecuting it left to the discretion of the praetor.

> Latin: 25.10. itaque ingenti consensu bellum decretum est, tempus et ratio administrandi eius libera praetori permissa.

[¶95] 25.11. Philopoemen himself, in addition to the fact that Quinctius wished it, also believed that he should wait for the Roman fleet which could defend Gytheum by sea;

> Latin: 25.11. Philopoemen, praeterquam quod ita Quinctio placeret, et ipse existimabat classem Romanam expectandam, quae a mari Gytheum tueri posset;

[¶96] 25.12. but fearing that the situation would not permit delay and that both Gytheum and the garrison sent to defend the city would be lost, he launched the ships of the Achaeans.

> Latin: 25.12. sed metuens, ne dilationem res non pateretur, et non Gytheum solum sed praesidium quoque missum ad tuendam urbem amitteretur, naves Achaeorum deduxit.

[¶97] 26.1. The tyrant also had prepared a fleet of modest size to keep away any garrisons that might be sent by sea to aid the beleaguered; three decked ships and some smaller vessels and cutters, since his old fleet had been surrendered to the Romans under the treaty.

> Latin: 26.1. comparaverat et tyrannus modicam classem ad prohibenda, si qua obsessis mari summitterentur, praesidia, tres tectas naves et lembos pristisque, tradita vetere classe ex foedere Romanis.

[¶98] 26.2. That he might try the speed of these new ships and that at the same time everything might be made ready for battle, he daily sailed out into the open water and drilled the oarsmen and marines in mock naval engagements, thinking that the hope for the siege depended on his ability to cut off reinforcements coming by sea. While the praetor of the Achaeans excelled, in his knowledge of fighting on land, anyone you will of famous commanders, either in experience or in aptitude, yet he was without experience in naval warfare, being an Arcadian, a man from an inland country, unacquainted with the practices of other countries, except that in Crete he had served as a commander of auxiliaries. There was an old ship, a quadrireme, captured eighty years previously when it was transporting Nicaea, the wife of Crater, from Naupactus to Corinth.

> Latin: 26.2. harum novarum tum navium agilitatem ut experiretur, simul ut omnia satis apta ad certamen essent, provectos in altum cotidie remigem militemque simulacris navalis pugnae exercebat, in eo ratus verti spem obsidionis, si praesidia maritima interclusisset praetor Achaeorum sicut terrestrium certaminum arte quemvis clarorum imperatorum vel usu vel ingenio aequabat, ita rudis in re navali erat, Arcas, mediterraneus homo, externorum etiam omnium, nisi quod in Creta praefectus auxiliorum militaverat, ignarus, navis erat quadriremis vetus, capta annis ante LXXX, cum Crateri uxorem Nicaeam a Naupacto Corinthum veheret.

[¶99] 26.6. Prompted by its reputation —for it had been in its time a famous craft in the royal fleet —he ordered it to be launched at Aegium although it was now quite rotten and was falling to pieces from age.

> Latin: 26.6. huius fama motus — fuerat enim nobile in classe regia quondam navigium — deduci ab Aegio putrem iam admodum et vetustate dilabentem iussit.

[¶100] 26.7. At this time, with this flagship leading the fleet, with Tiso of Patrae sailing in it as admiral of the fleet, the Spartan ships from Gytheum met them;

> Latin: 26.7. hac tum praetoria nave praecedente classem, cum in ea Patrensis Tiso praefectus classis veheretur, occurrerunt a Gytheo Laconum naves;

[¶101] 26.8. and at the first shock with a new and stout vessel, the old ship, which even before had been taking in water through every seam, broke up and everyone who sailed in it was made prisoner.

> Latin: 26.8. et primo statim incursu ad novam et firmam navem vetus, quae per se ipsa omnibus compagibus aquam acciperet, divulsa est, captique omnes, qui in nave erant.

[¶102] 26.9. The rest of the fleet, when their flagship was lost, fled as fast as the oars could drive them. Philopoemen himself escaped in a light scouting vessel and did not stop his flight until he reached Patrae.

> Latin: 26.9. cetera classis praetoria nave amissa, quantum quaeque remis valuit, fugerunt. ipse Philopoemen in levi speculatoria nave fugit, nec ante fugae finem, quam Patras ventum est, fecit.

[¶103] 26.10. In no wise did this mishap affect the courage of this man, a soldier born and tried by many vicissitudes; on the contrary, rather, if he had failed in a naval battle, in which he was inexperienced, he conceived the greater hope in respect to that in the experience of which he excelled, and he asserted that he would render the tyrant's joy of short duration.

> Latin: 26.10. nihil ea res animum militaris viri et multos experti casus imminuit; quin contra, si in re navali, cuius esset ignarus, offendisset, eo plus in ea, quorum usu calleret, spei nactus, breve id tyranno gaudium se effecturum adfirmabat.

[¶104] 27.1. Nabis, both gladdened by the victory and filled also with the unquestioning hope that there would no longer be any danger from the sea, wanted to close the land approaches too by suitably-placed guards.

> Latin: 27.1. Nabis cum prospera re elatus, tum spem etiam haud dubiam nactus nihil iam a mari periculi fore, et terrestres aditus claudere opportune positis praesidiis voluit.

[¶105] 27.2. Withdrawing one-third of his troops from the siege of Gytheum, he encamped near Pleiae; this place threatens both Leuci and Acriae, where it was evident that the enemy would bring up their army.

> Latin: 27.2. tertia parte copiarum ab obsidione Gythei abducta ad Pleias posuit castra:

[¶106] 27.3. When he had placed his base there and only a few had tents, but the rest of the throng had huts woven out of reeds and thatched with leaves, which offered nothing but shade, Philopoemen, before he came in sight of the enemy, determined to attack him unexpectedly with a new kind of warfare.

> Latin: 27.3. imminet is locus et Leucis et Acriis, qua videbantur hostes exercitum admoturi. cum ibi stativa essent, pauci tabernacula haberent, multitudo alia casas ex harundinibus textas fronde, quae umbram modo praeberet, texissent, priusquam in conspectum hostis veniret, Philopoemen necopinantem eum improviso genere belli adgredi statuit.

[¶107] 27.5. He collected small boats in a secret haven in Argive territory; into them he loaded lightly-equipped soldiers, mostly caetrati, with slings and darts and other kinds of light ordnance.

> Latin: 27.5. navigia parva in stationem occultam agri Argivi contraxit; in ea expeditos milites, caetratos plerosque cum fundis et iaculis et alio levi genere armaturae imposuit.

[¶108] 27.6. Then, skirting the shore, when he came to a headland near the camp of the enemy, he landed and travelling over familiar trails by night came to Pleiae and, the sentinels being asleep, like men in no immediate peril, hurled firebrands upon the huts on every side of the camp. Many were consumed by the flames before they knew of the enemy's approach, and those who did know of it were able to bring them no aid.

> Latin: 27.6. inde littora legens cum ad propinquum castris hostium promunturium venisset, egressus callibus notis nocte Pleias pervenit et sopitis vigilibus ut in nullo propinquo metu ignem casis ab omni parte castrorum iniecit.

[¶109] 27.7. With sword and fire everything was destroyed; a very few escaped from this two-fold destruction to Gytheum and the larger camp.

> Latin: 27.7. multi prius incendio absumpti sunt, quam hostium adventum sentirent et, qui senserant, nullam opem ferre potuerunt.

[¶110] 27.8. Having thus inflicted a defeat upon the enemy, Philopoemen marched straight to ravage Tripolis in Spartan territory, this being nearest the borders of the Megalopolitae, and having carried off thence a large number of animals and men departed before the tyrant from Gytheum could send guards over the land. Thence, having mustered the army at Tegea and calling a council at the same place, of both Achaeans and allies, at which the leading men of the Epirotes and Acarnanians were also present, he determined, since on the one hand the courage of his own men was restored after the shame of the defeat on the sea, and on the other the enemy was terrified, to lead the army against Lacedaemon, thinking that in that way alone the enemy could be drawn away from the siege of Gytheum. He first pitched camp at Caryae in the enemy's country. On that very day Gytheum was captured.

> Latin: 27.8. ferro flammaque omnia absumpta; perpauci ex tam ancipiti peste ad Gytheum in maiora castra perfugerunt. ita perculsis hostibus Philopoemen protinus ad depopulandam Tripolim Laconici agri, qui proximus finem Megalopolitarum est, duxit et magna vi pecorum hominumque inde abrepta, priusquam a Gytheo tyrannus praesidium agris mitteret, discessit. inde Tegeam exercitu contracto concilioque eodem et Achaeis et sociis indicto, in quo et Epirotarum et Acarnanum fuere principes, statuit, quoniam satis et suorum a pudore maritimae ignominiae restituti animi et hostium conterriti essent, ad Lacedaemonem ducere, eo modo uno ratus ab obsidione Gythei hostem abduci posse.

[¶111] 27.13. Philopoemen, in ignorance of this fact, moved his camp forward to Barnosthenes —this is a mountain ten miles from Lacedaemon.

> Latin: 27.13. ad Caryas primum in hostium terra posuit castra. eo ipso die Gytheum expugnatum est. cuius rei ignarus Philopoemen castra ad Barnosthenem — mons est decem milia passuum ab Lacedaemone — promovit.

## 20. Book XXXV · chapters 27–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/20/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/20/#p-N

[¶0] 27.14. And Nabis, having regained Gytheum, left there with his army in light marching order, and having speedily passed Lacedaemon, occupied what they call the camp of Pyrrhus, a place that he did not doubt would be attacked by the Achaeans. There he met the enemy.

> Latin: 27.14. et Nabis, recepto Gytheo cum expedito exercitu inde profectus, cum praeter Lacedaemonem raptim duxisset, Pyrrhi quae vocant castra occupavit, quem peti locum ab Achaeis non dubitabat.

[¶1] 27.15. They were now spread out over a stretch of about five miles, their column being elongated on account of the narrowness of the road; the rearguard was composed of the cavalry and the mass of the auxiliaries, because Philopoemen thought that the tyrant would attack him from the rear with his mercenary troops, in whom he placed most confidence.

> Latin: 27.15. inde hostibus occurrit. obtinebant autem longo agmine propter angustias viae prope quinque milia passuum; cogebatur agmen ab equitibus et maxima parte auxiliorum, quod existimabat Philopoemen tyrannum mercennariis militibus, quibus plurimum fideret, ab tergo suos adgressurum.

[¶2] 27.16. Two unexpected situations at one time filled him with dismay: first, the fact that the place which he sought had already been occupied; second, that he saw the enemy confronting his van, where, since the way led through rough country, he did not see how the standards could be advanced without a screen of light troops.

> Latin: 27.16. duae res simul inopinatae perculerunt eum, una praeoccupatus quem petebat locus, altera, quod primo agmini occurrisse hostem cernebat, ubi, cum per loca confragosa iter esset, sine levis armaturae praesidio signa ferri non videbat posse.

[¶3] 28.1. Philopoemen, however, was a man of unusual astuteness and experience in leading troops and choosing positions, and not only in war-times but in peace as well he had trained his mind particularly in these arts.

> Latin: 28.1. erat autem Philopoemen praecipuae in ducendo agmine locisque capiendis solertiae atque usus, nec belli tantum temporibus, sed etiam in pace se ad id maxime exercuerat.

[¶4] 28.2. When he was travelling anywhere and had reached a pass difficult to get through, viewing the character of the ground from every angle, when he was travelling alone, he would consider with himself, when he had companions, he would ask them, if the enemy had shown himself at that point, what plan should be adopted if he attacked from the front, what if on this or that flank, what if from the rear;

> Latin: 28.2. ubi iter quopiam faceret et ad difficilem transitu saltum venisset, contemplatus ab omni parte loci naturam, cum solus iret, secum ipse agitabat animo, cum comites haberet, ab his quaerebat, si hostis eo loco apparuisset, quid, si a fronte, quid, si ab latere hoc aut illo, quid, si ab tergo adoriretur, capiendum consilii foret;

[¶5] 28.3. it was possible to meet him while drawn up in regular array, it was possible to do so in a less orderly formation suited only to the march.

> Latin: 28.3. posse instructos derecta acie, posse inconditum agmen et tantummodo aptum viae occurrere.

[¶6] 28.4. What ground he himself would occupy he would try to determine, by reflecting or by asking questions, or how many troops or what kind of weapons —for this was of the greatest importance — he would use;

> Latin: 28.4. quem locum ipse capturus esset, cogitando aut quaerendo exequebatur, aut quot armatis, aut quo genere armorum — plurimum enim interesse — usurus; quo impedimenta, quo sarcinas, quo turbam inermem reiceret;

[¶7] 28.5. where he would put the trains, where the baggage, where the unarmed mass, with how strong guards, and of what sort, he would protect them, and whether it would be better to continue by the way he had intended to go or to return the way he had come;

> Latin: 28.5. quanto ea aut quali praesidio custodiret, et utrum pergere, qua coepisset ire, via, an eam, qua venisset, repetere melius esset;

[¶8] 28.6. what place too he would choose for his camp, how much space he would enclose in the fortifications, where there was a suitable water-supply and where were supplies of forage and wood; where, when he moved his camp the next day, would be his safest route, and what would be his order of march.

> Latin: 28.6. castris quoque quem locum caperet, quantum munimento amplecteretur loci, qua opportuna aquatio, qua pabuli lignorumque copia esset; qua postero die castra moventi tutum maxime iter, quae forma agminis esset.

[¶9] 28.7. With such concerns and thoughts he had from boyhood filled his mind, so that now no new subject of consideration faced him at such a crisis.

> Latin: 28.7. his curis cogitationibusque ita ab ineunte aetate animum agitaverat, ut nulla ei nova in tali re cogitatio esset.

[¶10] 28.8. And at this time he first of all formed his column, then he sent the Cretan auxiliaries and the cavalry whom they call the Tarentini, each leading two horses with him, to the van, and ordering the cavalry to follow he seized a cliff above a stream whence they could get water;

> Latin: 28.8. et tum omnium primum agmen constituit; dein Cretensis auxiliares et quos Tarentinos vocabant equites, binos secum trahentis equos, ad prima signa misit, et iussit equitibus subsequi super torrentem, unde aquari possent, rupem occupavit;

[¶11] 28.9. then he threw an armed guard around all the baggage and the assembled throng of camp followers and fortified the camp as the nature of the ground required; it was difficult to pitch tents on the rough and uneven ground. The enemy was about five hundred paces away.

> Latin: 28.9. eo impedimenta omnia et calonum turbam collectam armatis circumdedit et pro natura loci castra communivit;

[¶12] 28.10. Both sides, using light-armed guards, drew water from the same stream, but before a regular battle had begun, which is the usual occurrence when camps are close together, the night fell. It was clear that on the next day they must fight at the stream in defence of the watering-parties.

> Latin: 28.10. tabernacula statuere in aspretis et inaequabili solo difficile erat. hostes quingentos passus aberant. ex eodem rivo utrique cum praesidio levis armaturae aquati sunt; et priusquam, qualia propinquis castris solent, contraheretur certamen, nox intervenit.

[¶13] 28.11. At night, in a valley out of sight of the enemy, he placed as large a force of caetrati as the place could conceal.

> Latin: 28.11. postero die apparebat pugnandum pro aquatoribus circa rivum esse. nocte in valle a conspectu hostium aversa, quantam multitudinem locus occulere poterat, condidit caetratorum.

[¶14] 29.1. When day broke the light-armed Cretans and the Tarentine cavalry began the battle on the banks of the river; Telemnastus the Cretan commanded his countrymen, Lycortas of Megalopolis the cavalry; the enemy also employed Cretan auxiliaries and cavalry of the same kind, that is, Tarentini, to protect their water-carriers.

> Latin: 29.1. luce orta Cretensium levis armatura et Tarentini equites super torrentem proelium commiserunt; Telemnastus Cretensis popularibus suis, equitibus Lycortas Megalopolitanus praeerat;

[¶15] 29.2. For a time the battle was doubtful, since the troops on both sides were of the same character and fought with similar equipment;

> Latin: 29.2. Cretenses, et hostium auxiliares, equitumque idem genus, Tarentini, praesidio aquatoribus erant. aliquamdiu dubium proelium fuit ut eodem ex parte utraque hominum genere et armis paribus;

[¶16] 29.3. as the fight went on the tyrant's auxiliaries gained the upper hand, both because they were superior in numbers and because Philopoemen had given his commanders specific instructions that after offering a fairly stiff resistance they should begin to retire and draw the enemy towards the place of the ambuscade. Following the retreating enemy headlong through the defile, many were wounded and slain before they spied the hidden foe.

> Latin: 29.3. procedente certamine et numero vicere tyranni auxiliares, et quia ita praeceptum a Philopoemene praefectis erat, ut modico edito proelio in fugam inclinarent hostemque ad locum insidiarum pertraherent. effuse secuti fugientes per convallem plerique et vulnerati et interfecti sunt, priusquam occultum hostem viderent.

[¶17] 29.4. The caetrati had been resting in formation, so far as the width of the valley permitted, so that they easily permitted the fugitives to pass through the intervals in their ranks.

> Latin: 29.4. caetrati ita, quantum latitudo vallis patiebatur, instructi sederant, ut facile per intervalla ordinum fugientes suos acciperent.

[¶18] 29.5. Then they themselves arose, unwounded, fresh, in regular array; against an enemy in disorder, scattered, wearied alike by exertions and wounds, they made their charge.

> Latin: 29.5. consurgunt deinde ipsi integri, recentes, instructi; in hostes inordinatos, effusos, labore etiam et vulneribus fessos impetum faciunt.

[¶19] 29.6. Nor was the issue in doubt, and at a rate no little faster than that of their pursuit the soldiers of the tyrant immediately fled and in their rout were driven into their camp.

> Latin: 29.6. nec dubia victoria fuit: extemplo terga dedit tyranni miles et haud paulo concitatiore cursu, quam secutus erat, fugiens in castra est compulsus.

[¶20] 29.7. Many were killed and captured in this flight; and there would have been panic in the camp too had not Philopoemen ordered the recall sounded, in fear of the rough and uneven ground where he had heedlessly advanced rather than of the enemy.

> Latin: 29.7. multi caesi captique in ea fuga sunt; et in castris quoque foret trepidatum, ni Philopoemen receptui cani iussisset loca magis confragosa et, quacumque temere processisset, iniqua quam hostem metuens.

[¶21] 29.8. Then, drawing inferences both from the outcome of the battle and from the character of the commander what his present fright must be, he sent to him one of the auxiliaries in the guise of a deserter, who reported it as an assured fact that the Achaeans would next day advance to the Eurotas river, which flowed almost beneath the very walls, to block the road, that the tyrant might neither have a way to retreat into the city when he wished nor to transport supplies from the city to the

> Latin: 29.8. inde et ex fortuna pugnae et ex ingenio ducis coniectans, in quo tum is pavore esset, unum de auxiliaribus specie transfugae mittit ad eum, qui pro comperto adferret Achaeos statuisse postero die ad Eurotan amnem, qui prope ipsis adfluit moenibus, progredi, ut intercluderent iter, ne aut tyrannus, cum vellet, receptum ad urbem haberet,

[¶22] 29.10. camp, and that the Achaeans might make an effort to find out whether anyone could be influenced towards an inclination to desert the tyrant. The deserter did not so much produce confidence in his words as offer to a man stricken with terror a plausible excuse for abandoning his camp.

> Latin: 29.10. aut commeatus ad urbe in castra portarentur, simul etiam temptaturos, si quorum animi sollicitari ad defectionem a tyranno possent.

[¶23] 29.11. The next day Nabis ordered Pythagoras with the auxiliaries and the cavalry to stand guard before the rampart;

> Latin: 29.11. non tam fidem dictis perfuga fecit, quam perculso metu relinquendi castra causam probabilem praebuit.

[¶24] 29.12. he himself, setting out with the main body of the army, as if to the battlefield, ordered the standards to proceed at quickened pace towards the city.

> Latin: 29.12. postero die Pythagoram cum auxiliaribus et equitatu stationem agere pro vallo iussit; ipse tamquam in aciem cum robore exercitus egressus signa ocius ferri ad urbem iussit.

[¶25] 30.1. When Philopoemen saw that the rapidly moving column was being hurriedly led over a narrow and steep road, he sent out all the cavalry and the Cretan auxiliaries against the guard of the enemy which was in front of the camp.

> Latin: 30.1. Philopoemen postquam citatum agmen per angustam et proclivem viam duci raptim vidit, equitatum omnem et Cretensium auxiliares in stationem hostium, quae pro castris erat, emittit.

[¶26] 30.2. When they saw the enemy approaching and themselves abandoned by their friends, they first tried to withdraw within the camp, then, when the whole battle-line of the Achaeans was moving forward, fearing that they would be captured camp and all, they decided to follow the column of their troops which was some distance ahead.

> Latin: 30.2. illi ubi hostis adesse et a suis se desertos viderunt, primo in castra recipere se conati sunt; deinde, postquam instructa acies tota Achaeorum admovebatur, metu, ne cum ipsis castris caperentur, sequi suorum agmen aliquantum praegressum insistunt.

[¶27] 30.4. Straightway the Achaean caetrati assailed the camp and plundered it; the rest proceeded to pursue the enemy. The road was such that it could with difficulty be traversed by a column even if free from fear of an enemy; but when the battle began in the rear and a dreadful shout from panic-stricken men behind reached those in the van, each for himself threw away his weapons and plunged into the forests which lined the road, and in an instant the way was blocked by piles of arms, especially spears, many of which, falling with their points toward the enemy, closed the road as if with a palisade placed in the way.

> Latin: 30.4. extemplo caetrati Achaeorum in castra impetum faciunt [et diripiunt]; ceteri ad persequendos hostes ire pergunt. erat iter tale, per quod vix tranquillum ab hostili metu agmen expediri posset: ut vero ad postremos proelium ortum est, clamorque terribilis ab tergo paventium ad prima signa est perlatus, pro se quisque armis abiectis in circumiectas itineri silvas diffugiunt, momentoque temporis strage armorum saepta via est,

[¶28] 30.6. Philopoemen ordered the auxiliaries to press on and follow wherever they could and —since the flight would not be easy, especially for the cavalry —himself conducted the heavier troops by a more open road toward the Eurotas river.

> Latin: 30.6. maxime hastis, quae pleraeque adversae cadentes velut vallo obiecto iter impediebant.

[¶29] 30.7. There he pitched camp at sunset and waited for the lighter troops which he had left to pursue the enemy. When they arrived during the first watch, reporting that the tyrant with a few men had made their way into the city and the rest of the army was wandering without weapons hither and thither through all the woods, he ordered them to care for their bodies;

> Latin: 30.7. Philopoemen, utcumque possent, instare et persequi auxiliaribus iussis — utique enim equitibus haud facilem futuram fugam —, ipse gravius agmen via patentiore ad Eurotan amnem deduxit. ibi castris sub occasum solis positis levem armaturam, quam ad persequendum reliquerat hostem, opperiebatur. qui ubi prima vigilia venerunt, nuntiantes tyrannum cum paucis ad urbem penetrasse, ceteram multitudinem inermem toto sparsam vagari saltu, corpora curare eos iubet;

[¶30] 30.9. he himself, out of the other body of troops who, because they had arrived in camp at an earlier hour, had been refreshed both by the food they had taken and by a brief rest, chose some, taking nothing with them but their swords, led them out at once and posted them at the roads from two gates which they call Pharae and Barnosthenes, where he thought the enemy would return from the flight.

> Latin: 30.9. ipse ex cetera copia militum, qui quia priores in castra venerant, refecti et cibo sumpto et modica quiete erant, delectos nihil praeter gladios secum ferentis extemplo educit, et duarum portarum itineribus, quae Pharas quaeque Barnosthenem ferunt, eos instruxit, qua ex fuga recepturos sese hostis credebat.

[¶31] 30.10. Nor did his expectation deceive him, for the Lacedaemonians, as long as any light remained, kept to the paths invisible in the interior of the forest; when evening came and they saw the lights in the enemy's camp, they kept themselves to paths hidden from their direction; when they had passed the camp, thinking it was now safe, they went down into the open roads. There they were picked up by the enemy waiting all around, and so many were killed or captured that barely a fourth of the whole army escaped.

> Latin: 30.10. nec eum opinio fefellit. nam Lacedaemonii, quoad lucis superfuit quicquam, deviis callibus medio saltu recipiebant se; primo vespere, ut lumina in castris hostium conspexere, e regione eorum occultis semitis se tenuerunt;

[¶32] 30.11. Philopoemen, having shut up the tyrant in the city, spent about the ensuing thirty days in laying waste the fields of the Laconians, and having weakened and well-nigh broken the tyrant's power, returned home, the Achaeans equalizing him in the glory of- his achievements with the Roman commander and, so far as the Spartan war was concerned, even placing him ahead.

> Latin: 30.11. ubi praegressi ea sunt, iam tutum rati in patentis vias descenderunt. ibi excepti ab insidente hoste passim ita multi caesi captique sunt, ut vix quarta pars de toto exercitu evaserit. Philopoemen incluso tyranno in urbem insequentis dies prope triginta vastandis agris Laconum absumpsit, debilitatisque ac prope fractis tyranni viribus domum rediit, aequantibus eum gloria rerum Achaeis imperatori Romano, et quod ad Laconum bellum attineret, praeferentibus etiam.

[¶33] 31.1. XXXI. While the war between the Achaeans and the tyrant was in progress, the Roman commissioners were going around the cities of the allies, being afraid that the Aetolians had turned the thoughts of some of the allies toward Antiochus.

> Latin: 31.1. dum inter Achaeos et tyrannum bellum erat, legati Romanorum circuire sociorum urbes solliciti, ne Aetoli partis alicuius animos ad Antiochum avertissent.

[¶34] 31.2. They spent the least effort in approaching the Achaeans, who, since they were hostile to Nabis, were, they felt certain, faithful enough in other relations as well.

> Latin: 31.2. minimum operae in Achaeis adeundis consumpserunt, quos, quia Nabidi infesti erant, ad cetera quoque satis fidos censebant esse.

[¶35] 31.3. To Athens first, then to Chalcis, then to Thessaly they took their course, and after addressing the Thessalians in a full council they turned aside to Demetrias.

> Latin: 31.3. Athenas primum, inde Chalcidem, inde in Thessaliam iere, adlocutique concilio frequenti Thessalos Demetriadem iter flexere. eo Magnetum concilium indictum est.

[¶36] 31.4. There a council of the Magnetes had been called. It was necessary to employ more carefully-chosen language at this council because some of the chiefs were alienated from the Romans and wholly devoted to Antiochus and the Aetolians because, when it was reported that Philip's son, who was a hostage, was being returned to him and the tribute which had been imposed remitted, among

> Latin: 31.4. accuratior ibi habenda oratio fuit, quod pars principum alienati Romanis totique Antiochi et Aetolorum erant, quia, cum reddi obsidem filium Philippo adlatum esset stipendiumque inpositum remitti, inter cetera vana adlatum erat Demetriadem quoque ei reddituros Romanos esse.

[¶37] 31.6. other falsehoods it was said that Demetrias also would be given back to him by the Romans.

> Latin: 31.6. id ne fieret, Eurylochus, princeps Magnetum, factionisque eius quidam omnia novari Aetolorum Antiochique adventu malebant.

[¶38] 31.7. To prevent this from happening, Eurylochus, the chief of the Magnetes, and some members of his party preferred that everything be thrown into confusion by the coming of Antiochus and the Aetolians.

> Latin: 31.7. adversus eos ita disserendum erat, ne timorem vanum iis demendo spes incisa Philippum abalienaret, in quo plus ad omnia momenti quam in Magnetibus esset.

[¶39] 31.8. Against them such arguments had to be used that in taking from them their groundless fear the destruction of his hope might not alienate Philip, who was more important in every way than the Magnetes.

> Latin: 31.8. illa tantum commemorata, cum totam Graeciam beneficio libertatis obnoxiam Romanis esse tum eam civitatem praecipue:

[¶40] 31.9. The main facts were merely mentioned, that not only all Greece was indebted to the Romans for the blessing of liberty, but this state especially; for not only had there been a Macedonian garrison there, but a royal palace had been built, that their master in person might always be held before their eyes;

> Latin: 31.9. ibi enim non praesidium modo Macedonum fuisse, sed regiam exaedificatam, ut praesens semper in oculis habendus esset dominus;

[¶41] 31.10. but their liberation would prove to have been in vain if the Aetolians should install Antiochus in the palace of Philip and if they should have a new and unknown king in place of one who was old and tried.

> Latin: 31.10. ceterum nequiquam ea facta, si Aetoli Antiochum in Philippi regiam adducerent, et novus et incognitus pro noto et experto habendus rex esset.

[¶42] 31.11. They call their chief magistrate the Magnetarch: Eurylochus then held the office, and relying on that authority he said that he and the Magnetes should not dissemble regarding the rumour that was in circulation that Demetrias was to be given back to Philip;

> Latin: 31.11. Magnetarchen summum magistratum vocant; is tum Eurylochus erat, ac potestate ea fretus negavit dissimulandum sibi et Magnetibus esse, quae fama vulgata de reddenda Demetriade Philippo foret;

[¶43] 31.12. to prevent that, the Magnetes would both try and venture anything. And, carried too far away in the passion of speaking, he threw out the remark that even then Demetrias was free in appearance, while in reality everything was done at the Romans' nod. At these words there arose a shout from the crowd, some expressing agreement, some indignation that he should have dared to say this; Quinetius, indeed, was so inflamed with wrath that raising his hands to heaven he implored the gods to witness the ungrateful and treacherous spirit of the Magnetes.

> Latin: 31.12. id ne fieret, omnia et conanda et audenda Magnetibus esse. et inter dicendi contentionem inconsultius evectus proiecit tum quoque specie liberam Demetriadem esse, re vera omnia ad nutum Romanorum fieri. sub hanc vocem fremitus variantis multitudinis fuit partim adsensu partim indignatione, dicere id ausum eum; Quinctius quidem adeo exarsit ira; ut manus ad caelum tendens deos testes ingrati ac perfidi animi Magnetum invocaret.

[¶44] 31.14. All were terrified by these words, and Zeno, one of the leading citizens, and possessed of great influence both because he pursued a seemly mode of life and because he had always indisputably belonged to the Roman party, with tears begged Quinctius and the other commissioners not to charge the insanity of one man against the community:

> Latin: 31.14. hac, voce perterritis omnibus Zeno, ex principibus unus, magnae cum ob eleganter actam vitam auctoritatis, tum quod semper Romanorum haud dubie partis fuerat, ab Quinctio legatisque aliis flens petit, ne unius amentiam civitati adsignarent;

[¶45] 31.15. each one was mad at his own peril; the Magnetes, he admitted, owed not merely their freedom but everything which man holds sacred and dear to Titus Quinctius and the Roman people;

> Latin: 31.15. suo quemque periculo furere; Magnetas non libertatem modo, sed omnia, quae hominibus sancta caraque sint, T. Quinctio et populo Romano debere;

[¶46] 31.16. no man could pray to the immortal gods for anything which the Magnetes did not have from the Romans, and they would rather rage in madness against their own persons than violate the Roman friendship.

> Latin: 31.16. nihil quemquam ab diis immortalibus precari posse, quod non Magnetes ab illis haberent, et in corpora sua citius per furorem saevituros, quam ut Romanam amicitiam violarent.

[¶47] 32.1. His speech was followed by the prayers of the multitude; Eurylochus left the council by secret paths leading to the gate and thence fled straight into Aetolia.

> Latin: 32.1. huius orationem subsecutae multitudinis preces sunt; Eurylochus ex concilio itineribus occultis ad portam atque inde protinus in Aetoliam profugit.

[¶48] 32.2. For now and more clearly every day the Aetolians were revealing their desertion, and at that very time it chanced that Thoas, a leading man of the nation, whom they had sent to Antiochus, had returned from him and had brought with him Menippus as an ambassador from the king.

> Latin: 32.2. iam enim, et id magis in dies, Aetoli defectionem nudabant, eoque ipso tempore forte Thoas, princeps gentis, quem miserant ad Antiochum, redierat, indeque Menippum secum adduxerat regis legatum. qui, priusquam concilium iis daretur, impleverant omnium aures terrestris navalisque copias commemorando:

[¶49] 32.4. They, before an audience was granted them, had filled the ears of all with talk about the land and naval forces:

> Latin: 32.4. ingentem vim peditum equitumque venire, ex India elephantos accitos, ante omnia, quo maxime credebant moveri multitudinis animos, tantum advehi auri, ut ipsos emere Romanos posset.

[¶50] 32.5. a huge contingent of infantry and cavalry was coming, elephants had been requisitioned from India, and before all —and by this they believed that the mind of the crowd was especially influenced —so much gold was being brought that he could buy the Romans themselves.

> Latin: 32.5. apparebat, quid ea oratio in concilio motura esset; nam et venisse eos et, quae agerent, omnia legatis Romanis deferebantur;

[¶51] 32.6. It was evident what commotion such talk would cause in the council; for both the fact that they had come and what business brought them was all reported to the Roman commissioners;

> Latin: 32.6. et quamquam prope abscisa spes erat, tamen non ab re esse Quinctio visum est sociorum aliquos legatos interesse ei concilio, qui admonerent Romanae societatis Aetolos, qui vocem liberam mittere adversus regis legatum auderent.

[¶52] 32.7. and although hope was not entirely cut off, nevertheless it seemed to Quinctius not to be disadvantageous that some representatives of the allies should attend the council, to remind the Aetolians of the Roman alliance and to dare to speak out freely against the ambassador of the king.

> Latin: 32.7. Athenienses maxime in eam rem idonei visi sunt propter et civitatis dignitatem et vetustam societatem cum Aetolis. ab iis Quinctius petit, ut legatos ad Panaetolicum concilium mitterent.

[¶53] 32.8. The Athenians seemed especially suitable for the purpose, on account of the dignity of their state and in addition their ancient alliance with the Aetolians. Quinctius begged them to send delegates to the Panaetolian council. Thoas was the first to speak at that meeting, reporting on his mission.

> Latin: 32.8. Thoas primus in eo concilio renuntiavit legationem. Menippus post eum intromissus optimum fuisse omnibus, qui Graeciam Asiamque incolerent, ait, integris rebus Philippi potuisse intervenire Antiochum: sua quemque habiturum fuisse, neque omnia sub nutum dicionemque Romanam perventura.

[¶54] 32.10. Menippus was given audience after him and said that it would have been best for all who lived in Greece and Asia if Antiochus could have intervened while Philip's condition was unimpaired:

> Latin: 32.10. “nunc quoque “inquit, “si modo vos quae inchoastis consilia constanter perducitis ad exitum, poterit diis iuvantibus et Aetolis sociis Antiochus quamvis inclinatas Graeciae res restituere in pristinam dignitatem.

[¶55] 32.11. each one would have his own and everything would not have become subject to the nod and control of the Romans.

> Latin: 32.11. ea autem in libertate posita est, quae suis stat viribus, non ex alieno arbitrio pendet.

[¶56] 32.12. “Even now,” he said, “if only you steadfastly carry out to the end the plans which you have formed, by the grace of the gods and with the Aetolians as allies, Antiochus will be able to restore the affairs of Greece, however injured, to their former position.”

> Latin: 32.12. ‘Athenienses, quibus primis post regiam legationem dicendi quae vellent potestas facta est, mentione omni regis praetermissa Romanae societatis Aetolos meritorumque in universam Graeciam T. Quincti admonuerunt:

[¶57] 32.13. “But this rests on liberty, which exists by its own might and does not depend on another's will.” The Athenians, to whom next after the king's ambassador had been granted the opportunity of saying what they wished, omitting all mention of the king, reminded the Aetolians of the Roman alliance and of the services rendered to all Greece by Titus Quinctius: they should not heedlessly, by too great haste in deciding, spoil all this; hot-headed and bold decisions were fair at first sight, hard to follow through, disastrous in result.

> Latin: 32.13. ne temere eam nimia celeritate consiliorum everterent; consilia calida et audacia prima specie laeta, tractatu dura, eventu tristia esse. legatos Romanos, et in iis T. Quinctium, haud procul inde abesse; dum integra omnia essent, verbis potius de iis, quae ambigerentur, disceptarent quam Asiam Europamque ad funestum armarent bellum. multitudo avida novandi res Antiochi tota erat, et ne admittendos quidem in concilium Romanos censebant; principum maxime seniores auctoritate obtinuerunt, ut daretur iis concilium. hoc decretum Athenienses cum retulissent, eundum in Aetoliam Quinctio visum est:

[¶58] 33.3. The Roman commissioners, and among them Titus Quinctius, were not far away; before decisive action was taken, let them settle by words those matters which were in dispute rather than arm Asia and Europe for a fatal war.

> Latin: 33.3. aut enim moturum aliquid, aut omnis homines testes fore penes Aetolos culpam belli esse, Romanos iusta ac prope necessaria sumpturos arma.

[¶59] 33.4. XXXIII. The multitude was eager for a change and was all in favour of Antiochus, and they voted that the Romans should not even be admitted to the council; among the chiefs it was especially the elder men who by their influence secured them audience before the council.

> Latin: 33.4. postquam ventum est eo, Quinctius in concilio orsus a principio societatis Aetolorum cum Romanis, et quotiens ab iis fides mota foederis esset, pauca de iure civitatium, de quibus ambigeretur, disseruit:

[¶60] 33.5. When the Athenians reported this vote, it seemed best to Quinctius that he should go to Aetolia: he would either cause them some uncertainty or all men would be witnesses that the responsibility for the war would rest with the Aetolians and that the Romans would take up arms with justice and almost from necessity.

> Latin: 33.5. si quid tamen aequi se habere arbitrarentur, quanto esse satius Romam mittere legatos, seu disceptare seu rogare senatum mallent, quam populum Romanum cum Antiocho lanistis Aetolis non sine magno motu generis humani et pernicie Graeciae dimicare?

[¶61] 33.6. After his arrival there Quinctius in the council began with the origin of the alliance of the Aetolians with the Romans and how often the faith imposed by the treaty had been broken by them, and spoke briefly of the status of the cities about which there was debate: if, nevertheless, they considered that they had any just claim, how much better would it be to send ambassadors to Rome, whether they preferred to arbitrate or to appeal to the senate, than for the Roman people to go to war with Antiochus, the Aetolians being the matchmakers, not without great disturbance to mankind and the ruin of Greece. Nor would any experience the calamity of this war sooner than those who had caused it. This prophecy, as one might call it, of the Roman was in vain. Thoas then and others of the same party were heard with universal applause and succeeded in carrying a motion, without even adjourning the council or awaiting the departure of the Romans, and by this decree Antiochus was invited to liberate Greece and to arbitrate between the Aetolians and the Romans. To this so insolent vote a personal insult was added by their praetor Damocritus: for when Quinctius asked for the actual decree, he, showing no respect for the high position of the man, replied that there was now a matter which was more pressing which he had to attend to;

> Latin: 33.6. nec ullos prius cladem eius belli sensuros, quam qui movissent. haec nequiquam velut vaticinatus Romanus. Thoas deinde ceterique factionis eiusdem cum adsensu omnium auditi pervicerunt, ut ne dilato quidem concilio et absentibus Romanis decretum fieret, quo accerseretur Antiochus ad liberandam Graeciam disceptandumque inter Aetolos et Romanos. huic tam superbo decreto addidit propriam contumeliam Damocritus praetor eorum: nam cum id ipsum decretum posceret eum Quinctius, non veritus maiestatem viri aliud in praesentia, quod magis instaret, praevertendum sibi esse dixit;

[¶62] 33.10. the decree and the answer he would presently deliver in Italy when his camp was pitched on the banks of the Tiber:

> Latin: 33.10. decretum responsumque in Italia brevi castris super ripam Tiberis positis daturum:

[¶63] 33.11. such madness had at that time seized the Aetolian people and such their magistrates.

> Latin: 33.11. tantus furor illo tempore gentem Aetolorum, tantus magistratus eorum cepit.

[¶64] 34.1. Quinctius and the ambassadors returned to Corinth. Then, as each message came from Antiochus, that the Aetolians might not seem to be doing nothing on their own account, but to be sitting still waiting for the coming of the king, they held indeed no meeting of the entire people after the dismissal of the Romans, but through the apocletes —so they call their inner council: it consists of selected persons —they considered the question in what manner revolutions might be caused in all Greece.

> Latin: 34.1. Quinctius legatique Corinthum redierunt. inde, ut quaeque de Antiocho … nihil per se ipsi moti et sedentes expectare adventum viderentur regis, concilium quidem universae gentis post dimissos Romanos non habuerunt, per apocletos autem — ita vocant sanctius consilium; ex delectis constat viris — id agitabant, quonam modo in Graecia res novarentur.

[¶65] 34.3. It was evident to all that in the cities the leading men and all the aristocracy were in favour of the Roman alliance and were pleased with the present state of affairs, while the multitude and those whose affairs were not in the best condition desired a complete change.

> Latin: 34.3. inter omnis constabat in civitatibus principes et optimum quemque Romanae societatis esse et praesenti statu gaudere, multitudinem et quorum res non ex sententia ipsorum essent omnia novare velle;

[¶66] 34.4. The Aetolians formed a plan not only bold but even shameless, both in its character and in its expectations, of seizing Demetrias, Chalcis, and Lacedaemon.

> Latin: 34.4. Aetoli consilium uno die spei quoque non audacis modo sed etiam impudentis ceperunt, Demetriadem Chalcidem Lacedaemonem occupandi.

[¶67] 34.5. One of their chiefs was sent to each city, Thoas to Chalcis, Alexamenus to Lacedaemon, Diocles to Demetrias.

> Latin: 34.5. singuli in singulas principes missi sunt, Thoas Chalcidem, Alexamenus Lacedaemonem, Diocles Demetriadem.

[¶68] 34.6. The last was aided by the exile Eurylochus, of whose flight and its cause I have spoken above, because he had no other hope of restoration to his home.

> Latin: 34.6. hunc exul Eurylochus, de cuius fuga causaque fugae ante dictum est, quia reditus in patriam nulla alia erat spes, adiuvit.

[¶69] 34.7. Prompted by the letters of Eurylochus, his relatives and friends and those who belonged to the same party summoned his children and wife, dressed in mourning garb and carrying the badges of suppliants, into a crowded assembly, beseeching one and all not to permit a man, innocent and unjudged, to grow old in exile. And simpleminded men were moved by pity and wicked and seditious men by the hope of causing confusion by means of an Aetolian uprising.

> Latin: 34.7. litteris Eurylochi admoniti propinqui amicique et qui eiusdem factionis erant liberos et coniugem eius cum sordida veste …, tenentes velamenta supplicum, contionem frequentem adierunt singulos universosque obtestantes, ne insontem indemnatum consenescere in exilio sinerent.

[¶70] 34.8. Thus each man for himself favoured a vote of recall. After these preliminaries Diodes with all the cavalry —and he was then the commander of the cavalry —setting out on the pretext of conducting home his exiled friend, completing a long march by day and night, when he was six miles from the city, at daybreak led the way with three picked troops, ordering the rest of the cavalry to follow.

> Latin: 34.8. et simplices homines misericordia et improbos seditiososque immiscendi res tumultu Aetolico spes movit: pro se quisque revocari iubebant. his praeparatis Diocles cum omni equitatu — et erat tum praefectus equitum — specie reducentis exulem hospitem profectus, die ac nocte ingens iter emensus, cum milia sex ab urbe abesset, prima luce tribus electis turmis, cetera multitudine equitum subsequi iussa, praecessit.

[¶71] 34.10. When he was near the gate he ordered them all to dismount and to lead their horses by the reins, breaking ranks just as if on a journey, that they might appear to be the commander's escort rather than an organized guard.

> Latin: 34.10. postquam portae appropinquabat, desilire omnes ex equis iussit et loris ducere equos itineris maxime modo solutis ordinibus, ut comitatus magis praefecti videretur quam praesidium.

[¶72] 34.11. Then, leaving one troop at the gate, that the cavalry in the rear might not be shut out, he conducted Eurylochus through the centre of the city and through the market-place, clasping him by the hand, while many men came up and congratulated him.

> Latin: 34.11. ibi una ex turmis ad portam relicta, ne excludi subsequens equitatus posset, media urbe ac per forum manu Eurylochum tenens multis occurrentibus gratulantibusque domum deduxit.

[¶73] 34.12. Presently the city was full of troopers and the strategic points were occupied; then soldiers were sent to the houses to kill the leaders of the opposing party. Thus Demetrias fell into the possession of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 34.12. mox equitum plena urbs erat, et loca opportuna occupabantur; tum in domos missi, qui principes adversae factionis interficerent. ita Demetrias Aetolorum facta est.

[¶74] 35.1. At Lacedaemon the city was not to be treated with violence but the tyrant taken by craft; he had been stripped of the coast towns by the Romans and shut up within the walls of Lacedaemon itself by the Achaeans, and whoever took the initiative in killing him would win the complete gratitude of the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 35.1. Lacedaemone non urbi vis adferenda, sed tyrannus dolo capiendus erat, quem spoliatum maritimis oppidis ab Romanis, tunc intra moenia etiam Lacedaemonis ab Achaeis compulsum qui occupasset occidere, eum totius gratiam rei apud Lacedaemonios laturum.

[¶75] 35.3. As a pretext for sending men to him they had the fact that he was wearying them with petitions that reinforcements be sent to him, since it was at their instance that he had rebelled.

> Latin: 35.3. causam mittendi ad eum habuerunt, quod fatigabat precibus, ut auxilia sibi, cum illis auctoribus rebellasset, mitterentur.

[¶76] 35.4. A thousand infantry were given Alexamenus and thirty troopers picked from the youth. These were given instructions by the praetor Damocritus in the secret council of the people which was mentioned above, that they should not believe themselves sent for the Achaean war or for any other purpose that anyone could arrive at by his own conjecture; whatever sudden plan circumstances should prompt Alexamenus to form, they should be prepared to follow obediently, no matter how unexpected, rash and bold it might be, and they should receive it as if they knew that they had been sent from home to do that one thing.

> Latin: 35.4. mille pedites Alexameno dati sunt et triginta delecti ex iuventute equites. iis a praetore Damocrito in consilio arcano gentis, de quo ante dictum est, denuntiatur, ne se ad bellum Achaicum aut rem ullam, quam sua quisque opinione praecipere posset, crederent missos esse; quidquid Alexamenum res monuisset subiti consilii capere, ad id, quamvis inopinatum temerarium audax, oboedienter exequendum parati essent, ac pro eo acciperent, tamquam ad id unum agendum missos ab domo se scirent.

[¶77] 35.6. With them, thus prepared, Alexamenus came to the tyrant and by his coming immediately filled him with hope: Antiochus, he said, had already crossed into Europe, would soon be in Greece, and would fill the lands and seas with arms and soldiers;

> Latin: 35.6. cum his ita praeparatis Alexamenus ad tyrannum venit, quem adveniens extemplo spei implevit:

[¶78] 35.7. the Romans would realize that they were not dealing with Philip; the number of infantry and cavalry and ships could not be calculated; the line of elephants by their very appearance would end the war.

> Latin: 35.7. Antiochum iam transisse in Europam, mox in Graecia fore, terras maria armis viris completurum; non cum Philippo rem esse credituros Romanos; numerum iniri peditum equitumque ac navium non posse;

[¶79] 35.8. The Aetolians with their entire army were ready, he said, to come to Sparta when the situation required, but that they had wished to display their full strength to the king when he arrived.

> Latin: 35.8. elephantorum aciem conspectu ipso debellaturam. Aetolos toto suo exercitu paratos esse venire Lacedaemonem, cum res poscat, sed frequentis armatos ostendere advenienti regi voluisse.

[¶80] 35.9. Nabis himself should also take such steps as not to permit what troops he had to grow soft in idleness under roofs, but should lead them out, force them to march under arms and at the same time stimulate their courage and train their bodies; as a result of drill labour would be lighter, and through the courtesy and consideration of their commander could even become not unpleasant.

> Latin: 35.9. Nabidi quoque et ipsi faciendum esse, ut quas haberet copias non sineret sub tectis marcescere otio, sed educeret et in armis decurrere cogeret, simul animos acueret et corpora exerceret;

[¶81] 35.10. From that time on Nabis began to lead the troops out frequently into the plain before the city along the Eurotas river The bodyguard of the tyrant was generally posted in the centre of the line;

> Latin: 35.10. consuetudine leviorem laborem fore, et comitate ac benignitate ducis etiam non iniucundum fieri posse. educi inde frequenter ante urbem in campum ad Eurotan amnem coepere.

[¶82] 35.11. the tyrant, with at most three cavalrymen, of whom Alexamenus was usually one, would ride in front of the standards, inspecting the flanks to the end;

> Latin: 35.11. satellites tyranni in media fere acie consistebant; tyrannus cum tribus summum equitibus, inter quos plerumque Alexamenus erat, ante signa vectabatur, cornua extrema invisens;

[¶83] 35.12. the Aetolians were on the right of the line, both those who had formerly been with the tyrant and the thousand who had come with Alexamenus.

> Latin: 35.12. in dextro cornu Aetoli erant, et qui ante auxiliares tyranni fuerant, et qui venerant mille cum Alexameno.

[¶84] 35.13. Alexamenus had established the habit for himself now of riding around with the tyrant with only a few attendants and of advising him what seemed to be advantageous, now of riding off to the right flank to his own men and then returning to the tyrant as if he had given some order which the situation demanded.

> Latin: 35.13. fecerat sibi morem Alexamenus nunc cum tyranno inter paucos ordines circumeundi monendique eum, quae in rem esse videbantur, nunc in dextrum cornu ad suos adequitandi, mox inde velut imperato, quod res poposcisset, recipiendi se ad tyrannum.

[¶85] 35.15. But on the day which he had chosen for the perpetration of the crime, when, after riding for a while with the tyrant, he had returned to his own men, he then addressed the thirty troopers who had been sent from home with him:

> Latin: 35.15. sed quem diem patrando facinori statuerat, eo paulisper cum tyranno vectatus cum ad suos concessisset, tum equitibus ab domo secum missis ” agenda“inquit ”res est, iuvenes, audendaque, quam me duce impigre exequi iussi estis;

[¶86] 35.16. “We must, young men, do and dare the deed which you were ordered to perform strenuously under my command; prepare your minds and hands that no one may fail in what he sees me do;”

> Latin: 35.16. parate animos dextras, ne quis in eo, quod me viderit facientem, cesset;

[¶87] 35.17. “whoever shall hesitate and substitute his own plan for mine shall know that he has no return to his own home.” Horror seized them all, and they remembered with what orders they had left home.

> Latin: 35.17. qui cunctatus fuerit et suum consilium meo interponet, sciat sibi reditum ad penates non esse.“horror cunctos cepit, et meminerant, cum quibus mandatis exissent.

[¶88] 35.18. The tyrant was coming from the left wing; Alexamenus ordered the cavalry to put their spears in rest and to watch him; he himself also collected his thoughts, disordered by his pondering over so great a deed. When Nabis approached, he charged and piercing his horse overthrew the tyrant; the troopers ran him through as he lay on the ground;

> Latin: 35.18. tyrannus ab laevo cornu veniebat; ponere hastas equites Alexamenus iubet et se intueri; colligit et ipse animum confusum tantae cogitatione rei. postquam appropinquabat, impetum facit et transfixo equo tyrannum deturbat;

[¶89] 35.19. after many blows had fallen vainly upon his armour the wounds at last reached his unprotected body, and before aid could reach him from the centre of the line the tyrant was dead.

> Latin: 35.19. iacentem equites confodiunt; multis frustra in loricam ictibus datis tandem in nudum corpus vulnera pervenerunt, et priusquam a media acie succurreretur, exspiravit.

[¶90] 36.1. Alexamenus with all the Aetolians went off at full speed to take possession of the palace.

> Latin: 36.1. Alexamenus cum omnibus Aetolis citato gradu ad regiam occupandam pergit.

[¶91] 36.2. The bodyguard, since the deed had been done before their eyes, was at first terror-stricken;

> Latin: 36.2. corporis custodes, cum in oculis res gereretur, pavor primo cepit;

[¶92] 36.3. then, after they saw the Aetolian column depart, they assembled around the abandoned body of the tyrant, and a crowd of spectators was formed out of the guardians of his life and the avengers of his death.

> Latin: 36.3. deinde, postquam abire Aetolorum agmen videre, concurrunt ad relictum tyranni corpus, et spectatorum turba ex custodibus vitae mortisque ultoribus facta est.

[¶93] 36.4. Nor would anyone have stirred if the multitude had at once been summoned to lay aside their arms and attend an assembly and a speech been delivered suitable to the occasion, and thenceforth numerous Aetolians been kept under arms, without doing injury to anyone; but, as was fitting in plans undertaken with treachery, everything worked together to hasten the destruction of those who had committed the crime.

> Latin: 36.4. nec movisset se quisquam, si extemplo positis armis vocata in contionem multitudo fuisset et oratio habita tempori conveniens, frequentes inde retenti in armis Aetoli sine iniuria cuiusquam;

[¶94] 36.5. Their leader shut himself up in the palace and spent a day and a night.

> Latin: 36.5. sed, ut oportuit in consilio fraude coepto, omnia in maturandam perniciem eorum, qui fecerant, sunt acta.

[¶95] 36.6. in going through the tyrant's treasures; the Aetolians, as if they had captured the city which they wished to seem to have set free, turned to plunder. Their shameless conduct and the contempt in which they were held combined to turn the thoughts of the Lacedaemonians towards unity of action.

> Latin: 36.6. dux regia inclusus diem ac noctem in scrutandis thesauris tyranni absumpsit; Aetoli velut capta urbe, quam liberasse videri volebant, in praedam versi.

[¶96] 36.7. Some said that the Aetolians should be driven out and the liberty, lost at the moment when it seemed restored, should be regained; others, that there might be some head to the movement, thought that someone of the royal house should be brought forward as a symbol.

> Latin: 36.7. simul indignitas rei, simul contemptus animos Lacedaemoniis ad coeundum fecit. alii dicere exturbandos Aetolos et libertatem, cum restitui videretur interceptam, repetendam; alii, ut caput agendae rei esset, regii generis aliquem in speciem adsumendum.

[¶97] 36.8. There was a mere boy of the royal stock, Laconicus, brought up with the sons of the tyrant; him they set upon a horse, and seizing their weapons they slaughtered the Aetolians as they straggled through the city. Next they attacked the palace.

> Latin: 36.8. Laconicus eius stirpis erat puer admodum, eductus cum liberis tyranni; eum in equum imponunt et armis arreptis Aetolos vagos per urbem caedunt.

[¶98] 36.9. Alexamenus with a few companions resisted them there but was slain. The Aetolians gathered around the Chalcioecus —this was a bronze temple to Minerva —were killed;

> Latin: 36.9. tum regiam invadunt; ibi Alexamenum cum paucis resistentem obtruncant. Aetoli circa Chalcioecon — Minervae aereum est templum — congregati caeduntur;

[¶99] 36.10. a few threw away their arms and fled, some to Tegea, some to Megalopolis; there they were arrested by the magistrates and sold at auction.

> Latin: 36.10. pauci armis abiectis pars Tegeam pars Megalen polin perfugiunt; ibi comprensi a magistratibus sub corona venierunt.

[¶100] 37.1. Philopoemen, who on hearing of the tyrant's death had set out for Lacedaemon, when he found everything in a confusion of terror, summoning the leading citizens and making a speech such as Alexamenus should

> Latin: 37.1. Philopoemen audita caede tyranni profectus Lacedaemonem cum omnia turbata metu invenisset, evocatis principibus et oratione habita, qualis habenda ab Alexameno fuerat, societati Achaeorum Lacedaemonios adiunxit,

[¶101] 37.3. have made, he joined the Lacedaemonians to the Achaean alliance, with the greater ease because Aulus Atilius chanced at the same time to be approaching Gytheum with twenty-four quinqueremes.

> Latin: 37.3. eo etiam facilius, quod ad idem forte tempus A. Atilius cum quattuor et viginti quinqueremibus ad Gytheum accessit.

[¶102] 37.4. During this period, in the neighbourhood of Chalcis, Thoas, through the agency of Euthymidas, one of the chiefs, who had been driven out by the influence of those who belonged to the Roman party, after the arrival of Titus Quinctius and the commissioners, and also with the aid of Herodorus, a merchant of Cios but powerful at Chalcis on account of his wealth, having made ready for an uprising the men who were of the party of Euthymidas, did not by any means have the same good fortune that Eurylochus had enjoyed in gaining Demetrias.

> Latin: 37.4. iisdem diebus circa Chalcidem Thoas per Euthymidam principem, pulsum opibus eorum, qui Romanae societatis erant, post T. Quinctii legatorumque adventum, et Herodorum, Cianum mercatorem, sed potentem Chalcide propter divitias, praeparatis ad proditionem iis, qui Euthymidae factionis erant, nequaquam eandem fortunam, qua Demetrias per Eurylochum occupata erat, habuit.

[¶103] 37.6. Euthymidas from Athens —he had chosen this place for his home —went first Thebes and then to Salganeus, and Herodorus to Thronium.

> Latin: 37.6. Euthymidas ab Athenis — eum domicilio delegerat locum — Thebas primum, hinc Salganea processit, Herodorus ad Thronium.

[¶104] 37.7. Not far from there, in the Malian gulf, Thoas had two thousand infantry, two hundred cavalry, and about thirty light cargo-vessels. Herodorus was instructed to take these ships with six hundred infantry to the island of Atalante, so that from there, when he saw the infantry now approaching Aulis and Euripus, he might cross to Chalcis;

> Latin: 37.7. inde haud procul in Maliaco sinu duo milia peditum Thoas et ducentos equites, onerarias leves ad triginta habebat. eas cum sexcentis peditibus Herodorus traicere in insulam Atalanten iussus, ut inde, cum pedestris copias appropinquare iam Aulidi atque Euripo sensisset, Chalcidem traiceret;

[¶105] 37.9. Thoas himself led the rest of the troops, generally marching by night and with all possible speed, to Chalcis.

> Latin: 37.9. ipse ceteras copias nocturnis maxime itineribus, quanta poterat celeritate, Chalcidem ducebat.

[¶106] 38.1. Micythio and Xenoclides, in whose hands rested supreme power after Euthymidas had been expelled from Chalcis, whether they formed their own suspicions or the plot was betrayed, at first were alarmed and placed no trust in anything but flight; then, when their terror subsided and they realized that they would be deserting and abandoning not only their country but also.

> Latin: 38.1. Micythio et Xenoclides, penes quos tum summa rerum pulso Euthymida Chalcide erat, seu ipsi per se suspicati seu indicata re, primo pavidi nihil usquam spei nisi in fuga ponebant;

[¶107] 38.2. the Roman alliance, they increased their courage by the following scheme. It happened that at this time there was an annual festival at Eretria in honour of Diana Amarynthis, which crowds both of the natives and of the Carystii attend.

> Latin: 38.2. deinde postquam resedit terror et prodi et deseri non patriam modo sed etiam Romanorum societatem cernebant, consilio tali animum adiecerunt. sacrum anniversarium eo forte tempore Eretriae Amarynthidis Dianae erat, quod non popularium modo sed Carystiorum etiam coetu celebratur.

[¶108] 38.4. They sent there men to beg the people of Eretria and Carystus, born on the same island, to pity their plight and respect the Roman alliance; let them not permit Chalcis to become the property of the Aetolians; they would control Euboea if once they controlled Chalcis;

> Latin: 38.4. eo miserunt, qui orarent Eretrienses Carystiosque, ut et suarum fortunarum in eadem insula geniti misererentur et Romanam societatem respicerent; ne sinerent Aetolorum Chalcidem fieri; Euboeam habituros, si Chalcidem habuissent;

[¶109] 38.5. the Macedonians had been hard to endure as masters; the Aetolians would be far less easy to bear.

> Latin: 38.5. graves fuisse Macedonas dominos; multo minus tolerabilis futuros Aetolos.

[¶110] 38.6. Regard for the Romans had especial influence with the states, which had recently had experience of both their valour in war and their justice and kindness in victory. Therefore whatever strength in young men each state had it armed and sent.

> Latin: 38.6. Romanorum maxime respectus civitates movit, et virtutem nuper in bello et in victoria iustitiam benignitatemque expertas. itaque quod roboris in iuventute erat utraque civitas armavit misitque.

## 21. Book XXXV · chapters 38–51

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21/#p-N

[¶0] 38.7. When the townspeople had turned over to them the defence of the walls of Chalcis, they themselves with all their forces crossed the Euripus and pitched camp near Salganeus.

> Latin: 38.7. iis tuenda moenia Chalcidis oppidani cum tradidissent, ipsi omnibus copiis transgressi Euripum ad Salganea posuerunt castra.

[¶1] 38.8. Thence first a herald and then ambassadors were sent to the Aetolians to inquire what word or action on their part had brought allies and friends to attack them.

> Latin: 38.8. inde caduceator primum, deinde legati ad Aetolos missi percunctatum, quo suo dicto factove socii atque amici ad se oppugnandos venirent.

[¶2] 38.9. Thoas, the Aetolian chieftain, replied that they were coming, not to besiege them, but to set them free from the Romans; now a more glittering chain, but a far heavier one, bound them than when they had a Macedonian garrison in their citadel.

> Latin: 38.9. respondit Thoas, dux Aetolorum, non ad oppugnandos, sed ad liberandos ab Romanis venire sese;

[¶3] 38.10. The Chalcidenses, however, denied that they were slaves to any man or that they needed the protection of anyone.

> Latin: 38.10. splendidiore nunc eos catena, sed multo graviore vinctos esse, quam cum praesidium Macedonum in arce habuissent. se vero negare Chalcidenses aut servire ulli aut praesidio cuiusquam egere.

[¶4] 38.11. So, leaving the conference, the ambassadors returned to their people; Thoas and the Aetolians, inasmuch as they had placed all their hopes on the chance of catching them off guard, since they were by no means equal to a regular war and the siege of a city well fortified by sea and land, returned home.

> Latin: 38.11. ita digressi ex colloquio legati ad suos; Thoas et Aetoli, ut qui spem omnem in eo, ut improviso opprimerent, habuissent, ad iustum bellum oppugnationemque urbis mari ac terra munitae haudquaquam pares, domum rediere.

[¶5] 38.13. After Euthymidas learned that the camp of his countrymen had been pitched at Salganea and that the Aetolians had gone, he himself also returned from Thebes to Athens, and Herodorus, after waiting several days in vain, anxiously watching from Atalante for a signal, sending out a scouting vessel to ascertain what was causing the delay, when he learned that the attempt had been abandoned by his allies, returned to Thronium whence he had come.

> Latin: 38.13. Euthymidas postquam castra popularium ad Salganea esse profectosque Aetolos audivit, et ipse a Thebis Athenas rediit; et Herodorus cum per aliquot dies intentus ab Atalante signum nequiquam expectasset, missa speculatoria nave, ut, quid morae esset, sciret, postquam rem omissam ab sociis vidit, Thronium, unde venerat, repetit.

[¶6] 39.1. Quinctius also, hearing of this, came from Corinth by ship and in the Chalcidian Euripus met King Eumenes.

> Latin: 39.1. Quinctius quoque his auditis, ab Corintho veniens navibus, in Chalcidico Euripo Eumeni regi occurrit.

[¶7] 39.2. It was decided that five hundred men should be left at Chalcis as a guard by King Eumenes and that the king himself should go to Athens.

> Latin: 39.2. placuit quingentos milites praesidii causa relinqui Chalcide ab Eumene rege, ipsum Athenas ire.

[¶8] 39.3. Quinctius hurried to Demetrias, for which he had set out, in the belief that the liberation of Chalcis would have some effect upon the Magnetes in favour of renewing the Roman alliance and, that there might be some protection for the men of his party, he wrote to Eunomus, the praetor of the Thessalians, that he should arm his young men, and he sent Villius ahead to Demetrias, to test their sentiments, without any intention of attempting any action unless some portion of them was disposed to have regard for the former alliance.

> Latin: 39.3. Quinctius, quo profectus erat, Demetriadem contendit, ratus Chalcidem liberatam momenti aliquid apud Magnetas ad repetendam societatem Romanam facturam, et, ut praesidii aliquid esset suae partis hominibus, Eunomo praetori Thessalorum scripsit, ut armaret iuventutem, et Villium ad Demetriadem praemisit ad temptandos animos, non aliter, nisi pars aliqua inclinaret ad respectum pristinae societatis, rem adgressurus.

[¶9] 39.5. Villius, in a ship of five banks of oars, sailed up to the mouth of the harbour. When all the people of the Magnetes had rushed there, Villius asked whether they would prefer that he had come to friends or to enemies.

> Latin: 39.5. Villius quinqueremi nave ad ostium portus est invectus. eo multitudo omnis Magnetum cum se effudisset, quaesivit Villius, utrum ad amicos an ad hostis venisse se mallent.

[¶10] 39.6. Eurylochus the Magnetarch replied that he came to friends; but he should keep out of the harbour and permit the Magnetes to live in harmony and liberty and should not, under the pretence of a conference, stir up the populace.

> Latin: 39.6. respondit Magnetarches Eurylochus ad amicos venisse eum; sed abstineret portu et sineret Magnetas in concordia et libertate esse nec per colloquii speciem multitudinem sollicitaret.

[¶11] 39.7. Then there was a violent argument, not a conversation, the Roman reproaching the Magnetes for ingratitude and foretelling impending disaster, the crowd raising an uproar while accusing now the senate and now Quinctius. So without accomplishing anything Villius rejoined Quinctius.

> Latin: 39.7. altercatio inde non sermo fuit, cum Romanus ut ingratos increparet Magnetas imminentisque praediceret clades, multitudo obstreperet nunc senatum nunc Quinctium accusando. ita irrito incepto Villius ad Quinctium sese recepit.

[¶12] 39.8. But Quinctius sent a messenger to the praetor to lead his troops back home and himself with his ships returned to Corinth.

> Latin: 39.8. at Quinctius nuntio ad praetorem misso, ut reduceret domum copias, ipse navibus Corinthum rediit.

[¶13] 40.1. I have been driven out of my course, so to say, by blending events in Greece with those in Rome, not because they were worth the effort of recording them, but because they were the origins of the war with Antiochus.

> Latin: 40.1. abstulere me velut de spatio Graeciae res immixtae Romanis, non quia ipsas operae pretium esset perscribere, sed quia causae cum Antiocho fuerunt belli.

[¶14] 40.2. When the consuls were elected —for this was the point at which I turned aside — Lucius Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius departed to their provinces, Quinctius to the Ligures, Domitius against the Boii.

> Latin: 40.2. consulibus designatis — inde namque deverteram — L. Quinctius et Cn. Domitius consules in provincias profecti sunt, Quinctius in Ligures, Domitius adversus Boios.

[¶15] 40.3. The Boii remained quiet, and their senate with their children and the commanders with the cavalry —there were altogether fifteen hundred of them —even surrendered themselves to the consul.

> Latin: 40.3. Boi quieverunt, atque etiam senatus eorum cum liberis et praefecti cum equitatu — summa omnium mille et quingenti — consuli dediderunt se.

[¶16] 40.4. The other consul devastated the Ligurian country far and wide and captured some forts from which they not only secured plunder of all kinds, along with prisoners, but also recovered some citizens and allies who had been in the hands of the enemy.

> Latin: 40.4. ab altero consule ager Ligurum late est vastatus castellaque aliquot capta, unde non praeda modo omnis generis cum captivis parta, sed recepti quoque aliquot cives sociique, qui in hostium potestate fuerant.

[¶17] 40.5. In the same year a colony was established at Vibo in accordance with a decree of the senate and an enactment of the assembly.

> Latin: 40.5. — eodem hoc anno Vibonem colonia deducta est ex senatus consulto plebique scito. tria milia et septingenti pedites ierunt, trecenti equites;

[¶18] 40.6. Three thousand seven hundred infantry went there and three hundred cavalrymen; the commission which established it consisted of Quintus Naevius, Marcus Minucius and Marcus Furius Crassipes; fifteen iugera of land were given to each infantryman and twice that to each cavalryman. The land had recently belonged to the Brutti; they in turn had taken it from the Greeks.

> Latin: 40.6. triumviri deduxerunt eos Q. Naevius M. Minucius M. Furius Crassipes; quina dena iugera agri data in singulos pedites sunt, duplex equiti. Bruttiorum proxime fuerat ager; Bruttii ceperant de Graecis.

[¶19] 40.7. At Rome in the same period there were two very serious alarms, one of longer duration but slower in its effect, for the earth trembled through thirty-eight days; for so many days there was a holiday spent in apprehension and fear; by reason of this occurrence a three-day period of prayer was held;

> Latin: 40.7. — Romae per idem tempus duo maximi fuerunt terrores, diutinus alter sed segnior: terra dies duodequadraginta movit, per totidem dies feriae in sollicitudine ac metu fuere; in triduum eius rei causa supplicatio habita est;

[¶20] 40.8. the other was no idle panic but actual destruction to many: a fire broke out in the Forum Boarium, and for a day and a night the buildings facing the Tiber burned, and all the shops with merchandise of great value were consumed.

> Latin: 40.8. ille non pavor vanus, sed vera multorum clades fuit: incendio a foro Bovario orto diem noctemque aedificia in Tiberim versa arsere, tabernaeque omnes cum magni pretii mercibus conflagraverunt.

[¶21] 41.1. The year was now almost at an end and the talk about the war with Antiochus and the concern of the Fathers were growing greater and greater from day to day;

> Latin: 41.1. iam fere in exitu annus erat, et in dies magis fama de Antiochi bello et cura patribus crescebat;

[¶22] 41.2. in order, therefore, that all might be more attentive to duty, the question of provinces for the magistrates-elect began to be considered.

> Latin: 41.2. itaque de provinciis designatorum magistratuum, quo intentiores essent omnes, agitari coeptum est.

[¶23] 41.3. They decreed that for the consuls Italy and wherever the senate ordered —that this province would be the war against King Antiochus was known to everyone —should be the provinces.

> Latin: 41.3. decrevere, ut consulibus Italia et quo senatus censuisset — iam esse bellum adversus Antiochum regem omnes sciebant— provinciae essent.

[¶24] 41.4. The one to whom the latter lot fell was authorized to enlist four thousand Roman citizens for the infantry and three hundred cavalry and six thousand allies of the Latin confederacy with four hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 41.4. cuius ea sors esset, quattuor milia peditum civium Romanorum et trecenti equites, sex milia socium Latini nominis cum quadringentis equitibus sunt decreta.

[¶25] 41.5. The enrolment of these troops Lucius Quinctius the consul was ordered to undertake, that nothing might delay the new consul from going at once to whatever place the senate should have ordered.

> Latin: 41.5. eorum dilectum habere L. Quinctius consul iussus, ne quid moraretur, quo minus consul novus, quo senatus censuisset, extemplo proficisci posset.

[¶26] 41.6. Moreover, regarding the provinces of the praetors, it was decided that the first lot should cover the two jurisdictions, that between citizens and that between citizens and aliens, the second the Brutti, the third the fleet, to sail wherever the senate should have directed, the fourth Sicily, the fifth Sardinia, the sixth Farther Spain.

> Latin: 41.6. item de provinciis praetorum decretum est, prima ut sors duae, urbanaque et inter civis ac peregrinos iurisdictio esset, secunda Bruttii, tertia classis, ut navigaret quo senatus censuisset, quarta Sicilia, quinta Sardinia, sexta Hispania ulterior.

[¶27] 41.7. Instructions were also given to Lucius Quinctius the consul to raise two new legions of Roman citizens and from the allies of the Latin confederacy twenty thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry. This army was decreed to the praetor to whom the Brutti should have been allotted as a province.

> Latin: 41.7. imperatum praeterea L. Quinctio consuli est, ut duas legiones civium Romanorum novas conscriberet et socium ac Latini nominis viginti milia peditum et octingentos equites. eum exercitum praetori, cui Bruttii provincia evenisset, decreverunt.

[¶28] 41.8. Two temples to Jupiter were dedicated that year on the Capitoline; Lucius Furius Purpurio had vowed one while praetor in the Gallic war, the other while consul; the dedication was performed by Quintus Marcius Ralla the duumvir.

> Latin: 41.8. aedes duae Iovis eo anno in Capitolio dedicatae sunt; voverat L. Furius Purpureo praetor Gallico bello unam, alteram consul;

[¶29] 41.9. Many prosecutions that year were directed against usurers, the curule aediles Marcus Tuccius and Publius Junius Brutus bringing charges against private citizens. From the fines imposed on the condemned, gilded four-horse chariots were set up on the Capitoline and in the inner room of the temple of Jupiter, above the roof of the shrine, twelve gilded shields were also placed, and the same men built a portico outside the Porta Trigemina in the wood-dealers' quarter.

> Latin: 41.9. dedicavit Q. Marcius Ralla duumvir. — iudicia in faeneratores eo anno multa severe sunt facta accusantibus privatos aedilibus curulibus M. Tuccio et P. Innio Bruto. de multa damnatorum quadrigae inauratae in Capitolio positae, et in cella Iovis supra fastigium aediculae duodecim clupea inaurata, et iidem porticum extra portam Trigeminam inter lignarios fecerunt.

[¶30] 42.1. While the Romans were concentrating on the preparations for the new war, there was no idleness on the part of Antiochus either.

> Latin: 42.1. intentis in apparatum novi belli Romanis ne ab Antiocho quidem cessabatur.

[¶31] 42.2. Three cities were detaining him, Zmyrna and Alexandria Troas and Lampsacus, which he had up to that time been able neither to take by assault nor to win over to friendship by negotiations, nor was he willing to leave them in his rear when he crossed to Greece. The question of Hannibal also detained him.

> Latin: 42.2. tres eum civitates tenebant, Zmyrna et Alexandria Troas et Lampsacus, quas neque vi expugnare ad eam diem poterat neque condicionibus in amicitiam perlicere. neque ab tergo relinquere traiciens ipse in Europam volebat.

[¶32] 42.3. And at first the open ships which he had planned to send with him to Africa were delayed;

> Latin: 42.3. tenuit eum et de Hannibale deliberatio. et primo naves apertae, quas cum eo missurus in Africam fuerat, moratae sunt;

[¶33] 42.4. then the question whether he should be sent at all was raised, particularly by Thoas the Aetolian, who, after everything in Greece had been thrown into confusion, brought word that Demetrias was in his power, and with lies like those about the king, with which, multiplying his forces in his harangues, he had roused the passions of many in Greece, he excited the hopes of the king also: the prayers of all were calling him, there would be a rush to the shore from which they could catch glimpses of the royal fleet. This same man dared to try to change the king's decision about Hannibal, now almost fully determined.

> Latin: 42.4. deinde, an omnino mittendus esset, consultatio mota est, maxime a Thoante Aetolo, qui omnibus in Graecia tumultu completis Demetriadem adferebat in potestate esse et, quibus mendaciis de rege, multiplicando verbis copias eius, erexerat multorum in Graecia animos, isdem et regis spem inflabat: omnium votis eum accersi, concursum ad littora futurum, unde classem regiam prospexissent.

[¶34] 42.6. For he said that part of the ships should by no means be detached from the royal fleet, nor, if ships should be sent, was any man less fit than Hannibal to be placed in command: he was an exile and a Carthaginian, to whom either his own luck or his wit could suggest a thousand new schemes a day, and Hannibal's military fame endowed him with a distinction which was out of place in a mere officer of a king.

> Latin: 42.6. hic idem ausus de Hannibale est movere sententiam prope iam certam regis. nam neque dimittendam partem navium a classe regia censebat, neque, si mittendae naves forent, minus quemquam ei classi quam Hannibalem praeficiendum: exulem illum et Poenum esse, cui mille in dies nova consilia vel fortuna sua vel ingenium posset facere, et ipsam eam gloriam belli, qua velut dote Hannibal concilietur, nimiam in praefecto regio esse.

[¶35] 42.9. The king, he said, ought to be the centre of interest, ought to be regarded as the single leader, the single general. If Hannibal should lose a fleet or an army, the loss would be the same as if they were lost by any other leader; if any success were attained, to Hannibal, not to Antiochus, would the credit accrue; but if in the whole war the fortune of conquering the Romans should be vouchsafed them, what hope was there that Hannibal would live under a king, subject to an individual, when he had practically failed to endure the rule of his own country?

> Latin: 42.9. regem conspici, regem unum ducem, unum imperatorem videri debere. si classem, si exercitum amittat Hannibal, idem damni fore, ac si per alium ducem amittantur; si quid prospere eveniat, Hannibalis eam, non Antiochi gloriam fore; si vero universo bello vincendi Romanos fortuna detur, quam spem esse sub rege victurum Hannibalem, uni subiectum, qui patriam [prope] non tulerit?

[¶36] 42.12. He had not conducted himself from youth up, cherishing in his hopes and thoughts the sovereignty of the world, in such a way that in his old age he would be ready, as it seemed, to suffer a master. The king, he concluded, had no need of Hannibal as a commander; as a companion and as an adviser he could use such a man for the war.

> Latin: 42.12. non ita se a iuventa eum gessisse, spe animoque complexum orbis terrarum imperium, ut in senectute dominum laturus videatur.

[¶37] 42.13. A moderate employment of such talents would be neither dangerous nor unprofitable;

> Latin: 42.13. nihil opus esse regi duce Hannibale; comite et consiliario eodem ad bellum uti posse.

[¶38] 42.14. if the greatest use of them were made, it would ruin both the giver and the receiver.

> Latin: 42.14. modicum fructum ex ingenio tali neque gravem neque inutilem fore; si summa petantur, et dantem et accipientem praegravatura.

[¶39] 43.1. No dispositions are so prone to envy as those of men whose abilities do not correspond to their birth and fortune, because they hate excellence and good qualities in another. Immediately the plan of sending Hannibal, which was the only good thing thought of at the beginning of the war, was laid aside.

> Latin: 43.1. nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt quam eorum, qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non aequant, quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. extemplo consilium mittendi Hannibalis, quod unum in principio belli utiliter cogitatum erat, abiectum est.

[¶40] 43.2. The king, especially rejoiced at the revolt of Demetrias from the Romans to the Aetolians, decided not to postpone longer his departure for Greece.

> Latin: 43.2. Demetriadis maxime defectione ab Romanis ad Aetolos elatus non ultra differre profectionem in Graeciam constituit.

[¶41] 43.3. Before he set sail he went up from the coast to Ilium to offer sacrifice to Minerva. Thence he returned and departed with forty decked and sixty open vessels, while two hundred cargo-ships, with all kinds of supplies and equipment for war, followed.

> Latin: 43.3. priusquam solveret naves, Ilium a mari escendit, ut Minervae sacrificaret. inde ad classem regressus proficitur quadraginta tectis navibus, apertis sexaginta, et ducentae onerariae cum omnis generis commeatu bellicoque alio apparatu sequebantur.

[¶42] 43.4. He first steered for the island of Imbros; thence crossed to Sciathos; there he first collected the ships that had been scattered in the open sea and arrived at Pteleum, the first point on the mainland.

> Latin: 43.4. Imbrum primo insulam tenuit; inde Sciathum traiecit; ubi collectis in alto quae dissipatae erant navibus ad Pteleum primum continentis venit.

[¶43] 43.5. There Eurylochus the Magnetarch and the chiefs of the Magnetes from Demetrias met him, and rejoicing at their number on the next day he sailed into the harbour of the city with his fleet; his troops he landed not far away.

> Latin: 43.5. ibi Eurylochus ei Magnetarches principesque Magnetum ab Demetriade occurrerunt, quorum frequentia laetus die postero in portum urbis navibus est invectus;

[¶44] 43.6. There were ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry and six elephants, a force scarcely sufficient to take possession of Greece if it were undefended, not to mention the necessity of resistance to the Romans.

> Latin: 43.6. copias haud procul inde exposuit. decem milia peditum fuere et quingenti equites, sex elephanti, vix ad Graeciam nudam occupandam satis copiarum, nedum ad sustinendum Romanum bellum.

[¶45] 43.7. The Aetolians, after it was reported that Antiochus had arrived at Demetrias, called a council and confirmed the decree by which they had invited him. The king had already left Demetrias, knowing that they would vote thus, and had come to Phalara on the Malian gulf.

> Latin: 43.7. Aetoli, postquam Demetriadem venisse Antiochum adlatum est, concilio indicto decretum, quo accerserent eum, fecerunt.

[¶46] 43.8. Thence, after receiving the decree, he came to Lamia and was welcomed with great enthusiasm on the part of the populace, with hand-clappings and shouts and the other demonstrations with which the unrestrained joy of a crowd is expressed.

> Latin: 43.8. iam profectus ab Demetriade rex, quia ita decreturos sciebat, Phalara in sinum Maliacum processerat. inde decreto accepto Lamiam venit, exceptus ingenti favore multitudinis cum plausibus clamoribusque et quibus aliis laetitia effusa vulgi significatur.

[¶47] 44.1. When they came to the council, silence being with difficulty obtained, the king was introduced by Phaeneas the praetor and the other chiefs and began to speak.

> Latin: 44.1. in concilium ut ventum est, aegre a Phaenea praetore principibusque aliis [introductus] facto silentio dicere orsus rex.

[¶48] 44.2. The opening of his speech was an apology because he had come with forces so much smaller than everyone had hoped and expected.

> Latin: 44.2. prima eius oratio fuit excusantis, quod tanto minoribus spe atque opinione omnium copiis venisset.

[¶49] 44.3. This, he said, should be the best proof of the goodwill which he felt for them, because, although not fully prepared in any respect and at a premature time for sailing, at the summons of their ambassadors he had obeyed without objection and had believed that when the Aetolians saw him they would consider that all their hope of safety depended on himself alone.

> Latin: 44.3. id suae impensae erga eos voluntatis maximum debere indicium esse, quod nec paratus satis ulla re et tempore ad navigandum immaturo vocantibus legatis eorum haud gravate obsecutus esset credidissetque, cum se vidissent Aetoli, omnia vel in se uno posita praesidia existimaturos esse.

[¶50] 44.4. But the hopes, even of those whose expectations seemed disappointed for the moment, he would realize to the full:

> Latin: 44.4. ceterum eorum quoque se, quorum expectatio destituta in praesentia videatur, spem abunde expleturum:

[¶51] 44.5. for as soon as the early season of the year made the sea navigable he would fill all Greece with arms, men, horses, the whole seacoast with ships, and would spare no expense nor toil nor danger until, with the Roman yoke removed from their necks, he had made Greece free in truth and the Aetolians the foremost people in the land.

> Latin: 44.5. nam simul primum anni tempus navigabile praebuisset mare, omnem se Graeciam armis viris equis, omnem oram maritimam classibus completurum, nec impensae nec labori nec periculo parsurum, donec depulso cervicibus eorum imperio Romano liberam vere Graeciam atque in ea principes Aetolos fecisset.

[¶52] 44.7. With the armies, supplies of every kind also would come from Asia; in the meantime the responsibility should rest upon the Aetolians of supplying him with abundance of grain for his men and with other things at a fair price.

> Latin: 44.7. cum exercitibus commeatus quoque omnis generis ex Asia venturos; in praesentia curae esse Aetolis debere, ut copia frumenti suis et annona tolerabilis rerum aliarum suppeditetur.

[¶53] 45.1. Having spoken thus amid loud applause from all, the king left the meeting.

> Latin: 45.1. in hanc sententiam rex cum magno omnium adsensu locutus discessit.

[¶54] 45.2. After the withdrawal of the king an argument arose between two chiefs of the Aetolians, Phaeneas and Thoas.

> Latin: 45.2. post discessum regis inter duos principes Aetolorum, Phaeneam et Thoantem, contentio fuit.

[¶55] 45.3. Phaeneas thought that they should use Antiochus as a restorer of peace and as an arbitrator in those matters which were in dispute with the Roman people rather than as a leader in war:

> Latin: 45.3. Phaeneas reconciliatore pacis et disceptatore de iis, quae in controversia cum populo Romano essent, utendum potius Antiocho censebat quam duce belli;

[¶56] 45.4. his arrival and his majesty would be more effectual than arms in causing the Romans to observe moderation; men, to avoid the necessity of fighting, would make many voluntary concessions which they could not be compelled to make by war and arms.

> Latin: 45.4. adventum eius et maiestatem ad verecundiam faciendam Romanis vim maiorem habituram quam arma; multa homines, ne bellare necesse sit, voluntate remittere, quae bello et armis cogi non possint.

[¶57] 45.5. Thoas asserted that Phaeneas was not interested in peace but was trying to delay preparations for war, that through weariness the energy of the king might relax and also that the Romans might have time for preparation:

> Latin: 45.5. Thoas negare paci studere Phaeneam, sed discutere apparatum belli velle, ut taedio et impetus relanguescat regis et Romani tempus ad comparandum habeant:

[¶58] 45.6. it was well established by sending so many embassies to Rome and holding so many conferences with Quinctius himself, that no justice could be obtained from the Romans, nor would they have asked aid from Antiochus if all hope had not been lost.

> Latin: 45.6. nihil enim aequi ab Romanis impetrari posse totiens legationibus missis Romam, totiens cum ipso Quinctio disceptando satis expertum esse, nec nisi abscisa omni spe auxilium Antiochi imploraturos fuisse.

[¶59] 45.7. Since this aid had arrived sooner than anyone expected, there should be, he said, no diminution of effort, but rather the king should be asked, since he had come in person as the avenger of Greece, which was the all-important thing, to summon also his military and naval forces.

> Latin: 45.7. quo celerius spe omnium oblato non esse elanguescendum, sed orandum potius regem, ut, quoniam, quod maximum fuerit, ipse vindex Graeciae venerit, copias quoque terrestris navalisque accersat.

[¶60] 45.8. The king in arms would obtain something; unarmed, he would not have the slightest influence with the Romans, either for the Aetolians or even for himself.

> Latin: 45.8. armatum regem aliquid impetraturum; inermem non pro Aetolis modo, sed ne pro se quidem ipso momenti ullius futurum apud Romanos.

[¶61] 45.9. This opinion prevailed, and they voted that the king should be named commander-in-chief and chose thirty of the leaders with whom, if he wished, he could consult.

> Latin: 45.9. haec vicit sententia, imperatoremque regem appellandum censuerunt et triginta principes, cum quibus, si qua vellet, consultaret, delegerunt.

[¶62] 46.1. The council being thus adjourned, the people all scattered to their own cities; the king next day consulted the apocletes as to where the war should begin.

> Latin: 46.1. ita dimisso concilio multitudo omnis in suas civitates dilapsa est;

[¶63] 46.2. It seemed best first to attack Chalcis, on which an attempt had recently been made in vain by the Aetolians; and it was agreed that speed was more necessary for this purpose than great strength or preparation.

> Latin: 46.2. rex postero die cum apocletis eorum, unde bellum ordiretur, consultabat. optimum visum est Chalcidem, frustra ab Aetolis nuper temptatam, primum adgredi; et celeritate magis in eam rem quam magno conatu et apparatu opus esse.

[¶64] 46.3. The king therefore with a thousand infantry who had come with him from Demetrias set out through Phocis and by another road the chiefs of the Aetolians, calling out a few of their young men, hastened to Chaeronia and followed in ten decked ships.

> Latin: 46.3. itaque cum mille peditibus rex, qui Demetriade secuti erant, profectus per Phocidem est, et alio itinere principes Aetoli iuniorum paucis evocatis ad Chaeroniam occurrerunt et decem constratis navibus secuti sunt.

[¶65] 46.4. The king himself encamped at Salganeus and crossed the Euripus by boat with the Aetolian chiefs and, since he had disembarked not far from the harbour, the magistrates of the Chalcidenses also and the foremost citizens came out before the gate. A few from each side met for a conference.

> Latin: 46.4. rex ad Salganea castris positis navibus ipse cum principibus Aetolorum Euripum traiecit, et, cum haud procul portu egressus esset, magistratus quoque Chalcidensium et principes ante portam processerunt. pauci utrimque ad colloquium congressi sunt.

[¶66] 46.5. The Aetolians urged them strongly while retaining the Roman friendship to take the king also as an ally and friend:

> Latin: 46.5. Aetoli magno opere suadere, ut salva Romanorum amicitia regem quoque adsumerent socium atque amicum:

[¶67] 46.6. for he had not come to Europe to make war but to free Greece, and to free it in reality, not in words and pretence, as the Romans had done;

> Latin: 46.6. neque enim eum inferendi belli, sed liberandae Graeciae causa in Europam traiecisse, et liberandae re, non verbis et simulatione, quod fecissent Romani;

[¶68] 46.7. nothing, moreover, was more useful to the Greek cities than to embrace both friendships, for thus they would always be guarded by the protection and good faith of the one from the injustice of the other.

> Latin: 46.7. nihil autem utilius Graeciae civitatibus esse quam utramque complecti amicitiam; ita enim ab utriusque iniuria tutas alterius semper praesidio et fiducia fore.

[¶69] 46.8. For if they did not receive the king, they would see at once what they would have to endure, when Roman aid was far away and Antiochus, an enemy whom they could not withstand by their own might, was at their gates.

> Latin: 46.8. nam si non recepissent regem, viderent, quid patiendum iis extemplo foret, cum Romanorum procul auxilium, hostis Antiochus, cui resistere suis viribus non possent, ante portas esset.

[¶70] 46.9. At this Micythio, one of the chiefs, said that he wondered for whose liberation Antiochus had left his own kingdom and crossed to Europe: for he knew no state in Greece which had a garrison or paid tribute to the Romans or suffered, under the compulsion of an unfair treaty, laws which it did not wish; therefore the people of Chalcis needed neither any champion of their liberty, since they were free, nor any protection, since by the kindness of the same Roman people they enjoyed peace along with liberty.

> Latin: 46.9. ad haec Micythio, unus ex principibus, mirari se dixit, ad quos liberandos Antiochus relicto regno suo in Europam traiecisset: nullam enim civitatem se in Graecia nosse, quae aut praesidium habeat, aut stipendium Romanis pendat, aut foedere iniquo adligata quas nolit leges patiatur:

[¶71] 46.11. They did not reject, he said, the friendship of the king nor that of the Aetolians themselves.

> Latin: 46.11. itaque Chalcidenses neque vindice libertatis ullo egere, cum liberi sint, neque praesidio, cum pacem eiusdem populi Romani beneficio et libertatem habeant.

[¶72] 46.12. In their capacity as friends their first act would be to retire from the island and go away:

> Latin: 46.12. amicitiam regis non aspernari, nec ipsorum Aetolorum. id primum eos pro amicis facturos, si insula excedant atque abeant:

[¶73] 46.13. for they were determined not only not to admit them within the walls, but not to conclude any alliance even except in accordance with the authorization of the Romans.

> Latin: 46.13. nam ipsis certum esse non modo non recipere moenibus, sed ne societatem quidem ullam pacisci nisi ex auctoritate Romanorum.

[¶74] 47.1. When this answer had been conveyed to the king at the ships where he had stayed, for the present —for he had not come with such strength that he could undertake any forcible measures —it was decided to return to Demetrias.

> Latin: 47.1. haec renuntiata regi ad naves, ubi restiterat, cum essent, in praesentia — neque enim iis venerat copiis, ut vi agere quicquam posset — reverti Demetriadem placuit.

[¶75] 47.2. There, since their first venture had proved fruitless, the king consulted with the Aetolians what should be done next. It was agreed to try the Boeotians, the Achaeans, and Amynander, king of the Athamanes.

> Latin: 47.2. ibi, quoniam primum vanum inceptum evasisset, consultare cum Aetolis rex, quid deinde fieret. placuit Boeotos Achaeos Amynandrum regem Athamanum temptare.

[¶76] 47.3. They believed that the Boeotians had been unfriendly to the Romans ever since the death of Brachyllas and the events which followed; they thought that the Achaean magistrate Philopoemen, since he had become a rival in fame as a result of the war in Lacedaemon, was hostile to and hated by Quinctius.

> Latin: 47.3. Boeotorum gentem aversam ab Romanis iam inde a Brachylli morte, et quae secuta eam fuerant, censebant; Achaeorum Philopoemenem principem aemulatione gloriae in bello Laconum infestum invisumque esse Quinctio credebant.

[¶77] 47.5. Amynander had as wife Apama, daughter of one Alexander of Megalopolis, who, boasting descent from Alexander the Great, had given to his two sons the names of Philip and Alexander and to his daughter that of Apama; when she was joined in royal wedlock her elder brother Philip followed her to

> Latin: 47.5. Amynander uxorem Apamam, filiam Alexandri cuiusdam Megalopolitani, habebat, qui se oriundum a magno Alexandro ferens filiis duobus Philippum atque Alexandrum et filiae Apamam nomina inposuerat; quam regiis inclutam nuptiis maior ex fratribus Philippus secutus in Athamaniam fuerat.

[¶78] 47.7. Athamania. Since he happened to be vain in character, the Aetolians and Antiochus had induced him to hope for the throne of Macedonia, being, as they told him, truly of the stock of kings, if he allied Amynander and the Athamanes with Antiochus.

> Latin: 47.7. hunc forte ingenio vanum Aetoli et Antiochus inpulerant in spem Macedoniae regni, quod is vere regum stirpis esset, si Amynandrum Athamanesque Antiocho coniunxisset.

[¶79] 47.8. And this vain promise availed not only with Philip but also with Amynander.

> Latin: 47.8. et ea vanitas promissorum non apud Philippum modo sed etiam apud Amynandrum valuit.

[¶80] 48.1. In Achaea a hearing before the council was granted the representatives of Antiochus and the Aetolians in the presence of Titus Quinctius at Aegium.

> Latin: 48.1. in Achaia legatis Antiochi Aetolorumque coram T. Quinctio Aegii datum est concilium.

[¶81] 48.2. The ambassador of Antiochus was heard before the Aetolians. He, a boaster like most who are maintained by a king's power, filled seas and lands with an empty sound of words: an uncountable number of cavalry was crossing the Hellespont into Europe, partly equipped with breastplates —these they call the cataphracti —partly those who use arrows from horseback, and as a result of which there is no protection against them, since they aimed quite accurately backwards while fleeing on their horses.

> Latin: 48.2. Antiochi legatus prior quam Aetoli est auditus. is, ut plerique, quos opes regiae alunt, vaniloquus maria terrasque inani sonitu verborum complevit: equitum innumerabilem vim traici Hellesponto in Europam, partim loricatos, quos cataphractos vocant, partim sagittis ex equo utentis et, a quo nihil satis tecti sit, averso refugientis equo certius figentes.

[¶82] 48.4. Although by these forces of cavalry the armies even of all Europe, collected in one body, could be overwhelmed, he added army after army of infantry, and he caused terror when they heard names of tribes besides, scarcely known by name, talking of Dahae, Medes, Elymaeans and Cadusians.

> Latin: 48.4. his equestribus copiis quamquam vel totius Europae exercitus in unum coacti obrui possent, adiciebat multiplicis copias peditum, et nominibus quoque gentium vix fando auditis terrebat, Dahas Medos Elymaeosque et Cadusios appellans.

[¶83] 48.6. As to the naval forces, moreover, which no harbours in Greece could shelter, the right wing was held by men of Sidon and Tyre, the left by Aradii and Sidetes from Pamphylia, which races none had ever equalled either in skill or in courage in naval combat.

> Latin: 48.6. navalium vero copiarum, quas nulli portus capere in Graecia possent, dextrum cornu Sidonios et Tyrios, sinistrum Aradios et ex Pamphylia Sidetas tenere, quas gentes nullae umquam nec arte nec virtute navali aequassent.

[¶84] 48.7. At this time to speak of money, at this time to speak of other equipment for war, he said was useless: they themselves were aware that the kingdoms of Asia had always been rich in gold. Therefore the Romans would not have to do with Philip or Hannibal, the one the chief of a single state, the other confined only within the bounds of the Macedonian kingdom, but with the mighty lord of all Asia and part of Europe.

> Latin: 48.7. iam pecuniam, iam alios belli apparatus referre supervacaneum esse: scire ipsos abundasse auro semper regna Asiae. itaque non cum Philippo nec Hannibale rem futuram Romanis, principe altero unius civitatis, altero Macedoniae tantum regni finibus incluso, sed cum magno Asiae totius partisque Europae rege.

[¶85] 48.8. Nevertheless, although he came from the farthest parts of the east to liberate Greece, he demanded nothing of the Achaeans by which their loyalty to the Romans, who had priority as allies and friends, would be diminished: for he did not ask that they should take up arms on his side against the Romans, but that they should ally themselves with neither side.

> Latin: 48.8. eum tamen, quamquam ab ultimis orientis terminis ad liberandam Graeciam veniat, nihil postulare ab Achaeis, in quo fides eorum adversus Romanos, priores socios atque amicos, laedatur:

[¶86] 48.9. Let them wish for peace for both parties, as was befitting the friends of both; let them take no part in war.

> Latin: 48.9. non enim ut secum adversus eos arma capiant, sed ut neutri parti sese coniungant petere. pacem utrique parti, quod medios deceat amicos, optent; bello se non interponant.

[¶87] 48.10. About the same request was made by the Aetolian ambassador Archidamus, that they maintain peace, which was the easiest and safest course, and as onlookers at the war let them await the outcome of others' destinies without any risk to their own cause.

> Latin: 48.10. idem ferme et Aetolorum legatus Archidamus petit, ut, quae facillima et tutissima esset, quietem praestarent, spectatoresque belli fortunarum alienarum eventum sine ullo discrimine rerum suarum opperirentur.

[¶88] 48.11. Then he was carried away by the vehemence of his language to the point of insulting now the Romans generally, now Quinctius himself specifically, calling them ingrates and taunting him with the remark that not only the victory over Philip but Quinctius' own safety had been gained by the valour of the Aetolians, and when, he demanded, had Quinctius ever performed the functions of a commander?

> Latin: 48.11. provectus deinde est intemperantia linguae in maledicta nunc communiter Romanorum, nunc proprie ipsius Quinctii, ingratos appellans et exprobrans non victoriam modo de Philippo virtute Aetolorum partam sed etiam salutem, ipsumque et exercitum sua opera servatos.

[¶89] 48.13. Taking auspices and sacrificing and performing vows like a poor sacrificing priest —thus had he seen Quinctius in the battle, while he himself was exposing his person in behalf of Quinctius to the weapons of the enemy.

> Latin: 48.13. quo enim illum umquam imperatoris functum officio esse? auspicantem immolantemque et vota nuncupantem sacrificuli vatis modo in acie vidisse, cum ipse corpus suum pro eo telis hostium obiceret.

[¶90] 49.1. To this Quinctius replied that Archidamus had considered in whose presence he was speaking rather than whom he was addressing:

> Latin: 49.1. ad ea Quinctius, coram quibus magis, quam apud quos verba faceret, dicere Archidamum rationem habuisse:

[¶91] 49.2. for the Achaeans knew well that all the fierceness of the Aetolians consisted in words and not in actions, and was seen in councils and assemblies more than in battle: therefore Archidamus took small account of the opinion of the Achaeans, to whom he realized that the Aetolians were known;

> Latin: 49.2. Achaeos enim probe scire Aetolorum omnem ferociam in verbis, non in factis esse, et in conciliis magis contionibusque quam in acie apparere:

[¶92] 49.3. it was for the benefit of the king's ambassadors and through them of the king that he had boasted thus.

> Latin: 49.3. itaque parvi Achaeorum existimationem, quibus notos esse se scirent, fecisse;

[¶93] 49.4. But if anyone had been ignorant before what cause had brought Antiochus and the Aetolians together, it could now be clear from the speeches of their delegates that by an exchange of lies and of boasts of strength which they did not possess they filled one another's minds, and in turn were filled, with groundless hopes. “While they are saying that by them Philip was defeated and by their valour the Romans were preserved, and, as you just heard, that you and the other cities and peoples will follow in their path, the king on the other hand is boasting of his clouds of infantry and cavalry and is hiding the sea beneath his fleet.”

> Latin: 49.4. legatis regis et per eos absenti regi eum se iactasse. quod si quis antea ignorasset, quae res Antiochum et Aetolos coniunxisset, ex legatorum sermone potuisse apparere, mentiendo in vicem iactandoque vires, quas non haberent, inflasse vana spe atque inflatos esse, “ dum hi ab se victum Philippum, sua virtute protectos Romanos et, quae modo audiebatis, narrant vos ceterasque civitates et gentes suam sectam esse secuturos, rex contra peditum equitumque nubes iactat et consternit maria classibus suis.

[¶94] 49.6. “But the whole affair is very like a dinner given by a friend of mine in Chalcis, both an excellent man and a witty table-companion, and when we were entertained at his house at the time of the solstice, and were wondering where at that time of the year he found so much game and of so many kinds,” “this man, not boasting in the manner of our opponents, said with a smile that by seasoning these varied forms of wild game had been made out of tame swine.”

> Latin: 49.6. est autem res simillima cenae Chalcidensis hospitis mei, hominis et boni et sciti convivatoris, apud quem solstitiali tempore comiter accepti cum miraremur, unde illi eo tempore anni tam varia et multa venatio, homo non quam isti sunt gloriosus renidens condimentis ait varietatem illam et speciem ferinae carnis ex mansueto sue factam.” hoc dici apte in copias regis, quae paulo ante iactatae sint, posse:

[¶95] 49.8. This, he said, could be well applied to the forces of the king, about which there had been so much bragging a little while ago; the different kinds of weapons, the many names of unheard-of peoples, Dahae and Medes and Cadusians and Elymaeans —these were all Syrians, far better fitted to be slaves, on account of their servile dispositions, than to be a race of warriors.

> Latin: 49.8. varia enim genera armorum et multa nomina gentium inauditarum, Dahas et Medos et Cadusios et Elymaeos, Suros omnis esse, haud paulo mancipiorum melius propter servilia ingenia quam militum genus.

[¶96] 49.9. “And would that I could, Achaeans, set before your eyes the frantic rush of the great king from Demetrias, now to Lamia for the council of the Aetolians, now to Chalcis; you would scarcely find the like of two poor legions of reduced strength in the camp of the king;”

> Latin: 49.9. “et utinam subicere vestris oculis, Achaei, possem concursationem regis magni ab Demetriade nunc Lamiam in concilium Aetolorum nunc Chalcidem; videretis vix duarum male plenarum legiuncularum instar in castris regis;

[¶97] 49.10. “you would see the king now almost begging food from the Aetolians to be distributed to his troops, now seeking the loan of ” “funds on interest for their pay, now standing before the gates of Chalcis and presently, shut out from there, having done nothing more than look at Aulis and the Euripus, going back to Aetolia.

> Latin: 49.10. videretis regem nunc mendicantem prope frumentum ab Aetolis, quod militi admetiatur, nunc mutuas pecunias faenore in stipendium quaerentem, nunc ad portas Chalcidis stantem et mox, inde exclusum, nihil aliud quam Aulide atque Euripo spectatis in Aetoliam redeuntem.

[¶98] 49.11. Foolishly have they trusted, both Antiochus in the Aetolians and the Aetolians in the vainglory of the king: the less should you be deceived, but you should place your trust rather in the tried and known protection of the Romans.” “For as to what they say is best, that you should not take any ” “part in the war, nothing, on the contrary, is so inconsistent with your interests; yes, disregarded and discredited you will be the prize of the conqueror.”

> Latin: 49.11. male crediderunt et Antiochus Aetolis et Aetoli regiae vanitati: quo minus vos decipi debetis, sed expertae potius spectataeque Romanorum fidei credere. nam quod optimum esse dicunt, non interponi vos bello, nihil immo tam alienum rebus vestris est; quippe sine gratia, sine dignitate praemium victoris eritis.

[¶99] 50.1. Not without point did he appear to have answered both parties, and it was easy for his speech to be received with favouring ears by men who were on his side.

> Latin: 50.1. ” nec absurde adversus utrosque respondisse visus est, et facile erat orationem apud faventis aequis auribus accipi.

[¶100] 50.2. For there was no debate or doubt that they would pronounce judgment that the people of the Achaeans would hold as enemies and friends the same whom the Roman people held as such, and that they would order war declared on Antiochus and the Aetolians.

> Latin: 50.2. nulla enim nec disceptatio nec dubitatio fuit, quin omnes eosdem genti Achaeorum hostes et amicos, quos populus Romanus censuisset, iudicarent, bellumque et Antiocho et Aetolis nuntiari iuberent.

[¶101] 50.3. Auxiliaries also, as Quinctius advised, five hundred soldiers to Chalcis and five hundred to Piraeus, were at once sent.

> Latin: 50.3. auxilia etiam, quo censuit Quinctius, quingentorum militum Chalcidem, quingentorum Piraeum extemplo miserunt.

[¶102] 50.4. For there was at Athens a situation not much different from a rebellion, since some people, from the hope of bribes, were trying to win by money the venal multitude over to the side of Antiochus, until Quinctius was summoned by those who were of the Roman faction, and on the accusation of a certain Leon, Apollodorus, the author of the sedition, was convicted and driven into exile.

> Latin: 50.4. erat enim haud procul seditione Athenis res trahentibus ad Antiochum quibusdam spe largitionum venalem pretio multitudinem, donec ab iis, qui Romanae partis erant, Quinctius est accitus, et accusante Leonte quodam Apollodorus auctor defectionis damnatus atque in exilium est eiectus.

[¶103] 50.5. And the Achaeans indeed gave the ambassadors an unsympathetic answer to take back to the king; the Boeotians made no positive response: when Antiochus should have come to Boeotia, then, they said, they would consider what course of action they should adopt.

> Latin: 50.5. et ab Achaeis quidem cum tristi responso legatio ad regem rediit; Boeoti nihil certi responderunt: cum Antiochus in Boeotiam venisset, tum, quid sibi faciundum esset, se deliberaturos esse.

[¶104] 50.6. When Antiochus heard that garrisons had been sent to Chalcis by both the Achaeans and King Eumenes, he thought that his men should make haste to anticipate them and if possible meet them on their arrival, and he sent Menippus with about three thousand soldiers and Polyxenidas with the entire fleet, and a few days later he too led six thousand of his own troops and some few of the Aetolians from such forces as could be mustered on short notice at Lamia.

> Latin: 50.6. Antiochus cum ad Chalcidis praesidium et Achaeos et Eumenem regem misisse audisset, maturandum ratus, ut et praevenirent sui et venientis, si possent, exciperent, Menippum cum tribus ferme milibus militum et omni classe Polyxenidan mittit, ipse paucos post dies sex milia suorum militum, et ex ea copia, quae Lamiae repente colligi potuit, non ita multos Aetolos ducit.

[¶105] 50.8. The five hundred Achaeans and a small force sent by King Eumenes, with Xenoclides of Chalcis as their leader, the roads being not yet closed, crossed the Euripus in safety and arrived in Chalcis;

> Latin: 50.8. Achaei quingenti et ab Eumene rege modicum auxilium missum duce Xenoclide Chalcidensi nondum obsessis itineribus tuto transgressi Euripum Chalcidem pervenerunt;

[¶106] 50.9. the Roman soldiers, these too about five hundred in number, arrived when Menippus already had his camp before Salganeus near the Hermaeum, where there is a crossing from Boeotia to the island of Euboea.

> Latin: 50.9. Romani milites, quingenti ferme et ipsi, cum iam Menippus castra ante Salganea ad Hermaeum, qua transitus ex Boeotia in Euboeam insulam est, haberet, venerunt.

[¶107] 50.10. Micythio was with them, sent from Chalcis to Quinctius to request that very garrison.

> Latin: 50.10. Micythio erat cum iis, lagatus ab Chalcide ad Quinctium ad id ipsum praesidium petendum missus.

[¶108] 50.11. When he saw that the pass was held by the enemy, he abandoned the march to Aulis and turned toward Delium, planning to cross from there to Euboea.

> Latin: 50.11. qui, postquam ab hostibus obsessas fauces vidit, omisso ad Aulidem itinere Delium convertit, ut inde in Euboeam transmissurus.

[¶109] 51.1. Delium is a temple of Apollo, overlooking the sea; it is five miles away from Tanagra; the crossing by sea from there to the nearest parts of Euboea is less than four miles.

> Latin: 51.1. templum est Apollinis Delium, imminens mari; quinque milia passuum ab Tanagra abest; minus quattuor milium inde in proxima Euboeae est mari traiectus.

[¶110] 51.2. Not only were they in a shrine and sacred grove, of so religious a character, and under the law of sanctuary which protects those temples which the Greeks call “asylums,” but also the war had as yet been neither declared nor brought to such an issue that they had seen swords drawn or blood shed anywhere, while the soldiers were wandering around completely at ease, some going to see the temple and the grove, some strolling along the shore unarmed, and a great part scattering through the country in quest of wood and forage;

> Latin: 51.2. ubi et in fano lucoque ea religione et eo iure sancto, quo sunt templa, quae asyla Graeci appellant, et nondum aut indicto bello aut ita commisso, ut strictos gladios aut sanguinem usquam factum audissent, cum per magnum otium milites alii ad spectaculum templi lucique versi, alii in littore inermes vagarentur, magna pars per agros lignatum pabulatumque dilapsa esset,

[¶111] 51.4. suddenly Menippus fell upon them as they straggled here and there and slew them, and captured about fifty alive; a very few got away, among them Micythio, who was picked up by a small trading-vessel.

> Latin: 51.4. repente Menippus palatos passim adgressus eos cecidit, ad quinquaginta vivos cepit; perpauci effugerunt, in quibus Micythio parva oneraria nave exceptus.

[¶112] 51.5. Just as the loss of the soldiers was annoying to Quinctius and the Romans, so too the affair seemed to have given some further justification for declaring war on Antiochus.

> Latin: 51.5. ea res Quinctio Romanisque sicut iactura militum molesta, ita ad ius inferendi Antiocho belli adiecisse aliquantum videbatur.

[¶113] 51.6. Antiochus moved his army up to Aulis, and when he had again sent ambassadors to Chalcis, some of his own people and some Aetolians, who urged in more threatening language the same course they had recently advised, although Micythio and Xenoclides vainly strove against it, he easily gained his point that the gates should be opened to him.

> Latin: 51.6. Antiochus admoto ad Aulidem exercitu, cum rursus oratores partim ex suis partim Aetolos Chalcidem misisset, qui eadem illa, quae nuper, cum minis gravioribus agerent, nequiquam contra Micythione et Xenoclide tendentibus facile tenuit, ut portae sibi aperirentur.

[¶114] 51.7. Those of the Roman party left the city at the approach of the king. The soldiers of the Achaeans and Eumenes held Salganeus, and on the Euripus a few Roman soldiers built a fort to guard the place. Menippus attacked Salganeus, the king himself began to attack the fort on the Euripus.

> Latin: 51.7. qui Romanae partis erant sub adventum regis urbe excesserunt. Achaeorum et Eumenis milites Salganea tenebant, et in Euripo castellum Romani milites pauci custodiae causa loci communiebant.

[¶115] 51.8. The Achaeans and the soldiers of Eumenes were the first to bargain that they be allowed to depart under safeguard and left their post; with greater stubbornness the Romans tried to hold the Euripus.

> Latin: 51.8. Salganea Menippus, rex ipse castellum Euripi oppugnare est adortus. priores Achaei et Eumenis milites pacti, ut sine fraude liceret abire, praesidio excesserunt; pertinacius Romani Euripum tuebantur.

[¶116] 51.9. Nevertheless, even they, when they were besieged by land and sea and saw the engines and artillery being moved forward, did not withstand the siege.

> Latin: 51.9. hi quoque tamen, cum terra marique obsiderentur et iam machinas tormentaque adportari viderent, non tulere obsidionem.

[¶117] 51.10. Since the king held this, which was the chief city of Euboea, the other cities of the island did not disobey his orders, and he seemed to himself to have made an important start to the war in the fact that so great an island and so many well-situated cities had come under his sway.

> Latin: 51.10. cum id, quod caput erat Euboeae, teneret rex, ne ceterae quidem eius insulae urbes imperium abnuerunt; magnoque principio sibi orsus bellum videbatur, quod tanta insula et tot opportunae urbes in suam dicionem venissent.

## 22. Book XXXVI · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/22/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/22/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, and Manius Acilius Glabrio were inaugurated consuls, and were directed by the Fathers, before they took up the question of provinces, to perform sacrifices with full-grown victims at all the shrines at which the lectisternium was customarily celebrated throughout the greater part of the year, and to offer prayer that what the senate had in mind regarding the new war might turn out well and successfully for the senate and the Roman people.

> Latin: 1.1. P. Cornelium Cn. filium Scipionem et M’. Acilium Glabrionem consules inito magistratu patres, priusquam de provinciis agerent, res divinas facere maioribus hostiis iusserunt in omnibus fanis, in quibus lectisternium maiorem partem anni fieri solet, precarique, quod senatus de novo bello in animo haberet, ut ea res senatui populoque Romano bene atque feliciter eveniret.

[¶1] 1.3. All these sacrifices were favourable and good omens were obtained from the first victims, and the interpretation of the haruspices was this, that in this war the boundaries of the Roman people were being enlarged and that victory and a triumph were foreshadowed.

> Latin: 1.3. ea omnia sacrificia laeta fuerunt, primisque hostiis perlitatum est, et ita haruspices responderunt, eo bello terminos populi Romani propagari, victoriam ac triumphum ostendi.

[¶2] 1.4. When this had been reported, the Fathers, their minds freed of religious scruples, directed that the question be proposed to the assembly, whether they wished and ordered war to be entered upon with King Antiochus and those who had followed his path;

> Latin: 1.4. haec cum renuntiata essent, solutis religione animis patres rogationem ad populum ferri iusserunt, vellent iuberentne cum Antiocho rege, quique eius sectam secuti essent bellum iniri;

[¶3] 1.5. if this motion should be adopted, then, if the consuls saw fit, they should lay the whole question before the senate.

> Latin: 1.5. si ea perlata rogatio esset, tum, si ita videretur consulibus, rem integram ad senatum referrent.

[¶4] 1.6. Publius Cornelius carried the motion; the senate then decreed that the consuls should cast lots for the provinces of Italy and Greece; the one to whom Greece should be allotted was instructed, in addition to that number of troops which the consul Lucius Quinctius had enlisted or levied for service in that province in accordance with the action of the senate, to take over the army which Marcus Baebius the praetor had the year before transported to Macedonia with the authorization of the senate;

> Latin: 1.6. P. Cornelius eam rogationem pertulit; tum senatus decrevit, ut consules Italiam et Graeciam provincias sortirentur, cui Graecia evenisset, ut praeter eum numerum militum, quem L. Quinctius consul in eam provinciam ex auctoritate senatus scripsisset imperassetve, ut eum exercitum acciperet, quem M.

[¶5] 1.7. he was permitted also, if the situation required it, to accept from the allies outside of Italy for auxiliaries not to exceed five thousand men.

> Latin: 1.7. Baebius praetor anno priore ex senatus consulto in Macedoniam traiecisset;

[¶6] 1.8. It was the senate's pleasure that Lucius Quinctius, the consul of the preceding year, should be taken to this war as a lieutenant.

> Latin: 1.8. et extra Italiam permissum, ut, si res postulasset, auxilia ab sociis ne supra quinque milium numerum acciperet. L. Quinctium superioris anni consulem legari ad id bellum placuit.

[¶7] 1.9. The other consul, to whom Italy should have fallen as a province, was ordered to carry on war with the Boii, using whichever he preferred of the two armies which the preceding consuls had had, and to send the other. to Rome, and that these, as reserve legions, should be ready to move wherever the senate should direct.

> Latin: 1.9. alter consul, cui Italia provincia evenisset, cum Bois iussus bellum gerere utro exercitu mallet ex duobus, quos superiores consules habuissent, alterum ut mitteret Romanam, eaeque urbanae legiones essent paratae quo senatus censuisset.

[¶8] 2.1. These decrees having been enacted in the senate, and it being up to this time uncertain which province would be assigned to which consul; it was then at length decided that the consuls should cast lots.

> Latin: 2.1. his ita in senatu intento ad id, quae cuius provincia foret, decretis, tum demum sortiri consules placuit. Acilio Graecia, Cornelio Italia evenit.

[¶9] 2.2. To Acilius fell Greece, to Cornelius Italy. The drawing being concluded, a decree of the senate was then passed that, since the Roman people had at that time ordered that there be war with King Antiochus and those who were under his authority, the consuls should proclaim a period of prayer for the success of this undertaking, and that the consul Manius Acilius should vow the great games to Jupiter and gifts at all the banquet-tables of the gods.

> Latin: 2.2. certa deinde sorte senatus consultum factum est, quod populus Romanus eo tempore duellum iussisset esse cum rege Antiocho quique sub imperio eius essent, ut eius rei causa supplicationem imperarent consules, utique M’. Acilius consul ludos magnos Iovi voveret et dona ad omnia pulvinaria.

[¶10] 2.3. This vow, at the dictation of Publius Licinius the high priest, the consul made-in the following form: “If the war which the people has ordered to be undertaken with King Antiochus shall have been finished to the satisfaction of the senate and the Roman people, then in your honour, Jupiter, the Roman people will perform the Great ” “Games for ten consecutive days and gifts will be offered at all the banquet-tables, of whatever value the senate shall determine.

> Latin: 2.3. id votum in haec verba praeeunte P. Licinio pontifice maximo consul nuncupavit: “si duellum, quod cum rege Antiocho sumi populus iussit, id ex sententia senatus populique Romani confectum erit, tum tibi, Iuppiter, populus Romanus ludos magnos dies decem continuos faciet, donaque ad omnia pulvinaria dabuntur de pecunia, quantam senatus decreverit.

[¶11] 2.5. Whatever magistrate shall celebrate these games, at whatever time and place, let these games be regarded as duly celebrated and the gifts as duly offered.”

> Latin: 2.5. quisquis magistratus eos ludos quando ubique faxit, hi ludi recte facti donaque data recte sunto.” supplicatio inde ab duobus consulibus edicta per biduum fuit.

[¶12] 2.6. Then the period of prayer was proclaimed by both consuls, to continue for two days. The consuls having drawn for their provinces, the praetors too at once cast lots. Marcus Junius Brutus received the two jurisdictions, Aulus Cornelius Mammula the Brutti, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus Sicily, Lucius Oppius Salinator Sardinia, Gaius Livius Salinator the fleet, Lucius Aemilius Paulus Farther Spain.

> Latin: 2.6. consulibus sortitis provincias extemplo et praetores sortiti sunt. M. Iunio Bruto iurisdictio utraque evenit, A. Cornelio Mammulae Bruttii, M. Aemilio Lepido Sicilia, L. Oppio Salinatori Sardinia, C. Livio Salinatori classis, L. Aemilio Paulo Hispania ulterior.

[¶13] 2.7. Troops were assigned to them thus: to Aulus Cornelius were given the new troops raised the year before by Lucius Quinctius the consul under the decree of the senate, and he was ordered to defend the whole coast in the vicinity of Tarentum and Brundisium.

> Latin: 2.7. his ita exercitus decreti: A. Cornelio novi milites, conscripti priore anno ex senatus consulto a L. Quinctio consule, dati sunt, iussusque tueri omnem oram circa Tarentum Brundisiumque.

[¶14] 2.8. To Lucius Aemilius Paulus, for service in Farther Spain, authority was given to raise, in addition to the army which he was to take over from Marcus Fulvius the proconsul, three thousand new infantry and three hundred cavalry, on this basis, that two-thirds should be allies of the Latin confederacy and one-third Roman citizens.

> Latin: 2.8. L. Aemilio Paulo in ulteriorem Hispaniam, praeter eum exercitum, quem a M. Fulvio proconsule accepturus esset, decretum est, ut novorum militum tria milia duceret et trecentos equites, ita ut in iis duae partes socium Latini nominis, tertia civium Romanorum esset.

[¶15] 2.9. The same reinforcement was sent to Gaius Flaminius, whose imperium was prolonged, for Nearer Spain.

> Latin: 2.9. idem supplementi ad C. Flaminium, cui imperium prorogabatur, in Hispaniam citeriorem est missum.

[¶16] 2.10. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was directed to take over both province and army from Lucius Valerius, whom he was to succeed;

> Latin: 2.10. M. Aemilius Lepidus ab L. Valerio, cui successurus esset, simul provinciam exercitumque accipere iussus;

[¶17] 2.11. if he desired, he should keep Lucius Valerius in the province as propraetor and should divide the province in such a way that one part should extend from Agrigentum to Pachynum, the other from Pachynum to Tyndareus; this coast Lucius Valerius was to guard with twenty warships.

> Latin: 2.11. L. Valerium, si ita videretur, pro praetore in provincia retinere et provinciam ita dividere, ut una ab Agrigento ad Pachynum esset, altera a Pachyno Tyndareum; eam maritimam oram L. Valerius viginti navibus longis custodiret.

[¶18] 2.12. The same praetor was instructed to requisition two tithes of grain; he was to see to its collection on the coast and its transportation to Greece.

> Latin: 2.12. eidem praetori mandatum, ut duas decumas frumenti exigeret; id ad mare comportandum devehendumque in Graeciam curaret.

[¶19] 2.13. The same order was given to Lucius Oppius regarding collecting a second tithe in Sardinia; this grain, however, they wished transported not to Greece but to Rome.

> Latin: 2.13. idem L. Oppio de alteris decumis exigendis in Sardinia imperatum; ceterum non in Graeciam sed Romam id frumentum portari placere.

[¶20] 2.14. Gaius Livius the praetor, to whom the fleet had been allotted, was instructed to prepare thirty ships and cross to Greece at the earliest opportunity and to take over the fleet from Atilius.

> Latin: 2.14. C. Livius praetor, cui classis evenerat, triginta navibus paratis traicere in Graeciam primo quoque tempore iussus, et ab Atilio naves accipere.

[¶21] 2.15. The refitting and equipping of the old ships which were in the yards was assigned to Marcus Junius the praetor, and the enrolment of freedmen as naval allies.

> Latin: 2.15. veteres naves, quae in navalibus erant, ut reficeret et armaret, M. Iunio praetori negotium datum est, et in eam classem socios navales libertinos legeret.

[¶22] 3.1. Commissioners were sent to Africa, three each to the Carthaginians and to Numidia, to solicit grain to be shipped to Greece, for which the Roman people would pay.

> Latin: 3.1. legati terni in Africam ad Carthaginienses et in Numidiam ad frumentum rogandum, quod in Graeciam portaretur, missi, pro quo pretium solveret populus Romanus.

[¶23] 3.2. And so absorbed was the state in the preparation and provision for this war that Publius Cornelius the consul issued an edict to the effect that, of those who were senators and those who had the right to vote in the senate and those who held the lesser offices, no one should be so far distant from the city of Rome that he could not return the same day, and that five senators should not be away from Rome at one time. In his zealous collection of a fleet Gaius Livius was delayed for a while by a dispute which arose with the colonists on the coast.

> Latin: 3.2. adeoque in apparatum curamque eius belli civitas intenta fuit, ut P. Cornelius consul ediceret, qui senatores essent quibusque in senatu sententiam dicere liceret, quique minores magistratus essent, ne quis eorum longius ab urbe Roma abiret, quam unde eo die redire posset, neve uno tempore quinque senatores ab urbe Roma abessent.

[¶24] 3.4. For when they were drafted for naval service they appealed to the tribunes of the people; by them they were referred to the senate.

> Latin: 3.4. in comparanda impigre classe C. Livium praetorem contentio orta cum colonis maritimis paulisper tenuit.

[¶25] 3.5. With such unanimity that all the members to a man agreed, the senate voted that no exemptions from naval service should be granted to these colonists.

> Latin: 3.5. nam cum cogerentur in classem, tribunos plebi appellarunt; ab iis ad senatum reiecti sunt. senatus ita, ut ad unum omnes consentirent, decrevit vacationem rei navalis eis colonis non esse.

[¶26] 3.6. Ostia, Fregenae, Castrum Novum, Pyrgi, Antium, Terracina, Minturnae and Sinuessa were the colonies which disputed with the praetor over exemptions. Then the consul Manius Acilius, with the authorization of the senate, laid the question before the college of fetials whether the declaration of war should be delivered to King Antiochus himself directly or whether it sufficed that it be proclaimed at some of his military stations; and also whether they ordered the war to be formally announced to the Aetolians independently, and whether the alliance and friendship with them should be formally broken off before the declaration of war.

> Latin: 3.6. Ostia et Fregenae et Castrum Novum et Pyrgi et Antium et Tarracina et Minturnae et Sinuessa fuerunt, quae cum praetore de vacatione certarunt. consul deinde M’. Acilius ex senatus consulto ad collegium fetialium rettulit, ipsine utique regi Antiocho indiceretur bellum, an satis esset ad praesidium aliquod eius nuntiari;

[¶27] 3.8. The fetials replied that they had already earlier decided, when they were consulted regarding Philip, that it made no difference whether the declaration was delivered to him in person or at a military post;

> Latin: 3.8. et num Aetolis quoque separatim indici iuberent bellum, et num prius societas et amicitia eis renuntianda esset quam bellum indicendum.

[¶28] 3.9. the friendship seemed to be already broken off since they had voted that restitution had not been made after ambassadors had so often demanded it nor fair satisfaction given; the Aetolians had taken the initiative in declaring war upon them when they had seized Demetrias, a city belonging to the allies, by violence, had proceeded to invest Chalcis by land and sea, and had invited King Antiochus to Europe to make war upon the

> Latin: 3.9. fetiales responderunt, iam ante sese, cum de Philippo consulerentur, decrevisse nihil referre, ipsi coram an ad praesidium nuntiaretur; amicitiam renuntiatam videri, cum legatis totiens repetentibus res nec reddi nec satisfieri aequum censuissent;

[¶29] 3.11. Roman people. All arrangements having been satisfactorily made, the consul Manius Acilius issued an edict to the soldiers whom Lucius Quinctius had enlisted and those whom he had requisitioned from the allies of the Latin confederacy, whom he was to take with him to his province, and to the military tribunes of the first and the third legions, that they should all assemble at Brundisium on the Ides of May. He himself left the City in uniform on the fifth day before the Nones of May.

> Latin: 3.11. Aetolos ultro sibi bellum indixisse, cum Demetriadem, sociorum urbem, per vim occupassent, Chalcidem terra marique oppugnatum issent, regem Antiochum in Europam ad bellum populo Romano inferendum traduxissent.

[¶30] 3.13. About the same time the praetors too set out for their provinces. About the same time ambassadors arrived in Rome from two kings, Philip and Ptolemy, King of Egypt; Philip promised aid and money and grain for the war; from Ptolemy also was brought the sum of a thousand pounds of gold and twenty thousand pounds of silver. None of these gifts was accepted; thanks were expressed to the kings, and when each of them promised to come with all his forces to Aetolia and participate in the war, Ptolemy was excused from this;

> Latin: 3.13. omnibus iam satis comparatis M'. Acilius consul edixit, ut quos L. Quinctius milites conscripsisset et quos sociis nominique Latino imperasset, quos secum in provinciam ire oporteret, et tribuni militum legionis primae et tertiae, ut ii omnes Brundisium idibus Mais convenirent. ipse a. d. quintum nonas Maias paludatus urbe egressus est. per eosdem dies et praetores in provincias profecti sunt. sub idem tempus legati ab duobus regibus, Philippo et Ptolomaeo, [Aegypti rege,] Romam venerunt, Philippo pollicente ad bellum auxilia et pecuniam et frumentum; ab Ptolomaeo etiam mille pondo auri, viginti milia pondo argenti adlata. nihil eius acceptum;

[¶31] 4.3. to the ambassadors of Philip the answer was given that it would be acceptable to the senate and the Roman people if he did not fail the consul Manius Acilius.

> Latin: 4.3. gratiae regibus actae; et cum uterque se cum omnibus copiis in Aetoliam venturum belloque interfuturum polliceretur, Ptolomaeo id remissum;

[¶32] 4.4. Ambassadors also came from the Carthaginians and King Masinissa. The Carthaginians promised five hundred thousand modii of wheat and five hundred thousand modii of barley, and offered to transport half of it to Rome;

> Latin: 4.4. Philippi legatis responsum gratum eum senatui populoque Romano facturum, si M'. Acilio consuli non defuisset. item ab Carthaginiensibus et Masinissa rege legati venerunt. Carthaginienses tritici modium … milia, hordei quingenta ad exercitum, dimidium eius Romam apportaturos polliciti:

[¶33] 4.6. they begged the Romans to accept it as a gift from them and they said that they would prepare a fleet at their own expense and would pay at once in a lump sum the tribute which they owed in successive instalments over a term of years. The ambassadors of Masinissa promised that the king would send five hundred thousand modii of wheat and three hundred thousand of barley to Greece for the army, three hundred thousand modii of wheat and two hundred fifty thousand of barley to Rome, and five hundred cavalry and twenty elephants to Manius Acilius the consul.

> Latin: 4.6. id ut ab se munus Romani acciperent, petere sese, et classem [suorum] suo sumptu comparaturos, et stipendium, quod pluribus pensionibus in multos annos deberent, praesens omne daturos; Masinissae legati quingenta milia modium tritici, trecenta hordei ad exercitum in Graeciam, Romam trecenta milia modium tritici, ducenta quinquaginta hordei, equites quingentos, elephantos viginti regem ad M'. Acilium consulem missurum.

[¶34] 4.9. Regarding the grain, the answer was given both that the Roman people would use the grain if they would accept pay for it; the Carthaginians were released from their promise about the fleet, except with respect to the ships which -they owed under the treaty; as to the money also, the reply was that they would accept none before it was due.

> Latin: 4.9. de frumento utrisque responsum, ita usurum eo populum Romanum, si pretium acciperent; de classe Carthaginiensibus remissum, praeterquam si quid navium ex foedere deberent; de pecunia item responsum, nullam ante diem accepturos.

[¶35] 5.1. While this was going on at Rome, Antiochus at Chalcis, not to waste the winter in idleness, sometimes was himself stirring up the minds of the states by sending embassies, sometimes was receiving delegations voluntarily sent to him, as, for instance, the Epirotes, who came with the unanimous approval of the people, and the men of Elis from the Peloponnesus.

> Latin: 5.1. cum haec Romae agebantur, Chalcide Antiochus, ne cessaret per hibernorum tempus, partim ipse sollicitabat civitatium animos mittendis legatis, partim ultro ad eum veniebant, sicut Epirotae communi gentis consensu et Elei e Peloponneso venerunt.

[¶36] 5.2. The Elei were asking aid against the Achaeans, who, they thought, would attack their city first after declaring a war on Antiochus of which the Elei disapproved.

> Latin: 5.2. Elei auxilium adversus Achaeos petebant, quos post bellum non ex sua sententia indictum Antiocho primum civitati suae arma illaturos credebant.

[¶37] 5.3. A thousand infantry were sent to them under command of Euphanes the Cretan. The embassy of the Epirotes showed no outspoken and plain inclination to either side; they were trying to curry favour with the king, meanwhile avoiding giving any offence to the Romans.

> Latin: 5.3. mille iis pedites cum duce Cretensi Euphane sunt missi. Epirotarum legatio erat minime in partem ullam liberi aut simplicis animi; apud regem gratiam initam volebant cum eo, ut caverent, ne quid offenderent Romanos.

[¶38] 5.4. For they asked that he should not heedlessly involve them in the affair, being placed face to face with Italy, in the forefront of Greece and fated to receive the first attacks of the Romans.

> Latin: 5.4. petebant enim, ne se temere in causam deduceret, expositos adversus Italiam pro omni Graecia et primos impetus Romanorum excepturos;

[¶39] 5.5. But if he himself could stand guard over Epirus with his armies and fleets, all the Epirotes would eagerly receive him in cities and harbours alike; if he could not, they begged that he should not make them, naked and unarmed, bear the brunt of the Roman war.

> Latin: 5.5. sed si ipse posset terrestribus navalibusque copiis praesidere Epiro, cupide eum omnis Epirotas et urbibus et portibus suis accepturos; si id non posset, deprecari, ne se nudos atque inermes Romano bello obiceret.

[¶40] 5.6. It was clear that the object of the embassy was that either, if, as they rather believed, he kept away from Epirus, they might not be committed to anything in the eyes of the Roman armies, though they had well established their position with the king, since they had been ready to receive him if he came, or, if he did come, that thus there would be the hope of pardon from the Romans because, not expecting from them aid which was so far away, they had yielded to the might of the king who was so close at hand.

> Latin: 5.6. hac legatione id agi apparebat, ut sive, quod magis credebant, abstinuisset Epiro, integra sibi omnia apud exercitus Romanos essent, conciliata satis apud regem gratia, quod accepturi fuissent venientem, sive venisset, sic quoque spes veniae ab Romanis foret, quod non expectato longinquo ab se auxilio praesentis viribus succubuissent.

[¶41] 5.8. Since there was no sufficiently obvious reply to such an equivocal proposal, he said that he would send ambassadors to them to confer with them concerning the questions which pertained to them and himself alike.

> Latin: 5.8. huic tam perplexae legationi quia non satis in promptu erat, quid responderet, legatos se missurum ad eos dixit, qui de iis, quae ad illos seque communiter pertinerent, loquerentur.

[¶42] 6.1. He himself proceeded to Boeotia, which had as apparent causes for anger at the Romans those occurrences which I mentioned before, the murder of Brachyllas and the campaign carried on by Quinctius at Coronea by reason of the slaughtering of the Roman soldiers, while in fact the discipline in which that people was once eminent, in public and private, had for many years now been degenerating, and the condition of many was such that it could not last without a change of circumstances.

> Latin: 6.1. in Boeotiam ipse profectus est, causas in speciem irae adversus Romanos eas, quas ante dixi, habentem, Brachylli necem et bellum a Quinctio Coroneae propter Romanorum militum caedes illatum, re vera per multa iam saecula publice privatimque labante egregia quondam disciplina gentis et multorum eo statu, qui diuturnus esse sine mutatione rerum non posset.

[¶43] 6.3. With the chiefs of Boeotia coming out in crowds to meet him, he arrived in Thebes. There in the council of the people, although he had, both by the attack made on the Roman garrison at Delium and by the capture of Chalcis, acts which were neither unimportant nor uncertain, engaged in war, he nevertheless began the same speech that he had used in the first conference at Chalcis and that he had delivered through his delegates in the council of the Achaeans, to wit, that he asked that they make a treaty of friendship with him, not that they declare war on the Romans.

> Latin: 6.3. obviam effusis undique Boeotiae principibus Thebas venit. ibi in concilio gentis, quamquam et ad Delium impetu in praesidium Romanum facto et ad Chalcidem commiserat nec parvis nec dubiis principiis bellum, tamen eandem orationem exorsus, qua in colloquio primo ad Chalcidem quaque per legatos in concilio Achaeorum usus erat, ut amicitiam secum institui, non bellum indici Romanis postularet.

[¶44] 6.5. No one was deceived as to what was going on; nevertheless, a decree was passed, under a cloak of mild verbiage, in favour of the king and against the Romans.

> Latin: 6.5. neminem, quid ageretur, fallebat; decretum tamen sub leni verborum praetextu pro rege adversus Romanos factum est.

[¶45] 6.6. Having won over this people also, he returned to Chalcis, sending in advance letters to summon to Demetrias the chiefs of the Aetolians, with whom he could take counsel regarding the general policy, and himself arrived there by boat on the day appointed for the conference.

> Latin: 6.6. hac quoque gente adiuncta Chalcidem regressus, praemissis inde litteris, ut Demetriadem convenirent principes Aetolorum, cum quibus de summa rerum deliberaret, navibus eo ad diem indictum concilio venit.

[¶46] 6.7. Amynander also, summoned from Athamania to take part in the deliberations, and Hannibal the Carthaginian, who for a long time past had not been called in, attended the council.

> Latin: 6.7. et Amynander, accitus ad consultandum ex Athamania, et Hannibal Poenus, iam diu non adhibitus, interfuit ei consilio.

[¶47] 6.8. The question for consideration had to de with the Thessalian people, whose intentions, as all who were present agreed, should be ascertained.

> Latin: 6.8. consultatum de Thessalorum gente est, quorum omnibus, qui aderant, voluntas temptanda videbatur.

[¶48] 6.9. In the matter of procedure there were different opinions, some favouring immediate action, others thinking that they should postpone doing anything from the winter, which was now half gone, to the beginning of spring, while some thought that ambassadors only should be sent and others that he should go with his entire force and terrorize them if they hesitated.

> Latin: 6.9. in eo modo diversae sententiae erant, quod alii extemplo agendum, alii ex hieme, quae tum ferme media erat, differendum in veris principium, et alii legatos tantummodo mittendos, alii cum omnibus copiis eundum censebant terrendosque metu, si cunctarentur.

[¶49] 7.1. Since the whole debate centred practically on this one question, Hannibal, appealed to by name for his opinion, turned the king and all who were present to the consideration of the war as a whole, by a speech of the following character:

> Latin: 7.1. cum circa hanc fere consultationem disceptatio omnis verteretur, Hannibal nominatim interrogatus sententiam in universi belli cogitationem regem atque eos, qui aderant, tali oratione avertit.

[¶50] 7.2. “If I had been invited to the council from the time we crossed to Greece, when the question concerned Euboea or the Achaeans or Boeotia, I should have expressed the same opinion as to-day when we are discussing the Thessalians.”

> Latin: 7.2. “si, ex quo traiecimus in Graeciam, adhibitus essem in consilium, cum de Euboea deque Achaeis et de Boeotia agebatur, eandem sententiam dixissem, quam hodie, cum de Thessalis agitur, dicam.

[¶51] 7.3. “Before anything else, I vote that Philip and the Macedonians be drawn, in any possible way, into a military alliance.”

> Latin: 7.3. ante omnia Philippum et Macedonas in societatem belli quacumque ratione censeo deducendos esse.

[¶52] 7.4. “For as to Euboea and the Boeotians and the Thessalians, who doubts that they, possessing no strength of their own, are ever fawning upon those who are close at hand, and will use the same fearfulness which they display in the council as a means of winning pardon, and that,” “as soon as they see the Roman army in Greece, they will turn back to their accustomed masters and that they will suffer no harm because, when the Romans were far away, they were unwilling to test, face to face, the strength of you and your army?”

> Latin: 7.4. nam quod ad Euboeam Boeotosque et Thessalos attinet, cui dubium est, quin, ut quibus nullae suae vires sint, praesentibus adulando semper, quem metum in consilio habeant, eodem ad impetrandam veniam utantur, simul ac Romanum exercitum in Graecia viderint, ad consuetum imperium se avertant, nec iis noxiae futurum sit, quod, cum Romani procul abessent, vim tuam praesentis exercitusque tui experiri noluerint?

[¶53] 7.6. “How much greater priority and preference should we give to allying ourselves with Philip rather than with them? He, if once he joins our cause, will have no choice left, and he can contribute that strength which will be not merely an additional resource for the Roman war, but one which by itself alone was able recently to withstand the Romans.”

> Latin: 7.6. quanto igitur prius potiusque est Philippum nobis coniungere quam hos? cui, si semel in causam descenderit, nihil integri futurum sit, quique eas vires adferat, quae non accessio tantum ad Romanum esse bellum, sed per se ipsae nuper sustinere potuerint Romanos.

[¶54] 7.7. “With this reinforcement —may I say so without offence —how can I doubt the result when I see that those very men with whose assistance the Romans prevailed over Philip will now be overwhelming the Romans themselves?”

> Latin: 7.7. hoc ego adiuncto—absit verbo invidia—qui dubitare de eventu possim, cum, quibus adversus Philippum valuerint Romani, iis nunc fore videam, ut ipsi oppugnentur?

[¶55] 7.8. “The Aetolians who, as all agree, defeated Philip, will fight with Philip against the Romans; Amynander and the nation of the Athamanes, whose services in ” “that war were the greatest after those of the Aetolians, will stand with us; Philip then, when you were inactive, bore the whole burden of the war;”

> Latin: 7.8. Aetoli, qui Philippum, quod inter omnes constat, vicerunt, cum Philippo adversus Romanos pugnabunt; Amynander atque Athamanum gens, quorum secundum Aetolos plurima fuit opera in eo bello, nobiscum stabunt;

[¶56] 7.10. “now you, the two mightiest kings of Asia and Europe, will wage war against one people which, not to speak of my own twofold experience, in the time of our fathers at least could not contend even against one king of Epirus —and how could he be compared with you? What cause, then, convinces me that Philip can be allied with us?”

> Latin: 7.10. Philippus tum te quieto totam molem sustinebat belli; nunc duo maximi reges Asiae Europaeque viribus adversus unum populum, ut meam utramque fortunam taceam, patrum certe aetate ne uni quidem Epirotarum regi parem—qui quid tandem erit vobiscum comparatus?

[¶57] 7.11. “First, the common profit, which is the firmest bond in an alliance; second, the assurances of you Aetolians. For your representative, Thoas here, among other reasons which he was wont to use to attract Antiochus to ” “Greece, continually made this assertion before all else, that Philip was enraged and that he found it hard to bear the laws of slavery imposed upon him under the guise of peace.

> Latin: 7.11. —geretis bellum. quae igitur res mihi fiduciam praebet coniungi nobis Philippum posse? una, communis utilitas, quae societatis maximum vinculum est; altera, auctores vos Aetoli.

[¶58] 7.12. Indeed in his speech he likened the king in his wrath to a wild beast chained or shut up and trying to break his bonds.” “If such is his temper, let us break his chains and tear away his bars, that he may let loose his long-restrained passion upon the common enemy. But if our embassy to him does not move him, let us at least, since we cannot unite him with ourselves, see to it that he does not make common cause with our foes.”

> Latin: 7.12. vester enim legatus hic Thoas inter cetera, quae ad exciendum in Graeciam Antiochum dicere est solitus, ante omnia hoc semper adfirmavit, fremere Philippum et aegre pati sub specie pacis leges servitutis sibi impositas. ille quidem ferae bestiae vinctae aut clausae et refringere claustra cupienti regis iram verbis aequabat. cuius si talis animus est, solvamus nos eius vincula et claustra refringamus, ut erumpere diu coercitam iram in hostes communes possit.

[¶59] 7.14. “Your son Seleucus is at Lysimachia; if with that army which he has with him he shall begin to move through Thrace and devastate the adjacent portions of Macedonia, he will easily turn Philip from sending aid to the Romans to the more important task of defending his own possessions.”

> Latin: 7.14. quod si nihil eum legatio nostra moverit, at nos, quoniam nobis eum adiungere non possumus, ne hostibus nostris ille adiungi possit, caveamus.

[¶60] 7.15. “As to Philip you have my views; even from the first you have not been ignorant of my opinion as to the strategy of the war as a whole.”

> Latin: 7.15. Seleucus filius tuus Lysimachiae est; qui si eo exercitu, quem secum habet, per Thraciam proxima Macedoniae coeperit depopulari, facile ab auxilio ferendo Romanis Philippum ad sua potissimum tuenda avertet.

[¶61] 7.16. “If I had been listened to then, the Romans would not now be hearing that Chalcis in Euboea was captured and a fort on the Euripus, but that Etruria and the coasts of Liguria and Cisalpine Gaul were aflame with war and —this is what they dread beyond everything else —that Hannibal is in Italy. Now too I vote that you summon all your forces on land and sea; — let cargo-boats follow-with supplies, for, as we are few here for the tasks of war, so we are too many in proportion to our shortage of supplies.”

> Latin: 7.16. de Philippo meam sententiam habes: de ratione universi belli quid sentirem, iam ab initio non ignorasti. quod si tum auditus forem, non in Euboea Chalcidem captam et castellum Euripi expugnatum Romani, sed Etruriam Ligurumque et Galliae Cisalpinae oram bello ardere, et, qui maximus iis terror est, Hannibalem in Italia esse audirent.

[¶62] 7.17. “When you have assembled all your strength, you will divide your fleet, keeping part on guard near Corcyra, that free and safe passage may not be open ” “to the Romans, and sending part across to the coast of Italy which faces Sardinia and Africa;”

> Latin: 7.17. nunc quoque accersas censeo omnis navalis terrestrisque copias; sequantur classem onerariae cum commeatibus: nam hic sicut ad belli munera pauci sumus, sic nimis multi pro inopia commeatum. cum omnis tuas contraxeris vires divisa classe partem Corcyrae in statione habebis, ne transitus Romanis liber ac tutus pateat, partem ad litus Italiae, quod Sardiniam Africamque spectat, traicies;

[¶63] 7.19. “you yourself will go ahead with all your armies to the territory of Bullis; thence you will stand guard over Greece and offer to the Romans the appearance of being about to cross, and, if the situation shall demand it, will actually cross.” “This is the advice I give, I who, though I am not well versed in every kind of war, with the Romans at least have learned to fight from my own successes and failures. For this same programme which I have advised I promise aid neither faithless nor reluctant.”

> Latin: 7.19. ipse cum omnibus terrestribus copiis in Bullinum agrum procedes; inde Graeciae praesidebis, et speciem Romanis traiecturum te praebens et, si res poposcerit, traiecturus. haec suadeo, qui ut non omnis peritissimus sim belli, cum Romanis certe bellare bonis malisque meis didici.

[¶64] 7.21. “May the gods approve that proposal which shall have seemed to you the best.” This was in purport the speech of Hannibal; those who were present applauded it for the moment rather than adopted it in actual decisions; for nothing of these things was done, save that he sent Polyxenidas to summon the fleet and troops from Asia.

> Latin: 7.21. in quae consilium dedi, in eadem nec infidelem nec segnem operam polliceor. dii approbent eam sententiam, quae tibi optima visa fuerit.” haec ferme Hannibalis oratio fuit; quam laudarunt magis in praesentia, qui aderant, quam rebus ipsis exsecuti sunt: nihil enim eorum factum est, nisi quod ad classem copiasque accersendas ex Asia Polyxenidam misit.

[¶65] 8.2. Ambassadors were sent to Larisa to the council of the Thessalians, and a day was fixed for the Aetolians and Amynander to hold the muster of the army at Pherae; the king also with his troops came with speed to the same place.

> Latin: 8.2. legati Larisam ad concilium Thessalorum sunt missi, et Aetolis Amynandroque dies ad conveniendum exercitui Pheras est dictus; eodem et rex cum suis copiis confestim venit.

[¶66] 8.3. While he was waiting there for Amynander and the Aetolians, he sent Philip of Megalopolis with two thousand men to collect the bones of the Macedonians around Cynoscephalae, where the decisive battle with Philip was fought, whether he was prompted by Philip of Megalopolis, who was seeking for himself some recommendation to the people of the Macedonians and unpopularity for the king because he had left his soldiers unburied, or whether, with the native vanity of kings, he turned his thoughts to a plan attractive in appearance but useless in fact.

> Latin: 8.3. ubi dum opperitur Amynandrum atque Aetolos Philippum Megalopolitanum cum duobus milibus hominum ad legenda ossa Macedonum circa Cynoscephalas, ubi debellatum erat cum Philippo, misit, sive ab ipso, quaerente sibi commendationem ad Macedonum gentem et invidiam regi, quod insepultos milites reliquisset, monitus, sive ab insita regibus vanitate ad consilium specie amplum, re inane animo adiecto.

[¶67] 8.5. A burial mound was erected by gathering together the bones which were scattered everywhere, but among the Macedonians it caused no gratitude and in King Philip an immense resentment.

> Latin: 8.5. tumulus est in unum ossibus, quae passim strata erant, coacervatis factus, qui nullam gratiam ad Macedonas, odium ingens ad Philippum movit.

[¶68] 8.6. And so he, who up to that time had decided to take fortune as the guide to his policy, at once wrote to Marcus Baebius the propraetor to say that Antiochus had invaded Thessaly; if it seemed wise to Baebius he should move from winter quarters; he himself would come to meet him to consult what should be done.

> Latin: 8.6. itaque qui ad id tempus fortunam esset habiturus in consilio, is extemplo ad M. Baebium propraetorem misit, Antiochum in Thessaliam impetum fecisse, si videretur ei, moveret ex hibernis; se obviam processurum, ut, quid agendum esset, consultarent.

[¶69] 9.1. While Antiochus was in camp at Pherae, where the Aetolians and Amynander had joined him, ambassadors from Larisa came asking for what deed or word of the Thessalians he was assailing them with war, and likewise asking that he should withdraw his army and discuss with them through ambassadors whatever seemed to him worth considering.

> Latin: 9.1. Antiocho ad Pheras iam castra habenti, ubi coniunxerant ei se Aetoli et Amynander, legati ab Larisa venerunt quaerentes, quod ob factum dictumve Thessalorum bello lacesseret eos, simul orantes, ut remoto exercitu per legatos, si quid ei videretur, secum disceptaret.

[¶70] 9.3. At the same time they sent five hundred armed men under command of Hippolochus as a garrison for Pherae; they were prevented from entering, all the roads being now blocked by the king's forces, and retired to Scotusa.

> Latin: 9.3. eodem tempore quingentos armatos duce Hippolocho Pheras in praesidium miserunt; ii exclusi aditu, iam omnia itinera obsidentibus regiis, Scotusam se receperunt.

[¶71] 9.4. The king responded mildly to the ambassadors of the Larisaeans, that he had entered Thessaly not to make war but to defend and assure the liberty of the Thessalians.

> Latin: 9.4. legatis Larisaeorum rex clementer respondit, non belli faciendi sed tuendae et stabiliendae libertatis Thessalorum causa se Thessaliam intrasse.

[¶72] 9.5. A delegate was sent to conduct similar negotiations with the people of Pherae; giving him no answer, the Pheraeans themselves sent to the king Pausanias, their chief magistrate.

> Latin: 9.5. similia his, qui cum Pheraeis ageret, missus; cui nullo dato responso Pheraei ipsi legatum ad regem principem civitatis Pausaniam miserunt.

[¶73] 9.6. When he had with a good deal of vigour presented certain arguments not unlike those which, in a similar situation, had been used on behalf of the Chalcidians in the conference at the strait of Euripus, the king, bidding them again and again to ponder and not to adopt any plan of which, while being too cautious and thoughtful for the future, they would at once repent, dismissed him.

> Latin: 9.6. qui cum haud dissimilia iis, ut in causa pari, quae pro Chalcidensibus in colloquio ad Euripi fretum dicta erant, quaedam etiam ferocius egisset, rex etiam atque etiam deliberare eos iussos, ne id consilii caperent, cuius, dum in futurum nimis cauti et providi essent, extemplo paeniteret, dimisit.

[¶74] 9.8. When this mission was reported at Pherae, they did not even for a brief period doubt that they should, for the sake of their loyalty to the Romans, endure whatever the fortune of war might bring.

> Latin: 9.8. haec renuntiata Pheras legatio cum esset, ne paulum quidem dubitarunt, quin pro fide erga Romanos, quidquid fors belli tulisset, paterentur.

[¶75] 9.9. And so both the Pheraeans were preparing with all their might to defend their city and the king was attempting to assault the town from every side at once, and, since he clearly understood —for there was no question about it —that it depended on the fate of this city which he attacked first, whether he should thenceforth be either scorned or feared by the whole nation of the Thessalians, he brought every form of terror to bear from all sides upon the besieged.

> Latin: 9.9. itaque et vi summa ope parabant se ad urbem defendendam, et rex ab omni parte simul oppugnare moenia est adgressus et, ut qui satis intellegeret— neque enim dubium erat—in eventu eius urbis positum esse, quam primam adgressus esset, aut sperni deinde ab universa gente Thessalorum aut timeri se, omnem undique terrorem obsessis iniecit.

[¶76] 9.11. The first brunt of the attack they bore with sufficient resolution; then, when many of the defenders had fallen or were wounded, their courage began to fail.

> Latin: 9.11. primum impetum oppugnationis satis constanter sustinuerunt; deinde cum multi propugnantes caderent aut vulnerarentur, labare animi coeperunt.

[¶77] 9.12. Recalled then by the reproofs of their captains to persevere in their purpose, leaving the outer line of wall as their strength was now diminishing, they retired into the inner quarter of the city, which was surrounded by a rampart less long than the other; finally, overcome by their misfortunes and feeling that no quarter would be given by the conqueror if they were taken fighting, they surrendered. Then the king without delay, while the terror was still new, sent four thousand troops to Scotusa.

> Latin: 9.12. revocati deinde castigationibus principum ad perseverandum in proposito, relicto exteriore circulo muri, deficientibus iam copiis in interiorem partem urbis concesserunt, cui brevior orbis munitionis circumiectus erat; postremo victi malis, cum timerent, ne vi captis nulla apud victorem venia esset, dediderunt sese.

[¶78] 9.13. There was no delay there in surrendering when they considered the recent case of the Pheraeans, who had finally, conquered by their ills, done what they had at first tenaciously refused to do; with the city itself Hippolochus and the garrison of Larisaeans were surrendered. All were released without injury by the king, because this act, in the king's opinion, would have great weight in winning the sympathies of the Larisaeans.

> Latin: 9.13. nihil inde moratus rex quattuor milia armatorum, dum recens terror esset, Scotusam misit. nec ibi mora deditionis est facta cernentibus Pheraeorum recens exemplum, qui, quod pertinaciter primo abnuerant, malo domiti tandem fecissent: cum ipsa urbe Hippolochus Larisaeorumque deditum est praesidium. dimissi ab rege inviolati omnes, quod eam rem magni momenti futuram rex ad conciliandos Larisaeorum animos credebat.

[¶79] 10.1. All this was accomplished within ten days after his arrival at Pherae, and going to Crannon with his entire army he captured it as soon as he reached it.

> Latin: 10.1. intra decimum diem, quam Pheras venerat, his perfectis Crannonem profectus cum toto exercitu primo adventu cepit.

[¶80] 10.2. Then he took Cierium and Metropolis and the forts around them; and everything in that region except Atrax and Gyrto was in his power.

> Latin: 10.2. inde Cierium et Metropolim et iis circumiecta castella recepit; omniaque iam regionis eius praeter Atragem et Gyrtonem in potestate erant.

[¶81] 10.3. Then he decided to attack Larisa, thinking that either from the fear inspired by the capture of the other towns or by their gratitude at the release of their garrison or from the example of so many other states that had submitted they would not continue long in their stubborn resistance.

> Latin: 10.3. tunc adgredi Larisam constituit ratus vel terrore ceterarum expugnatarum vel beneficio praesidii dimissi vel exemplo tot civitatium dedentium sese non ultra in pertinacia mansuros.

[¶82] 10.4. Ordering the elephants to be driven before the standards to inspire fear, he marched up to the town in a hollow square, so that the thoughts of a great part of the Larisaeans wavered doubtfully between immediate fear of the enemy and respect for their distant allies.

> Latin: 10.4. elephantis agi ante signa terroris causa iussis quadrato agmine ad urbem incessit, ut incerti fluctuarentur animi magnae partis Larisacorum inter metum praesentem hostium et verecundiam absentium sociorum.

[¶83] 10.5. About the same time Amynander with all the youth of the Athamanes took possession of Pellinacium, and Menippus with three thousand Aetolian infantry and two hundred cavalry marched into Perrhaebia, took Malloea and Cyretiae by storm and laid waste the fields of Tripolis.

> Latin: 10.5. per eosdem dies Amynander cum Athamanum iuventute occupat Pellinaeum, et Menippus cum tribus milibus peditum Aetolorum et ducentis equitibus in Perrhaebiam profectus Malloeam et Cyretias vi cepit et depopulatus est agrum Tripolitanum.

[¶84] 10.6. Having done all this with speed, they returned to the king at Larisa; they arrived there while he was considering what he should do about Larisa.

> Latin: 10.6. his raptim peractis Larisam ad regem redeunt; consultanti, quidnam agendum de Larisa esset, supervenerunt.

[¶85] 10.7. There opinions turned different ways, some urging that they ought to employ force and not to delay assaulting with siege-works and artillery from all sides at once, upon the walls of a town lying in a plain open and level to approach from any direction, others reminding him now that the strength of this city was by no means to be compared with that of Pherae, now that it was winter and a time unsuited to all military operations and particularly to the siege and storming of cities.

> Latin: 10.7. ibi in diversum sententiae tendebant aliis vim adhibendam et non differendum censentibus, quin operibus ac machinis simul undique moenia adgrederetur urbis sitae in plano, aperto et campestri undique aditu, aliis nunc vires urbis nequaquam Pheris conferendae memorantibus, nunc hiemem et tempus anni nulli bellicae rei, minime obsidioni atque oppugnationi urbium aptum.

[¶86] 10.9. While the king was wavering between hope and fear, ambassadors from Pharsalus, who by chance had come-to surrender their city, gave him new courage.

> Latin: 10.9. incerto regi inter spem metumque legati a Pharsalo, qui ad dedendam urbem suam forte venerant, animos auxerunt.

[¶87] 10.10. In the meantime Marcus Baebius had met Philip in the country of the Dassaretii, and as a result of the agreement of the two he sent Appius Claudius to the defence of Larisa, and he came by forced marching through Macedonia to the ridge of mountains which lies above Gonni.

> Latin: 10.10. M. Baebius interim cum Philippo in Dassaretiis congressus Ap. Claudium ex communi consilio ad praesidium Larisae misit, qui per Macedoniam magnis itineribus in iugum montium, quod super Gonnos est, pervenit.

[¶88] 10.11. The town of Gonni is twenty miles from Larisa, situated at the very entrance to the defile which they call Tempe. When he had laid out a camp there too large in proportion to the size of his force and built more fires than were necessary for practical purposes, he created in the enemy the impression he had desired, that the whole Roman army with King Philip was there.

> Latin: 10.11. oppidum Gonni viginti milia ab Larisa abest, in ipsis faucibus saltus, quae Tempe appellantur, situm. ibi castra metatus latius quam pro copiis et plures quam quot satis in usum erant ignes cum accendisset, speciem, quam quaesierat, hosti fecit omnem ibi Romanum exercitum cum rege Philippo esse.

## 23. Book XXXVI · chapters 10–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/23/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/23/#p-N

[¶0] 10.12. So the king, using as a pretext to his men the approach of winter, delayed only one day and retired from Larisa and withdrew to Demetrias, and the Aetolians and Athamanes returned to their own countries.

> Latin: 10.12. itaque hiemem instare apud suos causatus rex unum tantum moratus diem ab Larisa recessit et Demetriadem redit, Aetolique et Athamanes in suos receperunt se fines.

[¶1] 10.13. Although Appius saw that the siege had been raised, which had been the purpose of his coming, he yet went down to Larisa to reassure the minds of the allies for the future; and there was double joy, both because the enemy had left their country and because they saw a Roman garrison within the walls.

> Latin: 10.13. Appius etsi, cuius rei causa missus erat, solutam cernebat obsidionem, tamen Larisam ad confirmandos in reliquum sociorum animos descendit; duplexque laetitia erat, quod et hostes excesserant finibus, et intra moenia praesidium Romanum cernebant.

[¶2] 11.1. From Demetrias the king went on to Chalcis, having fallen in love with a young woman of Chalcis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, and when he had worn her father out first by sending messengers, then by personal requests delivered verbally, the father being reluctant to entangle himself in a match which promised too great difficulties, at length he gained his point, and as if in the midst of peace he celebrated his nuptials and for the rest of the winter, forgetful of the magnitude of the two tasks he had undertaken, the Roman war and the liberation of Greece, laying aside the responsibility for everything he engaged in banquets and the delights which follow wine and then, from weariness rather than satiety of these pleasures, he gave himself over to sleep.

> Latin: 11.1. rex Chalcidem a Demetriade profectus, amore captus virginis Chalcidensis, Cleoptolemi filiae, cum patrem primo allegando, deinde coram ipse rogando fatigasset, invitum se gravioris fortunae condicioni illigantem, tandem impetrata re tamquam in media pace nuptias celebrat et relicum hiemis, oblitus, quantas simul duas res suscepisset, bellum Romanum et Graeciam liberandam, omissa omnium rerum cura, in conviviis et vinum sequentibus voluptatibus ac deinde ex fatigatione magis quam satietate earum in somno sommo traduxit.

[¶3] 11.3. This same habit of easy living seized all the king's prefects who were in command of the winter camps everywhere, especially in Boeotia; the soldiers too fell into the same way of life, nor did one of them put on his armour or walk his post or perform sentinel-duty or do anything else which pertained to the tasks and duties of a soldier.

> Latin: 11.3. eadem omnis praefectos regios, qui ubique, ad Boeotiam maxime, praepositi hibernis erant, cepit luxuria; in eandem et milites effusi sunt, nec quisquam eorum aut arma induit aut stationem aut vigilias servavit aut quicquam quod militaris operis aut muneris esset, fecit.

[¶4] 11.5. And so at the beginning of spring, when he had come by way of Phocis to Chaeronea, where he had ordered the whole army to assemble from all its stations, he readily perceived that the soldiers had spent the winter under no sterner discipline than their commander.

> Latin: 11.5. itaque principio veris, cum per Phocidem Chaeroneam, quo convenire omnem undique exercitum iusserat, venisset, facile animadvertit nihilo severiore disciplina milites quam ducem hibernasse.

[¶5] 11.6. Then he ordered Alexander the Acarnanian and Menippus the Macedonian to conduct their troops to Stratus in Aetolia; he himself offered sacrifice to Apollo at Delphi and proceeded to Naupactus.

> Latin: 11.6. Alexandrum inde Acarnana et Menippum Macedonem Stratum Aetoliae copias ducere iussit: ipse Delphis sacrificio Apollini facto Naupactum processit.

[¶6] 11.7. Having held a conference with the Aetolian chiefs, on the road which leads past Calydon and Lysimachia to Stratus, he met his own men who were marching by way of the Malian gulf.

> Latin: 11.7. consilio principum Aetoliae habito via, quae praeter Calydonem et Lysimachiam fert ad Stratum, suis, qui per Maliacum sinum veniebant, occurrit.

[¶7] 11.8. There Mnasilochus, a leading Acarnanian, purchased by many gifts, did not merely by his own efforts win over the people to the king's side, but even brought Clytus the praetor, who at that time held the chief magistracy, over to his own opinion.

> Latin: 11.8. ibi Mnasilochus princeps Acarnanum, multis emptus donis, non ipse solum gentem regi conciliabat, sed Clytum etiam praetorem, penes quem tum summa potestas erat, in suam sententiam adduxerat.

[¶8] 11.9. When he saw that the people of Leucas, this being the principal city of Acarnania, could not easily be induced to rebel, because of their fear of the Roman fleet which was with Atilius and which was off Cephallania, he attacked them-by guile.

> Latin: 11.9. is cum Leucadios, quod Acarnaniae caput est, non facile ad defectionem posse cerneret impelli propter metum Romanae classis, quae cum Atilio quaeque circa Cephallaniam erat, arte eos est adgressus.

[¶9] 11.10. For when he had said in the council that the interior portions of Acarnania should be defended and that all who could bear arms should repair to Medio and Thyrreum, that these towns might not be captured by Antiochus or the Aetolians, there were some who argued that it was unnecessary that all should be called out as for a major emergency, but that a garrison of five hundred men was adequate.

> Latin: 11.10. nam cum in concilio dixisset tuenda mediterranea Acarnaniae esse et omnibus, qui arma ferrent, exeundum ad Medionem et Thyrreum, ne ab Antiocho aut Aetolis occuparentur, fuere qui dicerent nihil attinere omnis tumultuose concitari, satis esse quingentorum hominum praesidium.

[¶10] 11.11. Obtaining this number of young men and placing three hundred at Medio and two hundred at Thyrreum as garrisons, he so conducted matters that these might fall into the hands of the king to serve as hostages.

> Latin: 11.11. eam iuventutem nactus, trecentis Medione, ducentis Thyrrei in praesidio positis, id agebat, ut pro obsidibus futuri venirent in potestatem regis.

[¶11] 12.1. About this time the ambassadors of the king reached Medio; when they had been heard and the general assembly was debating the question of what answer should be given the king, and some urged that they should abide by the Roman alliance and others that the friendship of the king should not be disdained, the opinion of Clytus seemed

> Latin: 12.1. per eosdem dies legati regis Medionem venerunt; quibus auditis cum in contione, quidnam respondendum regi esset, consultaretur, et alii manendum in Romana societate, alii non aspernandam amicitiam regis censerent, media visa est Clyti sententia eoque accepta,

[¶12] 12.3. to take the middle course and was therefore adopted, that they should send ambassadors to the king and ask him to permit the people of Medio to deliberate on so important a matter in the council of the Acarnanians.

> Latin: 12.3. ut ad regem mitterent legatos peterentque ab eo, ut Medionios super tanta re consultare in concilio Acarnanum pateretur.

[¶13] 12.4. Mnasilochus and those who belonged to his faction were deliberately thrust into this embassy, and sending secret messages to the king to urge him to move his army forward, they themselves wasted time.

> Latin: 12.4. in eam legationem Mnasilochus et qui eius factionis erant de industria coniecti, clam missis, qui regem admovere copias iuberent, ipsi terebant tempus.

[¶14] 12.5. Accordingly, when the ambassadors had barely set out, Antiochus was already at the frontier and soon before the gates, and while those who were without knowledge of the treachery were in panic and were excitedly calling the youth to arms, he was admitted into the city by Clytus and Mnasilochus; and as some flocked to him voluntarily, those who disagreed also, under the compulsion of fear, joined the king.

> Latin: 12.5. itaque vixdum iis egressis legatis Antiochus in finibus, et mox ad portas erat, et trepidantibus, qui expertes proditionis fuerant, tumultuoseque iuventutem ad arma vocantibus ab Clyto et Mnasilocho in urbem est inductus;

[¶15] 12.6. When he had pacified the terror-stricken by a kindly speech, several states of Acarnania went over to him, attracted by the hope of his well-known clemency.

> Latin: 12.6. et aliis sua voluntate adfluentibus metu coacti etiam, qui dissentiebant, ad regem convenerunt. quos placida oratione territos cum permulsisset, ad spem vulgatae clementiae aliquot populi Acarnaniae defecerunt.

[¶16] 12.7. He proceeded to Thyrreum from Medio, sending ahead the same Mnasilochus and the ambassadors. But the treachery disclosed at Medio made the people of Thyrreum more cautious, not more fearful;

> Latin: 12.7. Thyrreum a Medione profectus est Mnasilocho eodem et legatis praemissis. ceterum detecta Medione fraus cautiores, non timidiores Thyrreensis fecit:

[¶17] 12.8. giving an answer quite free from ambiguity, to the effect that they would enter upon no new alliance except with the authorization of the Roman commanders, they closed. the gates and disposed guards along the walls.

> Latin: 12.8. dato enim haud perplexo responso, nullam se novam societatem nisi ex auctoritate imperatorum Romanorum accepturos, portisque clausis armatos in muris disposuerunt.

[¶18] 12.9. And, very fortunately for the reassurance of the minds of the Acarnanians, Gnaeus Octavius, sent by Quinctius, when he had received an escort and a few ships from Aulus Postumius, who had been placed in command at Cephallania by Atilius the lieutenant, came to Leucas and filled the allies with the hope that the consul Manius Acilius with the legions had already crossed the sea and that there was a Roman camp in Thessaly.

> Latin: 12.9. et peropportune ad confirmandos Acarnanum animos Cn. Octavius missus a Quinctio, cum praesidium et paucas naves ab A. Postumio, qui ab Atilio legato Cephallaniae praepositus fuerat, accepisset, Leucadem venit implevitque spei socios M'. Acilium consulem iam cum legionibus mare traiecisse et in Thessalia castra Romana esse.

[¶19] 12.11. Since this rumour was rendered plausible by the fact that the season of the year was now suitable for navigation, the king left garrisons at Medio and certain other towns in Acarnania, went away from Thyrreum and returned by way of the cities in Aetolia and Phocis to Chalcis.

> Latin: 12.11. hunc rumorem quia similem veri tempus anni maturum iam ad navigandum faciebat, rex praesidio Medione imposito et in quibusdam aliis Acarnaniae oppidis Thyrreo abscessit et per Aetoliae ac Phocidis urbis Chalcidem redit.

[¶20] 13.1. About the same time Marcus Baebius and King Philip, who had already previously met in the country of the Dassaretii, when they had sent Appius Claudius into Thessaly to raise the siege of Larisa, and, because the time seemed too early for active campaigning, had returned to their winter quarters, at the beginning of spring joined their forces and marched down into Thessaly.

> Latin: 13.1. sub idem tempus M. Baebius et Philippus rex, iam ante per hiemem in Dassaretiis congressi, cum Ap. Claudium, ut obsidione Larisam eximeret, in Thessaliam misissent, quia id tempus rebus gerendis immaturam erat, in hiberna regressi, principio veris coniunctis copiis in Thessaliam descenderunt.

[¶21] 13.3. Antiochus was then in Acarnania. When they arrived, Philip attacked Malloea in Perrhaebia, and Baebius Phacium; when this fell at the first assault Baebius took Phaestum With the same speed.

> Latin: 13.3. in Acarnania tum Antiochus erat. advenientes Philippus Malloeam Perrhaebiae, Baebius Phacium est adgressus; quo primo prope impetu capto Phaestum eadem celeritate capit.

[¶22] 13.4. When he had turned back from there to Atrax, he next occupied Cyretiae and Eritium, and establishing garrisons in the towns he had recovered he rejoined Philip, who was still engaged in the siege of Malloea.

> Latin: 13.4. inde Atragem cum se recepisset, Cyretias hinc et Eritium occupat, praesidiisque per recepta oppida dispositis Philippo rursus obsidenti Malloeam se coniungit.

[¶23] 13.5. When at the coming of the Roman army the people of Malloea had surrendered, whether through fear of Roman might or in the hope of pardon, Baebius and Philip moved in one column to retake the towns which the Athamanes had occupied.

> Latin: 13.5. sub adventum Romani exercitus seu ad metum virium seu ad spem veniae cum dedidissent sese, ad ea recipienda oppida, quae Athamanes occupaverant, uno agmine ierunt.

[¶24] 13.6. These were the following: Aeginium, Ericinium, Gomphi, Silana, Tricca, Meliboea, Phaloria. Then Pellinaeum, where Philip of Megalopolis with five hundred infantry and forty cavalry was in the garrison, was surrounded, and before they stormed it they sent to Philip to advise him not to wish to try resistance to the last.

> Latin: 13.6. erant autem haec: Aeginium Ericinium Gomphi Silana Tricca Meliboea Phaloria. inde Pellinaeum, ubi Philippus Megalopolitanus cum quingentis peditibus et equitibus quadraginta in praesidio erat, circumsidunt et, priusquam oppugnarent, mittunt ad Philippum qui monerent, ne vim ultimam experiri vellet.

[¶25] 13.8. To this he replied with sufficient vehemence that he would entrust himself either to the Romans or to the Thessalians but would not put himself in the power of Philip.

> Latin: 13.8. quibus ille satis ferociter respondit vel Romanis vel Thessalis se crediturum fuisse, in Philippi se potestatem commissurum non esse.

[¶26] 13.9. When it was evident that force must be employed, because it seemed that Limnaeum could be stormed at the same time, it was decided that the king should go to Limnaeum while Baebius remained to attack Pellinaeum.

> Latin: 13.9. postquam apparuit vi agendum, quia videbatur et Limnaeum eodem tempore oppugnari posse, regem ad Limnaeum ire placuit, Baebius restitit ad Pellinaeum oppugnandum.

[¶27] 14.1. During this time, as it happened, Manius Acilius the consul crossed the sea with twenty thousand infantry, two thousand cavalry, and fifteen elephants, and ordered the military tribunes to lead the infantry to Larisa; he himself with the cavalry went to Philip at Limnaeum.

> Latin: 14.1. per eos forte dies M’. Acilius consul cum viginti milibus peditum, duobus milibus equitum, quindecim elephantis mari traiecto pedestris copias Larisam ducere tribunos militum iussit; ipse cum equitatu Limnaeum ad Philippum venit.

[¶28] 14.2. The arrival of the consul caused surrender to be offered without delay, and the royal garrison was handed over and along with them the Athamanes.

> Latin: 14.2. adventu consulis deditio sine cunctatione est facta, traditumque praesidium regium et cum iis Athamanes.

[¶29] 14.3. From Limnaeum the consul went to Pellinaeum. There the Athamanes first gave themselves up, then Philip of Megalopolis;

> Latin: 14.3. ab Limnaeo Pellinaeum consul proficiscitur. ibi primi Athamanes tradiderunt sese, deinde et Philippus Megalopolitanus;

[¶30] 14.4. when by chance King Philip encountered him as he was leaving the garrison, he ordered him hailed as king in mockery, and meeting him face to face, he greeted him as “brother,” a jest by no means befitting his dignity.

> Latin: 14.4. cui decedenti praesidio cum obvius forte fuisset Philippus rex, ad ludibrium regem eum consalutari iussit, ipse congressus fratrem haud sane decoro maiestati suae ioco appellavit.

[¶31] 14.5. Conducted then before the consul, he was ordered to be placed under guard, and a little later was sent to Rome in chains. The rest of the people of the Athamanes or of the soldiers of King Antiochus who had been in the garrisons of the towns surrendered at this period were delivered to King Philip: they numbered now about four thousand men. The consul proceeded to Larisa, there to hold a council regarding the general conduct of the war.

> Latin: 14.5. deductus inde ad consulem custodiri iussus et haud ita multo post in vinculis Romam missus. cetera multitudo Athamanum aut militum Antiochi regis, quae in praesidiis deditorum per eos dies oppidorum fuerat, Philippo tradita regi est; fuere autem ad quattuor milia hominum.

[¶32] 14.6. On the way ambassadors came from Cierium and Metropolis surrendering their cities. Philip treated with especial kindness the prisoners of the Athamanes, that through them he might win over the tribe, and entertaining the hope of gaining possession of Athamania, he led his army thither, sending the captives ahead to their cities.

> Latin: 14.6. consul Larisam est profectus, ibi de summa belli consultaturus. in itinere ab Cierio et Metropoli legati tradentes urbes suas occurrerunt. Philippus Athamanum praecipue captivis indulgenter habitis, ut per eos conciliaret gentem, nactus spem Athamaniae potiendae exercitum eo duxit praemissis in civitates captivis.

[¶33] 14.8. And they had great influence with their fellow-citizens, recalling the kindness and generosity of the king towards them, and Amynander, who, had he been present, might by his majesty have kept some to their allegiance, fearing that he would be delivered to Philip, long his enemy, or to the Romans, at that time justly angered because of his desertion, left the kingdom with his wife and children and took refuge in Ambracia; thus all. Athamania came under the sovereignty and power of Philip.

> Latin: 14.8. et illi magnam auctoritatem apud populares habuerunt, clementiam erga se regis munificentiamque commemorantes, et Amynander, cuius praesentis maiestas aliquos in fide continuisset, veritus, ne traderetur Philippo iam pridem hosti et Romanis merito tunc propter defectionem infensis, cum coniuge ac liberis regno excessit Ambraciamque se contulit: ita Athamania omnis in ius dicionemque Philippi concessit.

[¶34] 14.10. The consul, to rest the pack-animals which had been exhausted both by the voyage and by the later marching, delayed a few days at Larisa, and with an army renewed, so to speak, by a brief rest, proceeded to Crannon. On his journey Pharsalus and Scotusa and Pherae and the garrisons of Antiochus which were in them were surrendered.

> Latin: 14.10. consul ad reficienda maxime iumenta, quae et navigatione et postea itineribus fatigata erant, paucos Larisae moratus dies, velut renovato modica quiete exercitu Crannonem est progressus.

[¶35] 14.11. Questioning them as to who were willing to stay with him, he handed over to Philip a thousand volunteers and sent the rest unarmed back to Demetrias. Next he took Proerna and the forts surrounding it. Then he began to lead the army straight towards the Malian gulf.

> Latin: 14.11. venienti Pharsalus et Scotusa et Pherae quaeque in eis praesidia Antiochi erant deduntur. ex iis interrogatis, qui manere secum vellent, mille volentis Philippo tradit, ceteros inermes Demetriadem remittit.

[¶36] 14.12. As he drew near the pass above which Thaumaci is situated, the young men left the town, armed themselves and attacked the Roman column from the higher ground. At first the consul sent men to try, by talking to them at close quarters, to deter them from so insane a course; when he saw that they persisted in their purpose, he sent a tribune with the soldiers of two maniples by a roundabout way, closed the road to the city against the soldiers, and captured the undefended town. Then when they heard the shouts from the captured city behind them there was a slaughter by the troops in ambush, as the enemy fled in all directions from the forests.

> Latin: 14.12. Proernam inde recepit et quae circa [ea] castella erant. ducere tum porro in sinum Maliacum coepit. appropinquanti faucibus, super quas siti Thaumaci sunt, deserta urbe iuventus omnis armata silvas et itinera insedit et in agmen Romanum ex superioribus locis incursavit. consul primo misit, qui ex propinquo colloquentes deterrerent eos a tali furore; postquam perseverare in incepto vidit, tribuno cum duorum signorum militibus circummisso interclusit ad urbem iter armatis, vacuamque eam cepit.

[¶37] 14.14. From Thaumaci on the second day the consul came to the Spercheus river and then laid waste the lands of the Hypataeans.

> Latin: 14.14. tum clamore ab tergo captae urbis audito refugientium undique ex silvis insidiatorum caedes facta est. ab Thaumacis altero die consul ad Spercheum amnem pervenit, inde Hypataeorum agros vastavit.

[¶38] 15.1. While this was going on Antiochus was at Chalcis, now at last perceiving that he had gained nothing from Greece except a pleasant winter at Chalcis and a shameful marriage.

> Latin: 15.1. cum haec agebantur, Chalcide erat Antiochus, iam tum cernens nihil se ex Graecia praeter amoena Chalcide hiberna et infames nuptias petisse. tunc Aetolorum vana promissa incusare et Thoantem, Hannibalem vero non ut prudentem tantum virum sed prope vatem omnium.

[¶39] 15.2. Then he began to blame the false promises of the Aetolians and to censure Thoas, but Hannibal he admired as not only a wise man but as little less than a prophet of all that was happening.

> Latin: 15.2. quae tum evenirent, admirari. ne tamen temere coepta segnitia insuper everteret, nuntios in Aetoliam misit, ut omni contracta iuventute convenirent Lamiam;

[¶40] 15.3. Yet, not to risk still more his rash enterprise by his own inactivity, he sent messages to Aetolia that they should assemble all their youth and meet at Lamia; and he too led there about ten thousand infantry, including replacements from those who had later arrived from Asia, and five hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 15.3. et ipse eo decem milia fere peditum ex iis, qui postea venerant ex Asia, expleta et equites quingentos duxit.

[¶41] 15.4. When a somewhat smaller number than ever before had-assembled there, only the chiefs, in fact, with a few clients, and these explained that they had worked with all diligence to call out the largest possible numbers from- their cities, but had prevailed by neither influence nor persuasion nor right of command against the shirkers of military service, then, abandoned on all sides, both by his own subjects, who were tarrying in Asia, and by his allies, who were not fulfilling the promises by the hope of which they had invited him, he retired within the pass of Thermopylae.

> Latin: 15.4. quo cum aliquanto pauciores quam umquam ante convenissent, et principes tantummodo cum paucis clientibus essent, atque ii dicerent omnia sedulo ab se facta, ut quam plurimos ex civitatibus suis evocarent; nec auctoritate nec gratia nec imperio adversus detractantes militiam valuisse, destitutus undique et ab suis, qui morabantur in Asia, et ab sociis, qui ea, in quorum spem vocaverant, non praestabant, intra saltum Thermopylarum sese recepit.

[¶42] 15.6. This ridge, just as Italy is cut in two by the backbone of the Apennines, divides Greece.

> Latin: 15.6. id iugum, sicut Appennini dorso Italia dividitur, ita mediam Graeciam dirimit.

[¶43] 15.7. In front of the pass of Thermopylae, facing the north, are Epirus and Perrhaebia and Magnesia and Thessaly and Phthiotic Achaea and the Malian gulf;

> Latin: 15.7. ante saltum Thermopylarum in septentrionem versa Epirus et Perrhaebia et Magnesia—et Thessalia est et Phthiotae Achaei et sinus Maliacus;

[¶44] 15.8. within the pass towards the south lie the larger part of Aetolia and Acarnania and Phocis with Locris and Boeotia with the island of Euboea adjoining it and, on a sort of promontory running out into the sea, the Attic land, and lying behind it the Peloponnesus.

> Latin: 15.8. intra fauces ad meridiem vergunt Aetoliae pars maior et Acarnania et cum Locride Phocis et Boeotia adiunctaque insula Euboea et excurrente in altum velut promunturio Attica terra, sita ab tergo et Peloponnesus.

[¶45] 15.9. This range, taking its course from Leucas and the sea on the west and continuing through Aetolia to the other sea on the east, has such thickets and scattered cliffs that not even individuals travelling light, not to mention armies, can easily find paths by which to cross.

> Latin: 15.9. hoc iugum ab Leucate et mari ad occidentem verso per Aetoliam ad alterum mare orienti obiectum tendens ea aspreta rupesque interiectas habet, ut non modo exercitus sed ne expediti quidem facile ullas ad transitum calles inveniant.

[¶46] 15.10. The mountains on the extreme east they call Oeta, the highest of which is named Callidromum, in the valley of which, where it slopes down to the Malian gulf, there is a road not wider than sixty paces. This is the one military road where an army can pass if there is no resistance.

> Latin: 15.10. extremos ad orientem montis Oetam vocant, quorum quod altissimum est Callidromon appellatur, in cuius valle ad Maliacum sinum vergente iter est non latius quam sexaginta passus.

[¶47] 15.11. For that reason the place is called Pylae and by others, because there are warm springs within the pass itself, Thermopylae, and it is renowned for the death of the Lacedaemonians as they opposed the Persians, more memorable than the battle.

> Latin: 15.11. haec una militaris via est, qua traduci exercitus, si non prohibeantur, possint. ideo Pylae et ab aliis, quia calidae aquae in ipsis faucibus sunt, Thermopylae locus appellatur, nobilis Lacedaemoniorum adversus Persas morte magis memorabili quam pugna.

[¶48] 16.1. With a spirit wholly unlike theirs at that time, Antiochus pitched his camp within the “Gates” to the place and besides blocked the pass with fortifications, and when he had strengthened everything with a double wall and ditch and, where the situation demanded, with a rampart constructed out of the great

> Latin: 16.1. haudquaquam pari tum animo Antiochus intra portas loci eius castris positis munitionibus insuper saltum impediebat et, cum duplici vallo fossaque et muro etiam, qua res postulabat, ex multa copia passim iacentium lapidum permunisset omnia,

[¶49] 16.3. quantity of stones which were scattered all about, confident that the Roman army would never force a passage, of the four thousand Aetolians —for so many had assembled —he sent part to hold Heraclea with a garrison, part to Hypata, being both certain that the consul would attack Heraclea and informed by many messengers that all the country around Hypata was being devastated.

> Latin: 16.3. satis fidens numquam ea vim Romanum exercitum facturum, Aetolos ex quattuor milibus—tot enim convenerant—partim ad Heracleam praesidio obtinendam, quae ante ipsas fauces posita est, partim Hypatam mittit, et Heracleam haud dubius consulem oppugnaturum, et iam multis nuntiantibus circa Hypatam omnia evastari.

[¶50] 16.5. The consul, having first ravaged the fields of Hypata and then of Heraclea, the aid of the Aetolians being useless to both, encamped within the pass itself near the springs of hot water facing the king. Both contingents of Aetolians shut themselves up in Heraclea.

> Latin: 16.5. consul depopulatus Hypatensem primo deinde Heracleensem agrum, inutili utrobique auxilio Aetolorum, in ipsis faucibus prope fontes calidarum aquarum adversus regem posuit castra. Aetolorum utraeque manus Heracleam sese incluserunt.

[¶51] 16.6. Antiochus, to whom, before he saw the enemy, everything seemed well fortified and guarded by posts, was terror-stricken lest the Roman should find trails somewhere over the overhanging cliffs to permit their passage;

> Latin: 16.6. Antiochum, cui, priusquam hostem cerneret, satis omnia permunita et praesidiis obsaepta videbantur, timor incessit, ne quas per imminentia iuga calles inveniret ad transitum Romanus;

[¶52] 16.7. for the story was that so the Lacedaemonians were once surrounded by the Persians, and recently Philip by the Romans themselves;

> Latin: 16.7. nam et Lacedaemonios quondam ita a Persis circuitos fama erat, et nuper Philippum ab iisdem Romanis:

[¶53] 16.8. so he sent a runner to the Aetolians in Heraclea that they should render at least so much service to him in this war as to seize and hold the mountain-tops round about, that the Romans might find no way to cross.

> Latin: 16.8. itaque nuntium Heracleam ad Aetolos mittit, ut hanc saltem sibi operam eo bello praestarent, ut vertices circa montium occuparent obsiderentque, ne qua transire Romani possent.

[¶54] 16.9. On hearing this message a disagreement arose among the Aetolians. Part thought that they should obey the king's order and go, part that they should wait at Heraclea for either turn of fortune, that, if the king were defeated by the consul, they might have fresh troops in readiness to bring aid to their cities, but if he conquered, that they might pursue the Romans when scattered in flight.

> Latin: 16.9. hoc nuntio audito dissensio inter Aetolos orta est. pars imperio parendum regis atque eundum censebant, pars subsistendum Heracleae ad utramque fortunam, ut, sive victus ab consule rex esset, in expedito haberent integras copias ad opem propinquis ferendam civitatibus suis, sive vinceret, ut dissipatos in fugam Romanos persequerentur.

[¶55] 16.11. Each party not only adhered to its own opinion but acted on its own decision: two thousand remained at Heraclea; two thousand, separating into three detachments, occupied Callidromum and Rhoduntia and Tichius —these are names of peaks.

> Latin: 16.11. utraque pars non mansit modo in sententia sua, sed etiam exsecuta est consilium: duo milia Heracleae substiterunt; duo trifariam divisa Callidromum et Rhoduntiam et Tichiunta—haec nomina cacuminibus sunt—occupavere.

[¶56] 17.1. When the consul saw that the higher ground was held by the Aetolians, he sent Marcus Porcius Cato and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, lieutenants of consular rank, with two thousand picked men each, against the strong points of the Aetolians, Flaccus to Rhoduntia and Tichius, Cato to Callidromum.

> Latin: 17.1. consul postquam insessa superiora loca ab Aetolis vidit, M. Porcium Catonem et L. Valerium Flaccum consularis legatos cum binis milibus delectorum peditum ad castella Aetolorum, Flaccum in Rhoduntiam et Tichiunta, Catonem in Callidromum mittit.

[¶57] 17.2. He himself, before he moved his troops forward against the enemy, called the soldiers to an assembly and harangued them briefly: “I see that most among you, soldiers, are men of all ranks, who fought in this same province under the leadership and auspices of Titus Quinctius.”

> Latin: 17.2. ipse, priusquam ad hostem copias admoveret, vocatos in contionem milites paucis est adlocutus. “plerosque omnium ordinum, milites, inter vos esse video, qui in hac eadem provincia T. Quincti ductu auspicioque militaveritis.

[¶58] 17.3. “In the Macedonian war the pass of Aous was more difficult to traverse than this;”

> Latin: 17.3. Macedonico bello inexsuperabilior saltus ad amnem Aoum fuit quam hic:

[¶59] 17.4. “for surely this is a gate and the one natural aisle, so to speak, between the two seas, all other ways being closed; the fortifications were then both more suitably situated and more strongly constructed; that hostile army was both larger in numbers and composed of a somewhat better grade of soldiers;”

> Latin: 17.4. quippe portae sunt hae, et unus inter duo maria clausis omnibus velut naturalis transitus est; munitiones et locis opportunioribus tunc fuerunt et validiores impositae; exercitus hostium ille et numero maior et militum genere aliquanto melior:

[¶60] 17.5. “there, as you know, there were Macedonians and Thracians land Illyrians, all most warlike nations, here Syrians and Asiatic Greeks, the most worthless peoples among mankind and born for slavery;”

> Latin: 17.5. quippe illic Macedones Thracesque et Illyrii erant, ferocissimae omnes gentes, hic Syri et Asiatici Graeci sunt, vilissima genera hominum et servituti nata;

[¶61] 17.6. “that king was most devoted to war and trained from youth up in wars with the neighbouring Thracians and Illyrians and all the inhabitants round about; here, to pass over in silence all the rest of his career, is one who, after crossing from Asia to ” “Europe to make war upon the Roman people, did nothing more worthy of note during the whole season of the winter than for love's sake to marry a woman from a private home, of a family obscure and even common, and the new bridegroom, stuffed, let me say, with wedding feasts, went forth to battle.”

> Latin: 17.6. rex ille bellicosissimus et exercitatus iam inde ab iuventa finitimis Thracum atque Illyriorum et circa omnium accolarum bellis, hic, ut aliam omnem vitam sileam, is est, qui cum ad inferendum populo Romano bellum ex Asia in Europam transisset, nihil memorabilius toto tempore hibernorum gesserit, quam quod amoris causa ex domo privata et obscuri etiam inter popularis generis uxorem duxit,

[¶62] 17.8. “The substance of his strength and hope is in the Aetolians, a most boastful and ungrateful race, as you have learned before this and as Antiochus is now learning.”

> Latin: 17.8. et novus maritus, velut saginatus nuptialibus cenis, ad pugnam processit. summa virium speique eius in Aetolis fuit, gente vanissima et ingratissima, ut vos prius experti estis, nunc Antiochus experitur.

[¶63] 17.9. “For neither did they come in great numbers nor could they be kept in camp, and they are even at odds with one another, and although they had demanded the guardianship of Hypata and Heraclea, they defended neither, but some fled to the mountain-tops and some shut themselves up in Heraclea.”

> Latin: 17.9. nam nec venerunt frequentes, nec contineri in castris potuerunt, et in seditione ipsi inter sese sunt, et, cum Hypatam tuendam Heracleamque depoposcissent, neutram tutati refugerunt in iuga montium, pars Heracleae incluserunt sese.

[¶64] 17.10. “The king himself, confessing that he not only does not dare to trust himself to battle on level ground anywhere but does not even venture to encamp in the open, abandoning all that country in front of him which he boasted he had taken from us and from Philip, has shut himself up within the cliffs, not even placing his camp in front of the entrance to the pass, as they say the Spartans once did, but withdrawing it deep inside;”

> Latin: 17.10. rex ipse confessus nusquam aequo campo non modo congredi se ad pugnam audere, sed ne castra quidem in aperto ponere, relicta omni ante se regione ea, quam se nobis ac Philippo ademisse gloriabatur, condidit se intra rupes, ne ante fauces quidem saltus, ut quondam Lacedaemonios fama est, sed intra penitus retractis castris;

[¶65] 17.11. “and how does this differ, as an exhibition of fear, from shutting himself up to be besieged within the walls of some city?”

> Latin: 17.11. quod quantum interest ad timorem ostendendum, an muris urbis alicuius obsidendum, sese incluserit?

[¶66] 17.12. “But neither the narrow defile will protect Antiochus nor the heights which they have seized the Aetolians. Sufficient care and precaution have been taken on every side to prevent your facing any peril except the enemy.”

> Latin: 17.12. sed neque Antiochum tuebuntur angustiae, nec Aetolos vertices illi, quos ceperunt. satis undique provisum atque praecautum est, ne quid adversus vos in pugna praeter hostis esset.

[¶67] 17.13. “You should hold this thought before your minds, that you are fighting not merely for the liberty of Greece, although this is a noble cause to defend, but to set free a people, formerly freed from Philip, now from the Aetolians and Antiochus, nor will your reward consist only of those things which are in the king's camp, but all that equipment too ” “which is daily expected from Ephesus will be booty, and thereafter Asia and Syria and the treasure-laden realms right up to the sunrise will be opened to Roman rule.”

> Latin: 17.13. illud proponere animo vestro debetis, non vos pro Graeciae libertate tantum dimicare, quamquam is quoque egregius titulus esset, liberatam a Philippo ante nunc ab Aetolis et ab Antiocho liberare, neque ea tantum in praemium vestrum cessura, quae nunc in regiis castris sunt, sed illum quoque omnem apparatum, qui in dies ab Epheso expectatur, praedae futurum, Asiam deinde Syriamque et omnia usque ad ortum solis ditissima regna Romano imperio aperturos.

[¶68] 17.15. “What then will be lacking, that we shall not bound our empire by the ocean from Gades to the Red Sea, that ocean which holds the earth in its embrace, and that the whole human race will not reverence the Roman name next after the gods?”

> Latin: 17.15. quid deinde aberit, quin ab Gadibus ad mare rubrum Oceano finis terminemus, qui orbem terrarum amplexu finit, et omne humanum genus secundum deos nomen Romanum veneretur?

[¶69] 17.16. “Make your minds ready to deserve such great rewards, that to-morrow with the good aid of the gods we may fight it out in battle-line.”

> Latin: 17.16. in haec tanta praemia dignos parate animos, ut crastino die bene iuvantibus diis acie decernamus.”

[¶70] 18.1. After this assembly the soldiers were dismissed, and before they saw to their bodily needs they made ready their armour and arms.

> Latin: 18.1. ab hac contione dimissi milites, priusquam corpora curarent, arma tela parant. luce prima signo pugnae proposito instruit aciem consul, arta fronte, ad naturam et angustias loci.

[¶71] 18.2. At daybreak the battle-signal was displayed and the consul deployed his forces on a narrow front, according to the nature and limits of the position. When the king saw the standards of the enemy he too led out his troops. Part of his light-armed troops he placed before the rampart in the front line, then he drew up the main body of the Macedonians, whom they call sarisophori, as a bulwark around the fortification itself.

> Latin: 18.2. rex, postquam signa hostium conspexit, et ipse copias educit. levis armaturae partem ante vallum in primo locavit, tum Macedonum robur, quos sarisophorus appellabant, velut firmamentum circa ipsas munitiones constituit.

[¶72] 18.3. Next to them on the left flank he placed a detachment of dart-throwers and archers and slingers at the very base of the mountain, to harass the exposed flank of the enemy from the higher ground.

> Latin: 18.3. his ab sinistro cornu iaculatorum sagittariorumque et funditorum manum sub ipsis radicibus montis posuit, ut ex altiore loco nuda latera hostium incesserent.

[¶73] 18.4. On the right, next to the Macedonians, at the very end of the fortification, where the ground, impassable as far as the sea, closed it in with swampy mud and quicksands, he stationed the elephants with their usual guard and behind them the cavalry; then, a short distance to the rear, the rest of his troops in the second line.

> Latin: 18.4. ab dextro Macedonibus ad ipsum munimentorum finem, qua loca usque ad mare invia palustri limo et voraginibus claudunt, elephantos cum adsueto praesidio posuit, post eos equites, tum modico intervallo relicto ceteras copias in secunda acie.

[¶74] 18.5. The Macedonians standing in front of the rampart at first easily held off the Romans, who were trying the approaches from every direction, with much assistance from those who from the higher ground were hurling a veritable cloud of missiles from their slings as well as darts and arrows at the same time;

> Latin: 18.5. Macedones pro vallo locati primo facile sustinebant Romanos, temptantis ab omni parte aditus, multum adiuvantibus, qui ex loco superiore fundis velut nimbum glandis et sagittas simul ac iacula ingerebant;

[¶75] 18.6. then, as a greater and more irresistible pressure was placed upon them by the enemy, driven from their places they gradually withdrew their ranks and fell back inside the fortifications; thence from the rampart they almost made another rampart of the spears held out in front of them.

> Latin: 18.6. deinde, ut maior nec iam toleranda vis hostium inferebat se, pulsi loco intra munimenta subductis ordinibus concesserunt; inde ex vallo prope alterum vallum hastis prae se obiectis fecerunt.

[¶76] 18.7. And the height of the rampart was so moderate that it both offered its defenders higher ground from which to fight and held the enemy within thrusting-distance below them on account of the length of the spears.

> Latin: 18.7. et ita modica altitudo valli erat, ut et locum superiorem suis ad pugnandum praeberet, et propter longitudinem hastarum subiectum haberet hostem.

[¶77] 18.8. Many who rashly drew near the rampart were run through; and either they would have withdrawn with their task unaccomplished or more would have perished had not Marcus Porcius, having dislodged the Aetolians from the heights of Callidromum and killed a large part of them —for he had caught them off their guard and many of them asleep —shown himself on the hill which overlooked the camp.

> Latin: 18.8. multi temere subeuntes vallum transfixi sunt; et aut incepto irrito recessissent aut plures cecidissent, ni M. Porcius ab iugo Callidromi deiectis inde Aetolis et magna ex parte caesis—incautos enim et plerosque sopitos oppresserat — super imminentem castris collem apparuisset.

[¶78] 19.1. Flaccus did not enjoy the same fortune at Tichius and Rhoduntia, having tried in vain to get up to those forts.

> Latin: 19.1. Flacco non eadem fortuna ad Tichiunta et Rhoduntiam, nequiquam subire ad ea castella conato, fuerat.

[¶79] 19.2. The Macedonians and the others who were in the king's camp at first, while there was nothing visible in the distance except a crowd and a column, believed that the Aetolians had seen the battle from afar and were coming to their assistance;

> Latin: 19.2. Macedones quique alii in castris regiis erant primo, dum procul nihil aliud quam turba et agmen apparebat, Aetolos credere visa procul pugna subsidio venire;

[¶80] 19.3. but as soon as the standards and arms, recognized close at hand, revealed their mistake, such terror all at once seized them that they threw away their arms and fled.

> Latin: 19.3. ceterum, ut primum signaque et arma ex propinquo cognita errorem aperuerunt, tantus repente pavor omnis cepit, ut abiectis armis fugerent.

[¶81] 19.4. Both the walls and the narrowness of the valley through which they had to pass hindered the pursuers, and most of all the fact that the elephants brought up the rear, and these the infantry could pass only with difficulty and the cavalry not at all, since the horses were frightened and caused greater disturbance in their own ranks than in the battle;

> Latin: 19.4. et munimenta sequentis impedierunt, et angustiae vallis, per quam sequendi erant, et maxime omnium quod elephanti novissimi agminis erant, quos pedes aegre praeterire, eques nullo poterat modo timentibus equis tumultumque inter se maiorem quam in proelio edentibus;

[¶82] 19.5. some time was also consumed in the plundering of the camp; nevertheless, they pursued the enemy that day as far as Scarphea.

> Latin: 19.5. aliquantum temporis et direptio castrorum tenuit: Scarpheam tamen eo die consecuti sunt hostem.

[¶83] 19.6. They not only killed and captured many, men and horses, on the way, but also killed the elephants which they could not take, and returned to camp;

> Latin: 19.6. multis in ipso itinere caesis captisque, non equis virisque tantum, sed etiam elephantis, quos capere non potuerant, interfectis, in castra reverterunt;

[¶84] 19.7. this had been attacked during the time the battle was going on by the Aetolians who were holding Heraclea with their garrison, but without any results commensurate with the considerable boldness of the undertaking.

> Latin: 19.7. quae temptata eo die inter ipsum pugnae tempus ab Aetolis, Heracleam obtinentibus praesidio, sine ullo haud parum audacis incepti effectu fuerant.

[¶85] 19.8. During the third watch of the next night the consul sent on the cavalry to pursue the enemy and at daybreak advanced the legionary standards.

> Latin: 19.8. consul noctis insequentis tertia vigilia praemisso equitatu ad persequendum hostem, signa legionum luce prima movit.

[¶86] 19.9. The king had gone a considerable distance ahead, inasmuch as he had not ceased his headlong flight until he reached Elatia; there, as soon as he collected the scanty leavings of the battle and the flight, with a little band of half-armed men he withdrew to Chalcis.

> Latin: 19.9. aliquantum viae praeceperat rex, ut qui non ante quam Elatiae ab effuso constiterit cursu; ubi primum reliquiis pugnaeque et fugae collectis, cum perexigua manu semiermium militum Chalcidem se recepit.

[¶87] 19.10. The Roman cavalry did not overtake the king himself at Elatia; but a great part of the column, stopping either from weariness or because they had lost their way, as was natural for men fleeing without guides over strange roads, was dispersed and destroyed;

> Latin: 19.10. Romanus equitatus ipsum quidem regem Elatiae adsecutus non est; magnam partem agminis aut lassitudine subsistentis aut errore, ut qui sine ducibus per ignota itinera fugerent, dissipatos oppresserunt;

[¶88] 19.11. nor did anyone out of the whole army escape with the exception of five hundred who were with the king, a small number even out of the ten thousand soldiers who, as I have written on the authority of Polybius, the king had brought with him to Greece;

> Latin: 19.11. nec praeter quingentos, qui circa regem fuerunt, ex toto exercitu quisquam effugit, etiam ex decem milibus militum, quos Polybio auctore traiecisse secum regem in Graeciam scripsimus, exiguus numerus:

[¶89] 19.12. what if we were to believe Valerius Antias, who writes that there were sixty thousand men in the king's army, that forty thousand of them were killed and more than five thousand captured along with two hundred thirty military standards. One hundred fifty Romans perished in the actual shock of the battle, and from those who defended themselves against the attack of the Aetolians not more than fifty were killed.

> Latin: 19.12. quid, si Antiati Valerio credamus sexaginta milia militum fuisse in regio exercitu scribenti, quadraginta inde milia cecidisse. supra quinque milia capta cum signis militaribus ducentis triginta? Romanorum centum quinquaginta in ipso certamine pugnae, ab incursu Aetolorum se tuentes non plus quinquaginta interfecti sunt.

[¶90] 20.1. As the consul led the army through Phocis and Boeotia, the citizens, conscious of their rebellion, were standing before the gates holding badges of supplication, in fear that they would be plundered like enemies.

> Latin: 20.1. consule per Phocidem et Boeotiam exercitum ducente consciae defectionis civitates cum velamentis ante portas stabant metu, ne hostiliter diriperentur.

[¶91] 20.2. But during all these days the column marched just as if they were passing through a peaceful country, doing no injury to anyone, until they came to the territory of Coronea.

> Latin: 20.2. ceterum per omnes dies haud secus quam in pacato agro sine vexatione ullius rei agmen processit, donec in agrum Coroneum ventum est.

[¶92] 20.3. There a statue of King Antiochus, set up in the temple of Athena Itonia, enkindled the consul's wrath, and the soldiers were permitted to devastate the land around the temple; then the thought came to his mind that since the statue had been set up by a general decree of the Boeotians it was improper to vent his wrath on the territory of Coronea alone.

> Latin: 20.3. ibi statua regis Antiochi posita in templo Minervae Itoniae iram accendit, permissumque militi est, ut circumiectum templo agrum popularetur; dein cogitatio animum subit, cum communi decreto Boeotorum posita esset statua, indignum esse in unum Coronensem agrum saevire.

[¶93] 20.4. The soldiers were at once recalled and an end put to the pillaging; the Boeotians received only a verbal reproof for their ingratitude to the Romans after such notable and recent acts of kindness.

> Latin: 20.4. revocato extemplo milite finis populandi factus; castigati tantum verbis Boeoti ob ingratum in tantis tamque recentibus beneficiis animum erga Romanos.

[¶94] 20.5. Just at the time of the battle ten of the king's ships with the prefect Isidorus were moored at Thronium in the Malian gulf. Alexander the Acarnanian, arriving there sorely wounded, with news of the defeat, the ships at once made for Cenaeum in Euboea, panic-stricken with fear. There Alexander died and was buried.

> Latin: 20.5. inter ipsum pugnae tempus decem naves regiae cum praefecto Isidoro ad Thronium in sinu Maliaco stabant. eo gravis vulneribus Alexander Acarnan, nuntius adversae pugnae, cum perfugisset, trepidae inde recenti terrore naves Cenaeum Euboeae petierunt.

[¶95] 20.6. Three ships which had set out from Asia and put in to the same harbour, learning of the slaughter of the army, returned to Ephesus. Isidorus from Cenaeum crossed to Demetrias, on the chance that the flight had taken the king that way.

> Latin: 20.6. ibi mortuus sepultusque Alexander. tres, quae ex Asia profectae eundem portum tenuerant, naves audita exercitus clade Ephesum redierunt. Isidorus ab Cenaeo Demetriadem, si forte eo deferret fuga regem, traiecit.

## 24. Book XXXVI · chapters 20–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24/#p-N

[¶0] 20.7. About this time Aulus Atilius, the commander of the Roman fleet, fell in with a great quantity of stores belonging to the king which had now crossed the strait which lies near the island of Andros; some ships he sank, others he captured; those which were in the rear turned their course towards Asia.

> Latin: 20.7. —per eosdem dies A. Atilius praefectus Romanae classis magnos regios commeatus iam fretum, quod ad Andrum insulam est, praetervectos excepit;

[¶1] 20.8. Atilius with his convoy of captured ships returned to Piraeus whence he had sailed, and distributed a great quantity of grain among both the Athenians and the other allies in the same vicinity.

> Latin: 20.8. alias mersit, alias cepit naves; quae novissimi agminis erant cursum in Asiam verterunt. Atilius Piraeum, unde profectus erat, cum agmine captivarum navium revectus magnam vim frumenti et Atheniensibus et aliis eiusdem regionis sociis divisit.

[¶2] 21.1. Antiochus, at the approach of the consul, left Chalcis and first proceeded to Tenos, then crossed to Ephesus.

> Latin: 21.1. Antiochus sub adventum consulis a Chalcide profectus Tenum primo tenuit, inde Ephesum transmisit.

[¶3] 21.2. When the consul arrived at Chalcis the gates stood open, since at his approach Aristoteles, the king's prefect, had left the city.

> Latin: 21.2. consuli Chalcidem venienti portae patuerunt, cum appropinquante eo Aristoteles praefectus regis urbe excessisset.

[¶4] 21.3. And the other cities of Euboea were given up without a struggle; and a few days later everything was quiet and the army was led back to Thermopylae doing no injury to any city, their moderate conduct after the victory being far more worthy of praise than the actual victory.

> Latin: 21.3. et ceterae urbes in Euboea sine certamine traditae; post paucosque dies omnibus perpacatis sine ullius noxa urbis exercitus Thermopylas reductus, multo modestia post victoriam quam ipsa victoria laudabilior.

[¶5] 21.4. Then the consul sent Marcus Cato to Rome, that from him, a thoroughly trustworthy source, the senate and the Roman people might learn what had happened.

> Latin: 21.4. inde consul M. Catonem, per quem quae gesta essent senatus populusque Romanus haud dubio auctore sciret, Romam misit.

[¶6] 21.5. From Creusa —this is the trading-port of the Thespians, lying deep in the Corinthian gulf —he made for Patrae in Achaea; from Patrae he skirted the shores of Aetolia and Acarnania right up to Corcyra and thence crossed to Hydruntum in Italy.

> Latin: 21.5. is a Creusa —Thespiensium emporium est, in intimo sinu Corinthiaco retractum—Patras Achaiae petit; a Patris Corcyram usque Aetoliae atque Acarnaniae littora legit, atque ita ad Hydruntum Italiae traicit.

[¶7] 21.6. On the fifth day from there in hurried progress by land he arrived in Rome. Entering the City before daybreak he went from the gate straight to the praetor Marcus Junius.

> Latin: 21.6. quinto die inde pedestri itinere Romam ingenti cursu pervenit. ante lucem ingressus urbem a porta ad praetorem M. Iunium iter intendit.

[¶8] 21.7. Junius at daybreak summoned the senate; Lucius Cornelius Scipio, who had been sent on some days before by the consul, learning on his arrival that Cato had reached there first and was in the senate, came in while he was recounting what had happened.

> Latin: 21.7. is prima luce in senatum vocavit; quo L. Cornelius Scipio, aliquot diebus ante a consule dimissus, cum adveniens audisset praegressum Catonem in senatu esse, supervenit exponenti, quae gesta essent.

[¶9] 21.8. Then the two legates by order of the senate were taken before the assembly and there told the same story as in the senate about the events in Aetolia.

> Latin: 21.8. duo inde legati iussu senatus in contionem sunt producti, atque ibi eadem, quae in senatu, de rebus in Aetolia gestis exposuerunt.

[¶10] 21.9. A period of thanksgiving for three days was proclaimed and the praetor was ordered to sacrifice forty full-grown victims to whatever gods he saw fit.

> Latin: 21.9. supplicatio in triduum decreta est et ut quadraginta hostiis maioribus praetor, quibus diis ei videretur, sacrificaret.

[¶11] 21.10. About the same time too Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, who two years before had as praetor set out for Spain, entered the City in ovation; he carried in his procession one hundred and thirty thousand silver coins stamped with the two-horse chariot, and in addition to the minted money twelve thousand pounds of silver and one hundred and twenty-seven pounds of gold.

> Latin: 21.10. —per eosdem dies et M. Fulvius Nobilior, qui biennio ante praetor in Hispaniam erat profectus, ovans urbem est ingressus; argenti bigati prae se tulit centum triginta milia et extra numeratum duodecim milia pondo argenti, auri pondo centum viginti septem.

[¶12] 22.1. The consul Acilius dispatched agents from Thermopylae to the Aetolians at Heraclea that then at least, having made trial of the king's unreliability, they might regain their senses, surrender Heraclea, and take counsel about asking pardon from the senate for their madness or, if they preferred, their mistake.

> Latin: 22.1. Acilius consul ab Thermopylis Heracleam ad Aetolos praemisit, ut tunc saltem, experti regiam vanitatem, resipiscerent traditaque Heraclea cogitarent de petenda ab senatu seu furoris sui seu erroris venia.

[¶13] 22.2. Other states of Greece too in that war, he said, had revolted from the Romans who deserved so well of them, but because, after the flight of the king, from confidence in whom they had thrown off their allegiance, they had not added stubbornness to their fault, they had been received into alliance; the Aetolians also, though they had not followed the king but had summoned him, and had been the leaders in the war and not allies, if they could repent, could likewise be saved.

> Latin: 22.2. et ceteras Graeciae civitates defecisse eo bello ab optime meritis Romanis; sed quia post fugam regis, cuius fiducia officio decessissent, non addidissent pertinaciam culpae, in fidem receptas esse; Aetolos quoque, quamquam non secuti sint regem, sed accersierint, et duces belli, non socii fuerint, si paenitere possint, posse et incolumis esse.

[¶14] 22.4. When they gave no pacific reply to this, and it was evident that he must have recourse to arms, and that after the defeat of the king the Aetolian war remained as before, he moved camp from Thermopylae to Heraclea, and on the same day, to reconnoitre the site of the city, he rode on horseback around the walls on every side.

> Latin: 22.4. ad ea cum pacati nihil responderetur, appareretque armis rem gerendam et rege superato bellum Aetolicum integrum restare, castra ab Thermopylis ad Heracleam movit, eoque ipso die, ut situm nosceret urbis, ab omni parte equo moenia est circumvectus. sita est Heraclea in radicibus Oetae montis, ipsa in campo, arcem imminentem loco alto et undique praecipiti habet.

[¶15] 22.6. Heraclea is situated at the foot of Mount Oeta, and the town proper was in a plain, with a citadel that overhung it, in a position lofty and steep on every side.

> Latin: 22.6. contemplatus omnia, quae noscenda erant, quattuor simul locis aggredi urbem constituit.

[¶16] 22.7. In the direction of the Asopus river, where there is also a gymnasium, he put Lucius Valerius in charge of the works and the assault; the quarters outside the walls, which were almost more densely populated than the city itself, he gave to Tiberius Sempronius Longus to attack;

> Latin: 22.7. a flumine Asopo, qua et gymnasium est, L. Valerium operibus atque oppugnationi praeposuit; ab arce extra muros, qua frequentius prope quam in urbe habitabatur, Ti. Sempronio Longo oppugnandum dedit;

[¶17] 22.8. on the side towards the Malian gulf, which had a rather difficult approach, he placed Marcus Baebius, and at another little stream, which they call Melas, facing the temple of Artemis, he stationed Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 22.8. e regione sinus Maliaci, quae aditum haud facilem pars habebat, M. Baebium, ab altero amniculo, quem Melana vocant, adversus Dianae templum Ap. Claudium opposuit.

[¶18] 22.9. With great rivalry on their part, within a few days towers and battering-rams and all the other engines for attacking cities were prepared.

> Latin: 22.9. horum magno certamine intra paucos dies turres arietesque et alius omnis apparatus oppugnandarum urbium perficitur.

[¶19] 22.10. And while the lands of Heraclea, all marshy and abounding in tall trees, made generous provision of materials for every kind of device, then too, because the Aetolians had taken refuge within the walls, the deserted houses in the entrance to the city offered them, for their various needs, not only beams and planks but brick and cement and stones of different sizes.

> Latin: 22.10. et cum ager Heracleensis paluster omnis frequensque proceris arboribus benigne ad omne genus operum materiam suppeditabat, tum, quia refugerant intra moenia Aetoli, deserta, quae in vestibulo urbis erant, tecta in varios usus non tigna modo et tabulas sed laterem quoque et caementa et saxa variae magnitudinis praebebant.

[¶20] 23.1. And the Romans for their part conducted the siege with engines rather than by personal combat; the Aetolians, on the contrary, defended themselves by arms.

> Latin: 23.1. et Romani quidem operibus magis quam armis urbem oppugnabant, Aetoli contra armis se tuebantur.

[¶21] 23.2. For when the battering-rams shook the walls they did not, in the usual fashion, try to ward off the blows by catching the rams in nooses, but made frequent armed sallies, and some carried firebrands also, to throw against the works.

> Latin: 23.2. nam cum ariete quaterentur muri, non laqueis, ut solet, exceptos declinabant ictus, sed armati frequentes …, quidam ignes etiam, quos aggeribus inicerent, ferebant.

[¶22] 23.3. There were also arches in the walls suitable for sally-ports, and they themselves, as they built new walls to replace those that were destroyed, left more numerous openings to permit sallies against the enemy in more directions.

> Latin: 23.3. fornices quoque in muro erant apti ad excurrendum, et ipsi, cum pro dirutis reficerent muros, crebriores eos, ut pluribus erumperetur in hostem locis, faciebant.

[¶23] 23.4. In the early days, while they were fresh in strength, they did this both frequently and stoutly; day by day then their attacks grew fewer and more half-hearted.

> Latin: 23.4. hoc primis diebus, dum integrae vires erant, et frequentes et inpigre fecerunt; in dies deinde pauciores et segnius.

[¶24] 23.5. For although many difficulties beset them, nothing wore them down so much as loss of sleep; the Romans, with their wealth of men, sent relief after relief to the posts, while the Aetolians, on account of their small number, were tortured by constant toil falling to the same men day and night.

> Latin: 23.5. etenim cum multis urgerentur rebus, nulla eos res aeque ac vigiliae conficiebant, Romanis in magna copia militum succedentibus aliis in stationem aliorum, Aetolos propter paucitatem eosdem dies noctesque adsiduo labore urente.

[¶25] 23.6. For four-and-twenty days, so that no time was free from fighting, against an enemy attacking from four sides at once, nightly toil was joined to daily labour.

> Latin: 23.6. per quattuor et viginti dies, ita ut nullum tempus vacuum dimicatione esset, adversus quattuor e partibus simul oppugnantem hostem nocturnus diurno continuatus labor est.

[¶26] 23.7. When the consul saw that the Aetolians were now weary, judging both by the lapse of time and by the testimony of deserters, he formed the following plan.

> Latin: 23.7. cum fatigatos iam Aetolos sciret consul et ex ratione temporis et quod ita transfugae adfirmabant, tale consilium init.

[¶27] 23.8. At midnight he gave the signal for the recall, and withdrawing all his men from the works, until the third hour of the day he kept them quiet in camp;

> Latin: 23.8. media nocte receptui signum dedit et ab oppugnatione simul milites omnes deductos usque ad tertiam diei horam quietos in castris tenuit;

[¶28] 23.9. then the siege was begun and continued again until midnight and then interrupted until the third hour of the day.

> Latin: 23.9. inde coepta oppugnatio ad mediam rursus noctem perducta est, intermissa deinde usque ad tertiam diei horam.

[¶29] 23.10. The Aetolians thought that the cause of interrupting operations was weariness, which had troubled them too, and when the recall was sounded for the Romans, as if they too were summoned, each for himself left his post, nor did they show themselves in arms on the walls until the third hour of the day.

> Latin: 23.10. fatigationem rati esse causam Aetoli non continuandae oppugnationis, quae et ipsos adfecerat, ubi Romanis datum receptui signum esset, velut ipsi quoque revocati pro se quisque ex stationibus decedebant, nec ante tertiam dici horam armati in muris apparebant.

[¶30] 24.1. When the consul had stopped the siege at midnight, during the fourth watch he again launched a furious attack from three sides, ordering Tiberius Sempronius on one side to hold his men alert and await orders, thinking that without doubt, in a night alarm, the enemy would rush to the point from which the noise was heard.

> Latin: 24.1. consul cum nocte media intermisisset oppugnationem, quarta vigilia rursus ab tribus partibus summa vi adgressus, ab una Ti. Sempronium tenere intentos milites signumque expectantes iussit, ad ea in nocturno tumultu, unde clamor exaudiretur, haud dubie ratus hostis concursuros.

[¶31] 24.3. Part of the Aetolians who had been sleeping were rousing themselves, exhausted by toil and loss of sleep, part, who were still awake, rushed in the dark towards the shouts of the fighters.

> Latin: 24.3. Aetoli pars sopiti adfecta labore ac vigiliis corpora ex somno moliebantur, pars vigilantes adhuc ad strepitum pugnantium in tenebris currunt.

[¶32] 24.4. Some of the enemy were trying to climb over the fallen ruins of the wall, some attempting to get up by means of ladders, and against them the Aetolians rushed from all sides to bring aid.

> Latin: 24.4. hostes partim per ruinas iacentis muri transcendere conantur, partim scalis ascensus temptant, adversus quos undique ad opem ferendam occurrunt Aetoli.

[¶33] 24.5. The one side, on which there were buildings outside the city, was neither defended nor attacked; but men to attack it were waiting, eager for the signal; there was no one to defend it.

> Latin: 24.5. pars una, in qua aedificia extra urbem erant, neque defenditur neque oppugnatur; sed qui oppugnarent, intenti signum expectabant;

[¶34] 24.6. It was now growing light when the consul gave the signal; and without any opposition some climbed over the half-fallen walls, others with ladders surmounted the uninjured sections. At the same moment the shout which testifies that a city has been taken was heard; the Aetolians from all sides left their posts and fled to the citadel.

> Latin: 24.6. defensor nemo aderat. iam dilucescebat, cum signum consul dedit; et sine ullo certamine partim per semirutos, partim scalis integros muros transcendere. simul clamor, index capti oppidi, est exauditus; undique Aetoli desertis stationibus in arcem fugiunt.

[¶35] 24.7. The victors, with the permission of the consul, plundered the city, not so much from any wrath or hatred as that the soldiers, restrained in the case of so many cities recovered from the enemy, might in some place at last see the fruits of victory.

> Latin: 24.7. oppidum victores permissu consulis diripiunt, non tam ab ira nec ab odio, quam ut miles, coercitus in tot receptis ex potestate hostium urbibus, aliquo tandem loco fructum victoriae sentiret.

[¶36] 24.8. The soldiers were then recalled at about midday, and when he had divided them into two parts he ordered one to be led around at the foot of the mountain to a cliff which, being about its equal in height, was cut off from the citadel by, as it were, a valley lying between them; but the summits of the two heights were so close together that from the other crest weapons could be hurled into the citadel; with the other half of the troops the consul intended to climb the citadel from the town and was waiting for the signal from those who were to come out on the cliff from the rear.

> Latin: 24.8. revocatos inde a medio ferme die milites cum in duas divisisset partes, unam radicibus montium circumduci ad rupem iussit, quae, fastigio altitudinis par, media valle velut abrupta ab arce erat, sed adeo prope geminata cacumina eorum montium sunt, ut ex vertice altero conici tela in arcem possint, cum dimidia parte militum consul ab urbe escensurus in arcem signum ab iis, qui ab tergo in rupem evasuri erant, expectabat.

[¶37] 24.10. The Aetolians who were in the citadel did not endure first the shout of the party which had taken the cliff, then the attack of the Romans from the town, being now both broken in spirit and unprepared with anything necessary to resist any longer an attack there, especially since the women and children and the other noncombatants had collected in the citadel, which could scarce hold the defenders and still less protect so great a crowd.

> Latin: 24.10. non tulere qui in arce erant Aetoli primum eorum, qui rupem ceperant, clamorem, deinde impetum ab urbe Romanorum et fractis iam animis et nulla ibi praeparata re ad obsidionem diutius tolerandam, utpote congregatis feminis puerisque et imbelli alia turba in arcem, quae vix capere, nedum tueri multitudinem tantam posset.

[¶38] 24.11. And so at the first assault they threw down their arms and surrendered.

> Latin: 24.11. itaque ad primum impetum abiectis armis dediderunt sese.

[¶39] 24.12. Among those thus given up was Damocritus, the chief of the Aetolians, who, at the beginning of hostilities, when Titus Quinctius had asked for the decree of the Aetolians by which they had voted to invite Antiochus, had replied that he would give it to him in Italy when they had encamped there. By reason of this violent disposition his surrender was a greater pleasure to the victors.

> Latin: 24.12. traditus inter ceteros princeps Aetolorum Damocritus est, qui principio belli decretum Aetolorum, quo accersendum Antiochum censuerant, T. Quinctio poscenti responderat, in Italia daturum, cum castra ibi Aetoli posuissent. ob eam ferociam maius victoribus gaudium traditus fuit.

[¶40] 25.1. At the same time that the Romans were attacking Heraclea, Philip by agreement was besieging Lamia, having met the consul near Thermopylae when he returned from Boeotia, to congratulate him and the Roman people upon his victory and to apologize because as a result of illness he had not been present at the battle.

> Latin: 25.1. eodem tempore, quo Romani Heracleam, Philippus Lamiam ex composito oppugnabat, circa Thermopylas cum consule redeunte ex Boeotia, ut victoriam ipsi populoque Romano gratularetur excusaretque, quod morbo impeditus bello non interfuisset, congressus. inde diversi ad duas simul oppugnandas urbes profecti.

[¶41] 25.3. Then they separated to attack the two cities at the same time. They are about seven miles apart, and because Lamia both lies on a hill and commands a view especially over the region of Oeta, the distance seems exceedingly short and everything is in sight.

> Latin: 25.3. intersunt septem ferme milia passuum; et quia Lamia cum posita est in tumulo, tum regionem maxime Oetae spectat, oppido quam breve intervallum videtur, et omnia in conspectu sunt.

[¶42] 25.4. While the Romans and the Macedonians, as if competing for a prize, were strenuously engaged day and night either on the siege-works or in fighting, the task of the Macedonians was the more difficult because the Romans were fighting with a terrace and mantlets and all their works above ground, the Macedonians with tunnels underground, and in the rough spots flint, almost unworkable with iron, met them.

> Latin: 25.4. cum enixe, velut proposito certamine, Romani Macedonesque diem ac noctem aut in operibus aut in proeliis essent, hoc maior difficultas Macedonibus erat, quod Romani aggere et vineis et omnibus supra terram operibus, subter Macedones cuniculis oppugnabant, et in asperis locis silex saepe inpenetrabilis ferro occurrebat.

[¶43] 25.5. And since they were making little progress, the king, through conferences with their chiefs, tried to induce the townspeople to surrender the city, not doubting that if Heraclea were captured first they would submit to the Romans in preference to him and that the consul would take the credit to himself in raising the siege.

> Latin: 25.5. et cum parum procederet inceptum, per colloquia principum oppidanos temptabat rex, ut urbem dederent, haud dubius, quin, si prius Heraclea capta foret, Romanis se potius quam sibi dedituri essent, suamque gratiam consul in obsidione liberanda facturus esset.

[¶44] 25.7. Nor was he deceived in this opinion; for immediately after the taking of Heraclea the message came that he should abandon the siege: it was fairer that the Roman soldiers, who had fought in the battle-line with the Aetolians, should enjoy the rewards of victory.

> Latin: 25.7. nec eum opinio est frustrata; confestim enim ab Heraclea capta nuntius venit, ut oppugnatione absisteret: aequius esse Romanos milites, qui acie dimicassent cum Aetolis, praemia victoriae habere.

[¶45] 25.8. So he retired from Lamia and, after the misfortune of a neighbouring city, the people escaped suffering a similar fate.

> Latin: 25.8. ita recessum ab Lamia est, et propinquae clade urbis ipsi, ne quid simile paterentur, effugerunt.

[¶46] 26.1. A few days before Heraclea was taken the Aetolians held a council at Hypata and sent ambassadors to Antiochus, among whom was again the same Thoas who had been sent there before.

> Latin: 26.1. paucis priusquam Heraclea caperetur diebus Aetoli concilio Hypatam coacto legatos ad Antiochum miserunt, inter quos et Thoas idem, qui et antea, missus est.

[¶47] 26.2. Their instructions were that they should ask the king, first, that he should again collect all his forces on land and sea and cross to Greece;

> Latin: 26.2. mandata erant, ut ab rege peterent, primum ut ipse coactis rursus terrestribus navalibusque copiis in Graeciam traiceret, deinde, si qua ipsum teneret res ut pecuniam et auxilia mitteret;

[¶48] 26.3. secondly, if anything detained him, that he should send money and reinforcements; that his allies be not deserted concerned not only his dignity and loyalty but the safety of his kingdom; that he should not permit the Romans, free from all worry after they had destroyed the Aetolian people, to cross with all their forces to Asia. What they said was true; and for that reason it impressed the king more.

> Latin: 26.3. id cum ad dignitatem eius fidemque pertinere, non prodi socios, tum etiam ad incolumitatem regni, ne sineret Romanos vacuos omni cura, cum Aetolorum gentem sustulissent, omnibus copiis in Asiam traicere.

[¶49] 26.5. Therefore for the moment he gave the ambassadors the money which was needed for the expenses of the war; he assured them that he would send military and naval assistance.

> Latin: 26.5. vera erant, quae dicebantur; eo magis regem moverunt. itaque in praesentia pecuniam, quae ad usus belli necessaria erat, legatis dedit;

[¶50] 26.6. Thoas, one of the ambassadors, he kept with him; he remained there not at all against his will, that someone might be at hand to demand the fulfilment of the promises.

> Latin: 26.6. auxilia terrestria navaliaque adfirmavit missurum. Thoantem unum ex legatis retinuit, et ipsum haud invitum morantem, ut exactor praesens promissorum adesset.

[¶51] 27.1. But the capture of Heraclea finally broke the spirit of the Aetolians, and a few days after they had sent ambassadors to Asia to renew the war and summon the king, they laid aside their warlike designs and sent delegates to the consul to beg for peace.

> Latin: 27.1. ceterum Heraclea capta fregit tandem animos Aetolorum, et paucos post dies, quam ad bellum renovandum acciendumque regem in Asiam miserant legatos, abiectis belli consiliis pacis petendae oratores ad consulem miserunt.

[¶52] 27.3. The consul broke in when they had begun to speak, saying that he had more important matters to attend to, and ordered them to return to Hypata, granting them a truce of ten days and sending Lucius Valerius Flaccus with them, telling them to state to him the matters they had planned to discuss with himself and anything else they desired.

> Latin: 27.3. quos dicere exorsos consul interfatus, cum alia sibi praevertenda esse dixisset, redire Hypatam eos datis dierum decem indutiis et L. Valerio Flacco cum iis misso iussit eique, quae secum acturi fuissent, exponere, et si qua vellent alia.

[¶53] 27.4. When they reached Hypata the chiefs of the Aetolians held a meeting with Flaccus, considering in what manner they should plead with the consul.

> Latin: 27.4. Hypatam ut est ventum, principes Aetolorum apud Flaccum concilium habuerunt consultantes, quonam agendum modo apud consulem foret.

[¶54] 27.5. They were preparing to begin with their ancient treaty relations and their services to the Roman people, when Flaccus bade them cease to mention what they had themselves violated and broken;

> Latin: 27.5. parantibus iis antiqua iura foederum ordiri meritaque in populum Romanum absistere abstisere iis Flaccus iussit, quae ipsi violassent ac rupissent;

[¶55] 27.6. a confession of wrongdoing would avail them more and a speech devoted entirely to prayers; for not on their own cause but on the clemency of the Roman people did their hopes of safety depend;

> Latin: 27.6. confessionem iis culpae magis profuturam et totam in preces orationem versam: nec enim in causa ipsorum, sed in populi Romani clementia spem salutis positam esse;

[¶56] 27.7. he too would support them if they should plead like suppliants both before the consul and with the senate at Rome; for there too ambassadors should be sent.

> Latin: 27.7. et se suppliciter agentibus iis adfuturum et apud consulem et Romae in senatu: eo quoque enim mittendos fore legatos.

[¶57] 27.8. This seemed to all of them the only way to safety, that they should entrust themselves to the good faith of the Romans; for that by so doing they would at once render the Romans ashamed to do violence to suppliants and themselves no less be absolutely free should fortune offer them anything better.

> Latin: 27.8. haec una via omnibus ad salutem visa est, ut in fidem se permitterent Romanorum: ita enim et illis violandi supplices verecundiam se imposituros, et ipsos nihilo minus suae potestatis fore, si quid melius fortuna ostendisset.

[¶58] 28.1. When they came before the consul, Phaeneas, the leader of the embassy, spoke at length and with manifold devices with which to soften the heart of the conqueror and concluded by saying that the Aetolians entrusted themselves and all their possessions to the good faith of the Roman people.

> Latin: 28.1. postquam ad consulem ventum est, Phaeneas legationis princeps longam orationem et varie ad mitigandam iram victoris compositam ita ad extremum finivit, ut diceret Aetolos se suaque omnia fidei populi Romani permittere.

[¶59] 28.2. When the consul heard this he replied, “Consider again and again, Aetolians, whether you are submitting on these conditions.” Then Phaeneas displayed the decree in which this was explicitly stated in writing.

> Latin: 28.2. id consul ubi audivit, “etiam atque etiam videte” inquit, “Aetoli, ut ita permittatis.” tum decretum Phaeneas, in quo id diserte scriptum erat, ostendit.

[¶60] 28.3. “Since, then,” the consul said, “you are submitting on these terms, I demand that Dicaearchus your fellow-citizen and Menestas of Epirus” —he had entered Naupactus with a garrison and compelled it to revolt —“and Amynander with the chiefs of the Athamanes, by whose advice you revolted from us, be delivered to me without delay.”

> Latin: 28.3. “quando ergo” inquit “ita permittis, postulo, ut mihi Dicaerchum civem vestrum et Menestam Epirotam”—Naupactum is cum praesidio ingressus ad defectionem compulerat—”et Amynandrum cum principibus Athamanum, quorum consilio ab nobis defecistis, sine mora dedatis.

[¶61] 28.4. He interrupted while the Roman was still speaking: “We have not delivered ourselves into slavery but have entrusted ourselves to your good faith, and I feel sure that you err from ignorance in giving us orders which are inconsistent with the customs of the Greeks.”

> Latin: 28.4. “prope dicentem interfatus Romanum “non in servitutem ” inquit, “sed in fidem tuam nos tradidimus, et certum habeo te imprudentia labi, qui nobis imperes, quae moris Graecorum non sint.”

[¶62] 28.5. To this the consul replied: “Nor, by Hercules, do I care very much what the Aetolians regard as properly consistent with the customs of the Greeks, since I, in the Roman way, am delivering an order to men who a moment ago surrendered by their own decree and had previously been conquered by armed force; therefore, unless my order is immediately executed I shall at once order you to be put in chains.”

> Latin: 28.5. ad ea consul “nec hercule” inquit “magnopere nunc curo, quid Aetoli satis ex more Graecorum factum esse censeant, dum ego more Romano imperium inhibeam in deditos modo decreto suo, ante armis victos:

[¶63] 28.6. He directed the chains to be brought and the lictors to stand by. Then the haughty spirit of Phaeneas was broken and that of the other Aetolians, and they finally perceived in what condition they were, and Phaeneas said that he and those of the Aetolians who were present knew that they would have to do what was commanded, but that to confirm the decree a council of the Aetolians was necessary; for that purpose he requested that a truce for ten days be granted them.

> Latin: 28.6. itaque, ni propere fit, quod impero, vinciri vos iam iubebo.” adferri catenas et circumsistere lictores iussit. tum fracta Phaeneae ferocia Aetolisque aliis est, et tandem cuius condicionis essent senserunt, et Phaeneas se quidem et qui adsint Aetolorum scire facienda esse, quae imperentur, dixit, sed ad decernenda ea concilio Aetolorum opus esse;

[¶64] 28.8. When Flaccus supported the request on behalf of the Aetolians the truce was granted and they returned to Hypata. There, when in the select council which they call the apocletes Phaeneas explained both what they were ordered to do and what they had almost experienced, the chiefs indeed groaned at their situation, yet recognized that they must obey their conqueror and that the Aetolians from all the towns must be summoned to a council.

> Latin: 28.8. ad id petere ut decem dierum indutias daret. petente Flacco pro Aetolis indutiae datae, et Hypatam reditum est. ubi cum in consilio delectorum, quos apocletos vocant, Phaeneas, et quae imperarentur et quae ipsis prope accidissent, exposuisset, ingemuerunt quidem principes condicioni suae, parendum tamen victori censebant et ex omnibus oppidis convocandos Aetolos ad concilium.

[¶65] 29.1. But after the assembled multitude had heard the same narrative, anger at the order and a sense of unjust treatment so inflamed their minds that, if they had been at peace, they would by that onset of passion have been provoked to war.

> Latin: 29.1. postquam vero coacta omnis multitudo eadem illa audivit, adeo saevitia imperii atque indignitate exasperati animi sunt, ut, si in pace fuissent, illo impetu irae concitari potuerint ad bellum.

[¶66] 29.2. Added to their wrath was also the difficulty of the orders (for how, in any case, could they possibly hand over King Amynander?)

> Latin: 29.2. ad iram accedebat et difficultas eorum, quae imperarentur—quonam modo enim utique regem Amynandrum se tradere posse?

[¶67] 29.3. and the hope which by chance offered itself because just at that time Nicander, coming from King Antiochus, filled the multitude with the idle expectation that a great war was preparing on land and sea.

> Latin: 29.3. —et spes forte oblata, quod Nicander eo ipso tempore ab rege Antiocho veniens implevit expectatione vana multitudinem, terra marique ingens parari bellum.

[¶68] 29.4. On the twelfth day after he had embarked he returned to Aetolia after completing his mission and put in at Phalara on the Malian gulf.

> Latin: 29.4. duodecumo is die, quam conscenderat navem, in Aetoliam perfecta legatione rediens Phalara in sinu Maliaco tenuit.

[¶69] 29.5. When he had brought the money from there to Lamia and he with his companions travelling light was passing at nightfall across the fields between the Macedonian and Roman camps, seeking Hypata over familiar paths, he encountered a picket of Macedonians and was conducted to the king, whose dinner-party had not yet broken up.

> Latin: 29.5. inde Lamiam pecuniam cum devexisset, ipse cum expeditis prima vespera inter Macedonum Romanaque castra medio agro, dum Hypatam notis callibus petit, in stationem incidit Macedonum deductusque ad regem est nondum convivio dimisso.

[¶70] 29.6. When this was announced Philip, behaving as if a guest, not an enemy, had arrived, bade him recline and dine and then, dismissing the others and keeping him alone, forbade his guest to have any fear of himself, and blamed the Aetolians for the evil counsels which had brought first the

> Latin: 29.6. quod ubi nuntiatum est, velut hospitis, non hostis adventu motus Philippus accumbere eum epularique iussit, atque inde dimissis aliis, solum retentum, ipsum quidem de se timere quicquam vetuit,

[¶71] 29.8. Romans and then Antiochus to Greece, counsels ever fated to recoil upon their own heads.

> Latin: 29.8. Aetolorum prava consilia atque in ipsorum caput semper recidentia accusavit, qui primum Romanos, deinde Antiochum in Graeciam adduxissent.

[¶72] 29.9. But forgetting the past, which could be criticized more easily than corrected, he would not act in such a way as to trample upon them in their misfortunes; the Aetolians too should at length end their quarrel with him, and Nicander personally should remember the day on which his life had been spared by him.

> Latin: 29.9. sed praeteritorum, quae magis reprehendi quam corrigi possint, oblitum se non facturum, ut insultet adversis rebus eorum;

[¶73] 29.10. So he provided him with an escort to conduct him to a place of safety, and Nicander proceeded to Hypata and found them deliberating about the Roman peace.

> Latin: 29.10. Aetolos quoque finire tandem adversus se odia debere, et Nicandrum privatim eius diei, quo servatus a se foret, meminisse. ita datis, qui in tutum eum prosequerentur, Hypatam Nicander consultantibus de pace Romana supervenit.

[¶74] 30.1. Manius Acilius, having sold or given to the soldiers the booty around Heraclea, when he heard that no pacific counsels were being taken at Hypata but that the Aetolians had assembled at Naupactus, that from there they might endure the whole violence of the war, sent Appius Claudius in advance with four thousand men to hold the ridges where the crossing of the mountains was difficult

> Latin: 30.1. M'. Acilius vendita aut concessa militi circa Heracleam praeda, postquam nec Hypatae pacata consilia esse, et Naupactum concurrisse Aetolos, ut inde totum impetum belli sustinerent, audivit, praemisso Ap. Claudio cum quattuor milibus militum ad occupanda iuga, qua difficiles transitus montium erant, ipse Oetam escendit Herculique sacrificium fecit in eo loco,

[¶75] 30.3. and himself climbed Oeta and offered sacrifice to Hercules at the place which they call Pyra, since there the mortal body of the god had been burned.

> Latin: 30.3. quem Pyram, quod ibi mortale corpus eius dei sit crematum, appellant. inde toto exercitu profectus reliquum iter satis expedito agmine fecit;

[¶76] 30.4. Then setting out with the entire army he finished the rest of the journey with fairly easy marching; when he came to Corax —this is a very high mountain between Callipolis and Naupactus —there both many animals from the train plunged to the bottom of the gorge, loads and all, and the men were in difficulties;

> Latin: 30.4. ut ad Coracem ventum est—mons est altissimus inter Callipolim et Naupactum—, ibi et iumenta multa ex agmine praecipitata cum ipsis oneribus sunt et homines vexati;

[¶77] 30.5. and it was easily seen with how careless an enemy they had to deal, who had not held so difficult a pass with any kind of guard to prevent their crossing.

> Latin: 30.5. et facile apparebat, quam cum inerti hoste res esset, qui tam impeditum saltum nullo praesidio, ut clauderet transitum, insedisset.

[¶78] 30.6. Then too, though his army had suffered, he marched down to Naupactus, and establishing one fort over against the citadel he, dividing his forces as the situation of the walls required, surrounded the other sections of the city. Nor did this siege involve any less toil and labour than that of Heraclea.

> Latin: 30.6. tum quoque vexato exercitu ad Naupactum descendit, et uno castello adversus arcem posito ceteras partes urbis divisis copiis pro situ moenium circumsedit. nec minus operis laborisque ea oppugnatio quam Heracleae habuit.

[¶79] 31.1. At the same time too Messene in the Peloponnesus began to be besieged by the Achaeans because it refused to join their league.

> Latin: 31.1. eodem tempore et Messene in Peloponneso ab Achaeis, quod concilii eorum recusarat esse, oppugnari coepta est.

[¶80] 31.2. Two cities, Messene and Elis, were outside the Achaean council; their sympathies were with the Aetolians.

> Latin: 31.2. etenim duae civitates, Messene et Elis, extra concilium Achaicum erant;

[¶81] 31.3. The Eleans, however, after Antiochus was driven from Greece, responded more moderately to the ambassadors of the Achaeans: if the royal garrison were withdrawn they would consider what they should do;

> Latin: 31.3. cum Aetolis sentiebant. Elei tamen post fugatum ex Graecia Antiochum legatis Achaeorum lenius responderant: dimisso praesidio regio cogitaturos se, quid sibi faciendum esset;

[¶82] 31.4. the Messenians, on the other hand, had dismissed the ambassadors unanswered and had begun war, but fearful for their cause when their crops were being burned everywhere by a wide-ranging army and they saw the camp established near the city, they sent ambassadors to Chalcis to Titus Quinctius, the source of their liberty, to say that the Messenians were ready to open their gates and surrender their city to the Romans, not the Achaeans.

> Latin: 31.4. Messenii sine responso dimissis legatis moverant bellum, trepidique rerum suarum, cum iam ager effuso exercitu passim ureretur castraque prope urbem poni viderent, legatos Chalcidem ad T. Quinctium, auctorem libertatis, miserunt, qui nuntiarent Messenios Romanis, non Achaeis, et aperire portas et dedere urbem paratos esse.

[¶83] 31.6. Having listened to the ambassadors Quinctius, setting out at once from Megalopolis, sent a messenger to Diophanes, praetor of the Achaeans, to order him to withdraw his army at once from Messene and to report to him.

> Latin: 31.6. auditis legatis extemplo profectus Quinctius a Megalopoli ad Diophanen praetorem Achaeorum misit, qui extemplo reducere eum a Messene exercitum et venire ad se iuberet.

[¶84] 31.7. Diophanes obeyed the summons, and raising the siege and himself travelling light, preceded the column and near Andania, a little town located between Megalopolis and Messene, met Quinctius; and when he had explained the reason for the siege, Quinctius reproached him gently because he had undertaken so important a matter without his authorization, and ordered him to disband his army and not to disturb the peace secured to the advantage of everyone.

> Latin: 31.7. dicto paruit Diophanes et soluta obsidione expeditus ipse praegressus agmen circa Andaniam, parvum oppidum inter Megalopolim Messenenque positum, Quinctio occurrit; et cum causas oppugnationis exponeret, castigatum leniter, quod tantam rem sine auctoritate sua conatus esset, dimittere exercitum iussit nec pacem omnium bono partam turbare.

[¶85] 31.9. He instructed the Messenians to recall their exiles and join the council of the Achaeans; if they had any matters about which they wished to raise objections or to take precautions for themselves against future contingencies, they should come to him at Corinth; Diophanes he directed to give him an immediate opportunity to meet the Achaean council.

> Latin: 31.9. Messeniis imperavit, ut exules reducerent et Achaeorum concilii essent; si qua haberent, de quibus aut recusare aut in posterum caveri sibi vellent, Corinthum ad se venirent;

[¶86] 31.10. There he complained about the island of Zacynthos, which had been wrongfully occupied, and demanded that it be restored to the Romans.

> Latin: 31.10. Diophanen concilium Achaeorum extemplo sibi praebere iussit. ibi de Zacyntho intercepta per fraudem insula questus postulavit, ut restitueretur Romanis.

[¶87] 31.11. Zacynthos had formerly belonged to Philip, king of the Macedonians; he had ceded it to Amynander as a bribe to induce him to permit Philip to lead his army through Athamania into the upper part of Aetolia, on the expedition by which he had broken the spirits of the Aetolians and forced them to seek peace.

> Latin: 31.11. Philippi Macedonum regis Zacynthus fuerat; eam mercedem Amynandro dederat, ut per Athamaniam ducere exercitum in superiorem partem Aetoliae liceret, qua expeditione fractis animis Aetolos compulit ad petendam pacem.

[¶88] 31.12. Amynander had appointed Philip of Megalopolis governor of the island; later, during the war in which he joined Antiochus against the Romans, he had recalled Philip for military duties and sent Hierocles of Agrigentum to succeed him.

> Latin: 31.12. Amynander Philippum Megalopolitanum insulae praefecit; postea per bellum, quo se Antiocho adversus Romanos coniunxit, Philippo ad munera belli revocato Hieroclen Agrigentinum successorem misit.

[¶89] 32.1. He, after the flight of Antiochus from Thermopylae and the expulsion of Amynander from Athamania by Philip, had at his own instance sent ambassadors to Diophanes, praetor of the Achaeans, had made a bargain for money, and transferred the island to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 32.1. is post fugam ab Thermopylis Antiochi Amynandrumque a Philippo Athamania pulsum missis ultro ad Diophanen praetorem Achaeorum nuntiis pecunia pactus insulam Achaeis tradidit.

[¶90] 32.2. That it should be their prize of war seemed fair to the Romans: for, they said, Manius Acilius the consul and the Roman legions had not fought for Diophanes and the Achaeans at Thermopylae.

> Latin: 32.2. id praemium belli suum esse aequum censebant Romani: non enim M'. Acilium consulem legionesque Romanas Diophani et Achaeis ad Thermopylas pugnasse.

[¶91] 32.3. Diophanes in reply sometimes defended himself and the state, sometimes argued the legal aspects of the case.

> Latin: 32.3. Diophanes adversus haec purgare interdum sese gentemque, interdum de iure facti disserere.

[¶92] 32.4. Some of the Achaeans both bore witness that from the beginning they had objected to the proceeding and at this time taunted the praetor for his persistence; and on their motion it was voted that the question be referred to Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 32.4. quidam Achaeorum et initio eam se rem aspernatos testabantur et tunc pertinaciam increpitabant praetoris; auctoribusque iis decretum est, ut T. Quinctio ea res permitteretur.

[¶93] 32.5. Although Quinctius was harsh in the face of opposition, yet, if you gave in to him, he was also easy to please. Banishing all signs of passion from voice and expression, he said, “If I believed that the possession of the island was useful to you, Achaeans, I should urge upon the senate and the Roman people that they permit you to keep it;”

> Latin: 32.5. erat Quinctius sicut adversantibus asper, ita, si cederes, idem placabilis. omissa contentione vocis vultusque “si utilem” inquit, “possessionem eius insulae censerem Achaeis esse, auctor essem senatui populoque Romano, ut eam vos habere sinerent;

[¶94] 32.6. “but like a tortoise, which I see to be secure against all attacks when it has all its parts drawn up inside its shell, but when it sticks any part out it has that member which is exposed weak and open to injury, in no different fashion you, Achaeans, shut in ” “on all sides by the sea, can both easily unite to yourselves anything within the boundaries of the Peloponnesus, and, when thus united, easily defend it, but as soon ”

> Latin: 32.6. ceterum sicut testudinem ubi collecta in suum tegumen est, tutam ad omnis ictus video esse, ubi exserit partis aliquas. quodcumque nudavit, obnoxium atque infirmum habere, haud dissimiliter vos, Achaei, clausos undique mari, quae intra Peloponnesi sunt terminos, ea et iungere vobis et iuncta tueri facile,

[¶95] 32.8. “as in your desire for larger acquisitions you overstep those limits, I see that all the parts which lie outside are unprotected and vulnerable to every blow.”

> Latin: 32.8. simul aviditate plura amplectendi hinc excedatis, nuda vobis omnia, quae extra sint, et exposita ad omnes ictus esse.

[¶96] 32.9. The whole council assenting and Diophanes not daring to struggle longer, Zacynthos was ceded to the Romans.

> Latin: 32.9. ” adsentienti omni concilio nec Diophane ultra tendere auso Zacynthus Romanis traditur.

[¶97] 33.1. About the same time King Philip, as the consul was leaving for Naupactus, asked him whether he wished meanwhile to recover the cities that had abandoned the Roman alliance, and with his consent moved his troops towards Demetrias, well knowing what confusion reigned there.

> Latin: 33.1. per idem tempus Philippus rex proficiscentem consulem ad Naupactum percunctatus, si se interim, quae defecissent ab societate Romana, urbes recipere vellet, permittente eo ad Demetriadem copias admovit haud ignarus, quanta ibi tum turbatio esset.

[¶98] 33.3. For, abandoned by all hope, when they saw themselves deserted by Antiochus, with no prospect of help from the Aetolians, by day and night they looked for the arrival either of Philip, an enemy, or of the Romans, even more hostile in proportion to their juster cause for anger.

> Latin: 33.3. destituti enim ab omni spe, cum desertos se ab Antiocho, spem nullam in Aetolis esse cernerent, dies noctesque aut Philippi hostis adventum aut infestiorem etiam, quo iustius irati erant, Romanorum expectabant.

[¶99] 33.4. There was in the city an undisciplined mob of the king's soldiers, a few of whom had at first been left on guard, but afterwards more came, most of them unarmed, brought there in their flight after the defeat, nor did they have enough of either strength or courage to resist a siege;

> Latin: 33.4. turba erat ibi incondita regiorum, qui primo pauci in praesidio relicti, postea plures, plerique inermes, ex proelio adverso fuga delati, nec virium nec animi satis ad obsidionem tolerandam habebant:

[¶100] 33.5. and so when agents were sent ahead by Philip, who showed them that the hope of pardon was attainable, they replied that the gates were open to the king.

> Latin: 33.5. itaque praemissis a Philippo, qui spem impetrabilis veniae ostendebant, responderunt patere portas regi.

[¶101] 33.6. At his first entrance some of the leading men left the city; Eurylochus committed suicide. The soldiers of Antiochus —for such was the agreement —were conducted by a Macedonian escort, that no one might injure them, through Macedonia and Thrace to Lysimachia.

> Latin: 33.6. ad primum eius ingressum principum quidam urbe excesserunt, Eurylochus mortem sibi conscivit. Antiochi milites—sic enim pacti crant—sic enim pacti erant—per Macedoniam Thraeciamque prosequentibus Macedonibus, ne quis eos violaret, Lysimachiam deducti sunt.

[¶102] 33.7. There were also a few ships at Demetrias under the command of Isidorus; they too with the prefect were sent home. After that he recovered Dolopia and Aperantia and certain cities of Perrhaebia.

> Latin: 33.7. crant et paucae naves Demetriade, quibus praeerat Isidorus; eae quoque cum praefecto suo dimissae sunt. inde Dolopiam et Aperantiam et Perrhaebiae quasdam civitates recipit.

[¶103] 34.1. While Philip was thus engaged, Titus Quinctius, after recovering Zacynthos from the Achaean council, crossed to Naupactus, which for two months now —and it was near destruction by this time —had been undergoing the siege, and if it were captured by force the whole name of the Aetolians there seemed destined to come to annihilation.

> Latin: 34.1. dum haec a Philippo geruntur, T. Quinctius recepta Zacyntho ab Achaico concilio Naupactum traiecit, quae iam per duos menses— et iam prope excidium erat—oppugnabatur, et si capta vi foret, omne nomen ibi Aetolorum ad internecionem videbatur venturum.

## 25. Book XXXVI · chapters 34–45

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/25/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/25/#p-N

[¶0] 34.3. But though he was justly angry at the Aetolians because he remembered that they alone had cavilled at his glory when he was liberating Greece, and that they had not been moved by his influence when he warned them in advance that that would happen which did actually occur, and tried to deter them from their mad

> Latin: 34.3. ceterum quamquam merito iratus erat Aetolis, quod solos obtrectasse gloriae suae, cum liberaret Graeciam, meminerat, et nihil auctoritate sua motos esse, cum, quae tum maxime acciderant, casura praemonens a furioso incepto eos deterreret, tamen sui maxime operis esse credens nullam gentem liberatae ab se Graeciae funditus everti, obambulare muris, ut facile nosceretur ab Aetolis, coepit.

[¶1] 34.5. purpose, yet, believing it to be his task to see that no people of the Greece which had received its freedom from him should be utterly destroyed, he began to walk around the walls, so that he was easily seen by the Aetolians.

> Latin: 34.5. confestim a primis stationibus cognitus est, vulgatumque per omnes ordines, Quinctium esse. itaque concursu facto undique in muros manus pro se quisque tendentes consonante clamore nominatim Quinctium orare, ut opem ferret ac servaret.

[¶2] 34.6. Immediately he was recognized by the advanced sentinels and the word went through all the ranks that Quinctius was there.

> Latin: 34.6. et tum quidem, quamquam moveretur his vocibus, manu tamen abnuit quicquam opis in se esse;

[¶3] 34.7. So there was a general rush from all quarters to the walls, each stretching out his hands to him and with uniform cries calling upon Quinctius by name to come to their rescue and save them.

> Latin: 34.7. ceterum postquam ad consulem venit, “utrum fefellit” inquit “te, M. Acili, quid agatur, an, cum satis pervideas, nihil id magnopere ad summam rem pertinere censes?”

[¶4] 34.8. And for the moment, at least, although he was affected by these words, he showed by a gesture that there was no power in him to help them; but when he came to the consul he said, “Has it perhaps escaped you, Manius Acilius, what you are doing, or, since you see it clearly, do you not think that it has a great deal to do with our ultimate policy?” He had worked the consul up to a high pitch of wonder, and he asked, “Why not explain what you mean?” Then Quinctius replied: “Do you not see that you, after defeating Antiochus, are wasting time by besieging two cities, although now the year of your command is almost ended, but that Philip, who had not set eyes on the battle-line or the standards of the enemy, has already joined to himself, not cities alone, but so many nations —Athamania,” “Perrhaebia, Aperantia, Dolopia —and that as rewards for your victory you possess as yet not even two cities, while Philip has so many peoples of Greece?

> Latin: 34.8. erexerat expectatione consulem; et “quin expromis” inquit “quid rei sit?” tum Quinctius” ecquid vides te devicto Antiocho in duabus urbibus oppugnandis tempus terere, cum iam prope annus circumactus sit imperii tui, Philippum autem, qui non aciem, non signa hostium vidit, non solum urbes sed tot iam gentes, Athamaniam Perrhaebiam Aperantiam Dolopiam, sibi adiunxisse? atqui non tantum interest nostra Aetolorum opes ac vires minui, quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere, et victoriae tuae praemium te militesque tuos nondum duas urbes, Philippum tot gentes Graeciae habere. ” adsentiebatur his consul; sed pudor, si irrito incepto abscederet obsidione, occurrebat. tota inde Quinctio res permissa est. is rursus ad eam partem muri, qua paulo ante vociferati Aetoli fuerant, redit. ibi cum impensius orarent, ut misereretur gentis Aetolorum, exire aliquos ad se iussit. Phaeneas ipse principesque alii extemplo egressi sunt. quibus provolutis ad pedes “fortuna” inquit” vestra facit, ut et irae meae et orationi temperem.

[¶5] 35.4. Yet it is not so much to our interest that the power and strength of the Aetolians should be diminished as that Philip should not grow beyond measure.”

> Latin: 35.4. evenerunt quae praedixi eventura, et ne hoc quidem reliqui vobis est, ut indignis accidisse ea videantur: ego tamen sorte quadam nutriendae Graeciae datus ne ingratis quidem benefacere absistam.

[¶6] 35.5. XXXV. The consul agreed with this, but shame, if he should withdraw before finishing what he had begun, came over him. The whole decision was then referred to Quinctius. He went back again to the section of the walls where the Aetolians had harangued him a little while before.

> Latin: 35.5. mittite oratores ad consulem, qui indutias tanti temporis petant, ut mittere legatos Romam possitis, per quos senatui de vobis permittatis; ego apud consulem defensor deprecatorque vobis adero.

[¶7] 35.6. When with greater fervour they begged him to have compassion on the Aetolian people, he ordered some of them to come out to him. Phaeneas himself and other chiefs at once came out. As they threw themselves at his feet, he said, “Your plight makes me restrain both my wrath and my language.”

> Latin: 35.6. “ita, ut censuerat Quinctius, fecerunt, nec aspernatus est consul legationem; indutiisque in diem certam datis, qua legatio renuntiari ab Roma posset, soluta obsidio et exercitus in Phocidem missus.

[¶8] 35.7. “Those things have happened which I told you in the beginning would happen, and not even this is left to you, that they may seem to have happened to the undeserving; yet I, appointed by some destiny for the cherishing of Greece, shall not cease to do good even to ungrateful men. Send ambassadors to the consul to ask for a truce for such a space of time that you may send delegates to Rome through whom you may put your case before the senate; I shall be with the consul to support and defend your cause.”

> Latin: 35.7. consul cum T. Quinctio ad Achaicum concilium Aegium traiecit. ibi de Eleis et de exulibus Lacedaemoniorum restituendis actum est; neutra perfecta res,* quia suae gratiae reservari eam Achaei, Elei per se ipsi quam per Romanos maluerunt Achaico contribui concilio.

[¶9] 35.8. So they did as Quinctius had suggested, nor did the consul reject the embassy; granting them a truce for a definite period, in which the embassy could report back from Rome, he raised the siege and sent the army back to Phocis. The consul with Titus Quinctius crossed to Aegium to the Achaean council.

> Latin: 35.8. Epirotarum legati ad consulem venerunt, quos non sincera fide in amicitia fuisse satis constabat; militem tamen nullum Antiocho dederant; pecunia iuvisse eum insimulabantur; legatos ad regem ne ipsi quidem misisse infitiabantur.

[¶10] 35.9. There the debate concerned the Eleans and the restoration of the Spartan exiles; neither question was settled, because the Achaeans wished the case of the exiles left as a means of gaining favour for themselves; while the Eleans preferred that they be united with the Achaean League on their own initiative rather than under pressure from the Romans.

> Latin: 35.9. iis petentibus, ut in amicitia pristina esse liceret, respondit consul se, utrum hostium an pacatorum eos numero haberet, nondum scire;

[¶11] 35.10. Ambassadors from the Epirotes came to the consul; it was clear that they had not observed the treaty of alliance with true fidelity; yet they had sent no troops to Antiochus; they were accused of having aided him with money; they did not even themselves deny that they had sent ambassadors to him.

> Latin: 35.10. senatum eius rei iudicem fore; integram se causam eorum Romam reicere; indutias ad id dierum nonaginta dare.

[¶12] 35.11. When they asked that they be permitted to remain in their old status of friendship, the consul replied that he did not yet know whether to reckon them among enemies or among defeated foes; the senate would be the judge of that; he was referring the whole question of their status to Rome; for that purpose he granted them a truce for ninety days.

> Latin: 35.11. Epirotae Romam missi senatum adierunt. iis magis, quae non fecissent hostilia, referentibus quam purgantibus ea, de quibus arguebantur, responsum datum est, quo veniam impetrasse, non causam probasse videri possent.

[¶13] 35.12. The Epirotes sent to Rome and appealed to the senate. When they enumerated hostile acts which they had not performed rather than cleared themselves of the charges made against them, a reply was given them from which they could seem to have obtained forgiveness, not to have established their case. Ambassadors from King Philip also were at this time presented to the senate with congratulations on the victory. Their request that they be allowed to sacrifice on the Capitoline and to deposit a gift of gold in the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus was granted by the senate.

> Latin: 35.12. et Philippi regis legati sub idem tempus in senatum introducti, gratulantes de victoria. iis petentibus, ut sibi sacrificare in Capitolio donumque ex auro liceret ponere in aede Iovis optimi maximi, permissum ab senatu.

[¶14] 35.13. A golden crown of one hundred pounds' weight was placed there. Not only was a gracious response given to the ambassadors of the king, but also Demetrius, the son of Philip, who was a hostage at Rome, was handed over to the ambassadors to be restored to his father.

> Latin: 35.13. centum pondo coronam auream posuerunt. non responsum solum benigne regis legatis est, sed filius quoque Philippi Demetrius, qui obses Romae erat, ad patrem reducendus legatis datus est.

[¶15] 35.14. The war which was waged with King Antiochus in Greece by Manius Acilius the consul came thus to an end.

> Latin: 35.14. bellum, quod cum Antiocho rege in Graecia gestum est a M'. Acilio consule, hunc finem habuit.

[¶16] 36.1. The other consul, Publius Cornelius Scipio, who had been allotted the province of Gaul, before he departed to the war which was to be waged with the Boii, demanded of the senate that money be voted to him for the games which as praetor in Spain he had vowed at a critical moment in the battle. His request seemed unprecedented and unreasonable; they voted, therefore, that whatever games he had vowed on his own sole initiative, with no authorization from the senate, he should celebrate either out of the spoils, if he had reserved any for that purpose, or out of his own pocket. The games were celebrated through ten days by Publius Cornelius. About the same time a temple was dedicated to the Great Idaean Mother, a goddess whom this same Publius Cornelius, when she came from Asia in the consulship of Publius Cornelius Scipio, who later received the surname of Africanus, and Publius Licinius, had escorted to the Palatine from the harbour. The contract for the construction of the temple, under a decree of the senate, was let by the censors Marcus Livius and Gaius Claudius in the consulship of Marcus Cornelius and Publius Sempronius; thirteen years after the contract was let, Marcus Junius Brutus dedicated the temple, and games were given by reason of the dedication, which Valerius Antias says were the first to be held with dramatic performances, and called the Megalesia. Also a temple of Juventas in the Circus Maximus was dedicated by Gaius Licinius Lucullus the duumvir. It had been vowed sixteen years before by Marcus Livius the consul in the battle in which he destroyed Hasdrubal and his army; as censor he also let the contract for its construction in the consulship of Marcus Cornelius and Publius Sempronius.

> Latin: 36.1. alter consul P. Cornelius Scipio, Galliam provinciam sortitus, priusquam ad bellum, quod cum Bois gerendum erat, proficisceretur, postulavit ab senatu, ut pecunia sibi decerneretur ad ludos, quos praetor in Hispania inter ipsum discrimen pugnae vovisset. novum atque iniquum postulare est visus: censuerunt ergo, quos ludos inconsulto senatu ex sua unius sententia vovisset, eos vel de manubiis, si quam pecuniam ad id reservasset, vel sua ipse impensa faceret. eos ludos per dies decem P. Cornelius fecit. per idem fere tempus aedes matris magnae Idaeae dedicata est quam deam is P. Cornelius advectam ex Asia P. Cornelio Scipione, cui postea Africano fuit cognomen, P. Licinio consulibus in Palatium a mari detulerat. locaverant aedem faciendam ex senatus consulto M. Livius C. Claudius censores M. Cornelio P. Sempronio consulibus; tredecim annis postquam locata erat, dedicavit eam M. Iunius Brutus, ludique ob dedicationem eius facti, quos primos scenicos fuisse Antias Valerius est auctor, Megalesia appellatos. item Iuventatis aedem in circo maximo C. Licinius Lucullus duumvir dedicavit. voverat eam sexdecim annis ante M. Livius consul, quo die Hasdrubalem exercitumque eius cecidit; idem censor eam faciendam locavit M. Cornelio P. Sempronio consulibus. huius quoque dedicandae causa ludi facti, et [eo] omnia cum maiore religione facta, quod novum cum Antiocho instabat bellum. principio eius anni, quo haec iam profecto ad bellum M'. Acilio, manente adhuc Romae P. Cornelio consule agebantur, boves duos domitos in Carinis per scalas pervenisse in tegulas aedificii proditum memoriae est. eos vivos comburi cineremque eorum deici in Tiberim haruspices iusserunt. Tarracinae et Amiterni nuntiatum est aliquotiens lapidibus pluvisse, Menturnis aedem Iovis et tabernas circa forum de caelo tactas esse, Volturni in ostio fluminis duas naves fulmine ictas conflagrasse.

[¶17] 37.4. By reason of this dedication also games were held, and with more intense religious feeling because the new war with Antiochus was imminent. XXXVII. In the beginning of the year in which these things happened, Manius Acilius having already set out to the war and Publius Cornelius the consul being still in Rome, it is recorded that two domesticated cattle in the Carinae climbed up a stairway to the roof of a house. The haruspices ordered that they be burned alive and the ashes thrown into the Tiber. At Terracina and Amiternum it was reported that there were several showers of stones, at Minturnae the temple of Jupiter and the shops around the forum were struck by lightning, at Volturnum in the mouth of the river two ships were struck by lightning and burned.

> Latin: 37.4. eorum prodigiorum causa libros Sibyllinos ex senatus consulto decemviri cum adissent, renuntiaverunt, ieiunium instituendum Cereri esse, et id quinto quoque anno servandum; et ut novemdiale sacrum fieret et unum diem supplicatio esset; coronati supplicarent; et consul P. Cornelius, quibus diis quibusque hostiis edidissent decemviri, sacrificaret.

[¶18] 37.6. On account of these portents the decemvirs were directed by a decree of the senate to consult the Sibylline Books, and they reported that a fast in honour of Ceres should be held and this repeated every fifth year; also that a nine-day festival should be celebrated and a period of prayer for one day; that those who offered the prayers should wear garlands; and that the consul Publius Cornelius, in honour of whatever gods and with whatever victims the decemvirs should announce, should offer sacrifice. The gods were appeased now by the due performance of vows, now by the rites of atonement for the prodigies, and the consul departed to his province, ordering the proconsul Gnaeus Domitius to send his army back to Rome and leave the province; he himself led the legions into the country of the Boii. About the same time the Ligures, mustering an army under a formula of devotion, by night suddenly attacked the camp of Quintus Minucius the proconsul.

> Latin: 37.6. placatis diis nunc votis rite solvendis nunc prodigiis expiandis, in provinciam proficiscitur consul, atque inde Cn. Domitium proconsulem dimisso exercitu Romam decedere iussit; ipse in agrum Boiorum legiones induxit. sub idem fere tempus Ligures lege sacrata coacto exercitu nocte improviso castra Q. Minucii proconsulis adgressi sunt.

[¶19] 38.2. Minucius kept his troops in formation within the rampart right up to daybreak, being anxious to prevent any crossing of the fortifications by the enemy.

> Latin: 38.2. Minucius usque ad lucem intra vallum militem instructum tenuit intentus, ne qua transcenderet hostis munimenta.

[¶20] 38.3. At daybreak he made a sally through two gates at once. But the first attack did not, as he had hoped, drive away the Ligures; for two hours longer they made the issue uncertain; finally, when column after column came forth and fresh men were relieving the exhausted in the battle, the Ligures at length, worn out by loss of sleep along with everything else, turned to flight. More than four thousand of the enemy were killed; of the Romans and allies less than three hundred were lost.

> Latin: 38.3. prima luce duabus simul portis eruptionem fecit. nec primo impetu, quod speraverat, Ligures pulsi sunt; duas amplius horas dubium certamen sustinuere; postremo, cum alia atque alia agmina erumperent, et integri fessis succederent ad pugnam, tandem Ligures, inter cetera etiam vigiliis confecti, terga dederunt. caesa supra quattuor milia hostium; ex Romanis sociisque minus trecenti perierunt.

[¶21] 38.5. About two months later Publius Cornelius the consul fought in pitched battle with the army of the Boii with notable results.

> Latin: 38.5. duobus fere post mensibus P. Cornelius consul cum Boiorum exercitu signis collatis egregie pugnavit.

[¶22] 38.6. Valerius Antias writes that thirty-eight thousand of the enemy were slain, three thousand four hundred captured, with one hundred twenty-four military standards, one thousand two hundred thirty horses, two hundred forty-seven carts; of the victors the losses were one thousand four hundred eighty-four.

> Latin: 38.6. duodetriginta milia hostium occisa Antias Valerius scribit, capta tria milia et quadringentos, signa militaria centum viginti quattuor, equos mille ducentos triginta, carpenta ducenta quadraginta septem; ex victoribus mille quadringentos octoginta quattuor cecidisse.

[¶23] 38.7. Although even in this case little confidence can be placed in this writer in a question of numbers, because no other is more unrestrained than he in exaggeration, yet it is clear that it was a great victory, first, because the camp was captured, second, because the Boii surrendered immediately after the battle, third, because a thanksgiving was proclaimed and full-grown victims slain.

> Latin: 38.7. ubi ut in numero scriptori parum fidei sit, quia in augendo eo non alius intemperantior est, magnam tamen victoriam fuisse apparet, quod et castra capta sunt et Boi post eam pugnam extemplo dediderunt sese, et quod supplicatio eius victoriae causa decreta ab senatu victimaeque maiores caesae.

[¶24] 39.1. About the same time Marcus Fulvius Nobilior from Farther Spain entered the City in ovation. He brought with him twelve thousand pounds of silver, one hundred and thirty thousand silver coins stamped with the two-horse chariot, one hundred and twenty-seven pounds of gold.

> Latin: 39.1. per eosdem dies M. Fulvius Nobilior ex ulteriore Hispania ovans urbem est ingressus. argenti transtulit duodecim milia pondo, bigati argenti centum triginta, auri centum viginti septem pondo. P. Cornelius consul obsidibus a Boiorum gente acceptis agri parte fere dimidia eos multavit, quo, si vellet, populus Romanus colonias mittere posset.

[¶25] 39.3. Publius Cornelius the consul accepted hostages from the nation of the Boii and deprived them of about one-half their land, to which, if it chose, the Roman people could send colonies.

> Latin: 39.3. inde Romam ut ad triumphum haud dubium decedens exercitum dimisit, et adesse Romae ad diem triumphi iussit;

[¶26] 39.4. Then, departing to Rome to the certain expectation of a triumph, he disbanded his army and ordered them to be in Rome on the day of the triumph;

> Latin: 39.4. ipse postero die, quam venit, senatu in aedem Bellonae vocato cum de rebus ab se gestis disseruisset, postulavit, ut sibi triumphanti liceret urbem invehi.

[¶27] 39.5. on the day after his arrival he himself convened the senate in the temple of Bellona, and when he had discoursed about his achievements he demanded that he be permitted to ride into the City in triumph.

> Latin: 39.5. P. Sempronius Blaesus tribunus plebis non negandum Scipioni, sed differendum honorem triumphi censebat: bella Ligurum Gallicis semper iuncta fuisse; eas inter se gentes mutua ex propinquo ferre auxilia.

[¶28] 39.6. Publius Sempronius Blaesus, tribune of the people, declared that the honour of a triumph should not be refused to Scipio, but should be postponed: Ligurian wars were always connected with Gallic; these neighbouring tribes exchanged assistance.

> Latin: 39.6. si P. Scipio devictis acie Bois aut ipse cum victore exercitu in agrum Ligurum transisset, aut partem copiarum Q. Minucio misisset, qui iam tertium ibi annum dubio detineretur bello, debellari cum Liguribus potuisse:

[¶29] 39.7. If Publius Scipio, after defeating the Boii in battle, had either crossed himself with his victorious army into the country of the Ligures or sent part of his troops to Quintus Minucius, who was for the third year now detained by a war of uncertain prospects, the war with the Ligures could have been finished;

> Latin: 39.7. nunc ad triumphum frequentandum deductos esse milites, qui egregiam navare operam rei publicae potuissent, possent etiam, si senatus, quod festinatione triumphi praetermissum esset, id restituere differendo triumpho vellet.

[¶30] 39.8. now the soldiers had been withdrawn to crowd the triumph, who could have rendered conspicuous service to the state, and who could do so even now if the senate wished, by deferring the triumph, to restore the condition which had been lost in the anxiety for a triumph. Let them order the consul with his legions to return to his province, to direct his attention to the subjugation of the Ligures.

> Latin: 39.8. iuberent consulem cum legionibus redire in provinciam, dare operam, ut Ligures subigantur. nisi illi cogantur in ius iudiciumque populi Romani, ne Boios quidem quieturos: aut pacem aut bellum utrobique habenda.

[¶31] 39.9. Unless they were brought under the sovereignty and supremacy of the Roman people, not even the Boii would remain quiet; they must have either peace or war with both. After conquering the Ligures, a few months later, Publius Cornelius the proconsul would triumph, after the example of many who had not triumphed while still in office.

> Latin: 39.9. devictis Liguribus, paucos post menses proconsulem P. Cornelium multorum exemplo, qui in magistratu non triumphaverunt, triumphaturum esse.

[¶32] 40.1. To this the consul replied that the Ligures had not been allotted to him as his province, that he had not waged war with the Ligures, that he was not asking for a triumph over them;

> Latin: 40.1. ad ea consul neque se Ligures provinciam sortitum esse ait, neque cum Liguribus bellum gessisse, neque triumphum de iis postulare;

[¶33] 40.2. he felt sure that in a short time Quintus Minucius, having conquered them, would ask and receive a well-earned triumph;

> Latin: 40.2. Q. Minucium confidere brevi subactis iis meritum triumphum postulaturum atque impetraturum esse:

[¶34] 40.3. he was asking for a triumph over the Gallic Boii, whom he had defeated in battle, whom he had stripped of their camp, whose entire population he had, two days after the battle, received in surrender, from whom he had taken hostages as a guarantee of future peace.

> Latin: 40.3. se de Gallis Bois postulare triumphum, quos acie vicerit, castris exuerit, quorum gentem biduo post pugnam totam acceperit in deditionem, a quibus obsides abduxerit, pacis futurae pignus.

[¶35] 40.4. But this, as a matter of fact, was of far greater importance —that he had slain a greater number of thousands of Gauls in battle than any commander before him had ever fought with, at least so far as the Boii were concerned.

> Latin: 40.4. verum enimvero illud multo maius esse, quod tantum numerum Gallorum occiderit in acie, quot cum milibus certe Boiorum nemo ante se imperator pugnaverit.

[¶36] 40.5. More than half of their fifty thousand men were killed, many thousands captured; old men and boys only were now left to the Boii.

> Latin: 40.5. plus partem dimidiam ex quinquaginta milibus hominum caesam, multa milia capta; senes puerosque Bois superesse.

[¶37] 40.6. Could anyone then wonder why a victorious army, since it left no enemy in the province, should come to Rome to celebrate the triumph of the consul?

> Latin: 40.6. itaque id quemquam mirari posse, cur victor exercitus, cum hostem in provincia neminem reliquisset, Romam venerit ad celebrandum consulis triumphum?

[¶38] 40.7. If the senate wished to use the assistance of these soldiers in another province also, in which way, pray, would it believe them to be more ready to meet another danger and new toil, if without any objection the reward had been paid them for their previous danger and toil, or if they sent them away with hope in place of reality, when they had once been deceived as to their original expectation?

> Latin: 40.7. quorum militum si et in alia provincia opera uti senatus velit, utro tandem modo promptiores ad aliud periculum novumque laborem ituros credat, si persoluta eis sine detractatione prioris periculi laborisque merces sit, an si spem pro re ferentis dimittant, iam semel in prima spe deceptos?

[¶39] 40.8. So far as he personally was concerned, he had won sufficient glory for his whole life on that day when the senate had judged him the best man and sent him to receive the Idaean Mother.

> Latin: 40.8. nam quod ad se attineat, sibi gloriae in omnem vitam illo die satis quaesitum esse, quo se virum optimum iudicatum ad accipiendam matrem Idaeam misisset senatus.

[¶40] 40.9. From that one inscription, even if no consulship or triumph were added, the imago of Publius Scipio Nasica would have enough of honour and regard.

> Latin: 40.9. hoc titulo, etsi nec consulatus nec triumphus addatur, satis honestam honoratamque P. Scipionis Nasicae imaginem fore.

[¶41] 40.10. The entire senate of its own accord not only agreed to vote the triumph but by its influence compelled the tribune to withdraw his veto. Publius Cornelius while consul triumphed over the Boii.

> Latin: 40.10. universus senatus non ipse modo ad decernendum triumphum consensit, sed etiam tribunum plebis auctoritate sua compulit ad remittendam intercessionem.

[¶42] 40.11. In that triumph he transported in Gallic carts arms and standards and spoils of every description and Gallic vases of bronze, and along with prisoners of high rank a herd of captured horses. He carried also golden necklaces to the number of one thousand four hundred and seventy-one, and besides he had two hundred and forty-seven pounds of gold, of silver, unwrought and wrought in Gallic vases, not unskilfully, in their manner, two thousand three hundred and forty pounds, of coins stamped with the two-horse chariot, two hundred and thirty-four thousand.

> Latin: 40.11. P. Cornelius consul triumphavit de Bois. in eo triumpho Gallicis carpentis arma signaque et spolia omnis generis travexit et vasa aenea Gallica et cum captivis nobilibus equorum quoque captorum gregem traduxit.

[¶43] 40.12. To the soldiers who followed his car he gave one hundred and twenty-five asses to each infantryman, twice that sum to each centurion and thrice to each cavalryman.

> Latin: 40.12. aureos torques transtulit mille quadringentos septuaginta unum, ad hoc auri pondo ducenta quadraginta septem, argenti infecti factique in Gallicis vasis, non infabre suo more factis, duo milia trecenta quadraginta pondo, bigatorum nummorum ducenta triginta quattuor.

[¶44] 40.13. The next day he called an assembly, and when he had spoken of his achievements and of the injury done by the tribune who tried to entangle him in another's war, in order to cheat him of the fruits of his victory, he absolved his soldiers of their oaths and discharged them.

> Latin: 40.13. militibus, qui currum secuti sunt, centenos vicenos quinos asses divisit, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. postero die contione advocata de rebus ab se gestis et de iniuria tribuni bello alieno se illigantis, ut suae victoriae fructu se fraudaret, cum disseruisset, milites exauctoratos dimisit.

[¶45] 41.1. While this was going on in Italy, Antiochus at Ephesus was quite free from concern as to the Roman war, on the ground that the Romans would not cross to Asia; and this sense of security was given to him by most of his friends either through error or in flattery.

> Latin: 41.1. dum haec in Italia geruntur, Antiochus Ephesi securus admodum de bello Romano erat tamquam non transituris in Asiam Romanis; quam securitatem ei magna pars amicorum aut per errorem aut adsentando faciebat.

[¶46] 41.2. Hannibal alone, whose influence with the king was at that time perhaps at its greatest, said that he was more surprised that the Romans were not already in Asia than doubtful that they would come;

> Latin: 41.2. Hannibal unus, cuius eo tempore vel maxima apud regem auctoritas erat, magis mirari se aiebat, quod non iam in Asia essent Romani, quam venturos dubitare:

[¶47] 41.3. it was a shorter crossing from Greece to Asia than from Italy to Greece, and Antiochus was a far more powerful motive than the Aetolians; nor were Roman arms less powerful on sea than land.

> Latin: 41.3. propius esse ex Graecia in Asiam quam ex Italia in Graeciam traicere, et multo maiorem causam Antiochum quam Aetolos esse; neque enim mari minus quam terra pollere Romana arma.

[¶48] 41.4. For a long time their fleet had been around Malea; he had recently heard that a new fleet and a new commander to carry on the war had come from Italy; Antiochus, then, should cease to seek peace for himself —a vain hope.

> Latin: 41.4. iam pridem classem circa Maleam esse; audire sese nuper novas naves novumque imperatorum rei gerendae causa ex Italia venisse:

[¶49] 41.5. In Asia and for Asia itself there would soon be war on land and sea between him and the Romans, and either the Romans, seeking dominion over the world, would lose it or he himself would lose his kingdom.

> Latin: 41.5. itaque desineret Antiochus pacem sibi ipse spe vana facere. in Asia et de ipsa Asia brevi terra marique dimicandum ei cum Romanis esse, et aut imperium adimendum orbem terrarum adfectantibus, aut ipsi regnum amittendum.

[¶50] 41.6. He alone seemed both to foresee the truth and to declare it loyally. So the king himself, with the ships that were ready and equipped, set out for the Chersonesus to strengthen those regions with garrisons if perchance the Romans should come by land;

> Latin: 41.6. unus vera et providere et fideliter praedicere visus. itaque ipse rex navibus, quae paratae instructaeque erant, Chersonesum petit, ut ea loca, si forte terra venirent Romani, praesidiis firmaret;

[¶51] 41.7. the rest of the fleet he ordered Polyxenidas to refit and launch; scouting cruisers he sent among the islands to reconnoitre everywhere.

> Latin: 41.7. ceteram classem Polyxenidam parare et deducere iussit; speculatorias naves ad omnia exploranda circa insulas dimisit.

[¶52] 42.1. Gaius Livius, commander of the Roman fleet, sailed with fifty decked vessels from Rome to Naples, where he had ordered the allies along the coast to assemble the undecked ships which they owed under the treaty, then headed for Sicily and, passing Messina through the strait, picked up six Carthaginian ships sent to aid him, received from the people of Rhegium and Locri and the other allies of the same status the ships which he had demanded of them, and having purified the fleet at Lacinium struck out into the deep.

> Latin: 42.1. C. Livius praefectus Romanae classis, cum quinquaginta navibus tectis profectus ab Roma Neapolim, quo ab sociis eius orae convenire iusserat apertas naves, quae ex foedere debebantur, Siciliam inde petit fretoque Messanam praetervectus, cum sex Punicas naves ad auxilium missas accepisset et ab Reginis Locrisque et eiusdem iuris sociis debitas exegisset naves, lustrata classe ad Lacinium altum petit.

[¶53] 42.3. When he had arrived at Corcyra, the first city in Greece which he reached, he inquired as to the military situation —for everything was not yet quiet in Greece —and as to where the Roman fleet was, and when he heard that the consul and the king were watching one another near the pass of Thermopylae and that the fleet was at Piraeus, he thought that he should make haste for every reason, and straightway proceeded to sail around the Peloponnesus.

> Latin: 42.3. Corcyram, quam primam Graeciae civitatium adiit, cum venisset, percunctatus de statu belli—necdum enim omnia in Graecia perpacata erant—et ubi classis Romana esset, postquam audivit circa Thermopylarum saltum in statione consulem ac regem esse, classem Piraei stare, maturandum ratus omnium rerum causa, pergit protinus navigare Peloponnesum.

[¶54] 42.5. Same and Zacynthos, because they preferred to join the Aetolian party, he at once plundered and then made for Malea, and enjoying a successful voyage after a few days he joined the old fleet at Piraeus.

> Latin: 42.5. Samen Zacynthumque, quia partis Aetolorum maluerant esse, protinus depopulatus Maleam petit, et prospera navigatione usus paucis diebus Piraeum ad veterem classem pervenit.

[¶55] 42.6. At Scyllaeum King Eumenes with three ships met him, after having long waited at Aegina, uncertain what to do, whether to go home to defend his own kingdom —for he kept hearing that Antiochus was at Ephesus equipping his fleets and armies —or never to separate from the Romans, on whom his own fortunes depended.

> Latin: 42.6. ad Scyllaeum Eumenes rex cum tribus navibus occurrit, cum Aeginae diu incertus consilii fuisset, utrum ad tuendum rediret regnum—audiebat enim Antiochum Ephesi navales terrestrisque parare copias—, an nusquam abscederet ab Romanis, ex quorum fortuna sua penderet.

[¶56] 42.7. From Piraeus Aulus Atilius turned over to his successor twenty-five decked ships and returned to Rome. Livius with eighty-one decked ships and many smaller craft in addition, which were either open ships with beaks or scouting-vessels without beaks, crossed to Delos.

> Latin: 42.7. a Piraeo A. Atilius traditis successori quinque et viginti navibus tectis Romam est profectus. Livius una et octoginta constratis navibus, multis praeterea minoribus, quae aut apertae rostratae aut sine rostris speculatoriae erant, Delum traiecit.

[¶57] 43.1. At about this time the consul Acilius was besieging Naupactus. Livius was detained at Delos for several days by adverse winds, and indeed the region around the Cyclades, which are separated from one another, some by wider straits, some by narrower, is exceedingly windy.

> Latin: 43.1. eo [fere] tempore consul Acilius Naupactum oppugnabat. Livium Deli per aliquot dies—et est ventosissima regio inter Cycladas fretis alias maioribus, alias minoribus divisas— adversi venti tenuerunt.

[¶58] 43.2. Polyxenidas, being informed by the vessels which had been sent to reconnoitre that the Roman fleet was delayed at Delos, sent messengers to the king.

> Latin: 43.2. Polyxenidas certior per dispositas speculatorias naves factus Deli stare Romanam classem, nuntios ad regem misit.

[¶59] 43.3. He, dropping everything he was doing at the Hellespont, returned with his beaked ships with all possible speed to Ephesus and at once held a council as to whether they should make trial of a naval battle.

> Latin: 43.3. qui omissis, quae in Hellesponto agebat, cum rostratis navibus, quantum accelerare poterat, Ephesum redit et consilium extemplo habuit, faciendumne periculum navalis certaminis foret.

[¶60] 43.4. Polyxenidas maintained that they should not delay, but should fight before the fleet of Eumenes and the Rhodian ships should join the Romans;

> Latin: 43.4. Polyxenidas negabat cessandum et utique prius confligendum quam classis Eumenis et Rhodiae naves coniungerentur Romanis:

[¶61] 43.5. thus they would be practically equal in numbers, superior in everything else, both in the speed of the ships and in the varied character of their auxiliaries.

> Latin: 43.5. ita numero non ferme impares futuros se, ceteris omnibus superiores, et celeritate navium et varietate auxiliorum.

[¶62] 43.6. For the Roman ships were not only unskilfully constructed and hard to move, but were also laden down with supplies, since they were coming to a hostile country; but their own ships, since they were leaving everything around them peaceful, would carry nothing except soldiers and arms.

> Latin: 43.6. nam Romanas naves cum ipsas inscite factas immobiles esse, tum etiam, ut quae in terram hostium veniant, oneratas commeatu venire;

[¶63] 43.7. Their acquaintance with the sea, the lands and the winds would also help greatly, and all these would make trouble for an enemy unfamiliar with them.

> Latin: 43.7. suas autem, ut pacata omnia circa se relinquentis, nihil praeter militem atque arma habituras. multum etiam adiuturam notitiam maris terrarumque et ventorum, quae omnia ignaros turbatura hostis essent.

[¶64] 43.8. The author of this advice, who would also put the plan into effect, had weight with all. Delaying two days in preparation, they set sail on the third day with a hundred ships, all of smaller size, seventy being decked, the rest open, and came to Phocaea.

> Latin: 43.8. movit omnis auctor consilii, qui et re consilium exsecuturus erat. biduum in apparatu morati tertio die centum navibus, quarum septuaginta tectae ceterae apertae minoris omnes formae erant, profecti Phocaeam petierunt.

[¶65] 43.9. When he had heard that a Roman fleet was approaching, the king, since he did not intend to be present at the naval battle, returned from there to Magnesia, which is near Sipylus, to assemble his land forces;

> Latin: 43.9. inde, cum audisset appropinquare iam Romanam classem, rex, quia non interfuturus navali certamini erat, Magnesiam, quae ad Sipylum est, concessit ad terrestris copias comparandas;

[¶66] 43.10. the fleet made haste to Cissus, the harbour of the Erythraei, as if it were more convenient to meet the enemy there.

> Latin: 43.10. classis ad Cissuntem portum Erythraeorum, tamquam ibi aptius expectatura hostem, contendit.

[¶67] 43.11. As soon as the north winds subsided —they had been blowing for several days —the Romans stood out from Delos toward Phanae, a harbour of the Chians facing the Aegean sea; there they brought the fleet around to the city and after taking on provisions crossed to Phocaea.

> Latin: 43.11. Romani, ubi primum aquilones—ii namque per aliquot dies tenuerant—ceciderunt, ab Delo Phanas, portum Chiorum in Aegaeum mare versum, petunt; inde ad urbem circumegere naves, commeatuque sumpto Phocaeam traiciunt.

[¶68] 43.12. Eumenes went to his fleet at Elaea and a few days later returned to Phocaea with twenty-four decked ships and a somewhat larger number of open vessels, finding the Romans making themselves ready and fit for a naval battle.

> Latin: 43.12. Eumenes Elaeam ad suam classem profectus, paucis post inde diebus cum quattuor et viginti navibus tectis, apertis pluribus paulo Phocaeam ad Romanos parantis instruentisque se ad navale certamen rediit.

[¶69] 43.13. Thence they set out with one hundred and five decked ships and about fifty open vessels, and when at first they were driven towards the shore by north winds blowing across their course, the ships were compelled to proceed in a thin column, almost in single file; then when the violence of the wind moderated a little they tried to cross to the harbour of Corycus, which is above Cissus.

> Latin: 43.13. inde centum quinque tectis navibus, apertis ferme quinquaginta profecti, primo aquilonibus transversis cum urgerentur in terram, cogebantur tenui agmine prope in ordinem singulae naves ire; deinde, ut lenita paulum vis venti est, ad Corycum portum, qui super Cissuntem est, conati sunt traicere.

[¶70] 44.1. Polyxenidas, when the news was brought that the enemy was coming, rejoicing at the opportunity of fighting, himself drew the left wing out into the open sea, ordered the ship-captains to extend the right flank towards the land, and advanced to the fight in a regular line.

> Latin: 44.1. Polyxenidas, ut appropinquare hostis adlatum est, occasione pugnandi laetus sinistrum ipse cornu in altum extendit, dextrum cornu praefectos navium ad terram explicare iubet, et aequa fronte ad pugnam procedebat.

[¶71] 44.2. When the Roman saw this he took in sail, lowered his masts and at the same time stowing his tackle he awaited the oncoming ships. There were now about thirty of his ships in front, and in order to bring his left wing into line with them, hoisting his top-sails he tried to get out into deep water, ordering the following ships, opposing the enemy's right wing, to steer towards the shore.

> Latin: 44.2. quod ubi vidit Romanus, vela contrahit malosque inclinat et simul armamenta componens opperitur insequentis navis. iam fere triginta in fronte erant, quibus ut aequaret laevum cornu, dolonibus erectis altum petere intendit, iussis qui sequebantur adversus dextrum cornu prope terram proras derigere.

[¶72] 44.4. Eumenes was in the rear, but as soon as he saw the confusion caused by clearing for action he too urged his ships forward at their utmost speed.

> Latin: 44.4. Eumenes agmen cogebat; ceterum, ut demendis armamentis tumultuari primum coeptum est, et ipse, quanta maxime celeritate potest, concitat naves.

[¶73] 44.5. Now they were in sight of all. Two Carthaginian ships were ahead of the Roman fleet, and three ships of the king encountered them;

> Latin: 44.5. iam omnibus in conspectu erant. duae Punicae naves antecedebant Romanam classem, quibus obviae tres fuerunt regiae naves;

[¶74] 44.6. and, their numbers being unequal, two of the king's ships attacked one, and first they sheared off the oars on both sides, then armed men boarded it, and throwing overboard and killing the defenders, took the ship;

> Latin: 44.6. et, ut in numero impari, duae regiae unam circumsistunt, et primum ab utroque latere remos detergunt, deinde transcendunt armati et deiectis caesisque propugnatoribus navem capiunt;

[¶75] 44.7. the one which was fighting in equal combat, when it saw that the other ship was taken, fled to the fleet before it should be surrounded by three. Livius, inflamed with passion, made for the enemy with the flagship.

> Latin: 44.7. una, quae pari Marte concurrerat, postquam captam alteram navem vidit, priusquam ab tribus simul circumveniretur, retro ad classem refugit.

[¶76] 44.8. When the two which had just surrounded the Carthaginian ship came up, hoping to repeat their tactics, he ordered the rowers on both sides to trail their oars in the water to steady the ship and the men to throw iron grappling-hooks upon the approaching hostile ships, and when they had made the engagement like one on land, he bade them remember Roman valour and not to consider the king's slaves as men.

> Latin: 44.8. Livius indignatione accensus praetoria nave in hostes tendit. adversus quam eadem spe duae, quae Punicam unam navem circumvenerant, cum inferrentur, demittere remos in aquam ab utroque latere remiges stabiliendae navis causa iussit, et in advenientis hostium naves ferreas manus inicere et, ubi pugnam pedestri similem fecissent, meminisse Romanae virtutis nec pro viris ducere regia mancipia.

[¶77] 44.9. With greater ease than the two had captured one before, the one ship at this time defeated and captured two. And now the fleets had clashed everywhere and with the ships intermingled the battle was raging on every side.

> Latin: 44.9. haud paulo facilius quam ante duae unam, tunc una duas naves expugnavit cepitque.

[¶78] 44.10. Eumenes, who had arrived late, when the battle had already begun, seeing that the left wing of the enemy had been thrown into confusion by Livius, himself attacked their right, where the battle was evenly matched.

> Latin: 44.10. et iam classes quoque undique concurrerant, et passim permixtis navibus pugnabatur. Eumenes, qui [extremus] commisso certamine advenerat, ut animadvertit laevum cornu hostium ab Livio turbatum, dextrum ipse, ubi aequa pugna erat, invadit.

[¶79] 45.1. And not long after the flight began on the left flank. For when Polyxenidas saw that without question he was inferior in the courage of his soldiers, raising his top-sails he began a hurried flight; presently even those who had joined battle with Eumenes near the shore did the same.

> Latin: 45.1. neque ita multo post primum ab laevo cornu fuga coepit. Polyxenidas enim ut virtute militum haud dubie se superari vidit, sublatis dolonibus effuse fugere intendit; mox idem et qui prope terram cum Eumene contraxerant certamen fecerunt.

[¶80] 45.2. The Romans and Eumenes, so long as the rowers could hold out and there was any hope of harassing the rear, pursued with stubbornness enough.

> Latin: 45.2. Romani et Eumenes, quoad sufficere remiges potuerunt et in spe erant extremi agminis vexandi, satis pertinaciter secuti sunt.

[¶81] 45.3. But when, after vain efforts, they saw that the enemy's ships, which were sailing light, were by their swiftness escaping their own, which were laden with supplies, they at length ceased, having captured thirteen ships along with their marines and rowers, and sunk ten.

> Latin: 45.3. postquam celeritate navium, utpote levium, suas commeatu onustas eludi frustra tendentis viderunt, tandem abstiterunt tredecim captis navibus cum milite ac remige, decem demersis.

[¶82] 45.4. Of the Roman fleet, the one Carthaginian ship which, at the beginning of the battle, had been surrounded by two, was lost. Polyxenidas did not stop his flight until he reached the harbour of Ephesus.

> Latin: 45.4. Romanae classis una Punica navis, in primo certamine ab duabus circumventa, periit. Polyxenidas non prius quam in portu Ephesi fugae finem fecit.

[¶83] 45.5. The Romans on that day remained at the place from which the king's fleet had come; the next day they set out to pursue the enemy. About half-way on the journey twenty-five decked Rhodian ships under Pausistratus, commander of the fleet, met them.

> Latin: 45.5. Romani eo die, unde egressa regia classis erat, manserunt; postero die hostem persequi intenderunt. medio fere in cursu obviae fuere iis quinque et viginti tectae Rhodiae naves cum Pausistrato praefecto classis.

[¶84] 45.6. Thus reinforced, they followed the enemy to Ephesus and stood drawn up in line of battle before the entrance to the harbour. Now that they had wrung a confession of inferiority from the defeated, the Rhodians and Eumenes were sent home;

> Latin: 45.6. his adiunctis Ephesum hostem persecuti ante ostium portus acie instructa steterunt. postquam confessionem victis satis expresserunt, Rhodii et Eumenes domos dimissi;

[¶85] 45.7. the Romans on their way to Chios first sailed past Phoenicus, the port of the Erythraean land, and at nightfall dropped anchor; the next day they crossed to the island and to the city itself. There they delayed a few days resting their rowers, and then crossed to Phocaea.

> Latin: 45.7. Romani Chium petentes, Phoenicuntem primum portum Erythraeae terrae praetervecti, nocte ancoris iactis, postero die in insulam ad ipsam urbem traiecerunt. ubi paucos dies remige maxime reficiendo morati Phocaeam tramittunt.

[¶86] 45.8. Leaving four quinqueremes there as a garrison for the city, the fleet came to Canae; and since winter was now at hand, the ships were beached and surrounded with a wall and ditch.

> Latin: 45.8. ibi relictis ad praesidium urbis quattuor quinqueremibus ad Canas classis venit; et, cum iam hiems appeteret, fossa valloque circumdatis naves subductae.

[¶87] 45.9. At the end of the year the elections were held in Rome, at which Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Laelius —all looking towards Africanus —were chosen consuls to end the war with Antiochus. The next day the praetors were elected, Marcus Tuccius, Lucius Aurunculeius, Gnaeus Fulvius, Lucius Aemilius, Publius Junius, Gaius Atinius Labeo.

> Latin: 45.9. exitu anni comitia Romae habita, quibus creati sunt consules L. Cornelius Scipio et C. Laelius Africanum intuentibus cunctis ad finiendum cum Antiocho bellum. postero die praetores creati M. Tuccius L. Aurunculeius Cn. Fulvius L. Aemilius P. Iunius C. Atinius Labeo.

## 26. Book XXXVII · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/26/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/26/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Laelius entered upon the consulship, and after the religious observances were carried out, no question in the senate had priority over that concerning the Aetolians. And their ambassadors were urging a decision, since only a brief time of truce was allowed them, and they were seconded by Titus Quinctius, who had now returned to Rome from Greece.

> Latin: 1.1. L. Cornelio Scipione C. Laelio consulibus nulla prius secundum religiones acta in senatu res est quam de Aetolis. et legati eorum institerunt, quia brevem indutiarum diem habebant, et ab T. Quinctio, qui tum Romam ex Graecia redierat, adiuti sunt.

[¶1] 1.2. The Aetolians, like men who reposed more hope in the mercy of the senate than in their own case, pleaded like suppliants, balancing former services against recent misdeeds.

> Latin: 1.2. Aetoli, ut quibus plus in misericordia senatus quam in causa spei esset, suppliciter egerunt, veteribus benefactis nova pensantes maleficia.

[¶2] 1.3. But not only while still present were they pursued by senatorial questionings from all sides, forcing from them confessions of guilt rather than replies, but when they were ordered to leave the senate-house they gave occasion to a violent conflict.

> Latin: 1.3. ceterum et praesentes interrogationibus undique senatorum, confessionem magis noxae quam responsa exprimentium, fatigati sunt, et excedere curia iussi magnum certamen praebuerunt.

[¶3] 1.4. Anger had greater weight in their case than the spirit of mercy, since the senators were incensed at them not as enemies but as an untamable and anti-social people.

> Latin: 1.4. plus ira quam misericordia in causa eorum valebat, quia non ut hostibus modo, sed tamquam indomitae et insociabili genti suscensebant.

[¶4] 1.5. When the contest had continued for many days, it was finally decided that peace should be neither granted nor refused; two choices were placed before them; either they should entrust themselves to the free discretion of the senate, or they should pay one thousand talents and consider the same peoples as friends and enemies.

> Latin: 1.5. per aliquot dies cum certatum esset, postremo neque dari neque negari pacem placuit; duae condiciones iis latae sunt: vel senatui liberum arbitrium de se permitterent, vel mille talentum darent eosdemque amicos atque inimicos haberent.

[¶5] 1.6. When they tried to elicit a definite statement as to the extent to which the senate would exercise its discretion over them, no positive reply was given. So without any settlement they were ordered to leave the City that same day and Italy within fifteen days.

> Latin: 1.6. exprimere cupientibus, quarum rerum in se arbitrium senatui permitterent, nihil certi responsum est. ita infecta pace dimissi urbe eodem die, Italia intra quindecim dies excedere iussi.

[¶6] 1.7. Then the question of the consular provinces began to be discussed. Both consuls wanted Greece. Laelius was very influential in the senate. Laelius, when the senate had directed the consuls either to cast lots or to determine the matter of the provinces between themselves, said that they would act more fittingly if they entrusted this decision to the wisdom of the Fathers instead of to the lot.

> Latin: 1.7. tum de consulum provinciis coeptum agi est. ambo Graeciam cupiebant. multum Laelius in senatu poterat. is, cum senatus aut sortiri aut comparare inter se provincias consules iussisset, elegantius facturos dixit, si iudicio patrum quam si sorti eam rem permisissent.

[¶7] 1.8. Scipio, having replied to this that he would consider what he ought to do, conferred with his brother alone, and being instructed by him to leave the matter to the senate with confidence, answered his colleague that he would do as he suggested.

> Latin: 1.8. Scipio responso ad hoc dato cogitaturum, quid sibi faciendum esset, cum fratre uno locutus iussusque ab eo permittere audacter senatui, renuntiat collegae facturum se, quod is censeret.

[¶8] 1.9. When this proposal, either novel or revived on the basis of ancient precedents long escaped from memory, had excited the senate with the expectation of a sharp contest, Publius Scipio Africanus said that if they should decree Greece as a province to his brother Lucius Scipio, he would go as his lieutenant.

> Latin: 1.9. cum res aut nova aut vetustate exemplorum memoriae iam exoletae relata expectatione certaminis senatum erexisset, P. Scipio Africanus dixit, si L. Scipioni fratri suo provinciam Graeciam decrevissent, se ei legatum iturum.

[¶9] 1.10. These words, listened to with full approbation, ended the contest; they wanted to ascertain whether King Antiochus would find more powerful assistance in the defeated Hannibal or the Roman consul and legions in his conqueror Africanus: and almost unanimously they decreed Greece to Scipio, Italy to Laelius.

> Latin: 1.10. haec vox magno adsensu audita sustulit certamen: experiri libebat, utrum plus regi Antiocho in Hannibale victo an in victore Africano consuli legionibusque Romanis auxilii foret; ac prope omnes Scipioni Graeciam, Laelio Italiam decreverunt.

[¶10] 2.1. The praetors then drew for their provinces; Lucius Aurunculeius receiving the civil jurisdiction, Gnaeus Fulvius that between citizens and aliens, Lucius Aemilius Regillus the fleet, Publius Junius Brutus the Etruscans, Marcus Tuccius Apulia and the Brutti, Gaius Atinius Sicily.

> Latin: 2.1. praetores inde provincias sortiti sunt, L. Aurunculeius urbanam, Cn. Fulvius peregrinam, L. Aemilius Regillus classem, P. Iunius Brutus Tuscos, M. Tuccius Apuliam et Bruttios, C. Atinius Siciliam.

[¶11] 2.2. Then for the consul to whom the province of Greece had been decreed, in addition to the army which he would take over from Manius Acilius —this now consisted of two legions —there were authorized as reinforcements three thousand infantry of Roman citizens and one hundred cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy five thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry; it was also appended to this that when he arrived in the province, if the public interest seemed to demand it, he should lead the army over into Asia.

> Latin: 2.2. consuli deinde, cui Graecia provincia decreta erat, ad eum exercitum, quem a M'. Acilio — duae autem legiones erant — accepturus esset, in supplementum addita peditum civium Romanorum tria milia, equites centum, et socium Latini nominis quinque milia, equites ducenti; et adiectum, ut, cum in provinciam venisset, si e re publica videretur esse, exercitum in Asiam traiceret.

[¶12] 2.4. To the other consul an entirely new army was assigned, two Roman legions and of the allies of the Latin confederacy fifteen thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 2.4. alteri consuli totus novus exercitus decretus, duae legiones Romanae et socium Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum, equites sexcenti.

[¶13] 2.5. Quintus Minucius was directed to transfer his army from the Ligures — for he had now written that the province had been completely reduced and that all the people of the Ligures had surrendered —to the territory of the Boii and hand it over to Publius Scipio the proconsul, who was removing the Boii from the land of which he had deprived them after their defeat in the war.

> Latin: 2.5. exercitum ex Liguribus Q. Minucius — iam enim confectam provinciam scripserat et Ligurum omne nomen in deditionem venisse — traducere in Boios et P. Cornelio proconsuli tradere iussus.

[¶14] 2.6. The two reserve legions which had been enlisted the year before were assigned to Marcus Tuccius, along with fifteen thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy, to hold Apulia and the Brutti.

> Latin: 2.6. ex agro, quo victos bello multaverat Boios, deducendae urbanae legiones, quae priore anno conscriptae erant, M. Tuccio praetori datae et socium ac Latini nominis peditum quindecim milia et equites sexcenti ad Apuliam Bruttiosque obtinendos.

[¶15] 2.7. Aulus Cornelius, praetor of the preceding year, who had held the Brutti with an army, was ordered to transport the legions to Aetolia, if such was the pleasure of the consul, and turn them over to Manius Acilius, if he wished to remain there; if Acilius preferred to return to Rome, Aulus Cornelius with this army should remain in Aetolia.

> Latin: 2.7. A. Cornelio superioris anni praetori, qui Bruttios cum exercitu obtinuerat, imperatum, si ita consuli videretur, ut legiones in Aetoliam traiectas M'. Acilio traderet, si is manere ibi vellet;

[¶16] 2.8. Gaius Atinius Labeo, it was decided, should receive the province of Sicily and the army from Marcus Aemilius the praetor and as reinforcements should enrol from the province itself two thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 2.8. si Acilius redire Romam mallet, ut A. Cornelius cum eo exercitu in Aetolia remaneret. C. Atinium Labeonem provinciam Siciliam exercitumque a M. Aemilio accipere placuit et in supplementum scribere ex ipsa provincia, si vellet, peditum duo milia et centum equites.

[¶17] 2.9. Publius Junius Brutus was instructed to enlist a new army to serve against the Etruscans, one Roman legion and ten thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy; Lucius Aemilius, to whom the maritime province had been allotted, was ordered to receive twenty warships and the naval allies from Marcus Junius, praetor of the previous year, to enrol himself a thousand naval allies and two thousand marines, to proceed with these ships and troops to Asia and to take over the fleet from Gaius

> Latin: 2.9. P. Iunius Brutus in Tuscos exercitum novum, legionem unam Romanam et decem milia socium ac Latini nominis scribere et quadringentos equites; L. Aemilius, cui maritima provincia erat, viginti naves longas et socios navalis a M. Iunio praetore superioris anni accipere iussus et scribere ipse mille navalis socios, duo milia peditum; cum iis navibus militibusque in Asiam proficisci et classem a C. Livio accipere.

[¶18] 2.11. Livius. For the governors of the two Spains and Sardinia the imperium was prolonged for a year and the same armies assigned.

> Latin: 2.11. duas Hispanias Sardiniamque obtinentibus prorogatum in annum imperium est et idem exercitus decreti.

[¶19] 2.12. Two tithes of grain, just as in the preceding year, were levied upon Sicily and Sardinia; they ordered all the Sicilian grain to be transported to Aetolia, part of the Sardinian to Rome and part to Aetolia, the same destination as the Sicilian.

> Latin: 2.12. Siciliae Sardiniaeque binae eo anno decumae frumenti imperatae; Siculum omne frumentum in Aetoliam ad exercitum portari iussum, ex Sardinia pars Romam pars in Aetoliam, eodem quo Siculum.

[¶20] 3.1. Before the consuls set out to their provinces it was decreed that expiation should be made for the prodigies by direction of the pontiffs.

> Latin: 3.1. priusquam consules in provincias proficiscerentur, prodigia per pontifices procurari placuit.

[¶21] 3.2. At Rome the temple of Juno Lucina was struck by lightning so that the roof and the doors were damaged; at Puteoli the wall and gates in several places were struck by lightning and two men were killed;

> Latin: 3.2. Romae Iunonis Lucinae templum de caelo tactum erat ita, ut fastigium valvaeque deformarentur; Puteolis pluribus locis murus et porta fulmine icta et duo homines exanimati;

[¶22] 3.3. at Nursia it was well established that a storm-cloud came in sight on a clear day; there also two free men were killed;

> Latin: 3.3. Nursiae sereno satis constabat nimbum ortum; ibi quoque duos liberos homines exanimatos; terra apud se pluvisse Tusculani nuntiabant, et Reatini mulam in agro suo peperisse.

[¶23] 3.4. the people of Tusculum reported that in their neighbourhood there was a shower of earth, and the Reatini that in their country a mule had foaled.

> Latin: 3.4. ea procurata, Latinaeque instauratae, quod Laurentibus carnis, quae dari debet, data non fuerat.

[¶24] 3.5. When expiation for all this had been made, the Latin festival, too, because the share of the meat which is due to be given to the Laurentes was not given them, was repeated.

> Latin: 3.5. supplicatio quoque earum religionum causa fuit quibus diis decemviri ex libris ut fieret ediderunt.

[¶25] 3.6. There was also a period of prayer by reason of these phenomena to whatever gods the decemvirs, in accordance with the Books, had ordered supplication to be made.

> Latin: 3.6. decem ingenui, decem virgines, patrimi omnes matrimique, ad id sacrificium adhibiti, et decemviri nocte lactentibus rem divinam fecerunt.

[¶26] 3.7. Ten noble youths and ten maidens, all children of living fathers and mothers, were employed for this sacrifice, and the decemvirs by night sacrificed animals not yet weaned. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, before he left the City, constructed an arch on the Capitoline, facing the street by which one climbs the Capitoline, with seven statues of bronze and two equestrian figures and two marble basins before the arch.

> Latin: 3.7. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, priusquam proficisceretur, fornicem in Capitolio adversus viam, qua in Capitolium escenditur, cum signis septem auratis et equis duobus et marmorea duo labra ante fornicem posuit.

[¶27] 3.8. About the same time forty-three chiefs of the Aetolians, among whom were Damocritus and his brother, were brought to Rome under guard of two cohorts sent by Manius Acilius and were thrown into the Lautumiae. The cohorts were then directed by Lucius Cornelius the consul to rejoin the army.

> Latin: 3.8. per eosdem dies principes Aetolorum tres et quadraginta, inter quos Damocritus et frater eius erant, ab duabus cohortibus missis a M'. Acilio Romam deducti et in Lautumias coniecti sunt. cohortes inde ad exercitum redire L. Cornelius consul iussit. — legati ab Ptolomaeo et Cleopatra regibus Aegypti gratulantes, quod M'.

[¶28] 3.9. Ambassadors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, rulers of Egypt, came with congratulations because Manius Acilius the consul had driven King Antiochus out of Greece, and with recommendations that they should transport the army into Asia:

> Latin: 3.9. Acilius consul Antiochum regem Graecia expulisset, venerunt adhortantesque, ut in Asiam exercitum traicerent:

[¶29] 3.10. everything was in a confusion of terror, they said, not only in Asia but even in Syria; the rulers of Egypt were prepared for whatever the senate might order.

> Latin: 3.10. omnia perculsa metu non in Asia modo sed etiam in Syria esse; reges Aegypti ad ea, quae censuisset senatus, paratos fore.

[¶30] 3.11. Thanks were extended to the rulers; each of the ambassadors received, in accordance with orders issued, a present of four thousand asses.

> Latin: 3.11. gratiae regibus actae; legatis munera dari iussa in singulos quaternum milium aeris.

[¶31] 4.1. Lucius Cornelius the consul, having finished what had to be done in Rome, issued his edict before the assembly that the soldiers whom he personally had enlisted as reinforcements and those who were among the Brutti with Aulus Cornelius the propraetor should all assemble on the Ides of July at Brundisium.

> Latin: 4.1. L. Cornelius consul peractis, quae Romae agenda erant, pro contione edixit, ut milites, quos ipse in supplementum scripsisset, quique in Bruttiis cum A. Cornelio propraetore essent, ut hi omnes idibus Quinctilibus Brundisium convenirent.

[¶32] 4.2. He named also three lieutenants, Sextus Digitius, Lucius Apustius and Gaius Fabricius Luscinus, who were to collect ships at Brundisium from all along the sea-coast; and having now made everything ready set out from the City in uniform. About five thousand volunteers, Romans and allies, who had earned their discharges under the command of Publius Africanus, attended the consul as he was setting out and gave in their names for service with him. About the time the consul departed to the war, during the ludi Apollinares, on the fifth day before the Ides of July, in a clear sky during the day, the light was dimmed since the moon passed before the circle of the sun.

> Latin: 4.2. item tres legatos nominavit, Sex. Digitium L. Apustium C. Fabricium Luscinum, qui ex ora maritima undique navis Brundisium contraherent; et omnibus iam paratis paludatus ab urbe est profectus. ad quinque milia voluntariorum, Romani sociique, qui emerita stipendia sub imperatore P. Africano habebant, praesto fuere exeunti consuli et nomina dederunt.

[¶33] 4.4. Lucius Aemilius Regillus, to whom the naval appointment had fallen, also departed at the same time. Lucius Aurunculeius was entrusted by the senate with the task of building thirty quinqueremes and twenty triremes, since the rumour was that Antiochus after the naval battle was fitting out a very much larger fleet. The Aetolians, after their ambassadors had brought back the word from Rome that there was no hope for peace, although their whole coast which faces the Peloponnesus had been ravaged by the Achaeans, thinking more of their danger than of their losses, in order to bar the road against the Romans, seized Mount Corax; for they had no doubt that they would return at the beginning of spring to besiege Naupactus. Acilius, because he knew that this was their expectation, thought it better to try something unforeseen and to attack Lamia; for the people had both been brought nigh to destruction by Philip and, just because at that time they feared nothing of the kind, he thought that they could be more easily taken by

> Latin: 4.4. per eos dies, quibus est profectus ad bellum consul, ludis Apollinaribus, a. d. quintum idus Quinctiles caelo sereno interdiu obscurata lux est, cum luna sub orbem solis subisset. et L. Aemilius Regillus, cui navalis provincia evenerat, eodem tempore profectus est. L. Aurunculeio negotium ab senatu datum est, ut triginta quinqueremes, viginti triremes faceret, quia fama erat Antiochum post proelium navale maiorem classem aliquanto reparare. Aetoli, postquam legati ab Roma rettulerunt nullam spem pacis esse, quamquam omnis ora maritima eorum, quae in Peloponnesum versa est, depopulata ab Achaeis erat, periculi magis quam damni memores, ut Romanis intercluderent iter, Coracem occupaverunt montem: neque enim dubitabant ad oppugnationem Naupacti eos principio veris redituros esse. Acilio, quia id expectari sciebat, satius visum est inopinatam adgredi rem et Lamiam oppugnare:

[¶34] 4.9. surprise. Setting out from Elatia he first encamped in hostile territory near the Spercheus river; thence he moved his standards by night and at daybreak attacked the walls from a girdle of entrenchments.

> Latin: 4.9. nam et a Philippo prope ad excidium adductos esse, et tunc eo ipso, quod nihil tale timerent, opprimi incautos posse. profectus ab Elatia primum in hostium terra circa Spercheum amnem posuit castra; inde nocte motis signis prima luce corona moenia est adgressus.

[¶35] 5.1. There was great panic and excitement, as is natural when something unexpected occurs. Nevertheless, with greater resolution than one would think they would display in such a sudden peril, while the men fought before the walls and the women were carrying weapons of all kinds and stones to the walls, though scaling ladders were now being brought up on all sides, they defended the city on that day.

> Latin: 5.1. magnus pavor ac tumultus, ut in re improvisa, fuit. constantius tamen, quam quis facturos crederet, in tam subito periculo, cum viri propugnarent, feminae tela omnis generis saxaque in muros gererent, iam multifariam scalis appositis urbem eo die defenderunt.

[¶36] 5.2. Acilius sounded the recall and led his troops back into camp about noon; and then, when they had restored their bodies with food and rest, before he dismissed the council he issued orders that they should be armed and ready before daybreak; unless they took the city he would not lead them back into camp.

> Latin: 5.2. Acilius signo receptui dato suos in castra medio ferme die reduxit; et tunc cibo et quiete refectis corporibus, priusquam praetorium dimitteret, denuntiavit, ut ante lucem armati paratique essent; nisi expugnata urbe se eos in castra non reducturum.

[¶37] 5.3. At the same time as the day before he attacked from several directions, and since the townspeople were by now lacking in strength, in weapons, and before all in courage, within a few hours he took the city.

> Latin: 5.3. eodem tempore, quo pridie, pluribus locis adgressus, cum oppidanos iam vires, iam tela, iam ante omnia animus deficeret, intra paucas horas urbem cepit. ibi partim divendita partim divisa praeda, consilium habitum, quid deinde faceret.

[¶38] 5.4. There, selling part of the plunder and dividing part among the troops, he held a council to determine what they should do next. No one urged that they move on Naupactus, the pass over Corax being held by the Aetolians. Nevertheless, that the summer might not be spent in inactivity, and that the Aetolians might not, through his delay, none the less enjoy a peace which the senate had not granted, Acilius decided to attack Amphissa. From Heraclea the army was led over Oeta.

> Latin: 5.4. nemini ad Naupactum iri placuit occupato ad Coracem ab Aetolis saltu. ne tamen segnia aestiva essent et Aetoli non impetratam pacem ab senatu nihilo minus per suam cunctationem haberent, oppugnare Acilius Amphissam statuit. ab Heraclea per Oetam exercitus eo deductus.

[¶39] 5.5. When he had made camp before the walls he did not begin to attack the city by encirclement, as at Lamia, but by siege-engines. The battering-rams were moved up in several places at once, and when the walls were shaken the townspeople did not try to prepare or devise anything against engines of this kind;

> Latin: 5.5. cum ad moenia castra posuisset, non corona, sicut Lamiam, sed operibus oppugnare urbem est adortus. pluribus simul locis aries admovebatur, et cum quaterentur muri, nihil adversus tale machinationis genus parare aut comminisci oppidani conabantur;

[¶40] 5.6. all their hopes were in arms and daring; with frequent sallies they threw into confusion not only the outguards of the enemy but the men who were around the earth-works and the engines.

> Latin: 5.6. omnis spes in armis et audacia erat: eruptionibus crebris et stationes hostium et eos ipsos, qui circa opera et machinas erant, turbabant.

[¶41] 6.1. Yet in many places the wall had been overthrown when the word was brought that the new consul had disembarked at Apollonia and was marching through Epirus and Thessaly.

> Latin: 6.1. multis tamen locis decussus murus erat, cum adlatum est successorem Apolloniae exposito exercitu per Epirum ac Thessaliam venire.

[¶42] 6.2. The consul had with him thirteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. He had already arrived at the Malian gulf; and sending messengers ahead to Hypata to order the city to surrender, when they replied that they would do nothing except in accord with the general decision of the Aetolians, that the siege of Hypata might not detain him while Amphissa was as yet uncaptured, he sent his brother Africanus in advance and led the army to Amphissa.

> Latin: 6.2. cum tredecim milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus consul veniebat. iam in sinum Maliacum venerat; et praemissis Hypatam, qui tradere urbem, iuberent, postquam nihil responsum est nisi ex communi Aetolorum decreto facturos, ne teneret se oppugnatio Hypatae nondum Amphissa recepta, praemisso fratre Africano Amphissam ducit.

[¶43] 6.3. At their coming the citizens abandoned the town —for it was in large part stripped of its defences —and retired, armed and unarmed together, to the citadel, which they held impossible to capture.

> Latin: 6.3. sub adventum eorum oppidani relicta urbe — iam enim magna ex parte moenibus nudata erat — in arcem, quam inexpugnabilem habent, omnes armati atque inermes concessere.

[¶44] 6.4. The consul pitched camp about six miles away from there. Thither came Athenian envoys, first to Publius Scipio, who had preceded the main body, as has been said before, then to the consul, interceding for the Aetolians.

> Latin: 6.4. consul sex milia fere passuum inde posuit castra. eo legati Athenienses primum ad P. Scipionem praegressum agmen, sicut ante dictum est, deinde ad consulem venerunt, deprecantes pro Aetolis.

[¶45] 6.5. They received a fairly amicable response from Africanus, who was looking for an occasion for an honourable withdrawal from the Aetolian campaign, with his eyes on Asia and King Antiochus, and had ordered the Athenians to urge not only the Romans to prefer peace to war, but also the Aetolians.

> Latin: 6.5. clementius responsum ab Africano tulerunt, qui causam relinquendi honeste Aetolici belli quaerens Asiam et regem Antiochum spectabat, iusseratque Athenienses non Romanis solum, ut pacem bello praeferrent, sed etiam Aetolis persuadere.

[¶46] 6.6. Quickly, on the advice of the Athenians, a large delegation of Aetolians came from Hypata, and the words of Africanus, to whom they first addressed themselves, increased their hopes of peace, as he reminded them of the many tribes and peoples, first in Spain, later in Africa, who had put themselves under his protection; in all these he had left more conspicuous monuments of his kindness and generosity than of his military renown.

> Latin: 6.6. celeriter auctoribus Atheniensibus frequens ab Hypata legatio Aetolorum venit, et spem pacis eis sermo etiam Africani, quem priorem adierunt, auxit, commemorantis multas gentes populosque in Hispania prius, deinde in Africa in fidem suam venisse; in omnibus se maiora clementiae benignitatisque quam virtutis bellicae monumenta reliquisse.

[¶47] 6.7. The matter seemed settled, when the consul, on being addressed, quoted the response by which they had been rebuffed by the senate. When the Aetolians were dealt this unexpected blow —for they saw that nothing had been accomplished either by the embassy of the Athenians or by the generous reply of Africanus —they said that they wished to consult their people.

> Latin: 6.7. perfecta videbatur res, cum aditus consul idem illud responsum rettulit, quo fugati ab senatu erant. eo tamquam novo cum icti Aetoli essent — nihil enim nec legatione Atheniensium nec placido Africani responso profectum videbant —, referre ad suos dixerunt velle.

[¶48] 7.1. They returned thence to Hypata; nor was a decision easy to reach; for there was no source from which a thousand talents could be paid, and they were afraid that if “full discretion” were granted they would suffer personal violence.

> Latin: 7.1. reditum inde Hypatam est, nec consilium expediebatur: nam neque, unde mille talentum daretur, erat, et permisso libero arbitrio ne in corpora sua saeviretur, metuebant.

[¶49] 7.2. They therefore directed the same ambassadors to return to the consul and Africanus and to ask that if they wished to grant peace in reality, not merely to dangle it before them, deluding the hopes of the unfortunate, they would either diminish the amount of the indemnity or would order that an exception regarding their persons be made.

> Latin: 7.2. redire itaque eosdem legatos ad consulem et Africanum iusserunt et petere, ut, si dare vere pacem, non tantum ostendere, frustrantes spem miserorum, vellent, aut ex summa pecuniae demerent aut permissionem extra civium corpora fieri iuberent.

[¶50] 7.3. Nothing was obtained in the way of a change on the consul's part; and this embassy also was dismissed without result.

> Latin: 7.3. nihil impetratum ut mutaret consul; et ea quoque irrita legatio dimissa est.

[¶51] 7.4. The Athenians followed; and Echedemus, the leader of their embassy, brought back hope to the Aetolians, wearied by so many repulses and bewailing with useless lamentations the ill-fate of their race, by suggesting that they ask an armistice for six months that envoys might be sent to Rome;

> Latin: 7.4. secuti et Athenienses sunt; et princeps legationis eorum Echedemus fatigatos tot repulsis Aetolos et complorantis inutili lamentatione fortunam gentis ad spem revocavit auctor indutias sex mensium petendi, ut legatos mittere Romam possent:

[¶52] 7.5. the delay would add nothing to their present misfortunes, since these were extreme; many things might happen in the intervening time to relieve their immediate calamity.

> Latin: 7.5. dilationem nihil ad praesentia mala, quippe quae ultima essent, adiecturam; levari per multos casus tempore interposito praesentis clades posse.

[¶53] 7.6. On the proposal of Echedemus the same men were sent; they first met Publius Scipio, through whose intervention they obtained from the consul an armistice for the period which they asked.

> Latin: 7.6. auctore Echedemo idem missi; prius P. Scipione convento, per eum indutias temporis eius, quod petebant, ab consule impetraverunt.

[¶54] 7.7. And the siege of Amphissa being raised, Manius Acilius turned his army over to the consul and left the province, and from Amphissa the consul went back into Thessaly, in order to conduct the army through Macedonia and Thrace into Asia.

> Latin: 7.7. et soluta obsidione Amphissae M'. Acilius tradito consuli exercitu provincia decessit, et consul ab Amphissa Thessaliam repetit, ut per Macedoniam Thraeciamque duceret in Asiam.

[¶55] 7.8. Then Africanus addressed his brother: “The route which you propose to follow, Lucius Scipio, I likewise approve;”

> Latin: 7.8. tum Africanus fratri:”iter, quod insistis, L. Scipio, ego quoque approbo;

[¶56] 7.9. “but it all hangs on the good-will of Philip, if he is loyal to our empire and will furnish us a safe passage and supplies and everything which feeds and aids an army on a long march; if he fails us, there will be no real security in going through Thrace; therefore my first counsel is to test the attitude of the king.”

> Latin: 7.9. sed totum id vertitur in voluntate Philippi, qui si imperio nostro fidus est, et iter et commeatus et omnia, quae in longo itinere exercitus alunt iuvantque, nobis suppeditabit; si is destituat, nihil per Thraeciam satis tutum habebis:

[¶57] 7.10. “It will be most successfully tested if the man who is sent finds him doing nothing in anticipation of such a visit.”

> Latin: 7.10. itaque prius regis animum explorari placet. optime explorabitur, si nihil ex praeparato agentem opprimet qui mittetur.

[¶58] 7.11. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, by far the most energetic of the young men of the time, was chosen for this errand and, using relays of horses, with almost unbelievable speed, from Amphissa —for he was sent from there —on the third day reached Pella.

> Latin: 7.11. “Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, longe tum acerrimus iuvenum, ad id delectus per dispositos equos prope incredibili celeritate ab Amphissa — inde enim est dimissus — die tertio Pellam pervenit.

[¶59] 7.12. The king was at a banquet and had gone far with his drinking; this very cheerfulness of mind relieved all anxiety that Philip planned to make any new trouble.

> Latin: 7.12. in convivio rex erat et in multum vini processerat: ea ipsa remissio animi suspicionem dempsit novare eum quicquam velle.

[¶60] 7.13. And at that time the guest was graciously welcomed, and the next day he saw supplies in abundance prepared for the army, bridges built over the rivers, roads constructed where travel was difficult. Taking back this information, with the same speed as on his journey hither, he met the consul at Thaumaci.

> Latin: 7.13. et tum quidem comiter acceptus hospes, postero die commeatus exercitui paratos benigne, pontes in fluminibus factos, vias, ubi transitus difficiles erant, munitas vidit.

[¶61] 7.14. From there the army, rejoicing to find its hopes surer and greater, reached Macedonia, where everything was in readiness.

> Latin: 7.14. haec referens eadem, qua ierat, celeritate Thaumacis occurrit consuli. inde certiore et maiore spe laetus exercitus ad praeparata omnia in Macedoniam pervenit.

[¶62] 7.15. As they drew near the king welcomed them and escorted them in royal state. There were seen in him many signs both of efficiency and of courtesy, which served to recommend him to Africanus, a man who, eminent as he was in every way, was not averse to courtesy, provided that it was without luxury.

> Latin: 7.15. venientis regio apparatu et accepit et prosecutus est rex. multa in eo et dexteritas et humanitas visa, quae commendabilia apud Africanum erant, virum sicut ad cetera egregium, ita a comitate, quae sine luxuria esset, non aversum.

[¶63] 7.16. Thence not only through Macedonia but also through Thrace, with Philip escorting them and making everything easy for them, the journey to the Hellespont was accomplished.

> Latin: 7.16. inde non per Macedoniam modo sed etiam Thraeciam prosequente et praeparante omnia Philippo ad Hellespontum perventum est.

[¶64] 8.1. Antiochus, after the naval battle off Corycus, when he had spent all the free winter period in preparations on land and sea, had devoted most energy to refitting his fleet, that he might not lose entirely his control of the sea.

> Latin: 8.1. Antiochus post navalem ad Corycum pugnam cum totam hiemem liberam in apparatus terrestris maritimosque habuisset, classi maxume reparandae, ne tota maris possessione pelleretur, intentus fuerat.

[¶65] 8.2. It came to his mind that he had been defeated when the fleet of the Rhodians was absent; but if this —and the Rhodians would not let it happen again that they should be behind-hand —should also be present at a battle, he would need a great number of ships to equal the fleet of the enemy in strength and size.

> Latin: 8.2. succurrebat superatum se, cum classis afuisset Rhodiorum; quodsi ea quoque — nec commissuros Rhodios, ut iterum morarentur — certamini adesset, magno sibi navium numero opus fore, ut viribus et magnitudine classem hostium aequaret.

[¶66] 8.3. So he had both despatched Hannibal to Syria to summon ships of the Phoenicians and ordered Polyxenidas, as he had been none too successful before, so to make the greater efforts in equipping the ships that remained and in assembling new ones.

> Latin: 8.3. itaque et Hannibalem in Syriam miserat ad Phoenicum accersendas naves, et Polyxenidam, quo minus prospere res gesta erat, eo enixius et eas, quae erant, reficere et alias parare naves iussit.

[¶67] 8.4. He himself wintered in Phrygia, summoning allies from all sides. He had sent even to Galatia; the inhabitants at that time were of a warlike disposition, still retaining their Gallic tempers, the native strain having not yet disappeared.

> Latin: 8.4. ipse in Phrygia hibernavit, undique auxilia accersens. etiam in Gallograeciam miserat: bellicosiores ea tempestate erant, Gallicos adhuc, nondum exoleta stirpe gentis, servantes animos.

[¶68] 8.5. He had left his son Seleucus in Aeolis to hold in check the cities on the coast which on one side Eumenes from Pergamum and on the other the Romans from Phocaea and Erythrae were trying to rouse.

> Latin: 8.5. filium Seleucum in Aeolide reliquerat cum exercitu ad maritimas continendas urbes, quas illinc a Pergamo Eumenes, hinc a Phocaea Erythrisque Romani sollicitabant.

[¶69] 8.6. The Roman fleet, as has been said above, was wintering at Canae; there, about the middle of the winter, King Eumenes came with two thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 8.6. classis Romana, sicut ante dictum est, ad Canas hibernabat; eo media ferme hieme rex Eumenes cum duobus milibus peditum, equitibus quingentis venit.

[¶70] 8.7. When he said that a great quantity of booty could be secured from the country of the enemy around Thyatira, he urged and finally persuaded Livius to send five thousand men with him. They were sent and within a few days carried off a huge amount of plunder.

> Latin: 8.7. is cum magnam praedam agi posse dixisset ex agro hostium, qui circa Thyatiram esset, hortando perpulit Livium, ut quinque milia militum secum mitteret. missi ingentem praedam intra paucos dies averterunt.

[¶71] 9.1. Meanwhile an uprising began at Phocaea when certain persons tried to draw away the sympathies of the crowd to Antiochus.

> Latin: 9.1. inter haec Phocaeae seditio orta quibusdam ad Antiochum multitudinis animos avocantibus.

[¶72] 9.2. The quartering of the ships was a burden, the tribute was a burden, since five hundred outer-garments with five hundred under-garments had been demanded of them; the shortage of grain was another burden, on account of which the fleet too and the Roman garrison departed.

> Latin: 9.2. gravia hiberna navium erant, grave tributum, quod togae quingentae imperatae erant cum quingentis tunicis, gravis etiam inopia frumenti, propter quam naves quoque et praesidium Romanum excessit, tum vero liberata metu factio erat, quae plebem in contionibus ad Antiochum trahebat;

[¶73] 9.4. Then indeed the faction which was trying to win the people over to Antiochus in their public meetings was freed from fear; the senate and the nobility thought that they should persist in the Roman alliance; the party which urged revolt was stronger with the mass of the people.

> Latin: 9.4. senatus et optimates in Romana societate perstandum censebant; defectionis auctores plus apud multitudinem valuerunt.

[¶74] 9.5. The Rhodians, the greater their delay the preceding summer, the earlier now, namely, at the spring equinox, placed the same Pausistratus in charge of the fleet and despatched him with thirty-six ships.

> Latin: 9.5. Rhodii, quo magis cessatum priore aestate erat, eo maturius aequinoctio verno eundem Pausistratum classis praefectum cum sex et triginta navibus miserunt.

[¶75] 9.6. Already Livius from Canae, with his own thirty ships and seven quadriremes which King Eumenes had brought with him, was on his way to the Hellespont, that he might make everything ready for the crossing of the army, which, he thought, would come by land.

> Latin: 9.6. iam Livius a Canis cum triginta navibus et septem quadriremibus, quas secum Eumenes rex adduxerat, Hellespontum petebat, ut ad transitum exercitus, quem terra venturum opinabatur, praepararet, quae opus essent.

[¶76] 9.7. He first brought the ships into what they call the harbour of the Achaeans, thence he went up to Ilium, and after sacrificing to Minerva gave a gracious audience to embassies from Elaeus and Dardanus and Rhoeteum offering to entrust their cities to his good faith.

> Latin: 9.7. in portum, quem vocant Achaeorum, classem primum advertit; inde Ilium escendit, sacrificioque Minervae facto legationes finitimas ab Elaeunte et Dardano et Rhoeteo, tradentis in fidem civitatis suas, benigne audivit.

[¶77] 9.8. Thence he sailed to the entrance to the Hellespont, and leaving ten ships on guard off Abydus crossed with the rest of the fleet to lay siege to Sestus.

> Latin: 9.8. inde ad Hellesponti fauces navigat et decem navibus in statione contra Abydum relictis cetera classe in Europam ad Sestum oppugnandam traiecit.

[¶78] 9.9. When the soldiers were already approaching the walls, some fanatical Galli with their ritual dress first met them before the gate; they said that by the order of the Mother of the Gods they, the servants of the goddess, were coming to implore the Romans to spare the walls and the city.

> Latin: 9.9. iam subeuntibus armatis muros fanatici Galli primum cum sollemni habitu ante portam occurrunt; iussu se matris deum famulos deae venire memorant ad precandum Romanum, ut parceret moenibus urbique.

[¶79] 9.10. None of them was injured. Presently the whole senate with the magistrates came to surrender the city. Then the fleet crossed to Abydus.

> Latin: 9.10. nemo eorum violatus est. mox universus senatus cum magistratibus ad dedendam urbem processit.

[¶80] 9.11. After trying their disposition in conferences and receiving no pacific reply, they prepared for a siege.

> Latin: 9.11. inde Abydum traiecta classis. ubi cum temptatis per colloquia animis nihil pacati responderetur, ad oppugnationem sese expediebant.

[¶81] 10.1. While this was going on in the Hellespont, Polyxenidas the king's prefect —he was an exile from Rhodes —hearing that the fleet of his countrymen had left home and that their commander Pausistratus, while haranguing the assembly, had spoken haughtily and contemptuously about him, feeling a peculiar jealousy towards him, thought of nothing by day or night except how he might employ deeds to refute these high-sounding words.

> Latin: 10.1. dum haec in Hellesponto geruntur, Polyxenidas regius praefectus — erat autem exul Rhodius — cum audisset profectam ab domo popularium suorum classem, et Pausistratum praefectum superbe quaedam et contemptim in se contionantem dixisse, praecipuo certamine animi adversus eum sumpto nihil aliud dies noctesque agitabat animo, quam ut verba magnifica eius rebus confutaret.

[¶82] 10.3. He sent to him a man, who was also well-known to him, to say that he could be of great service to Pausistratus and the country if he were permitted, and could be restored by Pausistratus to his home.

> Latin: 10.3. mittit ad eum hominem et illi notum, qui diceret et se Pausistrato patriaeque suae magno usui, si liceat, fore, et a Pausistrato se restitui in patriam posse.

[¶83] 10.4. When Pausistratus in wonder asked how this could be done, the man asked and received a pledge to co-operate in the business or to bury it in silence.

> Latin: 10.4. cum, quonam modo ea fieri possent, mirabundus Pausistratus percunctaretur, fidem petenti dedit agendae communiter rei aut tegendae silentio.

[¶84] 10.5. Then the go-between said this: Polyxenidas would surrender to him the royal fleet, either the whole or the greater part of it; as reward for so great a service he stipulated nothing else than restoration to his fatherland. The importance of the matter caused Pausistratus neither to believe nor to scorn the message.

> Latin: 10.5. tum internuntius: regiam classem aut totam aut maiorem eius partem Polyxenidam traditurum ei; pretium tanti meriti nullum aliud pacisci quam reditum in patriam.

[¶85] 10.6. He sailed to Panhormus in the land of Samos and waited there to investigate the offer that had been made.

> Latin: 10.6. magnitudo rei nec ut crederet nec ut aspernaretur dicta effecit. Panhormum Samiae terrae petit, ibique ad explorandam rem, quae oblata erat, substitit.

[¶86] 10.7. Messengers travelled back and forth, nor was Pausistratus convinced until in the presence of his agent Polyxenidas with his own hand wrote that he would do what he had promised, and sealing the tablets with his own device sent them to him.

> Latin: 10.7. ultro citroque nuntii cursare, nec fides ante Pausistrato facta est, quam coram nuntio eius Polyxenidas sua manu scripsit se ea, quae pollicitus esset, facturum signoque suo impressas tabellas misit.

[¶87] 10.8. By this pledge he thought that the traitor was bound to him: for a man who lived under a king would not have permitted himself to give proofs, attested by his own hand, to be used against himself. The plan of carrying out the pretended treachery was then settled..

> Latin: 10.8. eo vero pignore velut auctoratum sibi proditorem ratus est: neque enim eum, qui sub rege viveret, commissurum fuisse, ut adversus semet ipsum indicia manu sua testata daret.

[¶88] 10.9. Polyxenidas said that he would give over the preparation of everything; he would not have rowers or naval allies in sufficient numbers with the fleet; he would draw up on shore certain ships under pretence of repairing them and would send others away to neighbouring ports;

> Latin: 10.9. inde ratio simulatae proditionis composita. omnium se rerum apparatum omissurum Polyxenidas dicere; non remigem, non socios navalis ad classem frequentis habiturum;

[¶89] 10.10. a few he would keep before the harbour of Ephesus in the open sea, and these, if conditions demanded it, he would expose to battle.

> Latin: 10.10. subducturum per simulationem reficiendi quasdam naves, alias in propinquos portus dimissurum; paucas ante portum Ephesi in salo habiturum, quas, si exire res cogeret, obiecturus certamini foret.

[¶90] 10.11. The same carelessness which he heard that Polyxenidas would adopt in his own fleet, Pausistratus at once himself put into practice, sending part of the fleet to collect stores at Halicarnassus and part to the city of Samos, and he himself remained at Panhormus, to be ready when he received from the traitor the signal to attack.

> Latin: 10.11. quam neglegentiam Polyxenidam in classe sua habiturum Pausistratus audivit, eam ipse extemplo habuit. partem navium ad commeatus accersendos Halicarnassum, partem Samum ad urbem misit, … ut paratus esset, cum signum adgrediendi a proditore accepisset.

[¶91] 10.12. Polyxenidas by trickery added to his confusion of mind; he beached some ships and fitted up dock-yards as if he were on the point of drawing up others; the rowers he did not summon from winter quarters to Ephesus but collected secretly at Magnesia.

> Latin: 10.12. Polyxenidas augere simulando errorem; subducit quasdam naves, alias velut subducturus esset, navalia reficit; remiges ex hibernis non Ephesum accersit, sed Magnesiam occulte cogit.

[¶92] 11.1. There was a certain soldier of Antiochus who had come to Samos on private business, and was arrested as a spy and taken to Panhormus to the prefect.

> Latin: 11.1. forte quidam Antiochi miles, cum Samum rei privatae causa venisset, pro speculatore deprehensus deducitur Panhormum ad praefectum.

[¶93] 11.2. When the prefect asked what was going on at Ephesus —it is uncertain whether it was because of fear or from disloyalty to his own people —he revealed everything: the fleet, arrayed and equipped, was in the harbour; all the rowers had been sent to Magnesia; a few ships had been beached and the docks dismantled; never had greater energy been devoted to naval matters. That this story was not accepted as the truth was due to a mind preoccupied with falsehood and delusive hope.

> Latin: 11.2. is percunctanti, quid Ephesi ageretur, incertum metu an erga suos haud sincera fide, omnia aperit: classem instructam paratamque in portu stare; remigium omne Magnesiam [ad Sipylum] missum; perpaucas naves subductas esse et navalia detegi; numquam intentius rem navalem administratam esse.

[¶94] 11.4. Polyxenidas, having now completed his arrangements and summoned the rowers by night from Magnesia, hastily launched the ships which had been drawn up on the shore, and when he had spent a day not so much in preparation as because he did not want the departing fleet to be seen, he set out after sunset, the wind being favourable, with seventy decked ships and before daylight reached the harbour of Pygela.

> Latin: 11.4. haec ne pro veris audirentur, animus errore et spe vana praeoccupatus fecit. Polyxenidas satis omnibus comparatis, nocte remige a Magnesia accersito, deductisque raptim, quae subductae erant, navibus, cum diem non tam apparatu absumpsisset, quam quod conspici proficiscentem classem nolebat, post solis occasum profectus septuaginta navibus tectis vento adverso ante lucem Pygela portum tenuit.

[¶95] 11.5. He rested there by day for the same reason and during the next night crossed to the Samian country.

> Latin: 11.5. ibi cum interdiu ob eandem causam quiesset, nocte in proxima Samiae terrae traiecit.

[¶96] 11.6. Then he directed Nicander, a certain pirate chief, to proceed to Palinurus with five decked ships and then to lead the marines by the shortest road through the fields to Panhormus to take the enemy in the rear, and he himself in the meantime, dividing the fleet that he might hold the entrance to the harbour on both sides, set out for Panhormus.

> Latin: 11.6. hinc Nicandro quodam archipirata quinque navibus tectis Palinurum iusso petere, atque inde armatos, qua proximum per agros iter esset, Panhormum ad tergum hostium ducere, ipse interim classe divisa, ut ex utraque parte fauces portus teneret, Panhormum petit.

[¶97] 11.7. Pausistratus at first, as one in an unexpected situation, was terrified for a while, then, being a veteran soldier, he quickly collected his thoughts and decided that it was better to resist the enemy on land than on sea, and led the troops in two columns to the promontories which, like horns projecting into the sea, form the harbour, expecting to repel the enemy easily with weapons falling upon them from both sides.

> Latin: 11.7. Pausistratus primo ut in re necopinata turbatus parumper, deinde vetus miles celeriter collecto animo terra melius arceri quam mari hostes posse ratus, armatos duobus agminibus ad promunturia, quae cornibus obiectis ab alto portum faciunt, ducit, inde facile telis ancipitibus hostem summoturus.

[¶98] 11.8. When the sight of Nicander, coming by land, had upset this plan, he suddenly changed his intention and ordered them all to go aboard the ships.

> Latin: 11.8. id inceptum eius Nicander a terra visus cum turbasset, repente mutato consilio naves conscendere omnis iubet.

[¶99] 11.9. Then there was great confusion among the marines and sailors, and a sort of flight to the ships began, when they saw themselves surrounded by land and sea at once.

> Latin: 11.9. tum vero ingens pariter militum nautarumque trepidatio orta, et velut fuga in naves fieri, cum se mari terraque simul cernerent circumventos.

[¶100] 11.10. Pausistratus thought that there was one way of safety, if he could force a way through the entrance of the harbour and escape into the open sea, and when he saw that all had embarked he ordered the rest to follow him, and at the head of the columns urging his ship forward with the oars, he made for the entrance of the harbour.

> Latin: 11.10. Pausistratus unam viam salutis esse ratus, si vim facere per fauces portus atque erumpere in mare apertum posset, postquam conscendisse suos vidit, sequi ceteris iussis princeps ipse concitata nave remis ad ostium portus tendit.

[¶101] 11.11. As the ship was passing the entrance Polyxenidas with three quinqueremes surrounded it. The ship was struck by the beaks and sunk; the defenders were overwhelmed with missiles, and among them Pausistratus too, fighting bravely, was killed.

> Latin: 11.11. superantem iam fauces navem eius Polyxenidas tribus quinqueremibus circumsistit. navis rostris icta supprimitur; telis obruuntur propugnatores, inter quos et Pausistratus impigre pugnans interficitur.

[¶102] 11.12. Some of the remaining ships were taken outside the harbour and others inside, and some were captured by Nicander as they were pushing off from the beach;

> Latin: 11.12. navium reliquarum ante portum aliae, aliae, aliae in portu deprensae, quaedam a Nicandro, dum moliuntur a terra, captae;

[¶103] 11.13. only five Rhodian and two Coan ships escaped, making a way for themselves among the crowded vessels by means of the fear of darting flames; for each, with two poles projecting from their prows, carried ahead of it a great quantity of fire in iron drums.

> Latin: 11.13. quinque tantum Rhodiae naves cum duabus Cois effugerunt terrore flammae micantis via sibi inter confertas naves facta: contis enim binis a prora prominentibus trullis ferreis multum conceptum ignem prae se portabant.

[¶104] 11.14. When the triremes of Erythrae had met, not far from Samos, the fleeing Rhodian ships which they were coming to assist, they turned their course toward the Hellespont and the Romans.

> Latin: 11.14. Erythraeae triremes cum haud procul a Samo Rhodiis navibus, quibus ut essent praesidio veniebant, obviae fugientibus fuissent, in Hellespontum ad Romanos cursum averterunt.

[¶105] 11.15. About the same time Seleucus recovered Phocaea, which was betrayed when one gate was opened by the sentinels; and Cyme and other towns of the same region revolted to him from fear.

> Latin: 11.15. sub idem tempus Seleucus proditam Phocaeam porta una per custodes aperta recepit; et Cyme aliaeque eiusdem orae urbes ad eum metu defecerunt.

[¶106] 12.1. When these events were happening in Aeolis and Abydus had for some days withstood the siege, a royal garrison defending the walls, and all were now wearied, with the consent of even Philotas, prefect of the garrison, their magistrates treated with Livius as to the terms for surrendering the city.

> Latin: 12.1. dum haec in Aeolide geruntur, Abydus cum per aliquot dies obsidionem tolerasset praesidio regio tutante moenia, iam omnibus fessis Philota quoque praefecto praesidii permittente magistratus eorum cum Livio de condicionibus tradendae urbis agebant.

[¶107] 12.2. The question that delayed a settlement was that there was no agreement as to whether they should be released armed or unarmed.

> Latin: 12.2. rem distinebat, quod, utrum armati an inermes emitterentur regii, parum conveniebat.

[¶108] 12.3. As they were discussing this the arrival of the announcement of the disaster to the Rhodians caused the matter to pass out of their hands;

> Latin: 12.3. haec agentibus cum intervenisset nuntius Rhodiorum cladis, emissa de manibus res est:

[¶109] 12.4. for Livius, fearing that Polyxenidas, elated by his success in so great an enterprise, would attack the fleet which was at Canae, immediately abandoned the siege of Abydus and the guarding of the Hellespont and launched the ships which had been drawn up on the beach at Canae; Eumenes too came to Elaea.

> Latin: 12.4. metuens enim Livius ne successu tantae rei inflatus Polyxenidas classem, quae ad Canas erat, opprimeret, Abydi obsidione custodiaque Hellesponti extemplo relicta naves, quae subductae Canis erant, deduxit;

[¶110] 12.5. Livius with the entire fleet, to which were added two triremes from Mitylene, sailed for Phocaea. When he heard that this was held by a strong royal garrison and that the camp of Seleucus was not far away, he ravaged the sea-coast and, quickly loading the booty, especially the men, into the ships, waiting only until Eumenes with his fleet should overtake him, he set sail for Samos.

> Latin: 12.5. et Eumenes Elaeam venit. Livius omni classe, cui adiunxerat duas triremes Mitylenaeas, Phocaeam petit. quam cum teneri valido regio praesidio audisset, nec procul Seleuci castra esse, depopulatus maritimam oram, et praeda maxime hominum raptim in naves imposita tantum moratus, dum Eumenes cum classe adsequeretur, Samum petere intendit.

[¶111] 12.7. To the Rhodians the news of the disaster brought at first mingled terror and grief; for besides the destruction of ships and marines, they had lost all the beauty and strength of their youth, many nobles having been attracted, among other things, by the prestige of Pausistratus, which had justly been very great among his people;

> Latin: 12.7. Rhodiis primo audita clades simul pavorem simul luctum ingentem fecit: nam praeter navium militumque iacturam, quod floris, quod roboris in iuventute fuerat, amiserant, multis nobilibus secutis inter cetera auctoritatem Pausistrati, quae inter suos merito maxima erat;

[¶112] 12.8. then the fact that they had been entrapped by guile, and, more than that, by their own fellow-citizen, turned their grief into anger.

> Latin: 12.8. deinde, quod fraude capti, quod a cive potissimum suo forent, in iram luctus vertit.

[¶113] 12.9. They straightway sent ten ships and a few days later ten more, all under the prefect Eudamus, who, they believed, would be a leader in no respect equal to Pausistratus in other military qualities, but the more cautious as he was less high-spirited. The Romans and King Eumenes sailed first to Erythraea.

> Latin: 12.9. decem extemplo naves, et diebus post paucis decem alias praefecto omnium Eudamo miserunt, quem aliis virtutibus bellicis haudquaquam Pausistrato parem, cautiorem, quo minus animi erat, ducem futurum credebant.

[¶114] 12.10. Then, after a wait of one night, on the following day they gained the promontory of Corycus. Wishing to cross from there to the nearest parts of the land of Samos, without waiting for sunrise, so that from it the pilots might be able to judge the state of the heavens, they started out into uncertain weather.

> Latin: 12.10. Romani et Eumenes rex in Erythraeam primum classem applicuerunt. ibi noctem unam morati postero die Corycum [Pelorum] promunturium tenuerunt. inde cum in proxima Samiae vellent traicere, non expectato solis ortu, ex quo statum caeli notare gubernatores possent, in incertam tempestatem miserunt.

## 27. Book XXXVII · chapters 12–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/27/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/27/#p-N

[¶0] 12.12. Half-way across, the north-east wind veering to the north, the ships began to be tossed by seas roughened by the wind.

> Latin: 12.12. medio in cursu, aquilone in septentrionem verso, exasperato fluctibus mari iactari coeperunt.

[¶1] 13.1. Polyxenidas thought that the Roman fleet would make for Samos to join the Rhodian ships, and starting from Ephesus first stood off Myonnesus, then crossed to the island which they call Macris, that he might fall upon any individual ship of the passing fleet as it got out of formation or attack the rear of the column at a suitable opportunity.

> Latin: 13.1. Polyxenidas Samum petituros ratus hostis, ut se Rhodiae classi coniungerent, ab Epheso profectus primo ad Myonnesum stetit; inde ad Macrin, quam vocant, insulam traiecit, ut praetervehentis classis si quas aberrantis ex agmine naves posset aut postremum agmen opportune adoriretur.

[¶2] 13.2. When he saw that the fleet was scattered by the storm, he first thought that he had a chance to attack, but a little later, the wind freshening and rolling up even greater waves, since he realized that he could not get to them, he crossed to the island of Aethalia, that thence on the following day he might fall upon the ships which were trying to reach Samos from the sea.

> Latin: 13.2. postquam sparsam tempestate classem vidit, occasionem primo adgrediendi ratus, paulo post increbrescente vento et maiores iam volvente fluctus, quia pervenire se ad eos videbat non posse, ad Aethaliam insulam traiecit, ut inde postero die Samum ex alto petentis navis adgrederetur.

[¶3] 13.4. A small part of the Romans reached at dusk a deserted harbour in Samian territory, the rest of the fleet, tossed all night in the open sea, ran to the same port.

> Latin: 13.4. Romani, pars exigua, primis tenebris portum desertum Samiae tenuerunt, classis cetera nocte tota in alto iactata in eundem portum decurrit.

[¶4] 13.5. There they learned from peasants that the enemy's fleet was standing off Aethalia, and a council was held whether they should fight at once or wait for the Rhodian fleet. Action being postponed —for such was the decision —they crossed to Corycus whence they had come.

> Latin: 13.5. ibi ex agrestibus cognito hostium naves ad Aethaliam stare, consilium habitum, utrum extemplo decernerent, an Rhodiam expectarent classem. dilata re — ita enim placuit — Corycum, unde venerant, traiecerunt.

[¶5] 13.6. Polyxenidas also, after waiting in vain, returned to Ephesus. Then the Roman fleet, the sea being empty of the enemy, crossed to Samos.

> Latin: 13.6. Polyxenidas quoque, cum frustra stetisset, Ephesum rediit. tum Romanae naves vacuo ab hostibus mari Samum traiecerunt.

[¶6] 13.7. The Rhodian fleet also arrived at the same place a few days later, and thus, to make it clear that this was what they were awaiting, a start was immediately made for Ephesus, that they might either fight a naval battle or, if the enemy declined the engagement, which was a matter of great import for its effect on the dispositions of the cities, they might wrest from him an admission of cowardice.

> Latin: 13.7. eodem et Rhodia classis post dies paucos venit. quam ut expectatam esse appareret, profecti extemplo sunt Ephesum, ut aut decernerent navali certamine, aut, si detractaret hostis pugnam, quod plurimum intererat ad animos civitatium, timoris confessionem exprimerent.

[¶7] 13.8. They took their position facing the entrance to the harbour with the fleet drawn up in order of battle. When no one came out to meet them, the fleet divided, and part remained at anchor in the open sea opposite the entrance, part landed the marines on the coast.

> Latin: 13.8. contra fauces portus instructa in frontem navium acie stetere. postquam nemo adversus ibat, classe divisa pars in salo ad ostium portus in ancoris stetit, pars in terram milites exposuit.

[¶8] 13.9. And when they were bringing in a vast amount of booty, having devastated the country far and wide, Andronicus the Macedonian, who was in the garrison at Ephesus, made a sally as they approached the walls, and stripping them of a large part of their plunder drove them to the sea and the ships.

> Latin: 13.9. in eos iam ingentem praedam late depopulato agro agentis Andronicus Macedo, qui in praesidio Ephesi erat, iam moenibus appropinquantis eruptionem fecit, exutosque magna parte praedae ad mare ac naves redegit.

[¶9] 13.10. On the next day, placing an ambuscade at about the half-way point, the Romans marched in column towards the city to draw out the Macedonian; then, since the very suspicion that this would be done prevented anyone from coming out, they returned to the ships; and, the enemy avoiding battle on land and sea, the fleet returned to Samos, whence it had come.

> Latin: 13.10. postero die insidiis medio ferme viae positis ad eliciendum extra moenia Macedonem Romani ad urbem agmine iere; inde, cum ea ipsa suspicio, ne quis exiret, deterruisset, redierunt ad naves;

[¶10] 13.11. Then the praetor sent two triremes of the allies from Italy and two from Rhodes, with Epicrates the Rhodian in command, to defend the strait of Cephallania.

> Latin: 13.11. et terra marique fugientibus certamen hostibus Samum, unde venerat, classis repetit. inde duas sociorum ex Italia, duas Rhodias triremes cum praefecto Epicrate Rhodio ad fretum Cephallaniae tuendum praetor misit.

[¶11] 13.12. The Spartan Hybristas with the young men of the Cephallanians was making this dangerous with his piracy, and the sea was already closed to supplies from Italy.

> Latin: 13.12. infestum id latrocinio Lacedaemonius Hybristas cum iuventute Cephallanum faciebat, clausumque iam mare commeatibus Italicis erat.

[¶12] 14.1. At Piraeus Epicrates met Lucius Aemilius Regillus, who was taking over the command on the sea; and on hearing of the defeat of the Rhodians, since he himself had only two quinqueremes, he took Epicrates with his four ships back to Asia with him; open Athenian vessels also accompanied him.

> Latin: 14.1. Piraei L. Aemilio Regillo succedenti ad navale imperium Epicrates occurrit; qui audita clade Rhodiorum, cum ipse duas tantum quinqueremes haberet, Epicratem cum quattuor navibus in Asiam secum reduxit; prosecutae etiam apertae Atheniensium naves sunt.

[¶13] 14.3. In the Aegean sea they crossed to Chios. There Timasicrates the Rhodian came on a stormy night with two quadriremes from Samos, and when brought in to Aemilius he said that he had been sent as an escort because this coast of the sea was made dangerous to cargo-boats because of the frequent raids of the king's ships from the Hellespont and Abydus. As Aemilius was crossing from Chios to Samos, he was joined by two Rhodian quadriremes sent by Livius to meet him, and by King Eumenes with two quinqueremes.

> Latin: 14.3. Aegaeo mari traiecit Chium. eodem Timasicrates Rhodius cum duabus quadriremibus ab Samo nocte intempesta venit, deductusque ad Aemilium praesidii causa se missum ait, quod eam oram maris infestam onerariis regiae naves excursionibus crebris ab Hellesponto atque Abydo facerent.

[¶14] 14.4. When they reached Samos Aemilius took over the fleet from Livius and after duly performing the sacrifice in the usual way called a council. There Gaius Livius —for he was the first to be asked his opinion —said that no one could give more loyal advice than the man who, if he were in the same situation, would have done what he advised the other to do:

> Latin: 14.4. traicienti Aemilio a Chio Samum duae Rhodiae quadriremes, missae obviam ab Livio, et rex Eumenes cum duabus quinqueremibus occurrit.

[¶15] 14.5. he had it in mind to proceed to Ephesus with the entire fleet, taking along numerous cargo-boats heavily loaded with sand, and to sink them at the mouth of the harbour; the closing of the harbour would involve the less difficulty because the mouth of the harbour was like a river, long, narrow, and full of shoals. Thus they would have taken away from the enemy the use of the sea and immobilized his fleet.

> Latin: 14.5. Samum postquam ventum est, accepta ab Livio classe et sacrificio, ut adsolet, rite facto Aemilius consilium advocavit. ibi C. Livius — is enim est primus rogatus sententiam — neminem fidelius posse dare consilium dixit quam eum, qui id alteri suaderet, quod ipse, si in eodem loco esset, facturus fuerit: se in animo habuisse tota classe Ephesum petere et onerarias ducere multa saburra gravatas, atque eas in faucibus portus supprimere; et eo minoris molimenti ea claustra esse, quod in fluminis modum longum et angustum et vadosum ostium portus sit. ita adempturum se maris usum hostibus fuisse inutilemque classem facturum.

[¶16] 15.1. This suggestion was approved by no one. King Eumenes asked what came next? When they had sunk the ships and closed the gate to the sea, would they then, with the whole fleet released, go away from there to give aid to the allies and cause terror to the enemy or would they none the less block the harbour with the whole fleet?

> Latin: 15.1. nulli ea placere sententia. Eumenes rex quaesivit, quid tandem? ubi demersis navibus frenassent claustra maris, utrum libera sua classe abscessuri inde forent ad opem ferendam sociis terroremque hostibus praebendum, an nihilo minus tota classe portum obsessuri?

[¶17] 15.2. For if they go away, who doubts that the enemy will raise the sunken hulls and open up the harbour with less trouble than was taken to close it? But if they are to stay none the less, what good does it do to close it?

> Latin: 15.2. sive enim abscedant, cui dubium esse, quin hostes extracturi demersas moles sint et minore molimento aperturi portum, quam obstruatur? sin autem manendum ibi nihilo minus sit, quid attinere claudi portum?

[¶18] 15.3. On the contrary, the enemy, enjoying a very safe harbour and a very prosperous city, with Asia supplying their every want, will spend a quiet summer; but the Romans, exposed on the open sea to waves and storms, needing everything, will be continually on guard, themselves hampered and prevented from being able to do anything they want to do except keeping the enemy blockaded.

> Latin: 15.3. quin contra illos, tutissimo portu, opulentissima urbe fruentis, omnia Asia praebente quieta aestiva acturos; Romanos aperto in mari fluctibus tempestatibusque obiectos, omnium inopes, in adsidua statione futuros, ipsos magis adligatos impeditosque, ne quid eorum, quae agenda sint, possint agere, quam ut hostis clausos habeant.

[¶19] 15.5. Eudamus, the commander of the Rhodian fleet, showed that he disliked the proposal rather than announced any plan of his own.

> Latin: 15.5. Eudamus praefectus Rhodiae classis magis eam sibi displicere sententiam ostendit, quam ipse, quid censeret faciendum, dixit.

[¶20] 15.6. Epicrates the Rhodian thought that they should leave Ephesus for the present and send part of the fleet to Lycia and win Patara, the chief city of the country, to their alliance.

> Latin: 15.6. Epicrates Rhodius omissa in praesentia Epheso mittendam navium partem in Lyciam censuit, et Patara, caput gentis, in societatem adiungenda.

[¶21] 15.7. This would be useful in two important respects: first, that the Rhodians, with the lands opposite their island tranquil, could devote all their energies to the one war that was being waged against Antiochus; second, that the fleet which was being assembled in Cilicia could be prevented from joining Polyxenidas. This suggestion carried the greatest weight;

> Latin: 15.7. in duas magnas res id usui fore, et Rhodios pacatis contra insulam suam terris totis viribus incumbere in unius belli, quod adversus Antiochum sit, curam posse, et eam classem, quae in Cilicia comparetur, intercludi, ne Polyxenidae coniungatur.

[¶22] 15.9. nevertheless, it was decided that Regillus should move with the whole fleet to the harbour of Ephesus in order to strike terror into the enemy.

> Latin: 15.9. haec maxime movit sententia; placuit tamen Regillum classe tota evehi ad portum Ephesi ad inferendum hostibus terrorem.

[¶23] 16.1. Gaius Livius with two Roman quinqueremes and four Rhodian quadriremes and two undecked ships from Zmyrna was sent to Lycia, with orders to visit Rhodes first and inform them of the whole plan. The cities which he passed, Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, willingly executed his orders.

> Latin: 16.1. C. Livius cum duabus quinqueremibus Romanis et quattuor quadriremibus Rhodiis et duabus apertis Zmyrnaeis in Lyciam est missus, Rhodum prius iussus adire et omnia cum iis communicare consilia.

[¶24] 16.2. When he came to Rhodes, at the same time he both explained for what purpose he was sent and asked their advice.

> Latin: 16.2. civitates, quas praetervectus est, Miletus Myndus Halicarnassus Cnidus Cous, imperata enixe fecerunt.

[¶25] 16.3. With the approval of all and the addition of three quadriremes to the fleet which he had, he sailed to Patara. At first a favourable breeze bore them towards the city itself, and they hoped that they would accomplish something by causing a sudden panic; after the wind changed and the sea began to be tossed about with waves rolling this way and that, they did indeed win to the land by the use of their oars despite the wind;

> Latin: 16.3. Rhodum ut ventum est, simul et, ad quam rem missus esset, iis exposuit et consuluit eos. approbantibus cunctis et ad eam, quam habebat classem, adsumptis tribus quadriremibus navigat Patara. primo secundus ventus ad ipsam urbem ferebat eos, sperabantque subito terrore aliquid moturos; postquam circumagente se vento fluctibus dubiis volvi coeptum est mare, pervicerunt quidem remis, ut tenerent terram;

[¶26] 16.5. but they could neither find safe anchorage near the city nor stand off shore before the entrance to the harbour in deep water since the sea was rough and night was coming on.

> Latin: 16.5. sed neque circa urbem tuta statio erat, nec ante ostium portus in salo stare poterant aspero mari et nocte imminente.

[¶27] 16.6. Passing the walls they made for the port of Phoenicus, less than two miles distant from there, which was sheltered for the ships from the violence of the sea;

> Latin: 16.6. praetervecti moenia portum Phoenicunta, minus duum milium spatio inde distantem, petiere, navibus a maritima vi tutum;

[¶28] 16.7. but high cliffs towering above it threatened it, and these the citizens, joining the troops of the king whom they had as a garrison, quickly seized.

> Latin: 16.7. sed altae insuper inminebant rupes, quas celeriter oppidani adsumptis regiis militibus, quos in praesidio habebant, ceperunt.

[¶29] 16.8. Against them Livius, although the country was uneven and difficult to traverse, sent the auxiliaries from Issa and the light-armed young men from Zmyrna.

> Latin: 16.8. adversus quos Livius, quamquam erant iniqua ac difficilia ad exitus loca, Issaeos auxiliares et Zmyrnaeorum expeditos iuvenes misit.

[¶30] 16.9. These, as long as there was a harassing attack with missiles, at the beginning, with small raids against parties of a few men rather than a regular engagement, sustained the contest; when larger numbers were rushing out of the city and now the whole population was pouring forth, fear struck Livius lest the auxiliaries should be surrounded and even the ships endangered from the shore.

> Latin: 16.9. hi, dum missilibus primo et adversus paucos levibus excursionibus lacessebatur magis quam conserebatur pugna, sustinuerunt certamen; postquam plures ex urbe adfluebant, et iam omnis multitudo effundebatur, timor incessit Livium, ne et auxiliares circumvenirentur et navibus etiam ab terra periculum esset.

[¶31] 16.11. So he led out to the fight not only the marines but also the naval allies and even the throng of rowers, using whatever weapons each could find.

> Latin: 16.11. ita non milites solum sed etiam navalis socios, remigum turbam, quibus quisque poterat telis, armatos in proelium eduxit.

[¶32] 16.12. Then also there was a battle of uncertain issue, and not only were some soldiers lost, but Lucius Apustius fell in this desultory fighting; finally, however, the Lycians were routed and put to flight and driven into the city, and the Romans, having won a victory not without bloodshed, returned to their ships.

> Latin: 16.12. tum quoque anceps pugna fuit, neque milites solum aliquot, sed L. Apustius tumultuario proelio cecidit; postremo tamen fusi fugatique sunt Lycii atque in urbem compulsi, et Romani cum haud incruenta victoria ad naves redierunt.

[¶33] 16.13. Then he set out for the gulf of Telmessus, which touches Caria on one side and Lycia on the other, and giving up any design of further action against Patara, the Rhodians were sent home and Livius, skirting Asia, crossed to Greece, in order that after conferring with the Scipios, who were then around Thessaly, he might cross to Italy.

> Latin: 16.13. inde in Telmessicum profecti sinum, qui latere uno Cariam altero Lyciam contingit, omisso … Patara amplius temptandi Rhodii domum dimissi sunt, Livius praetervectus Asiam in Graeciam transmisit, ut conventis Scipionibus, qui tum circa Thessaliam erant, in Italiam traiceret.

[¶34] 17.1. When Aemilius learned that the campaign in Lycia had been abandoned and that Livius had departed for Italy, since he himself had been driven back from Ephesus by a storm and had returned to Samos without accomplishing anything, thinking that it was disgraceful that Patara had been fruitlessly attacked, he determined to proceed thither with his entire fleet and attack the city with all his resources.

> Latin: 17.1. Aemilius postquam omissas in Lycia res et Livium profectum in Italiam cognovit, cum ipse ab Epheso tempestate repulsus irrito incepto Samum revertisset, turpe ratus temptata frustra Patara esse, proficisci eo tota classe et summa vi adgredi urbem statuit.

[¶35] 17.3. Sailing past Miletus and the rest of the coast held by the allies, in the gulf of Bargyliae they marched up inland to Iasus. A garrison belonging to the king held the city; the Romans, in the manner of enemies, devastated the surrounding fields.

> Latin: 17.3. Miletum et ceteram oram sociorum praetervecti in Bargylietico sinu escensionem ad Iasum fecerunt. urbem regium tenebat praesidium; agrum circa Romani hostiliter depopulati sunt.

[¶36] 17.4. Then he sent agents to test the sentiments of the magistrates and important citizens by conferences, and when they replied that it was not at all in their power to decide, he led his troops to attack the city.

> Latin: 17.4. missis deinde, qui per colloquia principum et magistratuum temptarent animos, postquam nihil in potestate sua responderunt esse, ad urbem oppugnandam ducit.

[¶37] 17.5. There were exiles from Iasus among the Romans; and they in great numbers began to appeal to the Rhodians not to allow an innocent city, both neighbouring and related to them, to be destroyed; their own sole cause for exile was their fidelity to the Romans;

> Latin: 17.5. erant Iasensium exules cum Romanis; ii frequentes Rhodios orare institerunt, ne urbem et vicinam sibi et cognatam innoxiam perire sinerent; sibi exilii nullam aliam causam esse quam fidem erga Romanos;

[¶38] 17.6. the same might of the royal garrison, by which they themselves had been driven out, constrained those who remained in the city; there was one single purpose among all the Iasenses, to escape from their enslavement to the king.

> Latin: 17.6. eadem vi regiorum, qua ipsi pulsi sint, teneri eos, qui in urbe maneant; omnium Iasensium unam mentem esse, ut servitutem regiam effugerent.

[¶39] 17.7. The Rhodians, moved by their prayers, and receiving also the support of King Eumenes, both by speaking of their own relationship and at the same time by lamenting the hard plight of a city dominated by a royal garrison, prevailed upon the praetor to abandon the siege.

> Latin: 17.7. Rhodii moti precibus Eumene etiam rege adsumpto simul suas necessitudines commemorando, simul obsessae regio praesidio urbis casum miserando pervicerunt, ut oppugnatione absisteretur.

[¶40] 17.8. Leaving there, with everything else pacified, as they skirted the coast of Asia they came to Loryma —this is a harbour opposite Rhodes.

> Latin: 17.8. profecti inde pacatis ceteris cum oram Asiae legerent, Loryma — portus adversus Rhodum est — pervenerunt.

[¶41] 17.9. There some secret talk first began among the military tribunes in their quarters and finally reached the ears of Aemilius himself —that the fleet was drawn away from Ephesus and from their own war that the enemy, left free in the rear, might with complete impunity make any venture against so many near-by cities of the allies.

> Latin: 17.9. ibi in principiis sermo primo inter tribunos militum secretus oritur, deinde ad aures ipsius Aemilii pervenit, abduci classem ab Epheso, ab suo bello, ut ab tergo liber relictus hostis in tot propinquas sociorum urbes omnia impune conari posset.

[¶42] 17.10. This gossip worried Aemilius; when he summoned the Rhodians and asked them whether the whole fleet could be sheltered in the harbour at Patara and they had replied in the negative, he found this pretext for abandoning the expedition and took the ships back to Samos.

> Latin: 17.10. movere ea Aemilium; vocatosque Rhodios cum percontatus esset, utrumnam Pataris universa classis in portu stare posset, cum respondissent non posse, causam nactus omittendae rei Samum naves reduxit.

[¶43] 18.1. About the same time Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, after holding the army in Aeolis for the whole period of the winter, partly assisting his allies, partly plundering those whom he could not win over to his alliance, decided to invade the territory of Eumenes while he was far from home, engaged with the Romans and Rhodians in the naval operations off Lycia.

> Latin: 18.1. per idem tempus Seleucus Antiochi filius, cum per omne hibernorum tempus exercitum in Aeolide continuisset partim sociis ferendo opem, partim, quos in societatem perlicere non poterat, depopulandis, transire in fines regni Eumenis, dum is procul ab domo cum Romanis et Rhodiis Lyciae maritima oppugnaret, statuit.

[¶44] 18.3. He first approached Elaea with his army formed for battle; then, abandoning the attack on the city, he devastated the fields in hostile fashion, and marched off to lay siege to Pergamum, the chief city and citadel of the kingdom.

> Latin: 18.3. ad Elaeam primo infestis signis accessit; deinde omissa oppugnatione urbis agros hostiliter depopulatus ad caput arcemque regni Pergamum ducit oppugnandam.

[¶45] 18.4. Attalus at first, stationing outposts before the city and organizing raids of the cavalry and light infantry, harassed rather than resisted the enemy;

> Latin: 18.4. Attalus primo stationibus ante urbem positis et excursionibus equitum levisque armaturae magis lacessebat quam sustinebat hostem;

[¶46] 18.5. finally, when, after learning from such skirmishing that he was equal in no aspect of his strength, he had retired within the walls, the siege of the city began.

> Latin: 18.5. postremo cum per levia certamina expertus nulla parte virium se parem esse intra moenia se recepisset, obsideri urbs coepta est.

[¶47] 18.6. About the same time Antiochus also set out from Apamea and established a base first at Sardis, then at the mouth of the Caicus river, with a great army composed of men of various nationalities. The greatest source of terror consisted of four thousand Gauls who served for pay.

> Latin: 18.6. eodem ferme tempore et Antiochus ab Apamea profectus Sardibus primum, deinde haud procul Seleuci castris ad caput Caici amnis stativa habuit cum magno exercitu mixto variis ex gentibus.

[¶48] 18.7. These troops, with a few others intermixed, he sent to lay waste the territory of Pergamum in every direction.

> Latin: 18.7. plurimum terroris in Gallorum mercede conductis quattuor milibus erat. hos paucis admixtis ad pervastandum passim Pergamenum agrum [milites] misit.

[¶49] 18.8. When the news of this reached Samos, Eumenes, called away by the war at home, first went to Elaea with his fleet; then, since cavalry and light infantry were at hand, protected by their guard, before the enemy discovered it or made any move, he hastened to Pergamum. Then again small battles began to take place, growing out of raids, Eumenes without doubt avoiding a decisive engagement.

> Latin: 18.8. quae postquam Samum sunt nuntiata, primo Eumenes avocatus domestico bello cum classe Elaeam petit; inde, cum praesto fuissent equites peditumque expediti, praesidio eorum tutus, priusquam hostes sentirent aut moverentur, Pergamum contendit.

[¶50] 18.9. A few days later the Roman and Rhodian fleets came to Elaea from Samos to assist the king. When it was reported to Antiochus that they had landed their troops at Elaea and that so many fleets had assembled in one harbour, and when about the same time he had learned that the consul with his army was already in Macedonia and was making ready what was necessary for the passage of the Hellespont, he decided that the time had come, before he should be beset on land and sea at once, to treat for peace, and he occupied with his camp a hill facing Elaea; there, leaving all his infantry forces in camp, with the cavalry, numbering six thousand, he went down into the open country under the very walls of Elaea and sent a herald to Aemilius to say that he wished to discuss the question of peace.

> Latin: 18.9. ibi rursus levia per excursiones proelia fieri coepta Eumene summae rei discrimen haud dubie detractante. paucos post dies Romana Rhodiaque classis, ut regi opem ferrent, Elaeam ab Samo venerunt. quos ubi exposuisse copias Elaeae et tot classes in unum convenisse portum Antiocho adlatum est, et sub idem tempus audivit consulem cum exercitu iam in Macedonia esse pararique, quae ad transitum Hellesponti opus essent, tempus venisse ratus, priusquam terra marique simul urgeretur, agendi de pace [esse], tumulum quendam adversus Elaeam castris cepit; ibi peditum omnibus copiis relictis cum equitatu — erant autem sex milia equitum — in campos sub ipsa Elaeae moenia descendit misso caduceatore ad Aemilium, velle se de pace agere.

[¶51] 19.1. Aemilius summoned Eumenes from Pergamum and the Rhodians and held a council. The Rhodians did not disdain peace; Eumenes maintained that it was neither honourable to discuss the question of peace at that time nor possible to reach a conclusion to the discussion: “For how,” he said, “shall we honourably, shut up and besieged within our walls, accept what may be called terms of peace?”

> Latin: 19.1. Aemilius Eumene a Pergamo accito adhibitis et Rhodiis consilium habuit. Rhodii haud aspernari pacem; Eumenes nec honestum dicere esse eo tempore de pace agi, nec exitum rei imponi posse:

[¶52] 19.2. “Again, in whose eyes will this be a valid peace, which we shall conclude without a consul, with no authority of the senate, without the order of the Roman people?”

> Latin: 19.2. ”qui enim“inquit ”aut honeste inclusi moenibus et obsessi velut leges pacis accipiemus? aut cui rata ista pax erit, quam sine consule, non ex auctoritate senatus, iniussu populi Romani pepigerimus?

[¶53] 19.3. “Now I ask, if peace is made by you, will you return immediately to Rome and withdraw your fleet and army, or wait to see what the consul's pleasure is regarding it, what the senate decrees, or what the people orders?”

> Latin: 19.3. quaero enim pace per te facta rediturusne extemplo in Italiam sis, classem exercitumque deducturus, an expectaturus, quid de ea re consuli placeat, quid senatus censeat aut populus iubeat?

[¶54] 19.4. “And so the result is that you stay in Asia and that your forces, led back once more to their winter stations, abandoning the war, exhaust your allies with furnishing supplies, and then, if it ” “seems proper to those with whom the authority lies, start wholly afresh a new war, although this war, if there is no slackening, through delay, of the impetus we now have, we can have finished, with the aid of the gods, before winter.”

> Latin: 19.4. restat ergo, ut maneas in Asia, et rursus in hiberna copiae reductae omisso bello exhauriant commeantibus praebendis socios, deinde, si ita visum iis sit, penes quos potestas fuerit, instauremus novum de integro bellum, quod possumus, si ex hoc impetu rerum nihil prolatando remittitur, ante hiemem diis volentibus perfecisse.“

[¶55] 19.6. This argument prevailed, and the answer was given to Antiochus that until the arrival of the consul the question of peace could not be discussed.

> Latin: 19.6. haec sententia vicit, responsumque Antiocho est ante consulis adventum de pace agi non posse.

[¶56] 19.7. Antiochus, having tried in vain for peace, devastated first the lands of the Elaeans, then of the Pergamenians, and leaving there his son Seleucus, marching as though through a hostile country to Adramytteum, sought the rich land which they call the plain of Thebe, celebrated in the poem of Homer, and in no place in Asia was richer booty won by the king's troops.

> Latin: 19.7. Antiochus pace nequiquam temptata, evastatis Elaeensium primum, deinde Pergamenorum agris, relicto ibi Seleuco filio, Adramytteum hostiliter itinere facto petit agrum opulentum, quem vocant Thebes campum, carmine Homeri nobilitatum;

[¶57] 19.8. Likewise to Adramytteum came Aemilius and Eumenes, brought thither by the fleet. About this time there arrived at Elaea from Achaea one thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry, all under the command of Diophanes, and when they debarked guides, sent by Attalus to meet them, escorted them by night to Pergamum.

> Latin: 19.8. neque alio ullo loco Asiae maior regiis militibus parta est praeda. eodem Adramytteum, ut urbi praesidio essent, navibus circumvecti Aemilius et Eumenes venerunt. per eosdem forte dies Elaeam ex Achaia mille pedites cum centum equitibus, Diophane omnibus iis copiis praeposito, accesserunt, quos egressos navibus obviam missi ab Attalo nocte Pergamum deduxerunt.

[¶58] 20.2. They were all veterans and skilled in war, and their leader too was a pupil of Philopoemen, at that time the foremost general of all the Greeks. They took two days for the double purpose of resting men and horses and reconnoitring the enemy's dispositions and learning at what times and places they advanced and retired.

> Latin: 20.2. veterani omnes et periti belli erant, et ipse dux Philopoemenis, summi tum omnium Graecorum imperatoris, discipulus. qui biduum simul ad quietem hominum equorumque et ad visendas hostium stationes, quibus locis temporibusque accederent reciperentque sese, sumpserunt.

[¶59] 20.3. The king's troops would come up to about the base of the hill on which the town stood; thus the rear area was open for foraging. When no one came out of the city, not even to throw a javelin from a distance against the outposts, after the people had once, under the impulse of fear, shut themselves up within the walls, a feeling of contempt for them and hence carelessness arose among the forces of the king.

> Latin: 20.3. ad radices fere collis, in quo posita urbs est, regii succedebant. ita libera ab tergo populatio erat, nullo ab urbe, ne in stationes quidem qui procul iacularetur, excurrente. postquam semel compulsi metu se moenibus incluserunt, contemptus eorum et inde neglegentia apud regios oritur. non stratos, non infrenatos magna pars habebant equos;

[¶60] 20.5. A large part of them had no saddles or bridles for their horses; a few being left with the arms and at their posts, the rest were scattered and dispersed here and there over the whole plain, some engaged in youthful play and pastime, some picnicking in shady spots, some even lying asleep.

> Latin: 20.5. paucis ad arma et ordines relictis dilapsi ceteri sparserant se toto passim campo, pars in iuvenales lusus lasciviamque versi, pars vescentes sub umbra, quidam somno etiam strati.

[¶61] 20.6. Diophanes, watching this from the high-lying city of Pergamum, ordered his men to take their arms and be ready at the gates; he himself went to Attalus and told him that it was his purpose to make an attempt on an outpost of the enemy.

> Latin: 20.6. haec Diophanes ex alta urbe Pergamo contemplatus arma suos capere et ad portam praesto esse iubet; ipse Attalum adit et in animo sibi esse dixit hostium stationem temptare.

[¶62] 20.7. When Attalus allowed it reluctantly, seeing that there were one hundred cavalry against six hundred, one thousand infantry against four thousand, Diophanes marched out of the gate and took his place not far from the outpost of the enemy, watching his chance.

> Latin: 20.7. aegre id permittente Attalo, quippe qui centum equitibus adversus sescentos, mille peditibus cum quattuor milibus pugnaturum cerneret, porta egressus haud procul statione hostium, occasionem opperiens, consedit.

[¶63] 20.8. Both the people in Pergamum believed this to be folly rather than fearlessness, and the enemy, having watched them for a while and seen no signs of activity, themselves made no change in their customary carelessness, especially since they were scornful of their small numbers.

> Latin: 20.8. et qui Pergami erant amentiam magis quam audaciam credere esse, et hostes paulisper in eos versi, ut nihil moveri viderunt, nec ipsi quicquam ex solita neglegentia, insuper etiam eludentes paucitatem, mutarunt.

[¶64] 20.9. Diophanes kept his men quiet for a while, as if they had been led out merely to watch a show;

> Latin: 20.9. Diophanes quietos aliquamdiu suos, velut ad spectaculum modo eductos, continnit;

[¶65] 20.10. when he saw that the enemy had broken ranks, ordering the infantry to follow as fast as they could, he himself, at the head of the cavalry with his own troop, the horses being given the loosest possible rein, and a shout raised at the same moment by every footman and trooper, attacked the outpost of the enemy without warning.

> Latin: 20.10. postquam dilapsos ab ordinibus hostes vidit, peditibus, quantum accelerare possent, sequi iussis ipse princeps inter equites cum turma sua, quam potuit effusissimis habenis, clamore ab omni simul pedite atque equite sublato stationem hostium improviso invadit.

[¶66] 20.11. Not the men alone but even the horses were terrified, and when they broke their halters they caused consternation and confusion among their own men.

> Latin: 20.11. non homines solum sed equi etiam territi, cum vincula abrupissent, trepidationem et tumultum inter suos fecerunt.

[¶67] 20.12. A few horses stood fearlessly; even these they could not easily saddle or bridle or mount, the Achaeans causing far more terror than was warranted by the number of troopers. But the infantry, in formation and ready, attacked men who were scattered around in disorder and nigh half asleep.

> Latin: 20.12. pauci stabant impavidi equi; eos ipsos non sternere, non infrenare aut escendere facile poterant multo maiorem quam pro numero equitum terrorem Achaeis inferentibus.

[¶68] 20.13. There was slaughter and flight everywhere through the plains.

> Latin: 20.13. pedites vero ordinati et praeparati sparsos per neglegentiam et semisomnos prope adorti sunt.

[¶69] 20.14. Diophanes pursued the fugitives as far as it was safe, having won great glory for the Achaean people —for both men and women were watching from the walls of Pergamum —and returned to the garrisoning of the city.

> Latin: 20.14. caedes passim fugaque per campos facta est. Diophanes secutus effusos, quoad tutum fuit, magno decore genti Achaeorum parto — spectaverant enim e moenibus Pergami non viri modo sed feminae etiam — in praesidium urbis redit.

[¶70] 21.1. The next day the king's outguards with better order and discipline established themselves five hundred paces farther from the city, and the Achaeans came out about the same time and to the same place.

> Latin: 21.1. postero die regiae magis compositae et ordinatae stationes quingentis passibus longius ab urbe posuerunt castra, et Achaei eodem ferme tempore atque in eundem locum processerunt.

[¶71] 21.2. For many hours both parties waited on the alert as if an attack were about to come; after the time, not far from sunset, of returning to camp had arrived, the royal troops, grouped around their standards, began to depart in a formation adapted to marching rather than fighting.

> Latin: 21.2. per multas horas intenti utrimque velut iam futurum impetum expectavere; postquam haud procul occasu solis redeundi in castra tempus erat, regii signis collatis abire agmine ad iter magis quam ad pugnam composito coepere.

[¶72] 21.3. Diophanes remained quiet as long as they were in sight; then, with the same impetuosity as the day before, he fell violently upon the rear and caused again so much panic and dismay that although they were being cut down from behind no one stood fast to fight; trembling and with difficulty keeping their march-formation they were driven back into camp.

> Latin: 21.3. quievit Diophanes, dum in conspectu erant; deinde eodem, quo pridie, impetu in postremum agmen incurrit, tantumque rursus pavoris ac tumultus incussit, ut, cum terga caederentur, nemo pugnandi causa restiterit; trepidantesque et vix ordinem agminis servantes in castra compulsi sunt.

[¶73] 21.4. This bold conduct of the Achaeans forced Seleucus to move his camp from the country of Pergamum. When Antiochus heard that the Romans had come to defend Adramytteum, he left that city, at any rate, alone; but after laying waste their lands he took by storm Peraea, a colony of the Mitylenaeans.

> Latin: 21.4. haec Achaeorum audacia Seleucum ex agro Pergameno movere castra coegit. Antiochus postquam Romanos ad tuendum Adramytteum venisse audivit, ea quidem urbe abstinuit; depopulatus agros Peraeam inde, coloniam Mitylenaeorum, expugnavit.

[¶74] 21.5. Cotto and Corylenus and Aphrodisias and Prinne fell at the first assault. Thence he returned to Sardis by way of Thyatira. Seleucus, remaining on the seacoast, was a source of fear to some and of assistance to others. The Roman fleet with Eumenes and the Rhodians went first to Mitylene and then returned to Elaea whence it had come.

> Latin: 21.5. Cotton et Corylenus et Aphrodisias et Priene primo impetu captae sunt. inde per Thyatira Sardis rediit. Seleucus in ora maritima permanens aliis terrori erat, aliis praesidio. classis Romana cum Eumene Rhodiisque Mitylenen primo, inde retro, unde profecta erat, Elaeam redit.

[¶75] 21.7. Then, on their way to Phocaea, they put in at the island which they call Bacchium —it overlooks the city of the Phocaeans —and when they had plundered like enemies the temples and shrines which they had not previously laid hands on —the island was beautifully adorned —they crossed to the city itself.

> Latin: 21.7. inde Phocaeam petentes ad insulam, quam Bacchium vocant — imminet urbi Phocaeensium — appulerunt et, quibus ante abstinuerant templis signisque — egregie autem exornata insula erat —, cum hostiliter diripuissent, ad ipsam urbem transmiserunt.

[¶76] 21.8. Dividing the tasks among themselves, they attacked it, and it seemed possible to take it without siege-works, by assault and escalade, but a garrison of three thousand armed soldiers, sent by Antiochus, entered the city, and at once the attack was abandoned and the fleet returned to the island, without doing anything other than devastating the farms of the enemy around the town.

> Latin: 21.8. eam divisis inter se partibus cum oppugnarent et videretur sine operibus, armis scalisque capi posse, missum ab Antiocho praesidium trium milium armatorum cum intrasset urbem, extemplo oppugnatione omissa classis ad insulam se recepit nihil aliud quam depopulato circa urbem hostium agro. Inde placuit Eumenen domum dimitti et praeparare consuli atque exercitui, quae ad transitum Hellesponti opus essent, Romanam Rhodiamque classem redire Samum atque ibi in statione esse, ne Polyxenidas ab Epheso moveret.

[¶77] 22.1. It was then determined that Eumenes should return home and make ready for the consul and the army whatever was necessary for the crossing of the Hellespont, and that the Roman and Rhodian fleets should return to Samos and there remain on guard lest Polyxenidas should move from Ephesus. The king returned to Elaea, the Romans and Rhodians to Samos. There Marcus Aemilius, the brother of the praetor, died. The Rhodians, when his funeral was over, with thirteen of their own ships and one Coan quinquereme and another from Cnidus, set out for Rhodes, so as to be on guard there against a fleet which was reported to be coming from Syria.

> Latin: 22.1. rex Elaeam, Romani ac Rhodii Samum redierunt. ibi M. Aemilius frater praetoris decessit. Rhodii celebratis exsequiis adversus classem, quam fama erat ex Syria venire, tredecim suis navibus et una Coa quinqueremi, altera Cnidia Rhodum, ut ibi in statione essent, profecti sunt.

[¶78] 22.3. Two days before Eudamus with his fleet arrived from Samos, thirteen ships from Rhodes, with Pamphilidas in command, had been sent against the same Syrian fleet and, picking up four ships which were guarding Caria, they relieved the blockade of Daedala and several other fortresses of Peraea which were besieged by the king's troops. It was decided that Eudamus should leave at once.

> Latin: 22.3. biduo ante, quam Eudamus cum classe ab Samo veniret, tredecim ab Rhodo naves cum Pamphilida praefecto adversus eandem Syriacam classem missae adsumptis quattuor navibus, quae Cariae praesidio erant, oppugnantibus regiis Daedala et quaedam alia Peraeae castella obsidione exemerunt. Eudamum confestim exire placuit.

[¶79] 22.4. Six undecked vessels were given to him in addition to the fleet which he had.

> Latin: 22.4. additae huic quoque sunt ad eam classem, quam habebat, sex apertae naves.

[¶80] 22.5. When he had departed and made all possible haste, he overtook the ships which had gone on ahead at the harbour which they call Megiste. After proceeding to Phaselis in one column, it seemed best to await the enemy there.

> Latin: 22.5. profectus cum, quantum accelerare poterat, maturasset, ad portum, quem Megisten vocant, praegressos consequitur. inde uno agmine Phaselidem cum venissent, optimum visum est ibi hostem opperiri.

[¶81] 23.1. Phaselis is on the border of Lycia and Pamphylia; it projects far into the deep, and is the first land sighted by travellers who are going to Rhodes from Cilicia and it allows ships to be sighted from afar.

> Latin: 23.1. in confinio Lyciae et Pamphyliae Phaselis est; prominet penitus in altum conspiciturque prima terrarum Rhodum a Cilicia petentibus et procul navium praebet prospectum. eo maxime, ut in obvio classi hostium essent, electus locus est;

[¶82] 23.2. For that reason especially the place was chosen, so that they might be ready to meet the hostile fleet; but, and this they had not foreseen, on account both of the unhealthy country and of the time of year —for it was midsummer —besides, from the unaccustomed odour, diseases began to spread generally, especially among the rowers.

> Latin: 23.2. ceterum, quod non providerunt, et loco gravi et tempore anni — medium enim aestatis erat —, ad hoc insolito odore ingruere morbi vulgo, maxime in remiges, coeperunt.

[¶83] 23.3. In fear of this epidemic, they went on, and when they were sailing past the gulf of Pamphylia, putting in at the mouth of the river Eurymedon, they learned from the people of Aspendus that the enemy was off Sida.

> Latin: 23.3. cuius pestilentiae metu profecti cum praeterveherentur Pamphylium sinum, ad Eurymedontem amnem appulsa classe audiunt ab Aspendiis ad Sidam hostis esse.

[¶84] 23.4. The king's navy had sailed rather slowly by reason of the unfavourable season of the etesian gales, which is, as it were, allotted to winds from the north-west.

> Latin: 23.4. tardius navigaverant regii adverso tempore etesiarum, quod velut statum favoniis ventis est. Rhodiorum duae et triginta quadriremes et quattuor triremes fuere;

[¶85] 23.5. There were thirty-two Rhodian quadriremes and four triremes; the royal fleet consisted of thirty-seven ships of larger size; among them they had three of seven banks of oars and four of six. Besides these there were ten triremes.

> Latin: 23.5. regia classis septem et triginta maioris formae navium erat, in quibus tres hepteres, quattuor hexeres [habebat]. praeter has decem triremes erant. et hi adesse hostis ex specula quadam cognoverunt.

[¶86] 23.6. And they saw from a certain watch-tower that the enemy was close at hand. At daybreak next day both fleets moved out of port as if to fight that day; and after the Rhodians had passed the promontory which juts out from Sida into the sea, they were seen by the enemy and sighted them as well.

> Latin: 23.6. utraque classis postero die luce prima, tamquam eo die pugnatura, e portu movit; et postquam superavere Rhodii promunturium, quod ab Sida prominet in altum, extemplo et conspecti ab hostibus sunt et ipsi eos viderunt.

[¶87] 23.7. On the side of the king's fleet, on the left flank, which extended into open water, Hannibal was in command; on the right, Apollonius, one of the nobles; and already they had the ships formed in a straight line.

> Latin: 23.7. ab regiis sinistro cornu, quod ab alto obiectum erat, Hannibal, dextro Apollonius, purpuratorum unus, praeerat;

[¶88] 23.8. The Rhodians were approaching in a long column; first was the flagship of Eudamus; Chariclitus brought up the rear; Pamphilidas was in command of the centre of the fleet.

> Latin: 23.8. et iam in frontem derectas habebant naves. Rhodii longo agmine veniebant: prima praetoria navis Eudami erat; cogebat agmen Chariclitus;

[¶89] 23.9. When Eudamus saw the enemy arrayed and ready to engage, he too sailed out into deep water and directed the following ships, keeping their relative positions to one another, to form in a straight line.

> Latin: 23.9. Pamphilidas mediae classi praeerat. Eudamus postquam hostium aciem instructam et paratam ad concurrendum vidit, et ipse in altum evehitur, et deinceps quae sequebantur servantes ordinem in frontem derigere iubet.

[¶90] 23.10. This order at first produced confusion; for he had not gone far enough out to sea to permit the array of all the ships to form in line toward the shore, and in his excessive haste, with only five ships, he encountered Hannibal; the rest, because they had been ordered to form in line, did not follow.

> Latin: 23.10. ea res primo tumultum praebuit: nam nec sic in altum evectus erat, ut ordo omnium navium ad terram explicari posset, et festinans ipse praepropere cum quinque solis navibus Hannibali occurrit; ceteri quia in frontem derigere iussi erant, non sequebantur.

[¶91] 23.11. There was no room left on the land side for the tail of the column; while they were entangled with one another the battle with Hannibal was already begun on the right flank.

> Latin: 23.11. extremo agmini loci nihil ad terram relicti erat; trepidantibusque iis inter se iam in dextro cornu adversus Hannibalem pugnabatur.

[¶92] 24.1. But in an instant of time both the excellence of their ships and their experience in naval warfare took away all fear from the Rhodians.

> Latin: 24.1. sed momento temporis et navium virtus et usus rei maritimae terrorem omnem Rhodiis dempsit.

[¶93] 24.2. For the ships, sailing quickly out into deep water, each gave the one in rear a place on the land side, and, moreover, if a ship clashed head on with a ship of the enemy, it either crushed its prow or broke off its oars or, passing through the open intervals between the files, it attacked the stern.

> Latin: 24.2. nam et in altum celeriter evectae naves locum post se quaeque venienti ad terram dedere, et si qua concurrerat rostro cum hostium nave, aut proram lacerabat, aut remos detergebat, aut libero inter ordines discursu praetervecta in puppim impetum dabat.

[¶94] 24.3. The greatest fear was caused when a seven-banked ship of the king was sunk with one blow by a much smaller Rhodian vessel; so now without question the right wing of the enemy was turned to flight.

> Latin: 24.3. maxime exterruit hepteris regia a multo minore Rhodia nave uno ictu demersa: itaque iam haud dubie dextrum cornu hostium in fugam inclinabat.

[¶95] 24.4. Eudamus, in the open, although he was superior in everything else, was hard pressed by Hannibal, particularly on account of the greater number of his ships, and Hannibal would have surrounded him had not the flagship of his fleet displayed the signal by which, as the custom is, a scattered fleet is collected into one place, and all the ships which had been victorious on the right flank had hurried off to bear aid to their comrades.

> Latin: 24.4. Eudamum in alto multitudine navium maxime Hannibal, ceteris omnibus longe praestantem, urgebat, et circumvenisset, ni signo sublato ex praetoria nave, quo dispersam classem in unum colligi mos erat, omnes quae in dextro cornu vicerant naves ad opem ferendam suis concurrissent.

[¶96] 24.5. Then Hannibal also and the ships which followed him began to retire; nor could the Rhodians pursue, since many of their rowers were sick and for that reason more quickly exhausted.

> Latin: 24.5. tum et Hannibal quaeque circa eum naves erant capessunt fugam; nec insequi Rhodii ex magna parte aegris et ob id celerius fessis remigibus potuerunt.

[¶97] 24.6. While they were restoring their strength with food in the open water, Eudamus watched the enemy towing their lame and crippled ships with hawsers from open vessels, and hardly more than twenty moving off undamaged, and from the bridge of the flagship he called for silence and exclaimed, “Stand up and look upon a glorious sight.”

> Latin: 24.6. cum in alto, ubi substiterant, cibo reficerent vires, contemplatus Eudamus hostis claudas mutilatasque naves apertis navibus remulco trahentis, viginti paulo amplius integras abscedentis, e turri praetoriae navis silentio facto “exsurgite” inquit “et egregium spectaculum capessite oculis.

[¶98] 24.7. Every man stood up, and seeing the confusion and panic of the enemy, they cried almost with one voice “Let us pursue.”

> Latin: 24.7. ” consurrexere omnes, contemplatique trepidationem fugamque hostium [ac] prope una voce omnes, ut sequerentur, exclamaverunt.

[¶99] 24.8. The ship of Eudamus himself had been damaged by many blows; but he ordered Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to follow as far as they deemed it safe.

> Latin: 24.8. ipsius Eudami multis ictibus vulnerata navis erat; Pamphilidam et Chariclitum insequi, quoad putarent tutum, iussit.

[¶100] 24.9. They pursued for some distance; but when Hannibal was close to land, fearing that they might be detained by the wind near a hostile coast, they returned to Eudamus, and with difficulty towed to Phaselis the captured seven-banked ship which had been struck at the first onset.

> Latin: 24.9. aliquamdiu secuti sunt; postquam terrae appropinquabat Hannibal, veriti, ne includerentur vento in hostium ora, ad Eudamum revecti hepterem captam, quae primo concursu icta erat, aegre Phaselidem pertraxerunt.

[¶101] 24.10. Thence they returned to Rhodes, not so much rejoicing in their victory as blaming one another because, when it had been possible, the entire fleet of the enemy had not been sunk or captured.

> Latin: 24.10. inde Rhodum non tam victoria laeti, quam alius alium accusantes, quod, cum potuisset, non omnis submersa aut capta classis hostium foret, redierunt.

[¶102] 24.11. Hannibal, discouraged by this one defeat, did not even then dare to pass Lycia, anxious though he was to join the old fleet of the king as soon as possible; and, that this course might not be open to him, the Rhodians sent Chariclitus with twenty beaked ships to Patara and the harbour of Megiste.

> Latin: 24.11. Hannibal, ictus uno proelio adverso, ne tum quidem praetervehi Lyciam audebat, cum coniungi veteri regiae classi quam primum cuperet et ne id ei facere liberum esset, Rhodii Chariclitum cum viginti navibus rostratis ad Patara et Megisten portum miserunt.

[¶103] 24.13. Eudamus, with the seven largest ships of the fleet which he had commanded, they ordered to rejoin the Romans at Samos, in order that with whatever wisdom and whatever influence he had, he might urge the Romans to the capture of Patara.

> Latin: 24.13. Eudamum cum septem navibus maximis ex ea classe, cui praefuerat, Samum redire ad Romanos iusserunt, ut, quantum consilio, quantum auctoritate valeret, compelleret Romanos ad Patara expugnanda.

[¶104] 25.1. Great joy was brought to the Romans first by the news of the victory and then by the coming of the Rhodians, and it was evident that if the Rhodians had been relieved of their present responsibility their hands would be free and they would guarantee the safety of the seas in that quarter.

> Latin: 25.1. magnam Romanis laetitiam prius victoriae nuntius, deinde adventus attulit Rhodiorum; et apparebat, si Rhodiis ea cura dempta fuisset, vacuos eos tuta eius regionis maria praestaturos. sed profectio Antiochi ab Sardibus, ne opprimerentur maritimae urbes, abscedere custodia Ioniae atque Aeolidis prohibuit:

[¶105] 25.3. But it was the departure of Antiochus from Sardis, and at the same time the fear that the coast cities would be crushed, which prevented them from leaving the guarding of Ionia and Aeolis; the Rhodians sent Pamphilidas with four decked ships to the fleet which was off Patara. Antiochus was not only collecting reinforcements from the states which surrounded him, but had sent ambassadors and letters to Prusias, king of Bithynia, in which he complained of the crossing of the Romans into Asia:

> Latin: 25.3. Pamphilidam cum quattuor navibus tectis ad eam classem, quae circa Patara erat, miserunt. Antiochus non civitatium modo, quae circa se erant, contrahebat praesidia, sed ad Prusiam Bithyniae regem legatos miserat litterasque, quibus transitum in Asiam Romanorum increpabat:

[¶106] 25.5. they were coming to destroy all kingdoms, so that in the whole world there might be no empire save that of Rome;

> Latin: 25.5. venire eos ad omnia regna tollenda, ut nullum usquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset;

[¶107] 25.6. Philip, Nabis, had been defeated; he himself was the third to be attacked; as each came next after the last destroyed, the fire, catching, so to speak, one after another in succession, would be everywhere; from himself their next step would be into Bithynia, since Eumenes had already given himself into voluntary slavery.

> Latin: 25.6. Philippum, Nabim expugnatos; se tertium peti; ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit, per omnis velut continens incendium pervasurum; ab se gradum in Bithyniam fore, quando Eumenes in voluntariam servitutem concessisset.

[¶108] 25.8. Prusias, troubled by this message, was diverted from such suspicions by the letter of Scipio the consul, and more by the words of his brother Africanus, who, by citing the enduring tradition among the Roman people of increasing with every sign of honour the dignity of allied kings, and also, by giving examples from his personal experience, induced Prusias to merit his friendship:

> Latin: 25.8. his motum Prusiam litterae Scipionis consulis, sed magis fratris eius Africani, ab suspicione tali averterunt, qui praeter consuetudinem perpetuam populi Romani augendi omni honore regum sociorum maiestatem, domesticis ipse exemplis Prusiam ad promerendam amicitiam suam compulit:

[¶109] 25.9. tribal chieftains, taken under his protection in Spain, he had left kings; Masinissa he had not only established on his ancestral throne but had placed on that of Syphax, by whom he had been driven out before;

> Latin: 25.9. regulos se acceptos in fidem in Hispania reges reliquisse; Masinissam non in patrio modo locasse regno, sed in Syphacis, a quo ante expulsus fuisset, regnum imposuisse;

## 28. Book XXXVII · chapters 25–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/28/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/28/#p-N

[¶0] 25.10. and he was both by far the richest of the kings of Africa and equal, whether in majesty or in power, to any king whatsoever in the whole world.

> Latin: 25.10. et esse eum non Africae modo regum longe opulentissimum, sed toto in orbe terrarum cuivis regum vel maiestate vel viribus parem.

[¶1] 25.11. Philip and Nabis, enemies, defeated, too, in war by Titus Quinctius, had yet been left in their kingdoms.

> Latin: 25.11. Philippum et Nabim, hostis et bello superatos ab T. Quinctio, tamen in regno relictos.

[¶2] 25.12. Philip the year before, in fact, had had his tribute cancelled and his hostage-son restored, and had recovered certain cities outside of Macedonia with the consent of the Roman generals. Nabis too would have been in the same position of honour had not his own madness and then the treachery of the Aetolians destroyed him.

> Latin: 25.12. Philippo quidem anno priore etiam stipendium remissum et filium obsidem redditum; et quasdam civitates extra Macedoniam patientibus Romanis imperatoribus recepisse eum. in eadem dignitate et Nabim futurum fuisse, nisi eum suus primum furor, deinde fraus Aetolorum absumpsisset.

[¶3] 25.13. The favourable inclination of the king was especially strengthened after Gaius Livius, the commissioner, who as praetor earlier had commanded the fleet, came from Rome and showed him how much surer were the Roman prospects of victory than those of Antiochus and how friendship with the Romans would be more respected and dependable.

> Latin: 25.13. maxime confirmatus est animus regis, postquam ad eum C. Livius, qui praetor ante classi praefuerat, legatus ab Roma venit et edocuit, quanto et spes victoriae certior Romanis quam Antiocho et amicitia sanctior firmiorque apud Romanos futura esset.

[¶4] 26.1. When Antiochus lost his hope of an alliance with Prusias, he went to Ephesus from Sardis to inspect the fleet which for some months had been equipped and ready, more because he saw that with his land forces he could not withstand the Roman army and its generals, the two Scipios, than because he had ever tried actual combat by sea with much success or had at this time any great and assured confidence.

> Latin: 26.1. Antiochus postquam a spe societatis Prusiae decidit, Ephesum ab Sardibus est profectus ad classem, quae per aliquot menses instructa ac parata fuerat, visendam, magis quia terrestribus copiis exercitum Romanum et duos Scipiones imperatores videbat sustineri non posse, quam quod res navalis ipsa per se aut temptata sibi umquam feliciter aut tunc magnae et certae fiduciae esset.

[¶5] 26.3. There was, however, a reason for hope at the moment, in that he had heard, first, that the larger part of the Rhodian fleet was in the vicinity of Patara and, second, that King Eumenes with all his ships had gone to meet the consul at the Hellespont; an additional stimulant to his spirits was the destruction of the Rhodian fleet at Samos under conditions attained by trickery.

> Latin: 26.3. erat tamen momentum in praesentia spei, quod et magnam partem Rhodiae classis circa Patara esse et Eumenen regem cum omnibus navibus suis consuli obviam in Hellespontum profectum audierat;

[¶6] 26.4. Relying on these circumstances, he sent Polyxenidas with the fleet to try fortune in any sort of engagement and himself led his troops to Notium.

> Latin: 26.4. aliquid etiam inflabat animos classis Rhodia ad Samum per occasionem fraude praeparatam absumpta.

[¶7] 26.5. This is a town of Colophon, overlooking the sea, distant from old Colophon about two miles. And he wished to have the town itself in his hands, being so close to Ephesus that he could do nothing on land or sea which was not observed by the Colophonians, and through them was not immediately known to the Romans, and he had no doubt that when they heard of its siege they would move the fleet from Samos to bear aid to an allied city; this would be the opportunity for Polyxenidas to bring about an engagement. Therefore he began to lay siege to the city, constructing a line of fortifications down to the sea on each side alike, and in both ran mantlets and an outwork up to the wall and moved battering-rams under shelter.

> Latin: 26.5. his fretus, Polyxenida cum classe ad temptandam omni modo certaminis fortunam misso, ipse copias ad Notium ducit. id oppidum Colophonium, mari imminens, abest a vetere Colophone duo ferme milia passuum. et ipsam urbem suae potestatis esse volebat, adeo propinquam Epheso, ut nihil terra marive ageret, quod non subiectum oculis Colophoniorum ac per eos notum extemplo Romanis esset, quos audita obsidione non dubitabat ad opem sociae urbi ferendam classem ab Samo moturos;

[¶8] 26.8. Terrified by these misfortunes, the Colophonians sent to Lucius Aemilius the praetor at Samos representatives to beg for the protection of the praetor and the Roman people. Aemilius, idle at Samos, was chafing under the long delay, thinking of nothing less than that Polyxenidas, twice challenged by him in vain, would offer the opportunity for battle, and he thought it a disgrace that the fleet of Eumenes should assist the consul in transporting the legions into Asia while he was entangled in aiding the beleaguered Colophon, an operation of indefinite duration. Eudamus the Rhodian, who also had detained him at Samos, although he wished to leave for the Hellespont, and all the others, kept urging him and saying:

> Latin: 26.8. eam occasionem Polyxenidae ad rem gerendam fore. igitur operibus oppugnare urbem adgressus, ad mare partibus duabus pariter munitionibus deductis, utrimque vineas et aggerem muro iniunxit et testudinibus arietes admovit. quibus territi malis Colophonii oratores Samum ad L. Aemilium, fidem praetoris populique Romani implorantes, miserunt. Aemilium et Sami segnis diu mora offendebat, nihil minus opinantem quam Polyxenidam, bis nequiquam ab se provocatum, potestatem pugnae facturum esse, et turpe existimabat Eumenis classem adiuvare consulem ad traiciendas in Asiam legiones, se Colophonis obsessae auxilio, incertam finem habituro, adligari.

[¶9] 26.12. how much better it would be either to relieve the allies from siege or again to defeat the navy already once defeated and to wrest completely from the enemy his mastery of the sea than, abandoning the allies and surrendering to Antiochus the land and sea of Asia, to go off to the Hellespont, where the fleet of Eumenes was sufficient, and run away from his own share in the war.

> Latin: 26.12. Eudamus Rhodius, qui et tenuerat eum Sami cupientem proficisci in Hellespontum, cunctique instare et dicere, quanto satius esse vel socios obsidione eximere vel victam iam semel classem iterum vincere et totam maris possessionem hosti eripere, quam desertis sociis, tradita Antiocho Asia terra marique in Hellespontum, ubi satis esset Eumenis classis, ab sua parte belli discedere.

[¶10] 27.1. Leaving Samos to seek provisions, everything being now consumed, they were preparing to cross to Chios; this was the granary of the Romans, and thither all the cargo-boats from Italy directed their course.

> Latin: 27.1. profecti ab Samo ad petendos commeatus consumptis iam omnibus Chium parabant traicere: id erat horreum Romanis, eoque omnes ex Italia missae onerariae derigebant cursum.

[¶11] 27.2. Sailing from the city to the other side of the island —the side facing Chios and Erythrae is exposed to the north wind —as they were preparing to cross, the praetor was informed by letter that a great quantity of grain had come from Italy, but the ships carrying wine had been delayed by storms; at the same time it was reported that the Teans had generously offered stores to the king's fleet and had promised five thousand casks of wine.

> Latin: 27.2. circumvecti ab urbe ad aversa insulae — obiecta aquiloni ad Chium et Erythras sunt — cum pararent traicere, litteris certior fit praetor frumenti vim magnam Chium ex Italia venisse, vinum portantes naves tempestatibus retentas esse;

[¶12] 27.3. When halfway across he suddenly turned the fleet towards Teos, intending either to use, with their consent, the provisions prepared for the enemy, or to treat the Teans as foes.

> Latin: 27.3. simul adlatum est Teios regiae classi commeatus benigne praebuisse, quinque milia vasorum vini pollicitos esse. Teum ex medio cursu classem repente avertit, aut volentibus iis usurus commeatu parato hostibus, aut ipsos pro hostibus habiturus.

[¶13] 27.4. When they had turned their prows towards the land, about fifteen ships came into sight rounding Myonnesus, which at first the praetor, thinking they were from the king's fleet, started to pursue; then it was seen that they were swift and light pirate-vessels.

> Latin: 27.4. cum derexissent ad terram proras, quindecim ferme eis naves circa Myonnesum apparuerunt, quas primo ex classe regia praetor esse ratus institit sequi; apparuit deinde piraticos celoces et lembos esse.

[¶14] 27.5. They had plundered the sea-coast of the Chians and were returning with all sorts of booty when they saw the fleet from the open sea and turned to flight.

> Latin: 27.5. Chiorum maritimam oram depopulati cum omnis generis praeda revertentes postquam videre ex alto classem, in fugam verterunt. et celeritate superabant levioribus et ad id fabrefactis navigiis, et propiores terrae erant:

[¶15] 27.6. They were both superior in speed, their ships being lighter and designed with that in view, and nearer the shore; so before the fleet approached them they escaped to Myonnesus, and the praetor followed, thinking that he would lure the ships out of port, as he was ignorant of the place.

> Latin: 27.6. itaque priusquam appropinquaret classis, Myonnesum perfugerunt, unde se e portu ratus abstracturum naves, ignarus loci sequebatur praetor.

[¶16] 27.7. Myonnesus is a promontory between Teos and Samos. It is a hill shaped like a cone terminating in a sharp point from a fairly extensive base; from the mainland it has an approach by a steep path, on the side of the sea cliffs worn by the waves close it in, so that in some places the overhanging rocks rise to a greater height than do the ships which lie at anchor.

> Latin: 27.7. Myonnesus promunturium inter Teum Samumque est. ipse collis est in modum metae in acutum cacumen a fundo satis lato fastigatus; a continenti artae semitae aditum habet, a mari exesae fluctibus rupes claudunt, ita ut quibusdam locis superpendentia saxa plus in altum, quam quae in statione sunt naves, promineant.

[¶17] 27.8. In this vicinity, not daring to approach lest they come within range of the pirates posted on the cliffs, they wasted a day.

> Latin: 27.8. circa ea appropinquare non ausae naves, ne sub ictu superstantium rupibus piratarum essent, diem trivere.

[¶18] 27.9. When at length at nightfall they abandoned their fruitless undertaking, they came the next day to Teos, and stationing the ships in the harbour which is behind the town —the islanders call it Geraesticus —the praetor sent out troops to ravage the land around the city.

> Latin: 27.9. tandem sub noctem vano incepto cum abstitissent, Teum postero die accessere, et in portu, qui ab tergo urbis est — Geraesticum ipsi appellant —, navibus constitutis praetor ad depopulandum circa urbem agrum emisit milites.

[¶19] 28.1. The Teans, when the plundering was going on before their eyes, sent envoys with fillets and badges of suppliants to the Romans. When they tried to clear the state of any deed or word unfriendly to the Romans, he both charged them with aiding the fleet of the enemy with provisions and reminded them how much wine they had promised Polyxenidas; if they would give the Romans the same amount, he would recall his men from plundering; if not, he would treat them as enemies.

> Latin: 28.1. Teii, cum in oculis populatio esset, oratores cum infulis et velamentis ad Romanum miserunt. quibus purgantibus civitatem omnis facti dictique hostilis adversus Romanos, et iuvisse eos omni commeatu classem hostium arguit, et quantum vini Polyxenidae promisissent; quae si eadem Romanae classi darent, revocaturum se a populatione militem; si minus, pro hostibus eos habiturum.

[¶20] 28.3. When the envoys had taken back this threatening answer, the people was summoned to an assembly by the magistrates to consult as to what they should do.

> Latin: 28.3. hoc tam triste responsum cum rettulissent legati, vocatur in contionem a magistratibus populus, ut, quid agerent, consultarent.

[¶21] 28.4. On that day, as it happened, Polyxenidas with the royal fleet left Colophon, and when he heard that the Romans had moved from Samos, had pursued the pirates to Myonnesus, and were devastating the fields of the Teans, while the ships lay in the harbour of Geraestus, he himself dropped anchor opposite Myonnesus in a concealed harbour of an island —the sailors call it Macris.

> Latin: 28.4. eo forte die Polyxenidas cum regia classe a Colophone profectus postquam movisse a Samo Romanos audivit et ad Myonnesum piratas persecutos Teiorum agrum depopulari, naves in Geraestico portu stare, ipse adversus Myonnesum in insula — Macrin nautici vocant ancoras portu occulto iecit.

[¶22] 28.6. Thence, reconnoitring at close range to see what the enemy was doing, he at first was very hopeful that as he had defeated the Rhodians at Samos by blockading the passage out of the harbour, so he would capture the Roman fleet.

> Latin: 28.6. inde ex propinquo explorans, quid hostes agerent, primo in magna spe fuit, quem ad modum Rhodiam classem ad Samum circumsessis ad exitum faucibus portus expugnasset, sic et Romanam expugnaturum. nec est dissimilis natura loci:

[¶23] 28.7. The nature of the place is not unlike: the headlands coming together close the harbour so that with difficulty two ships at a time can pass through.

> Latin: 28.7. promunturiis coeuntibus inter se ita clauditur portus, ut vix duae simul inde naves possint exire.

[¶24] 28.8. Polyxenidas then conceived the design of occupying the exit by night, and with ten ships standing off each promontory, which could attack from both flanks the sides of the ships as they came out, and of landing armed men from the rest of the fleet, as he had done at Panhormus, to attack the enemy by land and sea at once.

> Latin: 28.8. inde nocte occupare fauces Polyxenidas in animo habebat, et denis navibus ad promunturia stantibus, quae ab utroque cornu in latera exeuntium navium pugnarent, ex cetera classe, sicut ad Panhormum fecerat, armatis in littora expositis terra marique simul hostis opprimere.

[¶25] 28.9. This plan would not have failed had not the Romans, when the Teans had promised to do as they had been ordered, thought it more convenient to move the fleet around to the port which lies in front of the city, to receive the supplies.

> Latin: 28.9. quod non vanum ei consilium fuisset, ni, cum Teii facturos se imperata promisissent, ad accipiendos commeatus aptius visum esset Romanis in eum portum, qui ante urbem est, classem transire.

[¶26] 28.10. Also Eudamus the Rhodian is said to have called attention to a fault of the other harbour, when by chance two ships had broken their oars, entangled in the narrow entrance;

> Latin: 28.10. dicitur et Eudamus Rhodius vitium alterius portus ostendisse, cum forte duae naves in arto ostio implicitos remos fregissent;

[¶27] 28.11. and among other things the praetor was induced to transfer the fleet by the fact that there was danger from the land, since Antiochus had his base at no great distance away.

> Latin: 28.11. et inter alia id quoque movit praetorem, ut traduceret classem, quod ab terra periculum erat, haud procul inde Antiocho stativa habente.

[¶28] 29.1. The fleet having moved over to the city without the knowledge of anyone, the marines and sailors landed to divide the provisions, and especially the wine, among the ships, when about midday a peasant was brought before the praetor and said that for two days now a fleet had anchored off the island of Macris and a little while before had been seen in motion as if getting ready for departure.

> Latin: 29.1. traducta classe ad urbem ignaris omnibus egressi milites nautaeque sunt ad commeatus et vinum maxime dividendum in naves, cum medio forte diei agrestis quidam ad praetorem adductus nuntiat alterum iam diem classem stare ante insulam Macrin, et paulo ante visas quasdam moveri tamquam ad profectionem naves.

[¶29] 29.3. The praetor, dismayed by this sudden crisis, ordered the trumpets sounded for the return of the men who were straggling through the fields and sent the tribunes to the town to muster the marines and sailors on ship-board.

> Latin: 29.3. re subita perculsus praetor tubicines canere iubet, ut, si qui per agros palati essent, redirent; tribunos in urbem mittit ad cogendos milites nautasque in naves.

[¶30] 29.4. Just as in a sudden fire or at the capture of a city there was panic, some running to the city to summon their comrades, others hurrying at full speed from the town to the ships, with confused shouts and these almost drowned out by the trumpets, at length, despite conflicting orders they were assembled at the ships.

> Latin: 29.4. haud secus quam in repentino incendio aut capta urbe trepidatur, aliis in urbem currentibus ad suos revocandos, aliis ex urbe naves cursu repetentibus, incertisque clamoribus, quibus ipsis tubae obstreperent, turbatis imperiis tandem concursum ad naves est.

[¶31] 29.5. Scarcely could any man know or go aboard his own vessel in the excitement; and there would have been a dangerous panic, both on sea and on land, if, distributing the tasks, Aemilius with the flagship had not led the way out of the harbour into open water, drawing after him those that followed, and had arranged them in line, each in his own place, and Eudamus and the Rhodian fleet had not remained near the shore, so that both the embarkation was without confusion and each ship set forth as it was ready.

> Latin: 29.5. vix suas quisque noscere aut adire prae tumultu poterat; trepidatumque cum periculo et in mari et in terra foret, ni partibus divisis Aemilius cum praetoria nave primus e portu in altum evectus, excipiens insequentis, suo quamque ordine in frontem instruxisset, Eudamus Rhodiaque classis substitissent ad terram, ut et sine trepidatione conscenderent et, ut quaeque parata esset, exiret navis.

[¶32] 29.7. So the ships in front opened up their line under the eyes of the praetor, and the Rhodians formed the rear of the column, and the line thus formed, as if they saw the royal fleet, moved out into deep water. They were between Myonnesus and the promontory of Corycus when they sighted the enemy.

> Latin: 29.7. ita et explicuere ordinem primae in conspectu praetoris, et coactum agmen ab Rhodiis est, instructaque acies, velut cernerent regios, in altum processit. inter Myonnesum et Corycum promunturium erant, cum hostem conspexere.

[¶33] 29.8. And the king's fleet, advancing in a long column with two ships abreast, likewise formed in line facing the enemy, with its left flank so far extended that it could enfold and surround the right wing of the Romans.

> Latin: 29.8. et regia classis, binis in ordinem navibus longo agmine veniens, et ipsa aciem adversam explicuit laevo tantum evecta cornu, ut amplecti et circuire dextrum cornu Romanorum posset.

[¶34] 29.9. When Eudamus, who brought up the rear, perceived that the Romans could not extend their front to equal it and could not prevent their being encircled on the right of the line, he speeded up his ships —and the Rhodians were by far the fastest of all in the whole fleet —and making the flanks equally long he drove his own ship at the flagship, in which was Polyxenidas.

> Latin: 29.9. quod ubi Eudamus, qui cogebat agmen, vidit, non posse aequare ordinem Romanos et tantum non iam circuiri ab dextro cornu, concitat naves — et erant Rhodiae longe omnium celerrimae tota classe —, aequatoque cornu praetoriae navi, in qua Polyxenidas erat, suam obiecit.

[¶35] 30.1. Now the engagement began through the entire fleets in every place at once. On the Roman side eighty ships were fighting, of which twenty-two were Rhodian; the fleet of the enemy consisted of eighty-nine vessels; of ships of the largest size they had three with six banks of oars and two with seven. In strength of ships and courage of soldiers the Romans were far the best, the Rhodian ships in quickness of movement and skill of pilots and dexterity of rowers;

> Latin: 30.1. iam totis simul classibus ab omni parte pugna conserta erat. ab Romanis octoginta naves pugnabant, ex quibus Rhodiae duae et viginti erant; hostium classis undenonaginta navium fuit; maximae formae naves tres hexeres habebat, duas hepteres. robore navium et virtute militum Romani longe regios praestabant, Rhodiae naves agilitate et arte gubernatorum et scientia remigum;

[¶36] 30.3. yet the greatest terror was caused the enemy by those which carried fire before their prows, and that which was their sole source of safety at Panhormus when they were surrounded was at this time the greatest factor in their victory.

> Latin: 30.3. maximo tamen terrori hostibus fuere, quae ignes prae se portabant, et quod unum iis ad Panhormum circumventis saluti fuerat, id tum maximum momentum ad victoriam fuit.

[¶37] 30.4. For when, from fear of the flames in front of them, the royal ships had swerved to avoid the collision of their prows, they were unable to strike the enemy with their beaks, and while turning they exposed themselves broadside to blows, and if one did clash it was covered by flames pouring upon it, and they were more afraid of the fire than of the battle.

> Latin: 30.4. nam metu ignis adversi regiae naves, ne prorae concurrerent, cum declinassent, neque ipsae ferire rostro hostem poterant, et obliquas se ipsae ad ictus praebebant, et si qua concurrerat, obruebatur infuso igni, magisque ad incendium quam ad proelium trepidabant.

[¶38] 30.6. Nevertheless, as usual, the valour of the soldiers had the greatest effect in the battle. For when the Romans had broken the centre of the hostile line, they swung around and took in the rear the royal ships which were engaged with the Rhodians; and in an instant of time both in the centre and on the left flank the ships of Antiochus were surrounded and sunk.

> Latin: 30.6. plurimum tamen, quae solet, militum virtus in bello valuit. mediam namque aciem hostium Romani cum rupissent, circumvecti ab tergo pugnantibus adversus Rhodios regiis sese obiecere; momentoque temporis et media acies Antiochi et laevo cornu circumventae naves mergebantur.

[¶39] 30.7. The uninjured right wing was terrified more by the destruction of their comrades than by their own peril; but after they saw the others surrounded and the flagship of Polyxenidas abandoning the allies and setting sail, they quickly raised their top-sails —and the wind was favourable for ships bound for Ephesus —and took to flight, with a loss of forty-two ships in this fight, of which thirteen were captured and fell into the hands of the enemy and the rest were burned or sunk. Two Roman ships were damaged severely, several somewhat injured; one Rhodian ship was captured by a curious accident.

> Latin: 30.7. dextera pars integra sociorum magis clade quam suo periculo terrebantur; ceterum, postquam alias circumventas, praetoriam navem Polyxenidae relictis sociis vela dantem videre, sublatis raptim dolonibus — et erat secundus petentibus Ephesum ventus — capessunt fugam quadraginta duabus navibus in ea pugna amissis, quarum decem tres captae in potestatem hostium venerunt, ceterae incensae aut demersae.

[¶40] 30.9. When it had struck a Sidonian vessel with its beak, its anchor, dislodged from its own ship by the very shock, caught the prow of the other ship with its fluke, falling like an iron hand;

> Latin: 30.9. Romanorum duae naves fractae sunt, vulneratae aliquot; Rhodia una capta memorabili casu. nam cum rostro percussisset Sidoniam navem, ancora, ictu ipso excussa e nave sua, unco dente, velut ferrea manu iniecta, adligavit alterius proram;

[¶41] 30.10. then, in the ensuing excitement, since the Rhodians backed water trying to disengage themselves from the enemy, the anchor-cable, fouling the blades, swept one side clean of oars; the crippled ship was then captured by the very vessel which it had struck and grappled. In this manner, in the main, the seafight off Myonnesus was conducted.

> Latin: 30.10. inde tumultu iniecto cum divellere se ab hoste cupientes inhiberent Rhodii, tractum ancorale et implicitum remis latus alterum detersit; debilitatam ea ipsa, quae icta cohaeserat, navis cepit. hoc maxime modo ad Myonnesum navali proelio pugnatum est.

[¶42] 31.1. Antiochus was alarmed at this because, having lost his dominion of the sea, he doubted whether he could defend his distant possessions, and ordered his garrison withdrawn from Lysimachia, lest it be destroyed there by the Romans —a foolish decision, as the actual outcome showed later.

> Latin: 31.1. quo territus Antiochus, quia possessione maris pulsus longinqua tueri diffidebat se posse, praesidium ab Lysimachia, ne opprimeretur ibi ab Romanis, deduci pravo, ut res ipsa postea docuit, consilio iussit.

[¶43] 31.2. For it was not only easy to defend Lysimachia from the first assault of the Romans, but even to maintain a siege for an entire winter and to reduce the besiegers even to the extremity of want by dragging out the time and meanwhile to try every chance to realize hopes of a peaceful settlement.

> Latin: 31.2. non enim tueri solum Lysimachiam a primo impetu Romanorum facile erat, sed obsidionem etiam tota hieme tolerare et obsidentis quoque ad ultimam inopiam adducere extrahendo tempus et interim spem pacis per occasionem temptare.

[¶44] 31.3. Not only did he surrender Lysimachia to the enemy after the defeat on the sea, but he abandoned the siege of Colophon and withdrew to Sardis;

> Latin: 31.3. nec Lysimachiam tantum hostibus tradidit post adversam navalem pugnam, sed etiam Colophonis obsidione abscessit et Sardis recepit se;

[¶45] 31.4. and thence he sent agents to Ariarathes in Cappadocia to ask for auxiliaries, and he devoted himself entirely, in every possible way, to collecting troops, having now but one purpose —to settle the question on the battle-field.

> Latin: 31.4. atque inde in Cappadociam ad Ariarathen, qui auxilia accerserent, et quocumque alio poterat, ad copias contrahendas, in unum iam consilium, ut acie dimicaret, intentus misit.

[¶46] 31.5. Aemilius Regillus after the naval victory proceeded to Ephesus, and arraying his ships in front of the harbour, when he had forced from the enemy the final admission that he had yielded control of the sea, he sailed to Chios, whither he had been bound before the naval battle.

> Latin: 31.5. Regillus Aemilius post victoriam navalem profectus Ephesum, derectis ante portum navibus, cum confessionem ultimam concessi maris hosti expressisset, Chium, quo ante navale proelium cursum ab Samo intenderat, navigat.

[¶47] 31.6. When he had repaired there the damaged ships, he sent Lucius Aemilius Scaurus with thirty ships to the Hellespont to ferry the army across, and the Rhodians, honoured with part of the booty and naval trophies, he ordered to return home;

> Latin: 31.6. ibi naves in proelio quassatas cum refecisset, L. Aemilium Scaurum cum triginta navibus Hellespontum ad exercitum traiciendum misit, Rhodios parte praedae et spoliis navalibus decoratos domum redire iubet.

[¶48] 31.7. the Rhodians in their zeal chose first to transport the consul's army; and having finished this additional task, then at length they returned to Rhodes. The Roman fleet from Chios crossed to Phocaea.

> Latin: 31.7. Rhodii impigre praevertere ad traiciendas copias consulis [iere]; atque eo quoque functi officio, tum demum Rhodum rediere.

[¶49] 31.8. This city is situated at the extremity of a bay of the sea and is oblong in shape; it is surrounded by a wall of twenty-five hundred paces in length and it grows narrower at each end like a wedge; the people themselves call it Lampter.

> Latin: 31.8. classis Romana ab Chio Phocaeam traiecit. in sinu maris intimo posita haec urbs est, oblonga forma; duum milium et quingentorum passuum spatium murus amplectitur, coit deinde ex utraque parte in artiorem velut cuneum;

[¶50] 31.9. There the width is twelve hundred paces; thence a tongue, like a dividing line, runs a mile into the sea, almost through the centre of the bay; where it joins the narrow entrance-way it produces two very safe harbours facing in opposite directions.

> Latin: 31.9. Lamptera ipsi appellant. mille et ducentos passus ibi latitudo patet; inde lingua in altum mille passuum excurrens medium fere sinum velut nota distinguit; ubi cohaeret faucibus angustis, duos in utramque regionem versos portus tutissimos habet.

[¶51] 31.10. The one which faces south they call Naustathmus, because it shelters a great number of ships; the other is near Lampter itself.

> Latin: 31.10. qui in meridiem vergit, Naustathmon ab re appellant, quia ingentem vim navium capit; alter prope ipsum Lamptera est.

[¶52] 32.1. When these exceedingly safe harbours had been occupied by the Roman fleet, before he attacked the walls by either escalade or siege, the praetor thought he should send agents to test the attitude of the leading citizens and magistrates. When he found them intractable he began to attack in two places at once.

> Latin: 32.1. hos portus tutissimos cum occupasset Romana classis, priusquam aut scalis aut operibus moenia adgrederetur, mittendos censuit praetor, qui principum magistratuumque animos temptarent. postquam obstinatos vidit, duobus simul locis oppugnare est adortus.

[¶53] 32.2. One part was not thickly built up; temples of the gods occupied much space; here first he moved a battering-ram and began to shake the walls and towers;

> Latin: 32.2. altera pars infrequens aedificiis erat; templa deum aliquantum tenebant loci; ea prius ariete admoto quatere muros turresque coepit;

[¶54] 32.3. then, when the multitude rushed to its defence, a ram was moved up on the other side also;

> Latin: 32.3. dein cum eo multitudo occurreret ad defendendum, altera quoque parte admotus aries;

[¶55] 32.4. and now the walls were being overthrown on both sides. As they fell in, when the Roman soldiers were making their assault right over the heaps of ruins and still others were trying to climb the walls with ladders, the townspeople resisted so stubbornly that it was easily apparent that they placed more reliance on arms and courage than in walls.

> Latin: 32.4. et iam utrimque sternebantur muri. ad quorum casum cum impetum Romani milites per ipsam stragem ruinarum facerent, alii scalis etiam ascensum in muros temptarent, adeo obstinate restitere oppidani, ut facile appareret plus in armis et virtute quam in moenibus auxilii esse.

[¶56] 32.6. Compelled, therefore, by the danger to his soldiers, the praetor ordered the recall sounded, lest he expose reckless men to those who were raging with despair and fury.

> Latin: 32.6. coactus ergo periculo militum praetor receptui cani iussit, ne obiceret incautos furentibus desperatione ac rabie.

[¶57] 32.7. When the fighting stopped, not even then did they turn to rest, but rushed in every direction to build and repair what had been laid in ruins.

> Latin: 32.7. dirempto proelio, ne tum quidem ad quietem versi, sed undique omnes ad munienda et obmolienda, quae ruinis strata erant, concurrerunt.

[¶58] 32.8. While engaged in this work, Quintus Antonius, sent by the praetor, approached them and, reproving their obstinacy, pointed out that it was more to the interest of the Romans than themselves that the fighting should not continue until the city was destroyed;

> Latin: 32.8. huic operi intentis supervenit Q. Antonius a praetore missus, qui castigata pertinacia eorum maiorem curam Romanis quam illis ostenderet esse, ne in perniciem urbis pugnaretur;

[¶59] 32.9. if they wished to refrain from their madness, the opportunity was open to them of surrendering on the same terms as were granted when they submitted to Gaius Livius before.

> Latin: 32.9. si absistere furore vellent, potestatem iis dari eadem condicione, qua prius C. Livii in fidem venissent, se tradendi.

[¶60] 32.10. When they heard this they took a space of five days to deliberate, meanwhile searching for some hope of aid from Antiochus; but after the ambassadors sent to the king had reported that there was no protection in him, then they opened the gates, bargaining that they should not be treated as enemies.

> Latin: 32.10. haec cum audissent, quinque dierum spatio ad deliberandum sumpto, temptata interim spe auxilii ab Antiocho, postquam legati missi ad regem nihil in eo praesidii esse retulerant, tum portas aperuerunt, pacti, ne quid hostile paterentur.

[¶61] 32.11. When the standards entered the city and the praetor had proclaimed that he wished to spare the surrendered, there was a shout raised on all sides that it was a shameful thing that the Phocaeans, never faithful allies, always dangerous foes, should get off scot-free. With such shouts, as if they had received a signal from the praetor, they rushed off in every direction to plunder the city.

> Latin: 32.11. cum signa in urbem inferrentur et pronuntiasset praetor parci se deditis velle, clamor undique est sublatus, indignum facinus esse, Phocaeensis, numquam fidos socios, semper infestos hostis, impune eludere.

[¶62] 32.12. Aemilius at first opposed and tried to recall them, saying that captured, not surrendered, cities were plundered and that even so in these cases the decision rested with the commander, not the soldiers.

> Latin: 32.12. ab hac voce velut signo a praetore dato ad diripiendam urbem passim discurrunt. Aemilius primo resistere et revocare dicendo captas, non deditas diripi urbes, et in iis tamen imperatoris, non militum arbitrium esse.

[¶63] 32.13. After wrath and greed proved stronger than authority, he sent heralds through the city ordering all freemen to assemble in the forum in his presence, if they would escape harm; and in everything which was under his control the word of the praetor held good; the city, the farmlands and their laws were restored to them;

> Latin: 32.13. postquam ira et avaritia imperio potentiora erant, praeconibus per urbem missis liberos omnes in forum ad se convenire iubet, ne violarentur; et in omnibus, quae ipsius potestatis fuerunt, fides constitit praetoris:

[¶64] 32.14. and, since winter was approaching, he chose the harbours of Phocaea as the winter station for the fleet.

> Latin: 32.14. urbem agrosque et suas leges iis restituit; et, quia hiems iam appetebat, Phocaeae portus ad hibernandum classi delegit.

[¶65] 33.1. About the same time the consul, having crossed the territories of the Aenians and Maronians, received the news of the defeat of the royal fleet off Myonnesus and the abandonment of Lysimachia by its garrison.

> Latin: 33.1. per idem fere tempus consuli, transgresso Aeniorum Maronitarumque finis, nuntiatur victam regiam classem ad Myonnesum relictamque a praesidio Lysimachiam esse.

[¶66] 33.2. This gave him much greater joy than the naval victory, especially after they arrived there, and the city, filled with supplies of all kinds stored up as if for the arrival of the army, received them, where they had pictured to themselves the prospect of extreme want and hardship in besieging the city.

> Latin: 33.2. id multo quam de navali victoria laetius fuit, utique postquam eo venerunt, refertaque urbs omnium rerum commeatibus velut in adventum exercitus praeparatis eos excepit, ubi inopiam ultimam laboremque in obsidenda urbe proposuerant sibi.

[¶67] 33.3. For a few days they remained there, in order that the baggage might catch up, and the sick who, throughout all the forts of Thrace, exhausted by illness and the length of the march had been left behind.

> Latin: 33.3. ibi paucos dies stativa habuere, impedimenta aegrique ut consequerentur, qui passim per omnia Thraciae castella, fessi morbis ac longitudine viae, relicti erant.

[¶68] 33.4. When all had rejoined they again took up the march through Chersonesus and came to the Hellespont. There all preparation for crossing had been made through the energy of King Eumenes, and they crossed to shores in, as it were, a state of peace, with no one opposing them, without confusion, different ships seeking different ports.

> Latin: 33.4. receptis omnibus ingressi rursus iter per Chersonesum Hellespontum perveniunt. ubi omnibus cura regis Eumenis ad traiciendum praeparatis velut in pacata littora nullo prohibente, aliis alio delatis navibus, sine tumultu traiecere.

[¶69] 33.5. This circumstance increased the ardour of the Romans, seeing that the crossing into Asia had been conceded to them, which they had believed would be the occasion of a great battle.

> Latin: 33.5. ea vero res Romanis auxit animos, concessum sibi transire cernentibus [tum] in Asiam, quam rem magni certaminis futuram crediderant.

[¶70] 33.6. Then for a considerable time they remained stationary in camp on the Hellespont, because it happened that the days on which the ancilia were moved were sacred and had fallen in the period of the journey.

> Latin: 33.6. stativa deinde ad Hellespontum aliquamdiu habuerunt, quia dies forte, quibus ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant.

[¶71] 33.7. These same days had detached Publius Scipio from the army, their religious character concerning him even more because he was a Salian priest; he too caused a delay until he overtook the army.

> Latin: 33.7. idem dies P. Scipionem propiore etiam religione, quia salius erat, diiunxerant ab exercitu; causaque et is ipse morae erat, dum consequeretur.

[¶72] 34.1. During these days, by chance, an ambassador from Antiochus had come to the camp, Heraclides of Byzantium, bringing instructions about peace;

> Latin: 34.1. per eos forte dies legatus ab Antiocho in castra venerat Byzantius Heraclides, de pace adferens mandata;

[¶73] 34.2. real hope that this was attainable was created in him by the delay and procrastination of the Roman army, which, he had believed, as soon as they reached Asia would make at full speed for the camp of the king.

> Latin: 34.2. quam impetrabilem fore magnam ei spem attulit mora et cunctatio Romanorum, quos, simul Asiam attigissent, effuso agmine ad castra regia ituros crediderat.

[¶74] 34.3. He decided to approach first not the consul but Publius Scipio, and so he had been instructed by the king. In him he placed his greatest hopes, for in addition to the fact that both the greatness of his soul and his having had his fill of glory rendered him especially approachable, it was known to all men what kind of conqueror he had been in Spain and later in Africa, his son also was a prisoner in the hands of the king. Where and when and by what chance he had been captured, like many other things, is by no means unanimously explained by the sources.

> Latin: 34.3. statuit tamen non prius consulem adire quam P. Scipionem, et ita mandatum ab rege erat. in eo maximam spem habebat, praeterquam quod et magnitudo animi et satietas gloriae placabilem eum maxime faciebat, notumque erat gentibus, qui victor ille in Hispania, qui deinde in Africa fuisset, etiam quod filius eius captus in potestate regis erat.

[¶75] 34.5. Some say that at the beginning of the war, when he was travelling from Chalcis to Oreus, he was surrounded by the king's ships, others that after they had crossed to Asia he had been sent with a troop from Fregellae to reconnoitre in the direction of the king's camp, and that when the cavalry rushed out to meet them and he had retreated, in the confusion he had fallen from his horse and had been captured with two troopers and so conducted to the king.

> Latin: 34.5. is ubi et quando et quo casu captus sit, sicut pleraque alia, parum inter auctores constat. alii principio belli, a Chalcide Oreum petentem, circumventum ab regiis navibus tradunt; alii, postquam transitum in Asiam est, cum turma Fregellana missum exploratum ad regia castra, effuso obviam equitatu cum reciperet sese, in eo tumultu delapsum ex equo cum duobus equitibus oppressum, ita ad regem deductum esse.

[¶76] 34.7. What is well established is that if peace had continued with the Roman people and if personal relations of mutual hospitality had existed between the king and the Scipios, the young man could not have been treated and entertained with greater kindliness and generosity than he had received.

> Latin: 34.7. illud satis constat, si pax cum populo Romano maneret hospitiumque privatim regi cum Scipionibus esset, neque liberalius neque benignius haberi colique adolescentem, quam cultus est, potuisse.

[¶77] 34.8. For these reasons, when the ambassador had waited for the arrival of Publius Scipio, at his coming he called upon the consul and begged him to hear his instructions.

> Latin: 34.8. ob haec cum adventum P. Scipionis legatus expectasset, ubi is venit, consulem adit petitque, ut mandata audiret.

[¶78] 35.1. A full council was called and the speech of the envoy was heard.

> Latin: 35.1. advocato frequenti consilio legati verba sunt audita.

[¶79] 35.2. He said that, after many earlier embassies about peace had been sent backwards and forwards in vain, his own very confidence was due to the fact that the previous ambassadors had succeeded in nothing: for Zmyrna and Lampsacus and Alexandria Troas and Lysimachia in Europe had been objects of contention in those discussions;

> Latin: 35.2. is, multis ante legationibus ultro citroque nequiquam de pace missis, eam ipsam fiduciam impetrandi sibi esse dixit, quod priores legati nihil impetrassent: Zmyrnam enim et Lampsacum et Alexandriam Troadem et Lysimachiam in Europa iactatas in illis disceptationibus esse;

[¶80] 35.3. of these, the king had already withdrawn from Lysimachia, that they might not say that he had possessions in Europe; the cities in Asia he was ready to surrender, and any other cities which the Romans, because they belonged to their party, wished to separate from the king's realm; of the money too which had been spent on the war, the king would guarantee to the Roman people the payment of one-half.

> Latin: 35.3. quarum Lysimachia iam cessisse regem, ne quid habere eum in Europa dicerent; eas quae in Asia sint civitates tradere paratum esse, et si quas alias Romani, quod suarum partium fuerint, vindicare ab imperio regio velint;

[¶81] 35.4. These were the terms of peace; the rest of his speech was that mindful of human destiny, they should deal temperately with their own fortune and not hardly with that of others.

> Latin: 35.4. impensae quoque in bellum factae partem dimidiam regem praestaturum populo Romano.

[¶82] 35.5. Let them limit their empire to Europe, that even this was very large; that it was possible to conquer and gain it part by part more easily than to hold the whole;

> Latin: 35.5. hae condiciones erant pacis; reliqua oratio fuit, ut memores rerum humanarum et suae fortunae moderarentur et alienam ne urgerent. finirent Europa imperium, id quoque immensum esse;

[¶83] 35.6. but if they wished to take some part of Asia too, provided they limited it by easily recognizable natural features, the king would permit his own self-restraint to be overcome by Roman greed for the sake of peace and harmony.

> Latin: 35.6. et parari singula acquirendo facilius potuisse quam universa teneri posse; quod si Asiae quoque partem aliquam abstrahere velint, dummodo non dubiis regionibus finiant; vinci suam temperantiam Romana cupiditate pacis et concordiae causa regem passurum. ea, quae legato magna ad pacem impetrandam videbantur, parva Romanis visa:

[¶84] 35.8. What seemed to the ambassador great incentives for concluding peace seemed unimportant to the Romans: as to the money that had been spent on the war, they deemed it only fair that the king should assume payment of it all, since it was by his fault that the war had been fomented, and that the king's garrisons should be withdrawn not only from Ionia and Aeolis, but, just as all Greece had been liberated, so all the

> Latin: 35.8. nam et impensam, quae in bellum facta esset, omnem praestare regem aequum censebant, cuius culpa bellum excitatum esset, et non Ionia modo atque Aeolide deduci debere regia praesidia,

[¶85] 35.10. cities which were in Asia should be set free; this could not be accomplished otherwise than by the retirement of Antiochus from the occupation of Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains.

> Latin: 35.10. sed sicut Graecia omnis liberata esset, ita, quae in Asia sint, omnes liberari urbes; id aliter fieri non posse, quam ut cis Taurum montem possessione Asiae Antiochus cedat.

[¶86] 36.1. Since the ambassador realized that he could obtain no fairness in the council, he tried privately —for such were his orders —to win over Publius Scipio.

> Latin: 36.1. legatus postquam nihil aequi in consilio impetrare se censebat, privatim — sic enim imperatum erat — P. Scipionis temptare animum est conatus.

[¶87] 36.2. First of all, he said that the king would restore to him his son without a ransom; then, ignorant of both the spirit of Scipio and the Roman tradition, he promised him a great sum of money and, with the single exception of the title of king, partnership in the entire kingdom if, through his aid, he succeeded in obtaining peace.

> Latin: 36.2. omnium primum filium ei sine pretio redditurum regem dixit; deinde ignarus et animi Scipionis et moris Romani, auri pondus ingens pollicitus est, et nomine tantum regio excepto societatem omnis regni, si per eum pacem impetrasset.

[¶88] 36.3. To this Scipio replied: “That you do not know the Romans as a race, that you do not know me, to whom you have been sent, I am less surprised to find since I see that you do not know the situation of the man from whom you come.”

> Latin: 36.3. ad ea Scipio: “quod Romanos omnis, quod me, ad quem missus es, ignoras, minus miror, cum te fortunam eius, a quo venis, ignorare cernam.

[¶89] 36.4. “Lysimachia should have been held, to prevent our entering the Chersonesus, or resistance should have been offered at the Hellespont, to prevent our crossing into Asia, if you intended to ask peace from foes who were anxious about the outcome of the war;”

> Latin: 36.4. Lysimachia tenenda erat, ne Chersonesum intraremus, aut ad Hellespontum obsistendum, ne in Asiam traiceremus, si pacem tamquam ab sollicitis de belli eventu petituri eratis:

[¶90] 36.5. “but when we were given passage into Asia and when not only our reins but also our yoke was accepted, what debate is left on the basis of equity, when you are obliged to put up with our sovereignty?”

> Latin: 36.5. concesso vero in Asiam transitu et non solum frenis, sed etiam iugo accepto quae disceptatio ex aequo, cum imperium patiendum sit, relicta est?

[¶91] 36.6. “Of the generous offers of the king, I accept the greatest, my son; as to the rest, I pray the gods that my estate will never need them; my soul, at any rate, will not need them.”

> Latin: 36.6. ego ex munificentia regia maximum donum filium habebo; aliis, deos precor, ne umquam fortuna egeat mea;

[¶92] 36.7. “In return for so great a gift to me, he will find me grateful to him if he desires private gratitude in return for a private kindness; in my public capacity I shall take nothing from him and give him nothing. What I can give him at this moment is my sincere advice.”

> Latin: 36.7. animus certe non egebit. pro tanto in me munere gratum me in se esse sentiet, si privatam gratiam pro privato beneficio desiderabit; publice nec habebo quicquam ab illo nec dabo.

[¶93] 36.8. “Go, advise him in my words that he abandon the war and refuse no terms of peace.”

> Latin: 36.8. quod in praesentia dare possim, fidele consilium est. abi, nuntia meis verbis, bello absistat, pacis condicionem nullam recuset.

[¶94] 36.9. His words had no effect upon the king, who thought that the gamble of war would be a safe one, since even now terms were declared to him as if he already had been defeated. Mention of peace was forgotten for the moment, and all his energy was devoted to preparation for war.

> Latin: 36.9. ” nihil ea moverunt regem, tutam fore belli aleam ratum, quando perinde ac victo iam sibi leges dicerentur. omissa igitur in praesentia mentione pacis totam curam in belli apparatum intendit.

[¶95] 37.1. When everything was ready for the execution of his designs and when he had moved from his base, the consul first advanced to Dardanus and then to Rhoeteum, and both peoples thronged to meet him.

> Latin: 37.1. consul omnibus praeparatis ad proposita exsequenda cum ex stativis movisset, Dardanum primum, deinde Rhoeteum utraque civitate obviam effusa venit.

[¶96] 37.2. Then he went on to Ilium, and encamping on the level ground which lies below the walls, he went up to the city and the citadel and offered sacrifice to Minerva, the guardian of the citadel;

> Latin: 37.2. inde Ilium processit, castrisque in campo, qui est subiectus moenibus, positis in urbem arcemque cum escendisset, sacrificavit Minervae praesidi arcis et Iliensibus in omni rerum verborumque honore ab se oriundos Romanos praeferentibus et Romanis laetis origine sua.

[¶97] 37.3. the people of Ilium, on their part, with every mark of honour in deed or word proclaiming the Romans as descendants, and the Romans rejoicing in their descent. Departing thence, on the sixth day of marching they came to the mouth of the Caïcus river. Thither too came King Eumenes, having first tried to conduct his fleet back from the Hellespont to Elaea to winter, but then when on account of opposing winds he could not for several days round the promontory of Lecton, he disembarked at the nearest point, so as not to miss the preliminaries of the campaign, and hastened to the Roman camp with a small force.

> Latin: 37.3. inde profecti sextis castris ad caput Caici amnis pervenerunt. eo et Eumenes rex, primo conatus ab Hellesponto reducere classem in hiberna Elaeam, adversis deinde ventis cum aliquot diebus superare Lecton promunturium non potuisset, in terram egressus, ne deesset principiis rerum, qua proximum fuit, in castra Romana cum parva manu contendit.

[¶98] 37.5. From his camp he was sent back to Pergamum to obtain supplies, and when he had delivered the grain to the consul as he was directed, he returned to the same station. From there the plan was, after previously preparing several days' rations, to march against the enemy before winter should prevent.

> Latin: 37.5. ex castris Pergamum remissus ad commeatus expediendos, tradito frumento quibus iusserat consul, in eadem stativa rediit. inde plurium dierum praeparatis cibariis consilium erat ire ad hostem, priusquam hiems opprimeret.

[¶99] 37.6. The king's camp was near Thyatira. When Antiochus learned there that Publius Scipio was sick and had been taken to Elaea, he sent ambassadors to return his son to him.

> Latin: 37.6. regia castra circa Thyatiram erant. ubi cum audisset Antiochus P. Scipionem aegrum Elaeam delatum, legatos, qui filium ad eum reducerent, misit.

[¶100] 37.7. The gift was not only grateful to a father's heart, but the joy was healing also to his body;

> Latin: 37.7. non animo solum patrio gratum munus, sed corpori quoque salubre gaudium fuit;

[¶101] 37.8. and at length sated with embracing his son, he said, “Take the message to the king that I tender my thanks to him, but at present I can show my gratitude in no other way than to counsel him not to come forth in line of battle until he hears that I have returned to camp.”

> Latin: 37.8. satiatusque tandem complexu filii “renuntiate” inquit “gratias regi me agere, referre aliam gratiam nunc non posse, quam ut suadeam, ne ante in aciem descendat, quam in castra me redisse audierit.”

[¶102] 37.9. Although sixty thousand infantry and more than twelve thousand cavalry sometimes inspired his mind with hope as to the battle, yet Antiochus, moved by the authority of so great a man (in whom, having regard to the uncertain issues of war, he had placed his every hope of assistance), retired, crossed the river Phrygius and established his camp in the vicinity of Magnesia, which is near Sipylus;

> Latin: 37.9. quamquam sexaginta milia peditum, plus duodecim milia equitum animos interdum ad spem certaminis faciebant, motus tamen Antiochus tanti auctoritate viri, in quo ad incertos belli eventus omnis fortunae posuerat subsidia, recepit se et transgressus Phrygium amnem circa Magnesiam, quae ad Sipylum est, posuit castra;

[¶103] 37.10. and, inasmuch as he wished to delay matters, that the Romans might not attempt his fortifications, when he had constructed a ditch six cubits deep and twelve cubits wide, on the outside he threw a double wall around the trench, on the inner lip of which he raised a wall with numerous towers, whence the enemy could easily be prevented from crossing the ditch.

> Latin: 37.10. et ne, si extrahere tempus vellet, munimenta Romani temptarent, fossam sex cubita altam, duodecim latam cum duxisset, extra duplex vallum fossae circumdedit, interiore labro murum cum turribus crebris obiecit, unde facile arceri transitu fossae hostis posset.

[¶104] 38.1. The consul, thinking that the king was near Thyatira, marching continuously, came down on the fifth day into the Hyrcanian plain.

> Latin: 38.1. consul circa Thyatiram esse regem ratus, continuis itineribus quinto die ad Hyrcanum campum descendit.

[¶105] 38.2. When he found that the king had gone, following his trail along the river Phrygius, he encamped four miles from the enemy.

> Latin: 38.2. inde cum profectum audisset, secutus vestigia citra Phrygium amnem, quattuor milia ab hoste, posuit castra.

[¶106] 38.3. There about a thousand cavalry —they were mostly Galatians with some Dahae and mounted archers of other tribes mixed with them —crossing the river in a confused mass, made an attack on the outguards.

> Latin: 38.3. eo mille ferme equites—maxima pars Gallograeci erant, et Dahae quidam aliarumque gentium sagittarii equites intermixti — tumultuose amni traiecto in stationes impetum fecerunt.

[¶107] 38.4. At first this threw them into confusion, since they were not in formation; then, as the battle continued for a longer time and the number of the Romans increased, it being easy to reinforce them from the adjacent camp, the king's troops were wearied and, unable to withstand the larger numbers, tried to retire along the banks of the river, and before they crossed the stream many were killed by the Romans, who pressed on from the rear.

> Latin: 38.4. primo turbaverunt incompositos; dein, cum longius certamen fieret, Romanorum ex propinquis castris facili subsidio cresceret numerus, regii fessi iam et pluris non sustinentes recipere se conati circa ripam amnis, priusquam flumen ingrederentur, ab instantibus tergo aliquot interfecti sunt.

[¶108] 38.5. For the next two days everything was quiet, neither side crossing the river; on the third day after, the Romans all crossed the river at the same time and made camp about twenty-five hundred paces from the enemy.

> Latin: 38.5. biduum deinde silentium fuit neutris transgredientibus amnem; tertio post die Romani simul omnes transgressi sunt et duo milia fere et quingentos passus ab hoste posuerunt castra.

[¶109] 38.6. As they were laying out the camp and engaged in fortifying it, about three thousand picked infantry and cavalry from the king's army came up, causing great fear and confusion; the number on outpost was considerably smaller;

> Latin: 38.6. metantibus et muniendo occupatis tria milia delecta equitum peditumque regiorum magno terrore ac tumultu advenere;

[¶110] 38.7. they nevertheless by themselves, without calling away any troops from the fortifying of the camp, both at first kept the contest even and later, as the battle grew more fierce, beat off the enemy, killing a hundred of them and capturing about a hundred.

> Latin: 38.7. aliquanto pauciores in statione erant; hi tamen per se, nullo a munimento castrorum milite avocato, et primo aequum proelium sustinuerunt, et crescente certamine pepulerunt hostis centum ex iis occisis, centum ferme captis.

## 29. Book XXXVII · chapters 38–50

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/29/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/29/#p-N

[¶0] 38.8. For the next four days both battle-lines were drawn up and stood before the ramparts; on the fifth day the Romans advanced to the middle of the space;

> Latin: 38.8. per quadriduum insequens instructae utrimque acies pro vallo stetere; quinto die Romani processere in medium campi;

[¶1] 38.9. Antiochus did not advance his standards, but stood so that his rear troops were less than a thousand paces from the wall.

> Latin: 38.9. Antiochus nihil promovit signa, ita ut extremi minus mille pedes a vallo abessent.

[¶2] 39.1. After the consul perceived that the enemy declined to fight, he called a council the next day, to consider what they should do if Antiochus would not give them an opportunity for a battle.

> Latin: 39.1. consul postquam detractari certamen vidit, postero die in consilium advocavit, quid sibi faciendum esset, si Antiochus pugnandi copiam non faceret? instare hiemem; aut sub pellibus habendos milites fore, aut, si concedere in hiberna vellet, differendum esse in aestatem bellum.

[¶3] 39.3. Winter, he said, was at hand; either they would have to keep the troops in tents or, if it was decided to withdraw to winter quarters, the war would have to be postponed to the summer. No enemy was ever held in such contempt by the Romans.

> Latin: 39.3. nullum umquam hostem Romani aeque contempserunt. conclamatum undique est, duceret extemplo et uteretur ardore militum, qui, tamquam non pugnandum cum tot milibus hostium, sed par numerus pecorum trucidandus esset, per fossas, per vallum castra invadere parati erant, si in proelium hostis non exiret.

[¶4] 39.5. The cry from all sides was that he should immediately lead them out and take advantage of the enthusiasm of the soldiers, who, as if their task was, not to fight with so many thousands of the enemy, but to slaughter the same number of cattle, were ready to attack the camp over ditch, over wall, if the enemy would not come out to fight.

> Latin: 39.5. Cn. Domitius ad explorandum iter, et qua parte adiri hostium vallum posset, missus, postquam omnia certa rettulit, postero die propius admoveri castra placuit; tertio signa in medium campi prolata et instrui acies coepta est. nec Antiochus ultra tergiversandum ratus, ne et suorum animos minueret detractando certamen et hostium spem augeret, et ipse copias eduxit, tantum progressus a castris, ut dimicaturum appareret.

[¶5] 39.7. Gnaeus Domitius was sent to reconnoitre the route of approach and where they could come up to the enemy's rampart, and when he brought back complete and definite information, it was decided that on the following day they would move the camp nearer; on the third day the standards were advanced to the centre of the space and the battle-line began to form.

> Latin: 39.7. Romana acies unius prope formae fuit et hominum et armorum genere. duae legiones Romanae, duae socium ac Latini nominis erant; quina milia et quadringenos singulae habebant. Romani mediam aciem, cornua Latini tenuerunt; hastatorum prima signa, dein principum erant, triarii postremos claudebant.

[¶6] 39.9. Nor did Antiochus think that he should remain longer on the defensive, lest he both diminish the courage of his own men by declining battle and increase the hopes of the enemy, and he too led out his forces, advancing so far from the camp that it was clear that he meant to engage. The Roman battle-line is generally about uniform in its arrangement, both as to number and as to their equipment.

> Latin: 39.9. extra hanc velut iustam aciem a parte dextra consul Achaeorum caetratis immixtos auxiliares Eumenis, tria milia ferme peditum, aequata fronte instruxit; ultra eos equitum minus tria milia opposuit, ex quibus Eumenis octingenti, reliquus omnis Romanus equitatus erat; extremos Trallis et Cretensis — quingentorum utrique numerum explebant — statuit. laevum cornu non videbatur egere talibus auxiliis, quia flumen ab ea parte ripaeque deruptae claudebant; quattuor tamen inde turmae equitum oppositae. haec summa copiarum erat Romanis, et duo milia mixtorum Macedonum Thracumque, qui voluntate secuti erant;

[¶7] 39.13. There were two Roman legions and two of allies of the Latin confederacy; each consisted of five thousand four hundred men. The Romans held the centre, the Latins the flanks; the advanced units were the hastati, then came the principes; the triarii held the rear. Outside this, which may be called the regular battle-line, on the right flank and in line with the legions, the consul placed the auxiliaries of Eumenes mixed with the Achaean “targeteers,” being about three thousand infantry; outside them he stationed less than three thousand cavalry, eight hundred of whom belonged to Eumenes, all the rest being Roman cavalry; on the extreme flank he placed the Tralli and Cretans, each contingent amounting to about five hundred men.

> Latin: 39.13. hi praesidio castris relicti sunt. XVI elephantos post triarios in subsidio locaverunt: nam praeterquam quod multitudinem regiorum elephantorum — erant autem quattuor et quinquaginta — sustinere non videbantur posse, ne pari quidem numero Indicis Africi resistunt, sive quia magnitudine — longe enim illi praestant — sive robore animorum vincuntur. regia acies varia magis multis gentibus, dissimilitudine armorum auxiliorumque erat. decem et sex milia peditum more Macedonum armati fuere, qui phalangitae appellabantur. haec media acies fuit, in fronte in decem partes divisa; partes eas interpositis binis elephantis distinguebat; a fronte introrsus in duos et triginta ordines armatorum acies patebat.

[¶8] 40.3. The left flank did not seem to need such auxiliaries placed there, since the river and its steep banks gave protection on that side; nevertheless, he stationed there four troops of cavalry.

> Latin: 40.3. hoc et roboris in regiis copiis erat, et perinde cum alia specie tum eminentibus tantum inter armatos elephantis magnum terrorem praebebat.

[¶9] 40.4. This was the whole of the Roman force, with two thousand Macedonians and Thracians who had followed as volunteers; they were left as a guard for the camp.

> Latin: 40.4. ingentes ipsi erant; addebant speciem frontalia et cristae et tergo impositae turres turribusque superstantes praeter rectorem quaterni armati.

[¶10] 40.5. They placed sixteen elephants in reserve behind the triarii, for, in addition to the fact that they seemed unable to face the greater number of the king's elephants —there were fifty-four of them —African elephants cannot resist even an equal number of Indian, whether because the latter are superior in size —for in fact they are far larger —or in fighting spirit.

> Latin: 40.5. ad latus dextrum phalangitarum mille et quingentos Gallograecorum pedites opposuit. his tria milia equitum loricatorum — cataphractos ipsi appellant — adiunxit. addita his ala mille ferme equitum;

[¶11] 40.6. XL. The king's battle-line was more varied, made up of many races and auxiliary forces differently armed. There were sixteen thousand infantry armed in the Macedonian fashion, who are called phalangitae.

> Latin: 40.6. agema eam vocabant; Medi erant, lecti viri, et eiusdem regionis mixti multarum gentium equites. continens his grex sedecim elephantorum est oppositus in subsidiis.

[¶12] 40.7. They formed the centre of the line, and their frontage was divided into ten sections; these sections were separated by intervals in which two elephants each were placed; from the front the formation extended thirty-two ranks in depth. This was the main strength of the king's army, and it caused great terror, not only from its general appearance, but by reason of the elephants, standing out especially conspicuously among the soldiers. They were of great size; head-armour and crests and towers placed upon their backs, and, in addition to the driver, four soldiers riding in each tower, added to their impressiveness. On the right of the phalangitae he stationed fifteen hundred Galatian infantry.

> Latin: 40.7. ab eadem parte, paulum producto cornu, regia cohors erat; argyraspides a genere armorum appellabantur; Dahae deinde, equites sagittarii, mille et ducenti; tum levis armatura, trium milium, pari ferme numero, pars Cretenses pars Tralles; duo milia et quingenti Mysi sagittarii his adiuncti erant.

[¶13] 40.9. To these he added three thousand armoured cavalry —they call them cataphracti. In addition to these there was a squadron of about a thousand cavalry; they called it the agema; they were Medes, picked men, and cavalry from many races in the same region mingled with them. Adjoining them a herd of sixteen elephants was posted in reserve.

> Latin: 40.9. extremum cornu claudebant quattuor milia, mixti Cyrtii funditores et Elymaei sagittarii. ab laevo cornu phalangitis adiuncti erant Gallograeci pedites mille et quingenti et similiter his armati duo milia Cappadocum — ab Ariarathe missi erant regi —;

[¶14] 40.11. On this side, the flank being advanced a little, was the royal bodyguard; they were called argyraspides from the character of their equipment; then the Dahae, mounted archers, to the number of twelve hundred; then the light infantry, three thousand in number, about equally divided between Cretans and Tralli; to them two thousand five hundred Mysian archers were added. The extremity of this flank consisted of four thousand mixed Cyrtians, slingers, and Elymaeans, archers.

> Latin: 40.11. inde auxiliares mixti omnium generum, duo milia septingenti, et tria milia cataphractorum equitum et mille alii equites, regia ala levioribus tegumentis suis equorumque, alio haud dissimili habitu: Syri plerique erant Phrygibus et Lydis immixti.

[¶15] 40.12. On the left flank, next the phalangitae, were posted fifteen hundred Galatian infantry and two thousand Cappadocians similarly armed —they had been sent to the king by Ariarathes; then twenty-seven hundred auxiliaries mixed from all races, and three thousand armoured cavalry and one thousand other cavalry, the royal squadron, with lighter armour for them selves and their horses, but otherwise with equipment not unlike the rest; they were mostly Syrians mingled with Phrygians and Lydians.

> Latin: 40.12. ante hunc equitatum falcatae quadrigae et cameli. quos appellant dromadas. his insidebant Arabes sagittarii, gladios tenuis habentes longos quaterna cubita, ut ex tanta altitudine contingere hostem possent.

[¶16] 40.13. In front of this cavalry were scythe-bearing chariots and camels of the breed called dromedaries. These were ridden by Arab archers carrying slender swords four cubits long, that they might be able to reach the enemy from so great a height. Then came another great crowd, corresponding to that on the right flank: first the Tarentini, then twenty-five hundred Galatian cavalry, next a thousand Neocretans and fifteen hundred Carians and Cilicians similarly equipped, and the same number of Tralli and four thousand “targeteers”:

> Latin: 40.13. inde alia multitudo, par ei, quae in dextro cornu erat: primi Tarentini, deinde Gallograecorum equitum duo milia et quingenti, inde Neocretes mille et eodem armatu Cares et Cilices mille et quingenti et totidem Tralles et quattuor milia caetratorum:

[¶17] 40.14. these were Pisidians and Pamphylians and Lycians; then auxiliaries of the Cyrtians and Elymaeans equal to those stationed on the right flank, and sixteen elephants a short distance away.

> Latin: 40.14. Pisidae erant et Pamphylii et Lycii; tum Cyrtiorum et Elymaeorum paria in dextro cornu locatis auxilia, et sedecim elephanti modico intervallo distantes.

[¶18] 41.1. The king himself was on the right flank; he placed his son Seleucus and Antipater the son of his brother on the left; the centre of the line was entrusted to three commanders, Minnio and Zeuxis and Philippus, the master of the elephants.

> Latin: 41.1. rex ipse in dextro cornu erat; Seleucum filium et Antipatrum fratris filium in laevo praeposuit; media acies tribus permissa, Minnioni et Zeuxidi et Philippo, magistro elephantorum.

[¶19] 41.2. A morning mist, lightening into clouds as the day advanced, caused a fog; the moisture from this, like a rain brought on by the west wind, covered everything;

> Latin: 41.2. nebula matutina, crescente die levata in nubes, caliginem dedit;

[¶20] 41.3. these conditions brought absolutely no discomfort to the Romans, but at the same time they were very inconvenient for the king's army; for the faintness of the light, in a line of moderate frontage, did not deprive the Romans of a view in all directions, and the moisture, in a force almost entirely composed of heavy infantry, did not at all dull the swords and spears;

> Latin: 41.3. umor inde ab austro velut … perfudit omnia; quae nihil admodum Romanis, eadem perincommoda regiis erant: nam et obscuritas lucis in acie modica Romanis non adimebat in omnis partes conspectum, et umor toto fere gravi armatu nihil gladios aut pila hebetabat;

[¶21] 41.4. the king's troops, with their line so widely extended, could not see the flanks even from the centre, much less one flank from the other, and the moisture had softened the bowstrings and slings and the thongs of the javelins.

> Latin: 41.4. regii tam lata acie ne ex medio quidem cornua sua circumspicere poterant, nedum extremi inter se conspicerentur, et umor arcus fundasque et iaculorum amenta emollierat.

[¶22] 41.5. The scythe-bearing chariots also, by which Antiochus had expected to cause panic in the hostile line, turned their terror upon their own men.

> Latin: 41.5. falcatae quoque quadrigae, quibus se perturbaturum hostium aciem Antiochus crediderat, in suos terrorem verterunt.

[¶23] 41.6. They were in general equipped in the following fashion: they had points along the pole, projecting like horns ten cubits from the yoke, with which to pierce whatever they encountered, and on the ends of the yokes there were two scythes standing out in two directions, one in line with the yoke, the other pointed downward towards the ground, the former to cut up whatever was near it on the sides, the latter to wound men who had fallen and came under the chariot; also from the hubs of the wheels on both sides two other scythes, pointing in different directions, were similarly fastened.

> Latin: 41.6. armatae autem in hunc maxime modum erant; cuspides circa temonem ab iugo decem cubita exstantis velut cornua habebant, quibus, quidquid obvium daretur, transfigerent, et in extremis iugis binae circa eminebant falces, altera aequata iugo, altera inferior in terrain devexa, illa ut, quidquid ab latere obiceretur, abscideret, haec ut prolapsos subeuntisque contingeret; item ab axibus rotarum utrimque binae eodem modo diversae deligabantur falces.

[¶24] 41.8. The chariots so equipped, because, if they were stationed on the flanks or in the centre, they would of necessity have been driven through their own ranks, had been posted by the king, as has been said, in the front rank.

> Latin: 41.8. sic armatas quadrigas, quia, si in extremo aut in medio locatae forent, per suos agendae erant, in prima acie, ut ante dictum est. locaverat rex.

[¶25] 41.9. When Eumenes saw this, being not unaware how uncertain was this sort of fighting and this kind of auxiliary, if one could frighten the horses rather than meet them in regular battle, he ordered the Cretan archers with the slingers and dart-throwers, with some troops of cavalry, not in mass-formation but as widely separated as possible, to rush out and shower weapons upon them from all sides at once.

> Latin: 41.9. quod ubi Eumenes vidit, haud ignarus pugnae, et quam anceps esset auxilii genus, si quis pavorem magis equis iniceret, quam iusta adoriretur pugna, Cretenses sagittarios funditoresque et iaculatores … equitum non confertos, sed quam maxime possent dispersos excurrere iubet et ex omnibus simul partibus tela ingerere.

[¶26] 41.10. This storm, as it were, partly by the wounds dealt by weapons hurled from all directions, partly by the discordant shouts, so frightened the horses that, as if they were set free from the reins, they rushed in every direction, not knowing where they were going;

> Latin: 41.10. haec velut procella partim vulneribus missilium undique coniectorum partim clamoribus dissonis ita consternavit equos, ut repente velut effrenati passim incerto cursu ferrentur;

[¶27] 41.11. their charges were easily avoided by the light infantry and the lightly-equipped slingers and the swift-footed Cretans; and the cavalry pursuing increased the confusion and fright of the horses and camels, these too being overcome with terror, while added to it all were the manifold cries of the throng of bystanders. So the chariots were driven away from the space between the two lines and, this idle show being ended, then at length the signal was given on both sides and the clash of regular battle began.

> Latin: 41.11. quorum impetus et levis armatura et expediti funditores et velox Cretensis momento declinabant; et eques insequendo tumultum ac pavorem equis camelisque, et ipsis simul consternatis, augebat clamore et ab alia circumstantium turba multiplici adiecto. ita medio inter duas acies campo exiguntur quadrigae; amotoque inani ludibrio, tum demum ad iustum proelium signo utrimque dato concursum est.

[¶28] 42.1. That trivial thing, however, was presently the cause of real calamity. For the supporting auxiliaries which had been stationed next them, dismayed by the panic and fright of the chariots, also turned to flight and exposed the whole line as far as the armoured cavalry.

> Latin: 42.1. ceterum vana illa res verae mox cladis causa fuit. auxilia enim subsidiaria, quae proxima locata erant, pavore et consternatione quadrigarum territa, et ipsa in fugam versa nudarunt omnia usque ad cataphractos equites.

[¶29] 42.2. And they, when the Roman cavalry reached them, their supports being scattered, did not sustain even the first shock; part of them fled; others were held back on account of the weight of their armour and weapons.

> Latin: 42.2. ad quos cum dissipatis subsidiis pervenisset equitatus Romanus, ne primum quidem impetum [pars] eorum sustinuerunt: alii fusi sunt, alii propter gravitatem tegumentorum armorumque oppressi sunt.

[¶30] 42.3. The whole left flank then wavered, and when the auxiliaries were broken, who were between the cavalry and those who were called the phalangitae, the panic spread as far as the centre.

> Latin: 42.3. totum deinde laevum cornu inclinavit, et turbatis auxiliaribus, qui inter equitem et quos appellant phalangitas erant, usque ad mediam aciem terror pervenit.

[¶31] 42.4. There, as soon as the ranks were thrown into disorder and the use of the very long spears —the Macedonians call them sarisae —was prevented by their own friends rushing among them, the Roman legions advanced and hurled their javelins into the disorganized mass.

> Latin: 42.4. ibi simul perturbati ordines et impeditus intercursu suorum usus praelongarum hastarum — sarisas Macedones vocant —, intulere signa Romanae legiones et pila in perturbatos coniecere.

[¶32] 42.5. Not even the elephants posted in the intervals deterred the Roman soldiers, accustomed already by the wars in Africa both to avoid the charges of the beasts and either to assail them with spears from the side or, if they could approach closer, to hamstring them with their swords.

> Latin: 42.5. ne interpositi quidem elephanti militem Romanum deterrebant, adsuetum iam ab Africis bellis et vitare impetum beluae et ex transverso aut pilis incessere aut, si propius subire posset, gladio nervos incidere.

[¶33] 42.6. By now almost the entire centre was being beaten back from the front and the auxiliaries flanking them were being cut down in the rear, while on another side the Romans heard the rout of their comrades and the shouts of the panic-stricken now almost at the camp itself.

> Latin: 42.6. iam media acies fere omnis a fronte prostrata erat, et subsidia circumita ab tergo caedebantur, cum in parte alia fugam suorum et prope iam ad ipsa castra clamorem paventium accepere.

[¶34] 42.7. For Antiochus, on his right flank, since he saw that there were no auxiliaries there except four troops of cavalry, because of the Romans' confidence in the river, and that these, while they were maintaining contact with their neighbours, were leaving the bank unguarded, made an attack upon them with the auxiliaries and the armoured cavalry;

> Latin: 42.7. namque Antiochus a dextro cornu, cum ibi fiducia fluminis nulla subsidia cerneret praeter quattuor turmas equitum, et eas, dum applicant se suis, ripam nudantis, impetum in eam partem cum auxiliis et cataphracto equitatu fecit;

[¶35] 42.8. nor did he charge from the front alone, but encircling them from the river was already pressing on from the flank, until first the cavalry fled and then the infantry who were nearest were driven headlong towards the camp.

> Latin: 42.8. nec a fronte tantum instabat, sed circumito a flumine cornu iam ab latere urgebat, donec fugati equites primum, dein proximi peditum effuso cursu ad castra compulsi sunt.

[¶36] 43.1. The camp was under the command of Marcus Aemilius, tribune of the soldiers, the son of that Marcus Lepidus who a few years later became pontifex maximus.

> Latin: 43.1. praeerat castris M. Aemilius tribunus militum, M. Lepidi filius;

[¶37] 43.2. When he saw the flight of his men, he met them with his entire guard and ordered them first to halt and then to return to the battle, taunting them with fear and disgraceful flight;

> Latin: 43.2. qui post paucos annos pontifex maximus factus est. is qua fugam cernebat suorum, cum praesidio omni occurrit et stare primo, deinde redire in pugnam iubebat pavorem et turpem fugam increpans;

[¶38] 43.3. then he uttered threats that they were rushing blindly to their own deaths if they did not obey his orders; finally, he gave the signal to his own men to kill the first of the fugitives and with steel and wounds to drive against the enemy the mass of those that followed.

> Latin: 43.3. minae exinde erant, in perniciem suam caecos ruere, ni dicto parerent; postremo dat suis signum, ut primos fugientium caedant, turbam insequentium ferro et vulneribus in hostem redigant.

[¶39] 43.4. This greater fear prevailed over the lesser; driven by terror in front and rear they first halted; then they too returned to the fight, and Aemilius with his own guard —they were two thousand gallant men —boldly withstood the onrushing king, and Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, from the right flank, where the enemy's left had been routed at the first attack, when he saw the flight of the troops on the left and the mellay around the camp, himself came in the nick of time with two hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 43.4. hic maior timor minorem vicit: ancipiti coacti metu primo constiterunt; deinde et ipsi rediere in pugnam, et Aemilius cum suo praesidio — erant autem duo milia virorum fortium — effuse sequenti regi acriter obstitit, et Attalus, Eumenis frater, ab dextro cornu, quo laevum hostium primo impetu fugatum fuerat, ut ab sinistro fugam suorum et tumultum circa castra vidit, in tempore cum ducentis equitibus advenit.

[¶40] 43.6. When Antiochus saw the troops at whose backs he had just been looking returning to the fight, and another body coming from the camp and another from the battle-line, he turned his horse to flight.

> Latin: 43.6. Antiochus postquam et eos, quorum terga modo viderat, repetentis pugnam et aliam et a castris et ex acie adfluentem turbam conspexit, in fugam vertit equum.

[¶41] 43.7. So on both wings the victorious Romans, over piles of corpses which they had heaped up, especially in the centre, where the strength of the bravest troops and the weight of their arms had delayed the flight of the enemy, proceeded to plunder the camp.

> Latin: 43.7. ita utroque cornu victores Romani per acervos corporum, quos in media maxime acie cumulaverant, ubi et robur fortissimorum virorum et arma gravitate fugam impedierant, pergunt ad castra diripienda.

[¶42] 43.8. The cavalry of Eumenes first of all, then the rest of the cavalry, pursued the enemy over the whole plain, killing the hindmost as they overtook them.

> Latin: 43.8. equites primi omnium Eumenis, deinde et alius equitatus toto passim campo secuntur hostem et postremos, ut quosque adepti sunt, caedunt.

[¶43] 43.9. But a greater peril to the fugitives, the chariots and elephants and camels being mingled with them, was the disordered mob of their own men, since their ranks once broken, as if blind they rushed one over the other or were trampled down by the charging beasts.

> Latin: 43.9. ceterum fugientibus maior pestis intermixtis quadrigis elephantisque et camelis erat et sua ipsorum turba, cum solutis ordinibus velut caeci super alios alii ruerent et incursu beluarum obtererentur.

[¶44] 43.10. In the camp also there was great slaughter, greater, almost, than on the battle-field; for the first body of fugitives had chiefly made for the camp and, gaining confidence from this increase in numbers, the garrison fought with greater stubbornness from the rampart.

> Latin: 43.10. in castris quoque ingens et maior prope quam in acie caedes est edita: nam et primorum fuga in castra maxime inclinavit, et huius fiducia multitudinis, qui in praesidio erant, pertinacius pro vallo pugnarunt.

[¶45] 43.11. The Romans, finding themselves held up at the gates and by the wall, which they had expected to carry at the first onset, when they finally broke through, in their passion caused greater destruction.

> Latin: 43.11. retenti in portis valloque, quae se impetu ipso capturos crediderant, Romani, postquam tandem perruperunt, ab ira graviorem ediderunt caedem.

[¶46] 44.1. About fifty thousand infantry are said to have been slain on that day and three thousand cavalry; fourteen hundred were captured and fifteen elephants with their drivers.

> Latin: 44.1. ad quinquaginta milia peditum caesa eo die dicuntur; equitum tria milia, mille et quadringenti capti, et quindecim cum rectoribus elephanti.

[¶47] 44.2. Of the Romans, many were wounded; there were killed not more than three hundred infantry and twenty-four cavalry, and from the army of Eumenes twenty-five.

> Latin: 44.2. Romanorum aliquot vulnerati sunt; ceciderunt non plus trecenti pedites, quattuor et viginti equites et de Eumenis exercitu quinque et viginti.

[¶48] 44.3. And on that day, indeed, the victors, having plundered the camp of the enemy, returned to their own laden with booty; on the next day they despoiled the bodies of the slain and gathered up the prisoners.

> Latin: 44.3. et illo quidem die victores direptis hostium castris cum magna praeda in sua reverterunt; postero die spoliabant caesorum corpora et captivos contrahebant.

[¶49] 44.4. Ambassadors from Thyatira and Magnesia near Sipylus came to surrender their cities. Antiochus, fleeing with a few companions and collecting more along the way, with a moderate-sized body of soldiers reached Sardis about midnight. Thence, when he heard that his son Seleucus and some of his friends had gone to Apamea, he too, about the fourth watch, with his wife and daughter sought Apamea.

> Latin: 44.4. legati ab Thyatira et Magnesia ab Sipylo ad dedendas urbes venerunt. Antiochus cum paucis fugiens, in ipso itinere pluribus congregantibus se, modica manu armatorum media ferme nocte Sardis concessit.

[¶50] 44.6. The guardianship of the city was handed over to Xeno, and Timo was placed in charge of Lydia; but no regard was paid to them and, with the consent of the citizens and the soldiers who were in the citadel, ambassadors were sent to the consul.

> Latin: 44.6. inde, cum audisset Seleucum filium et quosdam amicorum Apameam progressos, et ipse quarta vigilia cum coniuge ac filia petit Apameam, Xenoni tradita custodia urbis, Timone Lydiae praeposito; quibus spretis consensu oppidanorum et militum, qui in arce erant, legati ad consulem missi sunt.

[¶51] 45.1. About the same time ambassadors came also from Tralles and from Magnesia which is on the Meander river and from Ephesus to surrender their cities.

> Latin: 45.1. sub idem fere tempus et ab Trallibus et a Magnesia, quae super Maeandrum est, et ab Epheso ad dedendas urbes venerunt.

[¶52] 45.2. Polyxenidas had left Ephesus when he heard of the battle, and having sailed with the fleet as far as Patara in Lycia, in fear of the guard of Rhodian ships which were at Megiste, he disembarked with a few men and made his way by land to Syria.

> Latin: 45.2. reliquerat Ephesum Polyxenidas audita pugna, et classi usque ad Patara Lyciae pervectus, metu stationis Rhodiarum navium, quae ad Megisten erant, in terram egressus cum paucis itinere pedestri Syriam petit.

[¶53] 45.3. The cities of Asia entrusted themselves to the good faith of the consul and the dominion of the Roman people. The consul was now at Sardis; thither too came Publius Scipio from Elaea, as soon as he could stand the hardships of the journey.

> Latin: 45.3. Asiae civitates in fidem consulis dicionemque populi Romani sese tradebant. Sardibus iam consul erat; eo et P. Scipio ab Elaea, cum primum pati laborem viae potuit, venit.

[¶54] 45.4. About the same time a herald from Antiochus, through the mediation of Publius Scipio, asked and obtained from the consul permission for the king to send ambassadors.

> Latin: 45.4. sub idem fere tempus caduceator ab Antiocho per P. Scipionem a consule petit impetravitque, ut oratores mittere liceret regi.

[¶55] 45.5. A few days later Zeuxis, who had been governor of Lycia, and Antipater, the son of his brother, arrived.

> Latin: 45.5. paucos post dies Zeuxis, qui praefectus Lydiae fuerat, et Antipater, fratris filius, venerunt.

[¶56] 45.6. First meeting Eumenes, who, they thought, on account of their ancient quarrels, would be particularly opposed to peace, and finding him more favourably disposed towards peace than either they or the king had expected, they next interviewed Publius Scipio and through him the consul;

> Latin: 45.6. prius Eumene convento, quem propter vetera certamina aversum maxime a pace credebant esse, et placatiore eo et sua et regis spe invento, tum P. Scipionem et per eum consulem adierunt;

[¶57] 45.7. and at their request they were received by a full council at which to announce their errand, and Zeuxis spoke thus: “We do not ourselves have anything to say so much as we ask of you, Romans, by what atonement we can expiate the error of the king and obtain peace and pardon from the conquerors.”

> Latin: 45.7. praebitoque iis petentibus frequenti consilio ad mandata edenda, “non tam, quid ipsi dicamus, … habemus” inquit Zeuxis, “quam ut a vobis quaeramus, Romani, quo piaculo expiare errorem regis, pacem veniamque impetrare a victoribus possimus. maximo semper animo victis regibus populisque ignovistis;

[¶58] 45.8. “In your extreme generosity you have always pardoned defeated kings and peoples; with how much greater magnanimity and with inclinations how much more peaceful should you act in this victory which has made you masters of the world?”

> Latin: 45.8. quanto id maiore et placatiore animo decet vos facere in hac victoria, quae vos dominos orbis terrarum fecit?

[¶59] 45.9. “Laying aside now quarrels with all mortals, you, like the gods, should consider and spare the human race.” Even before the ambassadors arrived it had been decided what to reply. It was agreed that Africanus should answer.

> Latin: 45.9. positis iam adversus omnes mortales certaminibus haud secus quam deos consulere et parcere vos generi humano oportet.”

[¶60] 45.10. He is reported to have spoken to this effect: “Out of such things as were under the control of the immortal gods, we Romans have those things which the gods have given us;”

> Latin: 45.10. iam antequam legati venirent, decretum erat, quid responderetur.

[¶61] 45.11. “but our souls, which are subject to the will of our minds, we have kept and still keep unchanged in every kind of fortune, and neither has prosperity puffed them up nor has adversity depressed them.”

> Latin: 45.11. respondere Africanum placuit. is in hunc modum locutus fertur: “Romani ex iis, quae in deum immortalium potestate erant, ea habemus, quae dii dederunt;

[¶62] 45.12. “As proof of this, to omit all else, I should cite to you your Hannibal as witness if I could not cite yourselves.” “After we crossed the Hellespont, before we set eyes on the king's camp or beheld his battle-line, when Mars was approachable to both sides and the outcome of the war undetermined, when you raised the question of terms of peace, we offered conditions, as equals to equals, and these same conditions we now propose as victors to vanquished: keep your hands off Europe; withdraw from all Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains.”

> Latin: 45.12. animos, qui nostrae mentis sunt, eosdem in omni fortuna gessimus gerimusque, neque eos secundae res extulerunt nec adversae minuerunt. eius rei, ut alios omittam, Hannibalem vestrum vobis testem darem, nisi vos ipsos dare possem. postquam traiecimus Hellespontum, priusquam castra regia, priusquam aciem videremus, cum communis Mars et incertus belli eventus esset, de pace vobis agentibus quas pares paribus ferebamus condiciones, easdem nunc victores victis ferimus:

[¶63] 45.14. “Then, for the expenses incurred in the war, you will pay fifteen thousand Euboean talents, five hundred now, twenty-five hundred when the senate and the Roman people shall have ratified this treaty, then one thousand talents annually for twelve years. To Eumenes too it is our pleasure that four hundred talents be paid and the balance of the grain which is due his father.”

> Latin: 45.14. Europa abstinete; Asia omni, quae cis Taurum montem est, decedite. pro impensis deinde in bellum factis quindecim milia talentum Euboicorum dabitis, quingenta praesentia, duo milia et quingenta, cum senatus populusque Romanus pacem comprobaverint;

[¶64] 45.15. “When we have made this agreement, in order that we may hold it as certain that you will carry it out, there will be some guarantee if you give us twenty hostages of our selection;”

> Latin: 45.15. milia deinde talentum per duodecim annos. Eumeni quoque reddi quadringenta talenta et quod frumenti reliquum ex eo, quod patri debitum est, placet.

[¶65] 45.16. “but never will it be quite clear to us that the Roman people is at peace in any place where Hannibal shall be; him we demand before all else.”

> Latin: 45.16. haec cum pepigerimus, facturos vos ut pro certo habeamus, erit quidem aliquod pignus, si obsides viginti nostro arbitratu dabitis; sed numquam satis liquebit nobis ibi pacem esse populo Romano, ubi Hannibal erit: eum ante omnia deposcimus.

[¶66] 45.17. “Thoas the Aetolian, too, provoker of the Aetolian war, who by your confidence in them armed you and by their confidence in you armed them against us, you will surrender, and with him Mnasilochus the Acarnanian and Philo and Eubulidas of Chalcis.”

> Latin: 45.17. Thoantem quoque Aetolum, concitorem Aetolici belli, qui et illorum fiducia vos et vestra illos in nos armavit, dedetis et cum eo Mnasilochum Acarnana et Chalcidensis Philonem et Eubulidam.

[¶67] 45.18. “It will be in a worse plight that the king will make peace because he makes it later than he could have done. If he delays now, let him know that the majesty of kings falls with greater difficulty from the topmost point to the middle than it is hurled from the middle to the lowest point.” The ambassadors from the king had been sent with instructions authorizing them to accept any proffer of peace; and so it was decided that ambassadors should be sent to Rome.

> Latin: 45.18. in deteriore sua fortuna pacem faciet rex, quia serius facit, quam facere potuit. si nunc moratus fuerit, sciat regum maiestatem difficilius ab summo fastigio ad medium detrahi quam a mediis ad ima praecipitari.

[¶68] 45.19. The consul divided his army to winter at Magnesia on the Meander and at Tralles and at Ephesus. A few days later the hostages were delivered by the king to the consul at Ephesus and the envoys who were to go to Rome arrived.

> Latin: 45.19. ” cum iis mandatis ab rege missi erant legati, ut omnem pacis condicionem acciperent: itaque Romam mitti legatos placuit; consul in hiberna exercitum Magnesiam ad Maeandrum et Trallis Ephesumque divisit.

[¶69] 45.20. Eumenes also set out for Rome at the same time as the ambassadors of the king. They were followed by embassies of all the peoples of Asia.

> Latin: 45.20. Ephesum ad consulem paucos post dies obsides ab rege adducti sunt, et legati, qui Romam irent, venerunt. Eumenes quoque eodem tempore profectus est Romam, quo legati regis. secutae eos sunt legationes omnium Asiae populorum.

[¶70] 46.1. While this was going on in Asia, two proconsuls at about the same time came from their provinces to Rome with hopes of triumphs; Quintus Minucius from the Ligures, Manius Acilius from Aetolia.

> Latin: 46.1. dum haec in Asia geruntur, duo fere sub idem tempus cum triumphi spe proconsules de provinciis Romam redierunt, Q. Minucius ex Liguribus, M'. Acilius ex Aetolia.

[¶71] 46.2. When the achievements of the two had been heard, Minucius was refused a triumph, Acilius was granted one with general approval; and he rode into the City in triumph over King Antiochus and the Aetolians.

> Latin: 46.2. auditis utriusque rebus gestis Minucio negatus triumphus, Acilio magno consensu decretus; isque triumphans de rege Antiocho et Aetolis urbem est invectus.

[¶72] 46.3. There were carried in this triumph two hundred thirty military standards, three thousand pounds of silver bullion, one hundred thirteen thousand minted Attic four-drachma pieces, cistophori to the number of two hundred and forty-nine thousand, embossed silver vessels in large numbers and of great weight; he displayed also a set of silver furniture belonging to the king and a splendid garment, forty-five golden crowns, the gifts of allied cities, and spoils of all kinds.

> Latin: 46.3. praelata in eo triumpho sunt signa militaria ducenta triginta, et argenti infecti tria milia pondo, signati tetrachmum Atticum centum decem tria milia, cistophori ducenta undequinquaginta, vasa argentea caelata multa magnique ponderis;

[¶73] 46.4. He led thirty-six noble prisoners, Aetolians and commanders in the king's army. Damocritus the Aetolian chief, a few days before, escaped from prison by night, and while the guards were pursuing him along the banks of the Tiber, slew himself with a sword before he was arrested.

> Latin: 46.4. tulit et supellectilem regiam argenteam ac vestem magnificam, coronas aureas, dona sociarum civitatium, quadraginta quinque, spolia omnis generis. captivos nobiles, Aetolos et regios duces, sex et triginta duxit.

[¶74] 46.5. Only soldiers to follow the car were lacking; otherwise the triumph was splendid both as a spectacle and for the exploits it commemorated.

> Latin: 46.5. Damocritus, Aetolorum dux, paucos ante dies, cum e carcere noctu effugisset, in ripa Tiberis consecutis custodibus, priusquam comprehenderetur, gladio se transfixit.

[¶75] 46.6. The pleasure of this triumph was diminished by a sad message from Spain, that in a defeat at the hands of the Lusitani in the country of the Bastetani near the town of Lyco, six thousand of the Roman army under the command of Lucius Aemilius the proconsul had fallen and the rest had been driven in panic inside the rampart, had defended the camp with difficulty and had been led back like fugitives with forced marches into pacified territory. This was the news from Spain.

> Latin: 46.6. milites tantum, qui sequerentur currum, defuerunt; alioqui magnificus et spectaculo et fama rerum triumphus fuit. huius triumphi minuit laetitiam nuntius ex Hispania tristis, adversa pugna in Bastetanis ductu L. Aemilii proconsulis apud oppidum Lyconem cum Lusitanis sex milia de Romano exercitu cecidisse, ceteros paventis intra vallum compulsos aegre castra defendisse et ad modum fugientium magnis itineribus in agrum pacatum reductos.

[¶76] 46.9. From Gaul, ambassadors from the people of Placentia and Cremona were introduced to the senate by Lucius Aurunculeius the praetor.

> Latin: 46.9. haec ex Hispania nuntiata; ex Gallia legatos Placentinorum et Cremonensium L. Aurunculeius praetor in senatum introduxit.

[¶77] 46.10. When they complained of the shortage of colonists, some having been taken off by the fortunes of war, and some by disease, while others had left the colonies from reluctance to live with their Gallic neighbours, the senate decreed that Gaius Laelius the consul, if it should seem wise to him, should enrol six thousand families to be divided between these colonies and that Lucius Aurunculeius the praetor should create a board of three to conduct these colonists to their homes.

> Latin: 46.10. iis querentibus inopiam colonorum, aliis belli casibus, aliis morbo absumptis quosdam taedio accolarum Gallorum reliquisse colonias, decrevit senatus, uti C. Laelius consul, si ei videretur, sex milia familiarum conscriberet, quae in eas colonias dividerentur, et ut L. Aurunculeius praetor triumviros crearet ad eos colonos deducendos.

[¶78] 46.11. The board created consisted of Marcus Atilius Serranus, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, the son of Publius, and Lucius Valerius Tappo, the son of Lucius.

> Latin: 46.11. creati M. Atilius Serranus L. Valerius P. F. Flaccus L. Valerius C. F. Tappo.

[¶79] 47.1. Not very long afterwards, since the time for the consular election was at hand, Gaius Laelius the consul returned from Gaul to Rome.

> Latin: 47.1. haud ita multo post, cum iam consularium comitiorum appeteret tempus, C. Laelius consul ex Gallia Romam rediit.

[¶80] 47.2. He not only enrolled, in accordance with the decree of the senate passed in his absence, colonists as reinforcements for Cremona and Placentia, but he also moved that two new colonies should be established in the country which had belonged to the Boii, and on his proposal the Fathers so voted. At the same time a despatch from Lucius Aemilius the praetor arrived, announcing the naval battle fought off Myonnesus and the fact that Lucius Scipio the consul had transferred his army to Asia.

> Latin: 47.2. is non solum ex facto absente se senatus consulto in supplementum Cremonae et Placentiae colonos scripsit, sed, ut novae coloniae duae in agrum, qui Boiorum fuisset, deducerentur, et rettulit et auctore eo patres censuerunt.

[¶81] 47.3. By reason of the naval victory a period of prayer for one day was proclaimed and a second day was added because a Roman army had then for the first time encamped in Asia, in order that this event might turn out prosperously and successfully. The consul was directed to sacrifice twenty full-grown victims on each day of the period of supplication. Then the consular elections were held with active rivalry.

> Latin: 47.3. eodem tempore litterae L. Aemilii praetoris adlatae de navali pugna ad Myonnesum facta, et L. Scipionem consulem in Asiam exercitum traiecisse.

[¶82] 47.4. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was a candidate amid universal disapproval because he had left his province of Sicily to conduct his campaign without a vote of the senate authorizing him to do so. The candidates with him were Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Gnaeus Manlius Volso, and Marcus Valerius Messalla. Fulvius was the only consul elected, since the others did not win the necessary number of centuries, and

> Latin: 47.4. victoriae navalis ergo in diem unum supplicatio decreta est, in alterum diem, quod exercitus Romanus tum primum in Asia posuisset castra, ut ea res prospera et laeta eveniret. vicenis maioribus hostiis in singulas supplicationes sacrificare consul est iussus.

[¶83] 47.6. he on the following day announced the choice of Gnaeus Manlius as his colleague, Lepidus being defeated —for Messalla had no chance Then the praetors were chosen; two named Quintus Fabius, Labeo and Pictor —Pictor had been installed as priest of Quirinus that year, Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, Spurius Postumius Albinus, Lucius Plautius Hypsaeus, Lucius Baebius Dives.

> Latin: 47.6. inde consularia comitia magna contentione habita. M. Aemilius Lepidus petebat adversa omnium fama, quod provinciam Siciliam petendi causa non consulto senatu, ut sibi id facere liceret, reliquisset. petebant cum eo M. Fulvius Nobilior Cn. Manlius Vulso M. Valerius Messalla. Fulvius consul unus creatur, cum ceteri centurias non explessent, isque postero die Cn. Manlium Lepido deiecto — nam Messalla iacuit — collegam dixit. praetores exinde facti duo Q. Fabii, Labeo et Pictor — Pictor flamen Quirinalis eo anno inauguratus fuerat —, M. Sempronius Tuditanus Sp. Postumius Albinus L. Plautius Hypsaeus L. Baebius Dives.

[¶84] 48.1. In the consulship of Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and Gnaeus Manlius Volso, Valerius Antias records that a rumour was generally circulated in Rome and taken as almost certain that, for the purpose of recovering the young Scipio, the consul Lucius Scipio and with him Publius Africanus had been invited to a conference with the king and had been arrested, and that after the capture of their generals the army had been led against the Roman camp, that this had been captured and all the Roman forces destroyed;

> Latin: 48.1. M. Fulvio Nobiliore et Cn. Manlio Vulsone consulibus Valerius Antias auctor est rumorem celebrem Romae fuisse et paene pro certo habitum, recipiendi Scipionis adulescentis causa consulem L. Scipionem et cum eo P. Africanum in colloquium evocatos regis et ipsos comprehensos esse, et ducibus captis confestim ad castra Romana exercitum ductum, eaque expugnata et deletas omnis copias Romanorum esse.

[¶85] 48.4. that for this reason the Aetolians had taken heart and refused to obey orders and their chiefs had gone to Macedonia and the Dardanians and to Thrace to secure auxiliaries for hire and that Aulus Terentius and Marcus Claudius Lepidus had been sent to bring this report by Aulus Cornelius the propraetor in Aetolia.

> Latin: 48.4. ob haec Aetolos sustulisse animos et abnuisse imperata facere, principesque eorum in Macedoniam et in Dardanos et in Thraeciam ad conducenda mercede auxilia profectos. haec qui nuntiarent Romam, A. Terentium Varronem et M. Claudium Lepidum ab A. Cornelio propraetore ex Aetolia missos esse.

[¶86] 48.6. It added a further item to the story that the Aetolian ambassadors among other things were also asked in the senate, from what sources they had learned that the Roman commanders in Asia had been taken prisoners by King Antiochus and the army wiped out; that the Aetolians replied that they had been informed by their ambassadors who had been with the consul.

> Latin: 48.6. subtexit deinde fabulae huic legatos Aetolos in senatu inter cetera hoc quoque interrogatos esse, unde audissent imperatores Romanos in Asia captos ab Antiocho rege et exercitum deletum esse;

[¶87] 48.7. Because I have no other authority for this story the rumour, in my judgment, should not have been given credence nor yet dismissed as without foundation.

> Latin: 48.7. Aetolos respondisse ab suis legatis se, qui cum consule fuerint, certiores factos. rumoris huius quia neminem alium auctorem habeo, neque adfirmata res mea opinione sit nec pro vana praetermissa.

[¶88] 49.1. The Aetolian ambassadors, when introduced to the senate, although both their own interests and their situation urged them by confessing their fault or their mistake, whichever one chooses to call it, to supplicate for pardon, began by reciting their services to the Roman people, and almost belligerently lauded their own valour in the war with Philip and offended men's ears by their insolent language and, by recalling

> Latin: 49.1. Aetoli legati in senatum introducti, cum et causa eos sua et fortuna hortaretur, ut confitendo seu culpae seu errori veniam supplices peterent, orsi a beneficiis in populum Romanum et prope exprobrantes virtutem suam in Philippi bello et offenderunt aures insolentia sermonis et eo,

[¶89] 49.3. old and forgotten incidents, brought things to such a pass, that the memory of the misdeeds of that people, far more numerous than their services, filled the minds of the Fathers, and that men whose need was for mercy roused only anger and hatred.

> Latin: 49.3. vetera et oblitterata repetendo, rem adduxerunt, ut haud paulo plurium maleficiorum gentis quam beneficiorum memoria subiret animos patrum, et quibus misericordia opus erat, iram et odium irritarent.

[¶90] 49.4. On being questioned by one senator whether they would leave the decision regarding themselves to the Roman people, and then by another whether they would agree to have the same friends and enemies as the Roman people, and making no reply to the questions, they were ordered to leave the temple.

> Latin: 49.4. interrogati ab uno senatore, permitterentne arbitrium de se populo Romano, deinde ab altero, habiturine eosdem quos populus Romanus socios et hostis essent, nihil ad ea respondentes egredi templo iussi sunt.

[¶91] 49.5. The shout went up from almost the entire senate that the Aetolians still belonged entirely to Antiochus and that their thoughts turned on this one hope; and so the war should go on with them, as beyond doubt enemies, and their haughty spirits should be well broken.

> Latin: 49.5. conclamatum deinde prope ab universo senatu est totos adhuc Antiochi Aetolos esse et ex unica ea spe pendere animos eorum: itaque bellum cum haud dubiis hostibus gerendum perdomandosque feroces animos esse.

[¶92] 49.6. This circumstance too inflamed their minds, that at the very time when they were asking peace of the Romans they were invading Dolopia and Athamania.

> Latin: 49.6. illa etiam res accendit, quod eo ipso tempore, quo pacem ab Romanis petebant, Dolopiae atque Athamaniae bellum inferebant.

[¶93] 49.7. A decree of the senate was passed on the motion of Manius Acilius, the man who had conquered Antiochus and the Aetolians, that the Aetolians should be ordered to leave the City that day and Italy within fifteen days.

> Latin: 49.7. senatus consultum in M'. Acilii sententiam, qui Antiochum Aetolosque devicerat, factum est, ut Aetoli eo die iuberentur proficisci ab urbe et intra quintum decimum diem Italia excedere.

[¶94] 49.8. Aulus Terentius Varro was delegated to safeguard their journey, and formal notice was served that if any embassy thereafter from the Aetolians came to Rome except with the consent of the commander who held that province and accompanied by a Roman commissioner, they would treat all its members as enemies. In this fashion the Aetolians were dismissed.

> Latin: 49.8. A. Terentius Varro ad custodiendum iter eorum missus, denuntiatumque, si qua deinde legatio ex Aetolis, nisi permissu imperatoris, qui eam provinciam obtineret, et cum legato Romano venisset Romam, pro hostibus omnis futuros. ita dimissi Aetoli.

[¶95] 50.1. Then the question of the provinces was brought up by the consuls;

> Latin: 50.1. de provinciis deinde consules rettulerunt; sortiri eos Aetoliam et Asiam placuit;

[¶96] 50.2. it was decided that they should draw lots for Aetolia and Asia; the one to whom Asia was allotted should be assigned the army which Lucius Scipio had, and as reinforcement for it four thousand Roman infantry and two hundred cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy eight thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry; with these forces he was to conduct the war against Antiochus.

> Latin: 50.2. qui Asiam sortitus esset, exercitus ei, quem L. Scipio haberet, est decretus et in eum supplementum quattuor milia peditum Romanorum, ducenti equites, et sociorum ac Latini nominis octo milia peditum, quadringenti equites;

[¶97] 50.4. To the other consul the army which was in Aetolia was decreed, and he was authorized to enlist as reinforcements the same number of citizens and allies as his colleague.

> Latin: 50.4. his copiis ut bellum cum Antiocho gereret. alteri consuli exercitus, qui erat in Aetolia, est decretus, et ut in supplementum scriberet permissum civium sociorumque eundem numerum, quem collega.

[¶98] 50.5. The same consul, moreover, was directed to fit out and take with him the ships which had been built the year before; and not to wage war with the Aetolians alone, but also to cross to the island of Cephallania.

> Latin: 50.5. naves quoque idem consul, quae priore anno paratae erant, ornare iussus ac ducere secum; nec cum Aetolis solum bellum gerere, sed etiam in Cephallaniam insulam traicere.

[¶99] 50.6. The same consul was instructed, if he could do so advantageously to the state, to come to Rome for the elections; for, apart from the fact that the new annual magistrates were to be chosen, it was their pleasure to elect censors also.

> Latin: 50.6. mandatum eidem, ut, si per commodum rei publicae facere posset, ut ad comitia Romam veniret:

[¶100] 50.7. If anything detained him, he should inform the senate that he could not be present at the time of the elections.

> Latin: 50.7. nam, praeterquam quod magistratus annui subrogandi essent, censores quoque placere creari. si qua res eum teneret, senatum certiorem faceret se ad comitiorum tempus occurrere non posse.

[¶101] 50.8. Aetolia fell to Marcus Fulvius, Asia to Gnaeus Manlius, as a result of the drawing. The praetors then drew lots, and Spurius Postumius Albinus received the civil jurisdiction and that between citizens and aliens, Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus Sicily, Quintus Fabius Pictor, the priest of Quirinus, Sardinia, Quintus Fabius Labeo the fleet, Lucius Plautius Hypsaeus Nearer Spain, Lucius Baebius Dives Farther Spain.

> Latin: 50.8. Aetolia M. Fulvio, Asia Cn. Manlio sorte evenit. praetores deinde sortiti sunt, Sp. Postumius Albinus urbanam et inter peregrinos, M. Sempronius Tuditanus Siciliam, Q. Fabius Pictor, flamen Quirinalis, Sardiniam, Q. Fabius Labeo classem, L. Plautius Hypsaeus Hispaniam citeriorem, L. Baebius Dives Hispaniam ulteriorem.

[¶102] 50.9. For Sicily one legion and the fleet which was in the province were decreed; and the new praetor was ordered to levy two tithes of grain on the Sicilians; one of them he should send to Asia, the other to Aetolia.

> Latin: 50.9. Siciliae legio una et classis, quae in ea provincia erat, decreta, et ut duas decumas frumenti novus praetor imperaret Siculis, earum alteram in Asiam, alteram in Aetoliam mitteret.

[¶103] 50.10. The same was also ordered to be exacted from the Sardinians and the corn shipped to the same armies as that from Sicily.

> Latin: 50.10. idem ab Sardis exigi atque ad eosdem exercitus id frumentum, ad quos Siculum, deportari iussum.

[¶104] 50.11. To Lucius Baebius as replacements for service in Spain were given one thousand Roman infantry and fifty cavalry and six thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the Latin confederacy;

> Latin: 50.11. L. Baebio supplementum in Hispaniam datum mille Romani pedites, equites quinquaginta, et sex milia peditum Latini nominis, ducenti equites;

[¶105] 50.12. to Plautius Hypsaeus for Nearer Spain were assigned one thousand Roman infantry and of the allies of the Latin confederacy two thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry; with these additions the two Spains would have one legion each.

> Latin: 50.12. Plautio Hypsaeo in Hispaniam citeriorem mille Romani dati sunt pedites, duo milia socium Latini nominis et ducenti equites; cum his supplementis ut singulas legiones duae Hispaniae haberent.

[¶106] 50.13. As for the magistrates of the year before, prorogation of the imperium for one year was ordered for Gaius Laelius with his army; the same was done for Publius Junius, propraetor in Etruria, with the army which was in the province, and for Marcus Tuccius, propraetor among the Brutti and in Apulia.

> Latin: 50.13. prioris anni magistratibus, C. Laelio cum uno exercitu prorogatum in annum imperium est; prorogatum et P. Iunio propraetori in Etruria cum eo exercitu, qui in provincia esset, et M. Tuccio propraetori in Bruttiis et Apulia.

## 30. Book XXXVII · chapters 51–60

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/30/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/30/#p-N

[¶0] 51.1. Before the praetors went to their provinces there was a dispute between Publius Licinius the pontifex maximus and Quintus Fabius Pictor the priest of Quirinus, such as within the memory of our fathers arose between Lucius Metellus and Postumius Albinus.

> Latin: 51.1. priusquam in provincias praetores irent, certamen inter P. Licinium pontificem maximum fuit et Q. Fabium Pictorem flaminem Quirinalem, quale patrum memoria inter L. Metellum et Postumium Albinum fuerat.

[¶1] 51.2. When that consul was setting out with his colleague Gaius Lutatius to Sicily and the fleet, Metellus the pontifex maximus had detained him for the religious ceremonies; this praetor was prevented from going to Sardinia by Publius Licinius.

> Latin: 51.2. consulem illum cum C. Lutatio collega in Siciliam ad classem proficiscentem ad sacra retinuerat Metellus, pontifex maximus;

[¶2] 51.3. Both in the senate and before the assembly the quarrel was carried on with great vigour, and orders were issued on both sides and guarantees taken and fines imposed and tribunes applied to and appeals presented to the assembly. The religious argument finally prevailed; the priest was ordered to obey the pontifex, and by command of the people the fine was remitted to him.

> Latin: 51.3. praetorem hunc, ne in Sardiniam proficisceretur, P. Licinius tenuit. et in senatu et ad populum magnis contentionibus certatum, et imperia inhibita ultro citroque, et pignera capta, et multae dictae, et tribuni appellati, et provocatum ad populum est.

[¶3] 51.5. When, in anger at being deprived of his province, he tried to resign his office, the Fathers by their influence prevented him and decreed that he should exercise jurisdiction between citizens and aliens.

> Latin: 51.5. religio ad postremum vicit; ut dicto audiens esset flamen pontifici iussus; et multa iussu populi ei remissa.

[¶4] 51.6. The levies being then completed within a few days —for not many soldiers were to be enrolled —the consuls and praetors departed to their provinces.

> Latin: 51.6. ira provinciae ereptae praetorem magistratu abdicare se conantem patres auctoritate sua deterruerunt et, ut ius inter peregrinos diceret, decreverunt.

[¶5] 51.7. Then there was a rumour idly circulated with no definite authority about events in Asia, and a few days later trustworthy messengers and the despatches of the consul reached Rome, which did not so much bring joy after recent fear —for they had ceased to fear the king after his defeat in Aetolia —as on account of his former reputation, since, when they entered upon the war he seemed a dangerous adversary, partly because of his own resources and partly because he had Hannibal as his director of operations.

> Latin: 51.7. dilectibus deinde intra paucos dies — neque enim multi milites legendi erant — perfectis consules praetoresque in provincias proficiscuntur. fama dein de rebus in Asia gestis temere vulgata sine auctore, et post dies paucos nuntii certi litteraeque imperatoris Romam adlatae, quae non tantum gaudium ab recenti metu attulerunt — desierant enim victum in Aetolia metuere — quam a vetere fama, quod ineuntibus id bellum gravis hostis et suis viribus, et quod Hannibalem rectorem militiae haberet, visus fuerat.

[¶6] 51.10. Nevertheless, they decreed that there should be neither any change in the plan to send the consul to Asia nor any diminution in his forces, for fear that he would be compelled to fight with the Gauls.

> Latin: 51.10. nihil tamen aut de consule mittendo in Asiam mutandum aut minuendas eius copias censuerunt metu, ne cum Gallis foret bellandum.

[¶7] 52.1. Not much later Marcus Aurelius Cotta, representing Lucius Scipio, came with the ambassadors of King Antiochus, and King Eumenes and the Rhodians arrived in Rome.

> Latin: 52.1. haud multo post M. Aurelius Cotta legatus L. Scipionis cum Antiochi regis legatis et Eumenes rex Rhodiique Romam venerunt.

[¶8] 52.2. Cotta first in the senate and then before the assembly by order of the senate described what had occurred in Asia. A period of thanksgiving was then proclaimed for three days and forty full-grown victims were ordered sacrificed. Then first of all Eumenes was granted an audience by the senate.

> Latin: 52.2. Cotta in senatu primum, deinde in contione iussu patrum, quae acta in Asia essent, exposuit. supplicatio inde in triduum decreta est, et quadraginta maiores hostiae immolari iussae.

[¶9] 52.3. When he had briefly thanked the Fathers because they had rescued him and his brother from siege and saved his kingdom from the violence of Antiochus, and then congratulated them because success had attended their efforts on land and sea and because they had driven King Antiochus, defeated, routed and stripped of his camp, first out of Europe and then out of Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains, he said next that he preferred that they should hear of his own services from their own commanders and legates than from his relation of them.

> Latin: 52.3. tum omnium primum Eumeni senatus datus est. is cum breviter et egisset gratias patribus, quod obsidione se ac fratrem exemissent regnumque ab iniuriis Antiochi vindicassent, et gratulatus esset, quod terra marique res prospere gessissent, quodque regem Antiochum fusum fugatumque et exutum castris prius Europa, post et Asia, quae cis Taurum montem est, expulissent,

[¶10] 52.5. All applauded this, and bade him lay aside his modesty in this respect and say himself what he thought should properly be given him by the senate and the Roman people:

> Latin: 52.5. sua deinde merita malle eos ex imperatoribus suis legatisque quam se commemorante cognoscere dixit.

[¶11] 52.6. the senate, they said, would act with greater readiness and greater generosity, if it were possible, in accordance with his merits; to this the king replied that if a choice of rewards were offered him by others, he would have been glad, if only the privilege of consulting the Roman senate were granted him, to enjoy the advice of that most distinguished body, that he might not seem either to have conceived immoderate ambitions or to have stated them with too little restraint;

> Latin: 52.6. haec approbantibus cunctis iubentibusque dicere ipsum, omissa in id verecundia, quid sibi ab senatu populoque Romano tribui aequum censeret: propensius cumulatiusque, si quo possit, prout eius merita sint, senatum facturum, ad ea rex, si ab aliis sibi praemiorum optio deferretur, libenter, data modo facultate consulendi senatum Romanum, consilio amplissimi ordinis usurum fuisse, ne quid aut immoderate cupisse aut petisse parum modeste videri posset;

[¶12] 52.8. but in fact, since they themselves were planning to give something to him, so much the more should their generosity to him and his brothers be controlled by their own judgment. The Fathers were not deterred by these words from urging him to speak, and when the argument had continued for some time between generosity on one side and modesty on the other, between men who were leaving the decision to one another with a suavity not more equal in both than difficult to modify, Eumenes left the temple.

> Latin: 52.8. verum enimvero cum ipsi daturi sint, multo magis munificentiam eorum in se fratresque suos ipsorum arbitrii debere esse nihil hac oratione eius patres conscripti deterriti sunt, quo minus dicere ipsum iuberent, et, cum aliquamdiu hinc indulgentia hinc modestia inter permittentis in vicem non magis mutua quam inexplicabili facilitate certatum esset, Eumenes ex templo excessit.

[¶13] 52.10. The senate remained unaltered in the same determination, to the point of saying that it seemed unreasonable that the king should not know with what hopes and aspirations he had come; he himself knew best what was suitable for his kingdom; he was far better acquainted with Asia than the senate; he should therefore be recalled and compelled to say what he wished and what were his opinions.

> Latin: 52.10. senatus in eadem perstare sententia, ut absurdum esse diceret ignorare regem, quid sperans aut petens venerit; quae accommodata regno suo sint, ipsum optime scire; Asiam longe melius quam senatum nosse; revocandum igitur et cogendum, quae vellet quaeque sentiret, expromere.

[¶14] 53.1. The king was therefore brought back into the temple by the praetor, and, being ordered to speak, began thus: “I should have continued, conscript Fathers, in my silence, did I not know that you would presently summon the embassy of the Rhodians and that after they were heard it would be necessary for me to speak.”

> Latin: 53.1. reductus a praetore in templum rex et dicere iussus “perseverassem” inquit “tacere, patres conscripti, nisi Rhodiorum legationem mox vocaturos vos scirem, et illis auditis mihi necessitatem fore dicendi.

[¶15] 53.2. “This discussion, indeed, will be the more difficult because these demands of theirs will be such that they will not only seem to ask nothing which is against my interests, but not even seem to ask for what is particularly their concern.”

> Latin: 53.2. quae quidem eo difficilior oratio erit, quod ea postulata eorum futura sunt, ut non solum nihil, quod contra me sit, sed ne quod ad ipsos quidem proprie pertineat, petere videantur.

[¶16] 53.3. “For they will plead the cause of the Greek cities, and will say that they should be set free. If this is granted, who doubts that they will deprive us not merely of the states that are to be liberated but of our ancient tributaries as well, while they themselves will ” “have nominally, indeed, allies, bound to them by so great a service, but in reality subject to their dominion and dependent upon it?”

> Latin: 53.3. agent enim causam civitatium Graecarum, et liberari eas dicent debere. quo impetrato, cui dubium est, quin et a nobis aversuri sint non eas modo civitates, quae liberabuntur, sed etiam veteres stipendiarias nostras, ipsi autem tanto obligatos beneficio verbo socios, re vera subiectos imperio et obnoxios habituri sint?

[¶17] 53.5. “And —heaven help us! —while they have their eyes fixed on such power, they will pretend that this is no concern of theirs; they will say only that this is suitable conduct for you and consistent with what you have done in the past.”

> Latin: 53.5. et, si dis placet, cum has tantas opes affectabunt, dissimulabunt ulla parte id ad se pertinere; vos modo id decere et conveniens esse ante factis dicent.

[¶18] 53.6. “That you shall not be entrapped by such reasoning must be your own care, and not only that you shall not unduly hold down some of your allies inequitably and raise up others beyond proper limits, but also that those who have borne arms against you shall not be in better case than your allies and friends.”

> Latin: 53.6. haec vos ne decipiat oratio, providendum vobis erit, neve non solum inaequaliter alios nimium deprimatis ex sociis vestris, alios praeter modum extollatis, sed etiam ne, qui adversus vos arma tulerint, in meliore statu sint, quam socii et amici vestri quod ad me attinet, in aliis rebus cessisse intra finem iuris mei cuilibet videri malim, quam nimis pertinaciter in obtinendo eo tetendisse;

[¶19] 53.7. “So far as I am concerned, I should prefer to seem, in other respects, to have yielded something to anyone, though it was within the limits of my rights, than to have struggled too stubbornly to maintain it; but in a contest of friendship towards you, of goodwill towards you, of respect which is due you, I cannot willingly be overcome.” “This is the greatest inheritance I have received from my father, who first of all the inhabitants of Asia and Greece entered into your friendship and who maintained it with constant and true faith to the very end of his life; nor did he merely assume a pose of being your loyal and well-disposed friend, but he took part in all your wars ” “which you waged in Greece, and he aided you with military and naval forces and all manner of supplies, so that none of your allies can be ranked on an equality with him in any respect; last of all, while he was urging the Boeotians to join your alliance, collapsing in the very midst of his speech, he breathed his last only a little while afterwards.”

> Latin: 53.7. in certamine autem amicitiae vestrae, benevolentiae erga vos, honoris, qui a vobis habebitur, minime aequo animo vinci possum. hanc ego maximam hereditatem a patre accepi, qui primus omnium Asiam Graeciamque incolentium in amicitiam venit vestram eamque perpetua et constanti fide ad extremum vitae finem perduxit; nec animum dumtaxat vobis fidelem ac bonum praestitit, sed omnibus interfuit bellis, quae in Graecia gessistis, terrestribus navalibus, omni genere commeatuum, ita ut nemo sociorum vestrorum ulla parte aequari posset, vos adiuvit;

[¶20] 53.10. “I, following in his footsteps, have not been able to add anything to his good-will, indeed, and his zeal in honouring you —for ” “these are not to be surpassed; that I was able to outdo him in actual accomplishments and services and expenditure of effort for you, fate, the times, Antiochus, and the war waged in Asia have furnished opportunity.”

> Latin: 53.10. postremo, cum Boeotos ad societatem vestram hortaretur, in ipsa contione intermortuus haud multo post exspiravit. huius ego vestigia ingressus voluntati quidem et studio in colendis vobis adicere — etenim inexsuperabilia haec erant — nihil potui;

[¶21] 53.12. “Antiochus, king of Asia and part of Europe, wished to give me his daughter in marriage; he offered to restore at once the cities which had revolted from us;”

> Latin: 53.12. rebus ipsis meritisque et impensis officiorum ut superare possem, fortuna tempora Antiochus et bellum in Asia gestum praebuerunt materiam.

[¶22] 53.13. “he held out great prospects of future enlargement of my kingdom, if I should join him in war upon you.” “I shall not make a boast of the fact that I have done you no wrong; I shall rather relate what is worthy of the very ancient friendship between our house and you. With my army and navy, on such a scale that no one of your allies could equal it, I aided your commanders; I supplied them with provisions on land and sea;”

> Latin: 53.13. rex Asiae et partis Europae Antiochus filiam suam in matrimonium mihi dabat; restituebat extemplo civitates, quae defecerant a nobis; spem magnam in posterum amplificandi regni faciebat, si secum bellum adversus vos gessissem. non gloriabor eo, quod nihil in vos deliquerim; illa potius, quae vetustissima domus nostrae vobiscum amicitia digna sunt, referam.

[¶23] 53.15. “I took part in all the naval battles which were fought in many places; I never spared either my toil or my peril. The most wretched fate in war, siege, I suffered, shut up in Pergamum, to the extreme peril at once of life and throne.”

> Latin: 53.15. pedestribus navalibusque copiis, ut nemo sociorum vestrorum me aequiperare posset, imperatores vestros adiuvi; commeatus terra marique suppeditavi; navalibus proeliis, quae multis locis facta sunt, omnibus adfui; nec labori meo nec periculo usquam peperci.

[¶24] 53.16. “Then, freed from siege, when Antiochus on one side, Seleucus on the other, had their camps around the citadel of my kingdom, I let my own affairs go and with my whole fleet met Lucius Scipio at the Hellespont to aid him in transporting his army across.”

> Latin: 53.16. quod miserrimum est in bello, obsidionem passus sum, Pergami inclusus cum discrimine ultimo simul vitae regnique.

[¶25] 53.17. “After your army arrived in Asia, I never left the consul; no Roman soldier was more constantly in your camp than I and my brothers; no raid, no cavalry engagement, took place without me; I stood in the battle-line and defended that sector in which the consul wished me to be.”

> Latin: 53.17. liberatus deinde obsidione, cum alia parte Antiochus alia Seleucus circa arcem regni mei castra haberent, relictis meis rebus tota classe ad Hellespontum L. Scipioni consuli vestro occurri, ut eum in traiciendo exercitu adiuvarem.

[¶26] 53.18. “I shall not, conscript Fathers, ask: Who can be compared with me in his services in this war? I should not venture to compare myself with anyone, either people or king, whom you hold in great honour.”

> Latin: 53.18. posteaquam in Asiam exercitus vester est transgressus, numquam a consule abscessi; nemo miles Romanus magis adsiduus in castris fuit vestris quam ego fratresque mei; nulla expeditio, nullum equestre proelium sine me factum est;

[¶27] 53.19. “Masinissa was your enemy before he was your ally, nor was it while his kingdom was uninjured and he could bring his own troops to your help, but when he was an exile, banished, with all his resources gone, that he fled with one troop of cavalry to your camp;”

> Latin: 53.19. in acie ibi steti, eam partem sum tutatus, in qua me consul esse voluit. non sum hoc dicturas, patres conscripti: quis hoc bello meritis erga vos mecum comparari potest?

[¶28] 53.20. “nevertheless, because he stood loyally and steadfastly with you in Africa against Syphax and the Carthaginians, you not only restored him to his paternal kingdom but, bestowing upon him the richest part of the realm of Syphax, you made him pre-eminent among the kings of Africa.”

> Latin: 53.20. ego nulli omnium neque populorum neque regum, quos in magno honore habetis, non ausim me comparare.

[¶29] 53.21. “Of what reward and honour, pray, are we then worthy in your sight, who have never been your enemies, always your allies?”

> Latin: 53.21. Masinissa hostis vobis ante quam socius fuit, nec incolumi regno cum auxiliis suis, sed extorris, expulsus, amissis omnibus copiis, cum turma equitum in castra confugit vestra:

[¶30] 53.22. “My father, myself, my brothers, not in Asia alone, but far from home, in the Peloponnesus, in Boeotia, in Aetolia, in the wars with Philip, with Antiochus, with the Aetolians, on land and sea, have borne arms in your cause. But someone may say,' What then do you ask?' ” “As to that, conscript Fathers, (since I must in any case obey your wish that I should speak) if you expelled Antiochus beyond the heights of Taurus with the intention of yourselves holding those lands, there are no neighbours or settlers whom I prefer to you, nor do I expect that my kingdom will be safer or more enduring under any other circumstances;”

> Latin: 53.22. tamen eum, quia in Africa adversus Syphacem et Carthaginiensis fideliter atque impigre vobiscum stetit, non in patrium solum regnum restituistis, sed adiecta opulentissima parte Syphacis regni praepotentem inter Africae reges fecistis. quo tandem igitur nos praemio atque honore digni apud vos sumus, qui numquam hostes, semper socii fuimus?

[¶31] 53.24. “but if it is your purpose to retire and withdraw your armies from there, I should dare to say that no one of your allies is more worthy than I to hold what you have won in war.”

> Latin: 53.24. pater, ego, fratres mei non in Asia tantum, sed etiam procul ab domo in Peloponneso in Boeotia in Aetolia, Philippi Antiochi Aetolico bello, terra marique pro vobis arma tulimus.

[¶32] 53.25. “But there will be protests because it is a fine thing to liberate enslaved cities. Such is my opinion, if they have committed no hostile acts against you; but if they were of Antiochus' party, how much more worthy of your wisdom and justice is it to have regard for well-deserving allies than for ” “enemies?” The speech of the king pleased the Fathers, and it was quite evident that they would deal with the whole matter generously and in a sympathetic spirit. A brief audience was then accorded the delegation from the Zmyrnaeans, since one of the Rhodians had not yet arrived. The Zmyrnaeans were conspicuously lauded because they had preferred to endure all extremities rather than submit to the king, and the Rhodians were introduced. The chief of their embassy, after setting forth the origins of their friendship with the Roman people and the services of the Rhodians, first in the war with Philip and later in the war with Antiochus, continued thus:

> Latin: 53.25. quid ergo postulas? dicat aliquis. ego, patres conscripti, quoniam dicere utique volentibus vobis parendum est, si vos ea mente ultra Tauri iuga emostis Antiochum, ut ipsi teneretis eas terras, nullos accolas nec finitimos habere quam vos malo, nec ulla re alia tutius stabiliusque regnum meum futurum spero; sed si vobis decedere inde atque deducere exercitus in animo est, neminem digniorem esse ex sociis vestris, qui bello a vobis parta possideat, quam me dicere ausim. at enim magnificum est liberare civitates servas. ita opinor, si nihil hostile adversus vos fecerunt; sin autem Antiochi partis fuerunt, quanto est vestra prudentia et aequitate dignius sociis bene meritis quam hostibus vos consulere? “ grata oratio regis patribus fuit et facile apparebat munifice omnia et propenso animo facturos. interposita Smyrnaeorum brevis legatio est, quia non aderat quidam Rhodiorum. collaudatis egregie Smyrnaeis, quod omnia ultima pati quam se regi tradere maluissent, introducti Rhodii sunt. quorum princeps legationis expositis initiis amicitiae cum populo Romano meritisque Rhodiorum Philippi prius, deinde Antiochi bello “ nihil“inquit “nobis tota nostra actione, patres conscripti, neque difficilius neque molestius est, quam quod cum Eumene nobis disceptatio est,

[¶33] 54.5. “Nothing in all our pleading, conscript Fathers, is so difficult for us or so painful as the fact that our difference of opinion is with Eumenes, with whom alone of kings and in preference to all others, both individuals of our community privately and, what moves us more, our state publicly, is in relations of hospitality.” “But it is not our personal feelings, conscript Fathers, which part us, but the nature of things, which is all-powerful, so that we who are free are pleading the cause of liberty for others as well, while kings wish everything to be enslaved and subject to their will.”

> Latin: 54.5. cum quo uno maxime regum et privatim singulis et, quod magis nos movet, publicum civitati nostrae hospitium est. ceterum non animi nostri, patres conscripti, nos, sed rerum natura, quae potentissima est, disiungit, ut nos liberi etiam aliorum libertatis causam agamus, reges serva omnia et subiecta imperio suo esse velint.

[¶34] 54.7. “Yet, however that may be, the fact is rather that it is our respect for the king which stands in our way than that the question itself is either involved for us or likely, as it seems, to cause you any hesitancy in deciding.”

> Latin: 54.7. utcumque tamen res sese habet, magis verecundia nostra adversus regem nobis obstat, quam ipsa disceptatio aut nobis impedita est aut vobis perplexam deliberationem praebitura videtur.

[¶35] 54.8. “For if in no other way could honour be paid an allied and friendly king and one who had rendered good service in this very war, about whose compensation there was debate, than by your giving free cities into servitude to him, the ” “discussion would be of doubtful issue, lest you either send away a friendly king without his meed of honour or depart from your tradition and stain the glory won in the war with Philip by now enslaving so many cities;”

> Latin: 54.8. nam si aliter socio atque amico regi et bene merito hoc ipso in bello, de cuius praemiis agitur, honos haberi nullus posset, nisi liberas civitates in servitutem traderetis ei, esset deliberatio anceps, ne aut regem amicum inhonoratum dimitteretis, aut decederetis instituto vestro gloriamque Philippi bello partam nunc servitute tot civitatium deformaretis;

[¶36] 54.10. “but from this necessity of either diminishing your recompense to a friend or detracting from your own fame, fortune offers you a splendid escape. For by the bounty of heaven, your victory brings not more glory than riches, and it may easily discharge what you may call your debt.”

> Latin: 54.10. sed ab hac necessitate aut gratiae in amicum minuendae aut gloriae vestrae egregie vos fortuna vindicat. est enim deum benignitate non gloriosa magis quam dives victoria vestra, quae vos facile isto velut aere alieno exsolvat.

[¶37] 54.11. “For Lycaonia and both Phrygias and all Pisidia and the Chersonesus, all of which adjoin Europe, are in your power, and any of ” “these, bestowed upon the king, can greatly enlarge the kingdom of Eumenes, and the gift of them all can make him equal to the greatest of kings.”

> Latin: 54.11. nam et Lycaonia et Phrygia utraque et Pisidia omnis et Chersonesus quaeque circumiacent Europae, in vestra sunt potestate, quarum una quaelibet regi adiecta multiplicare regnum Eumenis potest, omnes vero datae maximis eum regibus aequare.

[¶38] 54.13. “It is possible for you both to enrich your allies with prizes of war and not to depart from your tradition and to remember what banner you displayed before you earlier in the war against Philip and now in the war against Antiochus —what ” “you have done after defeating Philip and what to-day, not more because you did so formerly than because it becomes you to do so, is desired and expected at your hands.”

> Latin: 54.13. licet ergo vobis et praemiis belli ditare socios et non decedere instituto vestro et meminisse, quem titulum praetenderitis prius adversus Philippum, nunc adversus Antiochum belli, quid feceritis Philippo victo, quid nunc a vobis, non magis quia fecistis, quam quia id vos facere decet, desideretur atque expectetur. alia enim aliis et honesta et probabilis est causa armorum:

[¶39] 54.15. “One nation has one and another nation has another just and reasonable cause for taking up arms; those that they may possess lands, these cities, these towns, these harbours and some strip of coast; you have neither desired these things before you had them, nor now, when the world is in your hands, can you desire them.”

> Latin: 54.15. illi agrum, hi vicos, hi oppida, hi portus oramque aliquam maris ut possideant; vos nec cupistis haec antequam haberetis, nec nunc, cum orbis terrarum in dicione vestra sit, cupere potestis.

[¶40] 54.16. “For the sake of standing and fame in the eyes of the whole world, which for long now has regarded your name and empire as next after those of the immortal gods, you have waged your wars. What it was difficult to get and acquire, it may be perhaps still more difficult to keep.”

> Latin: 54.16. pro dignitate et gloria apud omne humanum genus, quod vestrum nomen imperiumque iuxta ac deos immortales iam pridem intuetur, pugnastis. quae parare et quaerere arduum fuit, nescio an tueri difficilius sit.

[¶41] 54.17. “You have undertaken to defend against slavery to a king the liberty of a most ancient people, most famed either from the renown of its achievements or from universal praise of its culture and learning; this championship of a whole people taken under your protection and guardianship it befits you to guarantee for ever.”

> Latin: 54.17. gentis vetustissimae nobilissimaeque vel fama rerum gestarum vel omni commendatione humanitatis doctrinarumque tuendam ab servitio regio libertatem suscepistis; hoc patrocinium receptae in fidem et clientelam vestram universae gentis perpetuum vos praestare decet.

[¶42] 54.18. “The cities which are on the ancient soil are not more Greek than their colonies, which once set out from there for Asia; nor does a change of habitation change race or manners. We have dared to vie in reverent rivalry in every noble art and virtue with our fathers, every city too with its founders.”

> Latin: 54.18. non, quae in solo [modo] antiquo sunt, Graecae magis urbes sunt quam coloniae earum, illinc quondam profectae in Asiam;

[¶43] 54.19. “Many of you have visited the cities of Greece, have visited the cities of Asia; except that we are farther distant from you, we are inferior in no respect.”

> Latin: 54.19. nec terra mutata mutavit genus aut mores. certare pio certamine cuiuslibet bonae artis ac virtutis ausi sumus cum parentibus quaeque civitas et conditoribus suis.

[¶44] 54.20. “The people of Massilia, whom, if inborn nature could be conquered, so to speak, by the temper of a land, so many untamed tribes ” “around them would long ago have barbarized, we hear are held in the same respect and deservedly paid the same honour by you as if they dwelt in the very navel of Greece.

> Latin: 54.20. adistis Graeciae, adistis Asiae urbes plerique: nisi quod longius a vobis absumus, nulla vincimur alia re.

[¶45] 54.21. For they have kept not only the sound of their speech along with their dress and their outward appearance, but, before all, their manners and laws and character pure and free from the corruption of their neighbours.”

> Latin: 54.21. Massiliensis, quos, si natura insita velut ingenio terrae vinci posset, iam pridem efferassent tot indomitae circumfusae gentes, in eo honore, in ea merito dignitate audimus apud vos esse, ac si medium umbilicum Graeciae incolerent.

[¶46] 54.22. “The Taurus mountains are now the limit of your empire; nothing, whatever lies within this boundary, should seem remote to you; where your army had made its way, thither too let your law advance and make its way.”

> Latin: 54.22. non enim sonum modo linguae vestitumque et habitum, sed ante omnia mores et leges et ingenium sincerum integrumque a contagione accolarum servarunt.

[¶47] 54.23. “Let barbarians, to whom the mandates of their lords have ever served as laws, since in that they take delight, have kings; Greeks have their own fortunes, but souls like yours.”

> Latin: 54.23. terminus est nunc imperii vestri mons Taurus; quidquid intra eum cardinem est, nihil longinquum vobis debet videri; quo arma vestra pervenerunt, eodem ius hinc profectum perveniat.

[¶48] 54.24. “Once they even possessed empire, as a result of their own might; now they hope that empire may abide for ever where it now resides; they hold it sufficient to maintain liberty through your arms since they cannot through their own.”

> Latin: 54.24. barbari, quibus pro legibus semper dominorum imperia fuerunt, quo gaudent, reges habeant; Graeci suam fortunam, vestros animos gerunt.

[¶49] 54.25. “But, someone may say, some cities sided with Antiochus.” “True, and others formerly with Philip and the Tarentines with Pyrrhus; not to mention other peoples, Carthage is free and enjoys its own laws. See, conscript Fathers, how much you owe to your own precedent; you will persuade yourselves to refuse to the ambition of Eumenes what you have refused to your own wrath, just as it may be.”

> Latin: 54.25. domesticis quondam viribus etiam imperium amplectebantur; nunc imperium, ubi est, ibi ut sit perpetuum, optant; libertatem vestris tueri armis satis habent, quoniam suis non possunt. at enim quaedam civitates cum Antiocho senserunt. et aliae prius cum Philippo, et cum Pyrrho Tarentini; ne alios populos enumerem, Carthago libera cum suis legibus est.

[¶50] 54.27. “Both in this and in all wars which you waged in our region, we Rhodians leave it to you to judge with what courageous and constant aid we have assisted you.”

> Latin: 54.27. huic vestro exemplo quantum debeatis, videte, patres conscripti; inducetis in animum negare Eumenis cupiditati, quod iustissimae irae vestrae negastis.

[¶51] 54.28. “Now in peace we offer you this counsel, and if you approve it all men will think that you have used your victory more gloriously than you have won it.” This speech seemed well adapted to the high position of Rome.

> Latin: 54.28. Rhodii et in hoc et in omnibus bellis, quae in illa ora gessistis, quam forti fidelique vos opera adiuverimus, vestro iudicio relinquimus. nunc in pace consilium id adferimus, quod si comprobaritis, magnificentius vos victoria usos esse quam vicisse omnes existimaturi sint.” apta magnitudini Romanae oratio visa est.

[¶52] 55.1. After the Rhodians the ambassadors of Antiochus were summoned. In the usual fashion of envoys begging for mercy, they confessed the wrongdoing of the king and implored the conscript Fathers, in arriving at a decision, to pay regard to their own clemency rather than to the error of the king, who had paid a sufficient and more than sufficient penalty; finally, they requested that they would ratify by their authority the peace proposed by Lucius Scipio the commander, on the terms which he had stated.

> Latin: 55.1. post Rhodios Antiochi legati vocati sunt. ii vulgato petentium veniam more errorem fassi regis obtestati sunt patres conscriptos, ut suae potius clementiae quam regis culpae, qui satis superque poenarum dedisset, memores consulerent; postremo pacem datam a L. Scipione imperatore, quibus legibus dedisset, confirmarent auctoritate sua.

[¶53] 55.3. And the senate voted that this treaty of peace should be ratified, and a few days later the assembly so ordered. The treaty was struck on the Capitoline with Antipater the chief of the embassy and likewise the son of the brother of King Antiochus.

> Latin: 55.3. et senatus eam pacem servandam censuit, et paucos post dies populus iussit. foedus in Capitolio cum Antipatro principe legationis et eodem fratris filio regis Antiochi est ictum.

[¶54] 55.4. Then other embassies also from Asia were heard. To all these the same reply was given, that the senate, in the fashion of their forefathers, would send ten commissioners to adjudge cases arising in Asia and to settle differences;

> Latin: 55.4. auditae deinde et aliae legationes ex Asia sunt. quibus omnibus datum responsum decem legatos more maiorum senatum missurum ad res Asiae disceptandas componendasque:

[¶55] 55.5. yet the general principle followed would be this, that on this side of the Taurus mountains the districts which had been within the boundaries of the kingdom of Antiochus should be assigned to Eumenes with the exception of Lycia and Caria as far as the Meander river;

> Latin: 55.5. summam tamen hanc fore, ut cis Taurum montem, quae intra regni Antiochi fines fuissent, Eumeni attribuerentur praeter Lyciam Cariamque usque ad Maeandrum amnem; ea ut civitatis Rhodiorum essent;

[¶56] 55.6. that these should be given to the Rhodian state; that the other cities of Asia which had paid tribute to Attalus should also be tributaries to Eumenes; that those which had been vassals of Antiochus should be independent and free from tribute.

> Latin: 55.6. ceterae civitates Asiae, quae Attali stipendiariae fuissent, eaedem vectigal Eumeni penderent; quae vectigales Antiochi fuissent, eae liberae atque immunes essent.

[¶57] 55.7. They chose these ten commissioners: Quintus Minucius Rufus, Lucius Furius Purpurio, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Appius Claudius Nero, Gnaeus Cornelius Merula, Marcus Junius Brutus, Lucius Aurunculeius, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Aelius Tubero.

> Latin: 55.7. decem legatos hos decreverunt: Q. Minucium Rufum L. Furium Purpurionem Q. Minucium Thermum Ap. Claudium Neronem Cn. Cornelium Merulam M. Iunium Brutum L. Aurunculeium L. Aemilium Paulum P. Cornelium Lentulum P. Aelium Tuberonem.

[¶58] 56.1. In matters pertaining to any discussion to be conducted on the spot, they were given a free hand; as to the chief issue involved, the senate made the decision.

> Latin: 56.1. his, quae praesentis disceptationis essent, libera mandata; de summa rerum senatus constituit.

[¶59] 56.2. All Lycaonia and both Phrygias and Mysia, which King Prusias had taken from him, were restored to the king, as well as the Milyae and Lydia and Ionia with the exception of those cities which had been free on the day when the battle with King Antiochus had been fought, and, by name, Magnesia near Sipylus and Caria which they call Hydrela and the territory of Hydrela which faces Phrygia, and the forts and villages along the Meander river and the towns, except those which had been free before the war;

> Latin: 56.2. Lycaoniam omnem et Phrygiam utramque et Mysiam, regias silvas, et Lydiae Ioniaeque extra ea oppida, quae libera fuissent, quo die cum rege Antiocho pugnatum est, et nominatim Magnesiam ad Sipylum, et Cariam, quae Hydrela appellatur, agrumque Hydrelitanum ad Phrygiam vergentem, et castella vicosque ad Maeandrum amnem et oppida,

[¶60] 56.4. Telmessus also and the camp of the Telmessii, except the land which had belonged to Ptolemy of Telmessus. All these places which have been written down above were given to King Eumenes.

> Latin: 56.4. nisi quae libera ante bellum fuissent, Telmesson item nominatim et castra Telmessium, praeter agrum, qui Ptolemaei Telmessii fuisset —: haec omnia, quae supra sunt scripta, regi Eumeni iussa dari.

[¶61] 56.5. The Rhodians were given Lycia except the same Telmessus and the camp of the Telmessii and the land which had belonged to Ptolemy of Telmessus; this district was made an exception in the case of both Eumenes and the Rhodians.

> Latin: 56.5. Rhodiis Lycia data extra eundem Telmessum et castra Telmessium et agrum, qui Ptolemaei Telmessii fuisset: haec et ab Eumene et Rhodiis excepta.

[¶62] 56.6. Also that part of Caria which is nearer to the island of Rhodes across the Meander river was given to them, and the towns, villages, forts and lands which face Pisidia except those of the towns which had been free the day before the battle had been fought with King Antiochus in Asia.

> Latin: 56.6. ea quoque his pars Cariae data, quae propior Rhodum insulam trans Maeandrum amnem est, oppida, vici, castella, agri, qui ad Pisidiam vergunt, nisi quae eorum oppida in libertate fuissent pridie, quam cum Antiocho rege in Asia pugnatum est.

[¶63] 56.7. When the Rhodians had expressed their thanks for all this, they thus spoke regarding the city of Soli, which is in Cilicia: they also, like themselves, were sprung from Argos; by reason of this kinship there was a fraternal affection between them; they asked this exceptional favour, that they might rescue this city from slavery to the king.

> Latin: 56.7. pro his cum gratias egissent Rhodii, de Solis urbe, quae in Cilicia est, egerunt: Argis et illos, sicut sese, oriundos esse; ab ea germanitate fraternam sibi cum iis caritatem esse; petere hoc extraordinarium munus, ut eam civitatem ex servitute regia eximerent.

[¶64] 56.8. The ambassadors of King Antiochus were summoned, and the question was taken up with them but was not settled, Antipater citing the treaty in opposition to what the Rhodians had said, to the effect that not Soli but Cilicia was their object, and that they were crossing the ridges of Taurus.

> Latin: 56.8. vocati sunt legati regis Antiochi, actumque cum iis est nec quicquam impetratum testante foedera Antipatro, adversus quae ab Rhodiis non Solos, sed Ciliciam peti et iuga Tauri transcendi.

[¶65] 56.9. The Rhodians were recalled to the senate, and when they had explained how forcibly the king's ambassador had argued, they went on to say that if the Rhodians believed that this matter absolutely concerned their national honour, the senate would in every way overcome the resistance of the ambassadors.

> Latin: 56.9. revocatis in senatum Rhodiis, cum quanto opere tenderet legatus regius, exposuissent, adiecerunt, si utique eam rem ad civitatis suae dignitatem pertinere censerent Rhodii, senatum omni modo expugnaturum pertinaciam legatorum.

[¶66] 56.10. Then indeed the Rhodians thanked them more lavishly than before, and said that they would rather yield to the stubbornness of Antipater than offer any reason for disturbing the settlement. So no change was made with respect to Soli.

> Latin: 56.10. tum vero impensius quam ante Rhodii gratias egerunt, cessurosque sese potius arrogantiae Antipatri, quam causam turbandae pacis praebituros dixerunt. ita nihil de Solis mutatum est.

[¶67] 57.1. During the period in which this took place, ambassadors from the Massilienses reported that Lucius Baebius the praetor, who was on his way to Spain, had been surrounded by the Ligures, that a large part of his retinue had been killed and himself wounded, that he with a few attendants but no lictors had taken refuge at Massilia and had died within three days.

> Latin: 57.1. per eos dies, quibus haec gesta sunt, legati Massiliensium nuntiarunt L. Baebium praetorem in provinciam Hispaniam proficiscentem ab Liguribus circumventum, magna parte comitum caesa vulneratum ipsum cum paucis sine lictoribus Massiliam perfugisse et intra triduum exspirasse.

[¶68] 57.3. The senate, on receiving this news, voted that Publius Junius Brutus, who was propraetor in Etruria, should turn over his province and army to whichever of his lieutenants he saw fit, that he himself should set out for Farther Spain and that this should be his province.

> Latin: 57.3. senatus ea re audita decrevit, uti P. Iunius Brutus, qui propraetor in Etruria esset, provincia exercituque traditis uni, cui videretur, ex legatis, ipse in ulteriorem Hispaniam proficisceretur, eaque ei provincia esset.

[¶69] 57.4. This decree of the senate and these despatches were forwarded by the praetor Spurius Postumius to Etruria, and Publius Junius the propraetor departed for Spain.

> Latin: 57.4. hoc senatus consultum litteraeque a Sp. Postumio praetore in Etruriam missae sunt, profectusque in Hispaniam est P. Iunius propraetor.

[¶70] 57.5. In this province, shortly before his successor arrived, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, who afterwards won great glory by the defeat of King Perseus, after fighting unsuccessfully the previous year, collected an emergency army and engaged in pitched battle with the Lusitani. The enemy was routed and put to flight; eighteen thousand armed men were killed; two thousand three hundred were taken prisoners and the camp was captured.

> Latin: 57.5. in qua provincia prius aliquanto, quam successor veniret, L. Aemilius Paulus, qui postea regem Persea magna gloria vicit, cum priore anno haud prospere rem gessisset, tumultuario exercitu collecto signis collatis cum Lusitanis pugnavit.

[¶71] 57.6. The fame of this victory made things quieter in Spain. In the same year, on the third day before the Kalends of January, a Latin colony was established at Bononia by authorization of the senate, by Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Marcus Atilius Serranus and Lucius Valerius Tappo, the board of three appointed for the purpose Three thousand men were placed there; the cavalrymen received seventy iugera each, the rest of the colonists fifty each.

> Latin: 57.6. fusi fugatique hostes; caesa decem octo milia armatorum; duo milia trecenti capti et castra expugnata. huius victoriae fama tranquilliores in Hispania res fecit. eodem anno ante diem tertium Kal. Ianuarias Bononiam Latinam coloniam ex senatus consulto L. Valerius Flaccus M. Atilius Serranus L. Valerius Tappo triumviri deduxerunt.

[¶72] 57.8. The land had been taken from the Gallic Boii; the Boii had expelled the Etruscans. In the same year many distinguished men sought the censorship.

> Latin: 57.8. tria milia hominum sunt deducta; equitibus septuagena iugera, ceteris colonis quinquagena sunt data. ager captus de Gallis Bois fuerat; Galli Tuscos expulerant.

[¶73] 57.9. As if it contained within itself too little cause for rivalry, it gave rise to a far greater controversy. The candidates were Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, who had defeated Antiochus and the Aetolians at Thermopylae.

> Latin: 57.9. eodem anno censuram multi et clari viri petierunt. quae res, tamquam in se parum magni certaminis causam haberet, aliam contentionem multo maiorem excitavit.

[¶74] 57.10. Towards him particularly, because he had distributed many largesses, by which he had placed a large part of the voters under obligation, the support of the people inclined.

> Latin: 57.10. petebant T. Quinctius Flamininus P. Cornelius Cn. F. Scipio L. Valerius Flaccus M. Porcius Cato M. Claudius Marcellus M'. Acilius Glabrio, qui Antiochum ad Thermopylas Aetolosque devicerat.

[¶75] 57.11. When so many nobles were angered that a new man should be so far preferred to them, Publius Sempronius Gracchus and Gaius Sempronius Rutilus, tribunes of the people, laid an accusation against him, that some of the king's money and much of the booty taken in the camp of Antiochus had neither been displayed by him in the triumph nor turned in to the treasury. Conflicting evidence was given by his lieutenants and military tribunes. Marcus Cato was conspicuous as a witness before the rest; but the honour gained in the whole course of his life was diminished by his candidate's dress.

> Latin: 57.11. in hunc maxime, quod multa congiaria habuerat, quibus magnam partem hominum obligarat, favor populi se inclinabat. id cum aegre paterentur tot nobiles, novum sibi hominem tantum praeferri, P. Sempronius Gracchus et C. Sempronius Rutilus, tribuni plebis, ei diem dixerunt, quod pecuniae regiae praedaeque aliquantum captae in Antiochi castris neque in triumpho tulisset, neque in aerarium rettulisset.

[¶76] 57.13. In his testimony he said that vessels of gold and silver which he had seen in the captured camp along with the rest of the royal booty he had not seen in the triumph.

> Latin: 57.13. varia testimonia legatorum tribunorumque militum erant. M. Cato ante alios testis conspiciebatur; cuius auctoritatem perpetuo tenore vitae partam toga candida elevabat.

[¶77] 57.14. Finally, in order chiefly to make Cato unpopular, Glabrio said that he would drop his candidature, since, while the nobles kept silent, though indignant, it was attacked with detestable perjury by one who was as much a new man as himself.

> Latin: 57.14. is testis, quae vasa aurea atque argentea castris captis inter aliam praedam regiam vidisset, ea se in triumpho negabat vidisse. postremo in huius maxime invidiam desistere se petitione Glabrio dixit, quando, quod taciti indignarentur nobiles homines, id aeque novus competitor intestabili periurio incesseret.

[¶78] 58.1. The fine proposed was one hundred thousand asses; the case was twice argued; the third time, since the defendant had ceased to be a candidate and the people was unwilling to cast a ballot regarding the fine, the tribunes too dropped the case.

> Latin: 58.1. centum milium multa irrogata erat; bis de ea certatum est; tertio, cum de petitione destitisset reus, nec populus de multa suffragium ferre voluit, et tribuni eo negotio destiterunt.

[¶79] 58.2. Titus Quinctius Flamininus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus were chosen censors.

> Latin: 58.2. censores T. Quinctius Flamininus M. Claudius Marcellus creati.

[¶80] 58.3. About this time Lucius Aemilius Regillus, who with his fleet had conquered the prefect of King Antiochus, having been granted an audience by the senate in the temple of Apollo outside the City, when they had heard his achievements, with how great fleets of the enemy he had fought and how many of their ships he had sunk or captured, with the complete approval of the Fathers was granted a naval triumph.

> Latin: 58.3. per eos dies L. Aemilio Regillo, qui classe praefectum Antiochi regis devicerat, extra urbem in aede Apollinis cum senatus datus esset, auditis rebus gestis eius, quantis cum classibus hostium dimicasset, quot inde naves demersisset aut cepisset, magno consensu patrum triumphus navalis est decretus.

[¶81] 58.4. He triumphed on the Kalends of February. In that triumph forty-nine golden crowns were displayed, money in no wise comparable to the magnificence of the triumph, to wit, thirty-four thousand two hundred Attic four-drachma pieces and one hundred thirty-two thousand three hundred cistophori.

> Latin: 58.4. triumphavit Kal. Februariis. in eo triumpho undequinquaginta coronae aureae translatae sunt, pecunia nequaquam [tanta] pro specie regii triumphi, tetrachma Attica triginta quattuor milia ducenta, cistophori centum triginta duo milia trecenti.

[¶82] 58.5. Then there were supplications decreed by the senate because Lucius Aemilius had administered affairs successfully in Spain. Not long thereafter Lucius Scipio came to the City;

> Latin: 58.5. supplicationes deinde fuerunt ex senatus consulto, quod L. Aemilius in Hispania prospere rem publicam gessisset.

[¶83] 58.6. and, that he might not be inferior to his brother in the matter of names, he requested that he be saluted as Asiaticus. Both in the senate and before the assembly he made speeches about his accomplishments.

> Latin: 58.6. haud ita multo post L. Scipio ad urbem venit; qui ne cognomini fratris cederet, Asiaticum se appellari voluit. et in senatu et in contione de rebus ab se gestis disseruit.

[¶84] 58.7. There were some who tried to make out that that war had been magnified by rumour beyond its actual difficulty: that it had been brought to a conclusion by a single noteworthy battle, and that the glory of that victory had been robbed of distinction beforehand at Thermopylae.

> Latin: 58.7. erant qui fama id maius bellum quam difficultate rei fuisse interpretarentur: uno memorabili proelio debellatum, gloriamque eius victoriae praefloratam ad Thermopylas esse.

[¶85] 58.8. But to one who judges aright the battle at Thermopylae was with the Aetolians rather than the king; for with what part of his own forces had the king fought there? In Asia the strength of all Asia from the farthest parts of the east and of all nations stood as his assembled army.

> Latin: 58.8. ceterum vere aestimanti Aetolicum magis ad Thermopylas bellum quam regium fuit: quota enim parte virium suarum ibi dimicavit Antiochus? in Asia totius Asiae steterunt vires ab ultimis Orientis finibus omnium gentium contractis auxiliis.

[¶86] 59.1. Justly, therefore, was both all possible honour paid to the immortal gods because they had made this notable victory even easy, and a triumph awarded to the general.

> Latin: 59.1. merito ergo et diis immortalibus, quantus maximus poterat, habitus est honos, quod ingentem victoriam facilem etiam fecissent, et imperatori triumphus est decretus.

[¶87] 59.2. He triumphed during the intercalary month on the day before the Kalends of March. This triumph was more dazzling to the eyes than that of his brother Africanus, but in the recollection of what had transpired and in the judgment of the danger and struggle no more to be compared with it than if you were to put side by side general with general or Antiochus with Hannibal as a commander.

> Latin: 59.2. triumphavit mense intercalario pridie Kal. Martias. qui triumphus spectaculo oculorum maior quam Africani fratris eius fuit, recordatione rerum et aestimatione periculi certaminisque non magis comparandus, quam si imperatorem imperatori aut Antiochum ducem Hannibali conferres.

[¶88] 59.3. He carried in the triumph two hundred and twenty-four military standards, representations of towns to the number of one hundred and thirty-four, of ivory tusks one thousand two hundred and thirty-one, two hundred and thirtyfour golden crowns, one hundred and thirty-seven thousand four hundred and twenty pounds of silver, two hundred and twenty-four thousand Attic fourdrachma pieces, three hundred and twenty-one thousand seven hundred cistophori, one hundred and forty thousand gold coins of Philip, one thousand four hundred and twenty-three pounds of silver vases —all were embossed —and one thousand and twenty-three pounds of vases of gold.

> Latin: 59.3. tulit in triumpho signa militaria ducenta viginti quattuor, oppidorum simulacra centum triginta quattuor, eburneos dentes mille ducentos triginta unum, aureas coronas ducentas triginta quattuor, argenti pondo centum triginta septem milia quadringenta viginti, tetrachmum Atticorum ducenta viginti quattuor milia, cistophori trecenta viginti unum milia septuaginta, nummos aureos Philippeos centum quadraginta milia, vasorum argenteorum —

[¶89] 59.5. Also thirty-two royal generals, prefects and nobles, were led before his car. To the soldiers twenty-five denarii each were given, twice that amount to each centurion, thrice to each trooper.

> Latin: 59.5. omnia caelata erant — mille pondo et quadringenta viginti tria, aureorum mille pondo viginti tria. et duces regii, praefecti, purpurati duo et triginta ante currum ducti.

[¶90] 59.6. And double the pay and rations of a soldier were given them after the triumph; after the battle was fought in Asia he had given them the double allowance. He triumphed about a year after he had retired from the consulship.

> Latin: 59.6. militibus quini viceni denarii dati, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. et stipendium militare et frumentum duplex post triumphum datum; proelio in Asia facto duplex dederat. triumphavit anno fere post, quam consulatu abiit.

[¶91] 60.1. About the same time both the consul Gnaeus Manlius arrived in Asia and the praetor Quintus Fabius Labeo came to the fleet.

> Latin: 60.1. eodem fere tempore et Cn. Manlius consul in Asiam et Q. Fabius Labeo praetor ad classem venit.

[¶92] 60.2. Now a cause for war upon the Galatians was not lacking to the consul. The sea was peaceful after the defeat of Antiochus, and as Fabius reflected as to what occupation he should choose by preference, lest he have a year of idleness in office, it seemed best to cross to the island of Crete.

> Latin: 60.2. ceterum consuli non deerat cum Gallis belli materia; mare pacatum erat devicto Antiocho. cogitanti Q. Fabio, cui rei potissimum insisteret, ne otiosam provinciam habuisse videri posset, optimum visum est in Cretam insulam traicere.

[¶93] 60.3. The people of Cydonia were waging war on the Gortynians and Gnosians, and a great number of prisoners, both Romans and men of the Italian race, were said to be in slavery throughout the whole island.

> Latin: 60.3. Cydoniatae bellum adversus Gortynios Gnosiosque gerebant, et captivorum Romanorum atque Italici generis magnus numerus in servitute esse per totam insulam dicebatur.

[¶94] 60.4. Setting out with the fleet from Ephesus, as soon as he landed on the Cretan coast, he sent messengers around to the cities to tell them that they should lay down their arms and should restore the prisoners, gathered up by each in his own city and lands, and should send ambassadors to him to treat of matters which concerned equally the Cretans and the Romans.

> Latin: 60.4. classe ab Epheso profectus cum primum Cretae litus attigit, nuntios circa civitates misit, ut armis absisterent captivosque in suis quaeque urbibus agrisque conquisitos reducerent, et legatos mitterent ad se, cum quibus de rebus ad Cretensis pariter Romanosque pertinentibus ageret.

[¶95] 60.5. The Cretans did not pay much attention to this: none of them restored the prisoners except the Gortynians.

> Latin: 60.5. nihil magnopere ea Cretenses moverunt; captivos praeter Gortynios nulli reddiderunt.

[¶96] 60.6. Valerius Antias wrote that four thousand prisoners were given back from the whole island because they feared the threat of war; and. that this was the explanation of the fact that Fabius, although he had done nothing else, received a naval triumph from the senate.

> Latin: 60.6. Valerius Antias ad quattuor milia captivorum, quia belli minas timuerint, ex tota insula reddita scripsit; eamque causam Fabio, cum rem nullam aliam gessisset, triumphi navalis impetrandi ab senatu fuisse.

[¶97] 60.7. From Crete Fabius returned to Ephesus; thence he sent three ships to the coast of Thrace and ordered the garrisons of Antiochus withdrawn from Aenos and Maronea, that these states might be at liberty.

> Latin: 60.7. a Creta Ephesum Fabius redit; inde tribus navibus in Thraciae oram missis ab Aeno et Maronia praesidia Antiochi deduci iussit, ut in libertate eae civitates essent.

## 31. Book XXXVIII · chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/31/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/31/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. While the war in Asia was in progress, there was no peace in Aetolia either, the trouble having been begun by the Athamanian people.

> Latin: 1.1. dum in Asia bellum geritur, ne in Aetolia quidem res quietae fuerant, principio a gente Athamanum orto.

[¶1] 1.2. Athamania at that time, after the expulsion of Amynander, was held by royal garrisons under the prefects of Philip, and they, by their arrogant and lawless administration, had created a longing for Amynander.

> Latin: 1.2. Athamania ea tempestate pulso Amynandro sub praefectis Philippi regio tenebatur praesidio, qui superbo atque immodico imperio desiderium Amynandri fecerant.

[¶2] 1.3. Amynander, who was then an exile in Aetolia, was inspired by the letters of his partisans, who described to him the state of affairs in Athamania, with the hope of recovering his kingdom.

> Latin: 1.3. exulanti tum Amynandro in Aetolia litteris suorum, indicantium statum Athamaniae, spes recuperandi regni facta est.

[¶3] 1.4. His agents, too, sent with his reply to the chiefs at Argithea —for this is the capital of Athamania —announced that if he perceived clearly enough the sentiments of his countrymen he would obtain the aid of the Aetolians and proceed to Athamania. They said that he had no doubt that he would easily come to an agreement with the chosen persons who comprise the council of the people and with the praetor Nicander.

> Latin: 1.4. remissique ab eo nuntiant principibus Argitheam — id enim caput Athamaniae erat —, si popularium animos satis perspectos haberet, impetrato ab Aetolis auxilio in Athamaniam se venturum cum Aetolorum delectis, quod consilium est gentis, et Nicandro praetore.

[¶4] 1.5. When he learned that they were ready for any event, he at once informed his friends on what day he would arrive in Athamania at the head of an army.

> Latin: 1.5. quos ubi ad omnia paratos esse vidit, certiores subinde facit, quo die cum exercitu Athamaniam ingressurus esset.

[¶5] 1.6. At first there were four who had conspired against the Macedonian garrison. Each of these chose six assistants to aid in carrying out their plan; then, lacking confidence by reason of their small number, which was better suited to concealment than to action, they added a number equal to that which they had first enlisted.

> Latin: 1.6. quattuor primo fuerunt coniurati adversus Macedonum praesidium. hi senos sibi adiutores ad rem gerendam adsumpserunt; dein paucitate parum freti, quae celandae rei quam agendae aptior erat, parem priori numerum adiecerunt.

[¶6] 1.7. Their number having thus become two and fifty, they divided themselves into four sections; one proceeded to Heraclea, one to Tetraphylia, which was the usual storehouse of the royal wealth, the third to Theudoria, the fourth to Argithea.

> Latin: 1.7. ita duo et quinquaginta facti quadrifariam se diviserunt; pars una Heracleam, altera Tetraphyliam petit, ubi custodia regiae pecuniae esse solita erat, tertia Theudoriam, quarta Argitheam.

[¶7] 1.8. It had been agreed upon among them all that at first they should move about quietly in the market-place as if they were engaged in transacting private business; that on the appointed day they should summon the whole population to drive the Macedonian garrisons from the citadels.

> Latin: 1.8. ita inter omnis convenit, ut primo quieti, velut ad privatam rem agendam venissent, in foro obversarentur; die certa multitudinem omnem convocarent ad praesidia Macedonum arcibus expellenda.

[¶8] 1.9. When this day came and Amynander with a thousand Aetolians was at the frontiers, according to agreement the Macedonian garrisons were expelled from the four places at once, and a despatch was sent in all directions to the other towns, summoning them to free themselves from the headstrong rule of Philip and to return to their hereditary and lawful sovereign. On all sides the Macedonians were expelled.

> Latin: 1.9. ubi ea dies advenit, et Amynander cum mille Aetolis in finibus erat, ex composito quattuor simul locis praesidia Macedonum expulsa, litteraeque in alias urbes passim dimissae, ut vindicarent sese ab impotenti dominatione Philippi et restituerent in patrium ac legitimum regnum.

[¶9] 1.10. The town of Theium, since the despatch had been intercepted by Xeno, the prefect of the garrison, and the citadel had been seized by the king's troops, held out for a few days against the besiegers;

> Latin: 1.10. undique Macedones expelluntur. Theium oppidum litteris a Xenone praefecto praesidii interceptis et arce ab regiis occupata paucos dies obsidentibus restitit;

[¶10] 1.11. finally it also was delivered to Amynander, and all Athamania was in his hands except the fortress of Athenaeum, lying on the borders of Macedonia.

> Latin: 1.11. deinde id quoque traditum Amynandro est, et omnis Athamania in potestate erat praeter Athenaeum castellum, finibus Macedoniae subiectum.

[¶11] 2.1. Philip, on hearing of the revolt of Athamania, set out with six thousand troops and very quickly arrived at Gomphi.

> Latin: 2.1. Philippus audita defectione Athamaniae cum sex milibus armatorum profectus ingenti celeritate Gomphos pervenit.

[¶12] 2.2. There he left the greater part of his men —for they would not have had strength enough for such hard marching —and with two thousand went on to Athenaeum, which alone had been held by his garrison.

> Latin: 2.2. ibi relicta maiore parte exercitus — neque enim ad tanta itinera sufficerent — cum duobus milibus Athenaeum, quod unum a praesidio suo retentum fuerat, pervenit.

[¶13] 2.3. Then, when he had quickly learned, by trial of the neighbouring towns, that everything else was unfriendly, he returned to Gomphi and thence, with his whole force united, marched into Athamania.

> Latin: 2.3. inde proximis temptatis cum facile animadvertisset cetera hostilia esse, Gomphos regressus omnibus copiis simul in Athamaniam redit.

[¶14] 2.4. He ordered Xeno to go ahead with a thousand infantry to seize Aethopia, which was favourably situated to threaten Argithea;

> Latin: 2.4. Xenonem inde cum mille peditibus praemissum Ethopiam occupare iubet, opportune Argitheae imminentem;

[¶15] 2.5. and when he saw that his men were in possession of the place, he himself encamped near the temple of Jupiter Acraeus. There he was detained for a day by a violent storm, and on the next day began his march toward Argithea.

> Latin: 2.5. quem ubi teneri ab suis locum vidit, ipse circa templum Iovis Acraei posuit castra. ibi unum diem foeda tempestate retentus, postero die ducere ad Argitheam intendit.

[¶16] 2.6. Suddenly as they were advancing the Athamanians appeared, hurrying towards the hills that commanded the road. At the first glimpse of them the advance guard halted and throughout the whole column there was terror and confusion, each for himself considering what would happen if the column were led down into the valleys lying at the foot of the cliffs.

> Latin: 2.6. euntibus extemplo apparuere Athamanes in tumulos imminentis viae discurrentes. ad quorum conspectum constitere prima signa, totoque agmine pavor et trepidatio erat, et pro se quisque, quidnam futurum esset, cogitare, si in valles subiectas rupibus agmen foret demissum.

[¶17] 2.8. This panic compelled the king, who had wished, should his troops follow him, to get through the pass with a rush, to recall the van and retire by the same road by which he had come.

> Latin: 2.8. haec tumultuatio regem cupientem, si se sequerentur, raptim evadere angustias, revocare primos et eadem, qua venerat, via referre coegit signa. Athamanes primo ex intervallo quieti sequebantur;

[¶18] 2.9. The Athamanians at first followed quietly, keeping their distance; after the Aetolians joined them, they left them to harass the column from the rear and threw themselves upon the flanks, while some, going ahead over familiar trails by a shorter route, blocked the crossing;

> Latin: 2.9. postquam Aetoli se coniunxerunt, hos, ut ab tergo agmini instarent, reliquerunt, ipsi ab lateribus se circumfuderunt, quidam per notas calles breviore via praegressi transitus insedere;

[¶19] 2.10. and such great confusion was caused among the Macedonians that in the fashion of a disorderly rout rather than a march under discipline, leaving behind many weapons and men, they crossed the river.

> Latin: 2.10. tantumque tumultus Macedonibus est iniectum, ut fugae magis effusae quam itineris ordinati modo multis armis virisque relictis flumen traiecerint.

[¶20] 2.11. This was the end of the pursuit. From that point the Macedonians returned safely to Gomphi and from Gomphi to Macedonia. The Athamanians and Aetolians came from all sides to Aethopia to destroy Xeno and his thousand Macedonians.

> Latin: 2.11. hic finis sequendi fuit. inde tuto Macedones Gomphos et a Gomphis in Macedoniam redierunt.

[¶21] 2.12. The Macedonians, distrusting the strength of the place, withdrew from Aethopia to a hill higher and steeper on every side;

> Latin: 2.12. Athamanes Aetolique Ethopiam ad Xenonem ac mille Macedonas opprimendos undique concurrerunt.

[¶22] 2.13. from this the Athamanians dislodged them, finding ways to scale it in several places, and as they scattered over pathless country and unfamiliar cliffs that offered no aid to flight, part were captured and part killed.

> Latin: 2.13. Macedones parum loco freti ab Ethopia in altiorem deruptioremque undique tumulum concessere; quo pluribus ex locis aditu invento expulere eos Athamanes, dispersosque et per invia atque ignotas rupes iter fugae non expedientis partim ceperunt partim interfecerunt.

[¶23] 2.14. Many, panic-stricken, plunged over precipices; a very few with Xeno escaped to the king. Later a truce was made to give them an opportunity to bury their dead.

> Latin: 2.14. multi pavore in derupta praecipitati; perpauci cum Xenone ad regem evaserunt. postea per indutias sepeliendi caesos potestas facta est.

[¶24] 3.1. Amynander, having recovered his kingdom, sent ambassadors both to the senate in Rome and to the Scipios in Asia, since they were tarrying in Ephesus after the decisive battle with Antiochus.

> Latin: 3.1. Amynander recuperato regno legatos et Romam ad senatum et ad Scipiones in Asiam, Ephesi post magnum cum Antiocho proelium morantes, misit.

[¶25] 3.2. He asked for peace and defended himself for having recovered his ancestral kingdom through the aid of the Aetolians; he laid the blame on Philip.

> Latin: 3.2. pacem petebat excusabatque sese, quod per Aetolos recuperasset paternum regnum; Philippum incusabat.

[¶26] 3.3. From Athamania the Aetolians moved against the Amphilochians, and with the consent of the majority brought the whole tribe under their authority and control.

> Latin: 3.3. Aetoli ex Athamania in Amphilochos profecti sunt et maioris partis voluntate in ius dicionemque totam redegerunt gentem.

[¶27] 3.4. Amphilochia having been recovered —for it had once belonged to the Aetolians —they proceeded with the same hope to Aperantia; this state also surrendered, in large measure without resistance. The Dolopians had never been subjects of the Aetolians, but belonged to Philip.

> Latin: 3.4. Amphilochia recepta — nam fuerat quondam Aetolorum — eadem spe in Aperantiam transcenderunt; ea quoque magna ex parte sine certamine in deditionem venit. Dolopes numquam Aetolorum fuerant, Philippi erant.

[¶28] 3.5. At first they rushed to arms, but after they learned that the Amphilochians were with the Aetolians, that Philip had been driven from Athamania and his garrison destroyed, they too went over from Philip to the Aetolians.

> Latin: 3.5. hi primo ad arma concurrerunt; ceterum postquam Amphilochos cum Aetolis esse fugamque ex Athamania Philippi et caedem praesidii eius accepere, et ipsi a Philippo ad Aetolos deficiunt.

[¶29] 3.6. Having set up these buffer-states and believing that they were now safe from the Macedonians on all sides, the Aetolians received the news that Antiochus had been defeated in Asia by the Romans; and not long afterwards their envoys returned from Rome with no promise of peace, and brought word that the consul Fulvius with the army had already crossed.

> Latin: 3.6. quibus circumiectis gentibus iam undique se a Macedonibus tutos credentibus esse Aetolis fama adfertur Antiochum in Asia victum ab Romanis; nec ita multo post legati ab Roma rediere sine spe pacis Fulviumque consulem nuntiantes cum exercitu iam traiecisse.

[¶30] 3.7. Terrified by this information, first summoning embassies from Rhodes and Athens, that through the influence of these states their own prayers, though previously rejected, might obtain easier access to the senate, they sent the leading men of the people to Rome to try the last hope of peace, having given no thought to the avoidance of war until the enemy was almost in sight. Marcus Fulvius had by now transported his army to Apollonia and was consulting with the chiefs of the Epirotes as to where to begin the campaign.

> Latin: 3.7. his territi, prius ab Rhodo et Athenis legationibus excitis, ut per auctoritatem earum civitatium suae preces nuper repudiatae faciliorem aditum ad senatum haberent, principes gentis ad temptandam spem ultimam Romam miserunt, nihil, ne bellum haberent, priusquam paene in conspectu hostis erat, praemeditati.

[¶31] 3.9. The advice of the Epirotes was to attack Ambracia, which had at this time joined the Aetolians: if, on the one hand, the Aetolians should come to defend it, there were open plains on which to fight; if, on the other hand, they declined an engagement, the siege would not be

> Latin: 3.9. iam M. Fulvius Apolloniam exercitu traiecto cum Epirotarum principibus consultabat, unde bellum inciperet. Epirotis Ambraciam placebat adgredi, quae tum contribuerat se Aetolis: sive ad tuendam eam venirent Aetoli, apertos circa campos ad dimicandum esse; sive detractarent certamen, oppugnationem fore haud difficilem:

[¶32] 3.11. difficult; for there was both abundance of material close at hand for building mounds and raising other siege-works, and a navigable river, the Aretho, suitable for the transportation of the necessary supplies, flowed past the very walls, and, moreover, summer was at hand, a season adapted to active operations. By such arguments they induced him to lead the army through Epirus.

> Latin: 3.11. nam et copiam in propinquo materiae ad aggeres excitandos et cetera opera esse, et Arethontem, navigabilem amnem, opportunum ad comportanda, quae usui sint, praeter ipsa moenia fluere, et aestatem aptam rei gerendae adesse. his persuaserunt, ut per Epirum duceret.

[¶33] 4.1. When the consul arrived before Ambracia, the siege seemed to him to involve great toil.

> Latin: 4.1. consuli ad Ambraciam advenienti magni operis oppugnatio visa est. Ambracia tumulo aspero subiecta est;

[¶34] 4.2. Ambracia lay at the foot of a rugged hill; the natives call it Perranthes. The city, where the wall turns towards the plains and the river, looks west; the citadel, which is situated on the hill, faces east.

> Latin: 4.2. Perranthem incolae vocant. urbs, qua murus vergit in campos et flumen, occidentem, arx, quae imposita tumulo est, orientem spectat.

[¶35] 4.3. The river Aretho, rising in Athamania, empties into the gulf of the sea which is called “the Ambracian” from the name of the neighbouring city.

> Latin: 4.3. amnis Aretho ex Athamania fluens cadit in sinum maris ab nomine propinquae urbis Ambracium appellatum.

[¶36] 4.4. In addition to the fact that the river on one side and the hills on the other defended the city, it was also protected by a strong wall, extending in circumference a little more than four miles.

> Latin: 4.4. praeterquam quod hinc amnis munit, hinc tumuli, muro quoque firmo saepta erat, patente in circuitu paulo amplius quattuor milia passuum.

[¶37] 4.5. Fulvius established two camps on the side of the plain, separated from one another by a moderate distance, and one redoubt on a high spot facing the citadel;

> Latin: 4.5. Fulvius bina a campo castra, modico inter se distantia intervallo, unum castellum loco edito contra arcem obiecit;

[¶38] 4.6. all these he planned so to connect by means of a wall and ditch that no egress from the city might be allowed the besieged nor ingress from without to a relieving force. At the report of the siege of Ambracia the Aetolians had already assembled at Stratus in response to the edict of the praetor Nicander.

> Latin: 4.6. ea omnia vallo atque fossa ita iungere parat, ne exitus inclusis ab urbe neve aditus foris ad auxilia intromittenda esset. ad famam oppugnationis Ambraciae Stratum iam edicto Nicandri praetoris convenerant Aetoli.

[¶39] 4.7. It had been their first intention to march from there with their entire force to prevent the siege; then, when they saw that the city was already in large part hemmed in by siege-works, and that the camp of the Epirotes lay on level ground across the river, they decided to divide their forces.

> Latin: 4.7. inde primo copiis omnibus ad prohibendam obsidionem venire in animo fuerat; dein, postquam urbem iam magna ex parte operibus saeptam viderunt, Epirotarum trans flumen loco plano castra posita esse, dividere copias placuit.

[¶40] 4.8. Eupolemus with a thousand light-armed troops, setting out for Ambracia, entered the city through the fortifications which had not yet been joined together.

> Latin: 4.8. cum mille expeditis Eupolemus Ambraciam profectus per nondum commissa inter se munimenta urbem intravit.

[¶41] 4.9. It had been the original plan that Nicander, with the rest of the troops, should make a night attack on the camp of the Epirotes, which could not readily be aided by the Romans because the river was between them;

> Latin: 4.9. Nicandro cum cetera manu primo Epirotarum castra nocte adgredi consilium fuerat haud facili ab Romanis auxilio, quia flumen intererat;

[¶42] 4.10. later, thinking that there was in the enterprise the danger that the Romans might somehow learn of it and he have no escape to a place of safety, he abandoned that design and turned aside to plunder Acarnania.

> Latin: 4.10. dein, periculosum inceptum ratus, ne qua sentirent Romani et regressus inde in tuto non esset, deterritus ab hoc consilio ad depopulandam Acarnaniam iter convertit.

[¶43] 5.1. The consul had by now completed the fortifications by which the town had to be surrounded as well as the siege-engines which he was making ready to move up to the walls, and attacked the ramparts in five places at once.

> Latin: 5.1. consul iam munimentis, quibus saepienda urbs erat, iam operibus, quae admovere muris parabat, perfectis quinque simul locis moenia est adgressus.

[¶44] 5.2. Three of the assaults, equidistant from one another, the approach from the plain being easier, he directed against what they call the “Pyrrheum,” one on the side of the temple of Aesculapius, one against the citadel.

> Latin: 5.2. tria opera paribus intervallis, faciliore aditu a campo, adversus Pyrrheum, quod vocant, admovit, unum e regione Aesculapii, unum adversus arcem.

[¶45] 5.3. He was shaking the walls with battering-rams; he was pulling down the parapets with hooks fixed on poles.

> Latin: 5.3. arietibus muros quatiebat; asseribus falcatis detergebat pinnas. oppidanos primo et ad speciem et ad ictus moenium cum terribili sonitu editos pavor ac trepidatio cepit;

[¶46] 5.4. The citizens were at first stricken with terror and confusion both at the sight and at the blows which struck the walls with fearful din; then, when they saw the walls still standing, contrary to expectations, they recovered their courage and with the aid of cranes they dropped on the rams masses of lead or stone or stout logs;

> Latin: 5.4. deinde, ut praeter spem stare muros viderunt, collectis rursus animis in arietes tollenonibus libramenta plumbi aut saxorum stipitesve robustos incutiebant; falces ancoris ferreis iniectis in interiorem partem muri trahentes asserem praefringebant;

[¶47] 5.5. seizing the wall-hooks with grappling-irons they pulled them inside the walls and broke off the poles; besides, by sallies conducted both by night against the guards of the engines and by day against the outposts they did their part in spreading terror.

> Latin: 5.5. ad hoc eruptionibus et nocturnis in custodias operum et diurnis in stationes ultro terrorem inferebant.

[¶48] 5.6. While matters before Ambracia were in this state, the Aetolians had now returned to Stratus from the devastation of Acarnania. Then the praetor Nicander, conceiving the hope of raising the siege by a bold stroke, sent a certain Nicodamus with five hundred Aetolians into Ambracia.

> Latin: 5.6. in hoc statu res ad Ambraciam cum essent, iam Aetoli a populatione Acarnaniae Stratum redierant. inde Nicander praetor spem nactus solvendae incepto forti obsidionis, Nicodamum quendam cum Aetolis quingentis Ambraciam intromittit.

[¶49] 5.7. He appointed a certain night and even an hour of the night when both the troops from the city should attack the enemy's siege-works which faced the Pyrrheum and he himself should cause a panic in the Roman camp, thinking that something memorable could be accomplished by an attack from two directions and with night adding to the terror.

> Latin: 5.7. noctem certam tempusque etiam noctis constituit, quo et illi ab urbe opera hostium, quae adversus Pyrrheum erant, adgrederentur, et ipse ad castra Romana terrorem faceret, posse ratus ancipiti tumultu et nocte augente pavorem memorabilem rem geri.

[¶50] 5.8. And Nicodamus, at dead of night, after eluding some pickets and forcing his way past others by a resolute attack, crossed one branch of the wall and entered the town thereby inspiring in the besieged no small degree of courage for any deed of daring and of hope, and as soon as the appointed night arrived, according to the agreement, he suddenly attacked the siege-works.

> Latin: 5.8. et Nicodamus intempesta nocte, cum alias custodias fefellisset, per alias impetu constanti perrupisset, superato brachio in urbem penetrat, animique aliquantum ad omnia audenda et spei obsessis adiecit et, simul constituta nox venit, ex composito repente opera est adgressus.

[¶51] 5.9. This venture was more serious in its purpose than in its result, since no attack was made from outside, whether because the Aetolian praetor was prevented by fear or because it seemed better to assist the Amphilochians who had just been recovered and whom Perseus, the son of Philip, sent to regain control of Dolopia and the Amphilochians, was attacking with the greatest vigour.

> Latin: 5.9. id inceptum conatu quam effectu gravius fuit, quia nulla ab exteriore parte vis admota est, seu metu deterrito praetore Aetolorum, seu quia potius visum est Amphilochis nuper receptis ferre opem, quos Perseus, Philippi filius, missus ad Dolopiam Amphilochosque recipiendos, summa vi oppugnabat.

[¶52] 6.1. There were Roman works, as has been said before, in three places facing the Pyrrheum, all of which the Aetolians attacked at once, but not with the same equipment or violence:

> Latin: 6.1. tribus locis, sicut ante dictum est, ad Pyrrheum opera Romana erant, quae omnia simul, sed nec apparatu nec vi simili, Aetoli adgressi sunt:

[¶53] 6.2. some advanced with flaming torches, others carrying tow and pitch and firebrands, the whole battle-line gleaming with flames.

> Latin: 6.2. alii cum ardentibus facibus, alii stuppam picemque et malleolos ferentes, tota collucente flammis acie, advenere.

[¶54] 6.3. They cut down many of the guards at the first attack; then, when the shouting and the din were heard in the camp and the signal was given by the consul, the Romans seized their arms and from all the gates hastened to the rescue.

> Latin: 6.3. multos primo impetu custodes oppresserunt; dein, postquam clamor tumultusque in castra est perlatus datumque a consule signum, arma capiunt et omnibus portis ad opem ferendam effunduntur.

[¶55] 6.4. The battle raged with steel and fire; in two places the Aetolians retired without accomplishing anything, after trying rather than actually beginning an engagement; the severe fighting had concentrated in one place. There in different quarters the two captains Eupolemus and Nicodamus were urging on the fighters and encouraging them with the almost certain hope that Nicander would soon be there according to agreement and would take the enemy in the rear. This assurance kept up for a considerable time the spirits of the fighters;

> Latin: 6.4. uno in loco ferro ignique gesta res; ab duobus irrito incepto, cum temptassent magis quam inissent certamen, Aetoli abscesserunt; atrox pugna in unum inclinaverat locum. ibi diversis partibus duo duces Eupolemus et Nicodamus pugnantis hortabantur et prope certa fovebant spe iam Nicandrum ex composito adfore et terga hostium invasurum.

[¶56] 6.6. but when they received no signal from their comrades according to the agreement and they perceived that the number of the enemy was increasing, being thus left unsupported, they pressed on less vigorously;

> Latin: 6.6. haec res aliquamdiu animos pugnantium sustinuit; ceterum, postquam nullum ex composito signum a suis accipiebant et crescere numerum hostium cernebant, destituti segnius instare;

[¶57] 6.7. finally, abandoning their effort, their retreat being by now scarcely safe, they were driven back into the city in flight, after they had burned part of the siege-works and killed a considerably larger number of the enemy than they had themselves lost. But if the plan had been carried out according to the agreement there was no doubt that in one place at least the works could have been taken with heavy loss to the enemy.

> Latin: 6.7. postremo re omissa iam vix tuto receptu fugientes in urbem compelluntur, parte operum incensa et pluribus aliquanto, quam ipsi ceciderant, interfectis. quodsi ex composito acta res fuisset, haud dubium erat expugnari una utique parte opera cum magna caede hostium potuisse.

[¶58] 6.8. The Ambraciots and the Aetolians who were inside the city not only gave up their attempt for that night, but for the future too, feeling that they had been deserted by their friends, they were more reluctant to face dangers.

> Latin: 6.8. Ambracienses quique intus erant Aetoli non ab eius solum noctis incepto recessere, sed in reliquum quoque tempus velut proditi ab suis segniores ad pericula erant.

[¶59] 6.9. Henceforth no one took part in sallies, as before, against the outguards of the enemy, but posting themselves along the walls and towers they fought in safety.

> Latin: 6.9. iam nemo eruptionibus, ut ante, in stationes hostium, sed dispositi per muros et turres ex tuto pugnabant.

[¶60] 7.1. When Perseus learned that the Aetolians were approaching, he abandoned the siege of the city he was investing and, merely plundering the fields, withdrew from Amphilochia and returned to Macedonia.

> Latin: 7.1. Perseus ubi adesse Aetolos audivit, omissa obsidione urbis, quam oppugnabat, depopulatus tantum agros Amphilochia excessit atque in Macedoniam redit.

[¶61] 7.2. The Aetolians too were called away from there by the devastation of their sea-coast. Pleuratus, the king of the Illyrians, sailed into the Corinthian gulf with sixty cruisers and joining the ships of the Achaeans which were at Patrae was laying waste the coast districts of Aetolia.

> Latin: 7.2. et Aetolos inde avocavit populatio maritumae orae. Pleuratus, Illyriorum rex, cum sexaginta lembis Corinthium sinum invectus adiunctis Achaeorum quae Patris erant navibus marituma Aetoliae vastabat.

[¶62] 7.3. A thousand Aetolians sent against them, wherever the fleet went, following the indentations of the shoreline, would travel by shorter routes and meet them.

> Latin: 7.3. adversus quos mille Aetoli missi, quacumque se classis circumegerat per litorum amfractus, brevioribus semitis occurrebant.

[¶63] 7.4. Also the Romans before Ambracia, by battering at the walls with rams, had to a great extent laid bare the town, but nevertheless could not force their way into it;

> Latin: 7.4. et Romani ad Ambraciam pluribus locis quatiendo arietibus muros aliquantum urbis nudaverant, nec tamen penetrare in urbem poterant:

[¶64] 7.5. for with equal speed a new wall was thrown up to replace what had been destroyed and armed men, standing on the ruins, served as a fortification.

> Latin: 7.5. nam et pari celeritate novus pro diruto murus obiciebatur, et armati ruinis superstantes instar munimenti erant.

[¶65] 7.6. Accordingly, since visibly applied force was not progressing well for the consul, he determined to dig secretly a tunnel in a place formerly covered by his sheds, and for a considerable period, although the work was in progress day and night, not only the men digging beneath the ground but also those who were carrying out the earth went unnoticed by the enemy.

> Latin: 7.6. itaque cum aperta vi parum procederet consuli res, cuniculum occultum vineis ante contecto loco agere instituit; et aliquamdiu, cum dies noctesque in opere essent, non solum sub terra fodientes sed egerentes etiam humum fefellere hostem.

[¶66] 7.7. Suddenly a rising mound of earth betrayed the work to the townspeople, and, fearing that the walls had already been undermined and a way opened into the city, they began to dig a ditch inside the wall in the direction of that work which had been covered by the sheds.

> Latin: 7.7. cumulus repente terrae eminens index operis oppidanis fuit, pavidique, ne iam subrutis muris facta in urbem via esset, fossam intra murum e regione eius operis, quod vineis contectum erat, ducere instituunt.

[¶67] 7.8. When they came to a depth as great as the bottom of the tunnel could have, they remained silent, and placing their ears against the walls in several places they listened for the sound of the diggers.

> Latin: 7.8. cuius ubi ad tantam altitudinem, quantae esse solum infimum cuniculi poterat, pervenerunt, silentio facto pluribus locis aure admota sonitum fodientium captabant.

[¶68] 7.9. When they heard this they opened a way straight into the tunnel, nor was this a difficult task; for in a moment they came into the open space where the enemy was supporting the roof on props.

> Latin: 7.9. quem ubi acceperunt, aperiunt rectam in cuniculum viam. nec fuit magni operis: momento enim ad inane suspenso furculis ab hostibus muro pervenerunt.

[¶69] 7.10. The works joining there, as the way was open from the trench to the tunnel, they began to fight, at first with the same tools which they had used in the work, then quickly armed men too came up and engaged in a hidden battle underground; later this fighting became more desultory, since they blocked the tunnel wherever they wished, now with curtains stretched across, now with hastily constructed doors. A new device as well, and one easy of execution, was thought out against the Romans who were in the tunnel.

> Latin: 7.10. ibi commissis operibus, cum e fossa in cuniculum pateret iter, primo ipsis ferramentis, quibus in opere usi erant, deinde celeriter armati etiam subeuntes occultam sub terra ediderunt pugnam; segnior deinde ea facta est intersaepientibus cuniculum, ubi vellent, nunc ciliciis praetentis nunc foribus raptim obiectis.

[¶70] 7.11. They prepared a cask pierced at the bottom, where a pipe of moderate size could be inserted, and likewise an iron pipe and an iron lid for the cask, this lid too being perforated in several places. This cask, filled with light feathers, they placed with its mouth facing the tunnel. They fixed in the holes in the lid the very long spears which they call “sarisae,” so as to keep the enemy at a distance.

> Latin: 7.11. nova etiam haud magni operis adversus eos, qui in cuniculo erant, excogitata res. dolium a fundo pertusum, qua fistula modica inseri posset, et ferream fistulam operculumque dolii ferreum, et ipsum pluribus locis perforatum, fecerunt. hoc tenui pluma completum dolium ore in cuniculum verso posuerunt.

[¶71] 7.12. A light spark of flame, placed among the feathers, they fanned by blowing with a smith's bellows placed at the mouth of the pipe.

> Latin: 7.12. per operculi foramina praelongae hastae, quas sarisas vocant, ad summovendos hostes eminebant. scintillam levem ignis inditam plumae folle fabrili ad caput fistulae imposito flando accenderunt.

[¶72] 7.13. Then, since smoke, not merely abundant in quantity, but, even more, unendurable by reason of the vile stench from the burning feathers, had filled the whole tunnel, scarcely anyone was able to remain within it.

> Latin: 7.13. inde non solum magna vis fumi sed acrior etiam foedo quodam nidore ex adusta pluma cum totum cuniculum complesset, vix durare quisquam intus poterat.

[¶73] 8.1. While affairs were in this condition at Ambracia, Phaeneas and Damoteles came to the consul as ambassadors from the Aetolians, with full power to act, by decree of the people. For their praetor, when he saw that on one side Ambracia was undergoing siege, that on another the sea-coast was endangered by the enemy's ships, that on a third the Amphilochians and Dolopia were being plundered by the Macedonians, and that the Aetolians, rushing here and there to three different wars at the same time, could not hold out, called a council and laid before the chiefs of Aetolia the question of what should be done.

> Latin: 8.1. cum in hoc statu ad Ambraciam res esset, legati ab Aetolis Phaeneas et Damoteles cum liberis mandatis decreto gentis ad consulem venerunt. nam praetor eorum, cum alia parte Ambraciam oppugnari cerneret, alia infestam oram navibus hostium esse, alia Amphilochos Dolopiam que a Macedonibus vastari, nec Aetolos ad tria simul diversa bella occursantis sufficere, convocato concilio Aetolos principes, quid agendum esset, consuluit.

[¶74] 8.3. The opinions of all tended in this direction —that peace should be sought, on fair terms if possible, if not, on endurable terms: they argued that they had begun the war because of their reliance on Antiochus;

> Latin: 8.3. omnium eo sententiae decurrerunt, ut pax, si posset, aequis, si minus, tolerandis condicionibus peteretur: Antiochi fiducia bellum susceptum;

[¶75] 8.4. when Antiochus was beaten on land and sea and driven virtually beyond the bounds of the earth, to the other side of the ridges of Taurus, what hope was there of continuing the war?

> Latin: 8.4. Antiocho terra marique superato et prope extra orbem terrae ultra iuga Tauri exacto quam spem esse sustinendi belli?

[¶76] 8.5. Phaeneas and Damoteles, they said, should do what they judged consistent with the best interests of the Aetolians, considering the straits they were in, and with their own sense of loyalty; for what plan that they could adopt or what choice of action was left them by fortune?

> Latin: 8.5. Phaeneas et Damoteles quod e re Aetolorum, ut in tali casu, fideque sua esse censerent, agerent: quod enim sibi consilium aut cuius rei electionem a fortuna relictam?

[¶77] 8.6. The envoys, sent with these instructions, begged the consul to spare the city and to have compassion on a people, once his ally, now driven to the point of madness, they would not say by their wrongs but at least by their misfortunes;

> Latin: 8.6. cum his mandatis legati missi orare consulem, ut parceret urbi, misereretur gentis quondam sociae, nolle dicere iniuriis, miseriis certe coactae insanire;

[¶78] 8.7. the Aetolians had not deserved to suffer any ill fortune, by reason of the war with Antiochus, outweighing the good service which they had rendered previously when they had fought against Philip; neither had liberal gratitude been shown them then nor should excessive punishment be imposed upon them now. To this the consul replied that the Aetolians ever sought peace frequently rather than sincerely.

> Latin: 8.7. non plus mali meritos Aetolos Antiochi bello, quam boni ante, cum adversus Philippum bellatum sit, fecisse; nec tum large gratiam relatam sibi, nec nunc immodice poenam iniungi debere. ad ea consul respondit magis saepe quam vere umquam Aetolos pacem petere. imitarentur Antiochum in petenda pace, quem in bellum traxissent;

[¶79] 8.8. In their plea for peace they should follow the example of Antiochus, whom they had enticed into the war; he had withdrawn not from a few towns about whose liberty there was a question, but from the whole rich land of Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains.

> Latin: 8.8. non paucis urbibus eum, de quarum libertate certatum sit, sed omni Asia cis Taurum montem, opimo regno, excessisse.

[¶80] 8.9. He would not, he said, listen to the Aetolians treating for peace unless they were disarmed;

> Latin: 8.9. Aetolos nisi inermes de pace agentes non auditurum se;

[¶81] 8.10. they must first turn over their weapons and all their horses, then pay a thousand talents of silver to the Roman people, of which sum half must be paid at once if they wanted to have peace. He would, besides, add this clause to the treaty —that they should regard as friends and enemies the same persons whom the Romans so regarded.

> Latin: 8.10. arma illis prius equosque omnis tradendos esse, deinde mille talentum argenti populo Romano dandum, cuius summae dimidium praesens numeretur, si pacem habere vellent. ad ea adiecturum etiam in foedus esse, ut eosdem quos populus Romanus amicos atque hostis habeant.

[¶82] 9.1. To these proposals, both because they were severe and because the ambassadors knew that the tempers of their people were fierce and changeable, they made no reply but returned home, that they might again and again consult the praetor and the chiefs as to what was to be done while they were still uncommitted to a decision.

> Latin: 9.1. adversus quae legati, et quia gravia erant, et quia suorum animos indomitos ac mutabiles noverant, nullo reddito responso domum regressi sunt, ut etiam atque etiam, quid agendum esset, re integra praetorem et principes consulerent.

[¶83] 9.2. They were received with abusive shouts, being asked how long they would drag things out, and were ordered to bring back any sort of peace whatsoever, but when they were returning to Ambracia they were caught in an ambush set beside the road by the Acarnanians, with whom they were at war, and were taken to Thyrreum for confinement.

> Latin: 9.2. clamore et iurgio excepti, quam diu rem traherent, qualemcumque pacem referre iussi, cum redirent Ambraciam, Acarnanum insidiis prope viam positis, cum quibus bellum erat, circumventi Thyrreum custodiendi deducuntur.

[¶84] 9.3. This caused a delay to the peace, although ambassadors of the Athenians and the Rhodians, who had come to intercede for them, were now with the consul.

> Latin: 9.3. haec mora iniecta est paci, cum iam Atheniensium Rhodiorumque legati, qui ad deprecandum pro iis venerant, apud consulem essent.

[¶85] 9.4. Amynander also, the king of the Athamanians, had come to the Roman camp under a safeguard, more concerned for the city of Ambracia, where he had spent the greater part of his exile, than for the Aetolians.

> Latin: 9.4. Amynander quoque Athamanum rex fide accepta venerat in castra Romana, magis pro Ambracia urbe, ubi maiorem partem temporis exulaverat, quam pro Aetolis sollicitus.

[¶86] 9.5. Being informed by them of the misfortune of the ambassadors, the consul ordered them to be brought from Thyrreum; after their arrival the discussion of peace began.

> Latin: 9.5. per hos certior factus consul de casu legatorum adduci eos a Thyrreo iussit; quorum post adventum agi coeptum est de pace.

[¶87] 9.6. Amynander, since this was his particular mission, laboured earnestly to induce the Ambraciots to surrender.

> Latin: 9.6. Amynander, quod sui maxime operis erat, impigre agebat, ut Ambracienses compelleret ad deditionem.

[¶88] 9.7. When he met with little success in this, approaching the walls and conferring with the chiefs, finally, by permission of the consul, he entered the city, and partly by advice and partly by entreaty he prevailed upon them to entrust themselves to the Romans.

> Latin: 9.7. id cum per colloquia principum succedens murum parum proficeret, postremo consulis permissu ingressus urbem partim consilio partim precibus evicit, ut permitterent se Romanis.

[¶89] 9.8. The Aetolians too received notable assistance from Gaius Valerius, son of the Laevinus, who had concluded the first treaty of friendship with that people, Gaius being the brother of the consul and born of the same mother.

> Latin: 9.8. et Aetolos C. Valerius, Laevini filius, qui cum ea gente primum amicitiam pepigerat, consulis frater matre eadem genitus, egregie adiuvit.

[¶90] 9.9. The Ambraciots, having first bargained that the Aetolian auxiliaries should be released in safety, opened their gates. Then terms of peace were given to the Aetolians: they were to pay five hundred Euboean talents, two hundred of these at once and three hundred in equal instalments through six years; they were to restore the prisoners and deserters to the Romans;

> Latin: 9.9. Ambracienses prius pacti, ut Aetolorum auxiliares sine fraude emitterent, aperuerunt portas. dein … quingenta Euboica ut darent talenta, ex quibus ducenta praesentia, trecenta per annos sex pensionibus aequis; captivos perfugasque redderent Romanis;

[¶91] 9.10. they were to bring under their jurisdiction no city which since the time when Titus Quinctius had crossed to Greece had either been captured by force by the Romans or had voluntarily entered into friendship with them; the island of Cephallania was to be outside the scope of the treaty.

> Latin: 9.10. urbem ne quam formulae sui iuris facerent, quae post id tempus, quo T. Quinctius traiecisset in Graeciam, aut vi capta ab Romanis esset aut voluntate in amicitiam venisset;

[¶92] 9.11. Although these terms were much lighter than they had anticipated, the request of the Aetolians that they should submit them to their council was granted.

> Latin: 9.11. Cephallania insula ut extra ius foederis esset. haec quamquam spe ipsorum aliquanto leviora essent, petentibus Aetolis, ut ad concilium referrent, permissum est.

[¶93] 9.12. There was a brief dispute about the cities, since they took it hard that towns which had once been under their control should be torn, as it were, from their body, yet all unanimously agreed that the peace should be accepted. The Ambraciots presented the consul with a golden crown of one hundred and fifty pounds' weight.

> Latin: 9.12. parva disceptatio de urbibus tenuit, quae cum sui iuris aliquando fuissent, avelli velut a corpore suo aegre patiebantur; ad unum omnes tamen accipi pacem iusserunt.

[¶94] 9.13. The bronze and marble statues and the paintings with which Ambracia was more lavishly adorned than the other cities of this region, because the palace of Pyrrhus had been there, were all removed and carried away; nothing else was touched or harmed.

> Latin: 9.13. Ambracienses coronam auream consuli centum et quinquaginta pondo dederunt. signa aenea marmoreaque et tabulae pictae, quibus ornatior Ambracia, quia regia ibi Pyrrhi fuerat, quam ceterae regionis eius urbes erant, sublata omnia avectaque; nihil praeterea tactum violatumve.

[¶95] 10.1. Leaving Ambracia for the interior of Aetolia, the consul encamped near Amphilochian Argos, it being twenty-two miles from Ambracia. There finally the Aetolian ambassadors came while the consul was wondering why they were delaying.

> Latin: 10.1. profectus ab Ambracia consul in mediterranea Aetoliae ad Argos Amphilochium — viginti duo milia ab Ambracia abest — castra posuit. eo tandem legati Aetoli mirante consule, quod morarentur, venerunt.

[¶96] 10.2. Then, when he learned that the council of the Aetolians had approved the peace, having ordered them to go to the senate in Rome and having given permission to both the Rhodians and the Athenians to go with them as intercessors, and appointed his brother Gaius Valerius to accompany them, he himself crossed to Cephallania.

> Latin: 10.2. inde, postquam approbasse pacem concilium Aetolorum accepit, iussis proficisci Romam ad senatum permissoque, ut et Rhodii et Athenienses deprecatores irent, dato, qui simul cum iis proficisceretur, C. Valerio fratre ipse in Cephallaniam traiecit.

[¶97] 10.3. The ambassadors found that the ears and minds of the leading men at Rome had already been filled by the allegations of Philip, who, through envoys, through letters, complaining that the Dolopians, the Amphilochians and Athamania had been snatched from him and that his garrisons and finally even his son Perseus had been driven off from the Amphilochians, had made the senate disinclined to hear their petitions. Nevertheless, the Rhodians and the Athenians were listened to in silence.

> Latin: 10.3. praeoccupatas auris animosque principum Romae criminibus Philippi invenerunt, qui per legatos, per litteras Dolopas Amphilochosque et Athamaniam ereptas sibi querens, praesidiaque sua, postremo filium etiam Persea ex Amphilochis pulsum, averterat senatum ab audiendis precibus eorum.

[¶98] 10.4. The Athenian ambassador Leon, the son of Hicesias, is said to have created something of an impression by his eloquence; employing the familiar simile of a calm sea which is disturbed by the winds, likening to it the Aetolian populace, he said that as long as they had remained faithful to the Roman alliance they had been quiet with the natural calmness of the race; after Thoas and Dicaearchus began to blow from Asia and Menestas and Damocritus from Europe, then that storm had arisen which had dashed them upon Antiochus as upon a rock.

> Latin: 10.4. Rhodii tamen et Athenienses cum silentio auditi sunt. Atheniensis legatus Leon Hicesiae filius eloquentia etiam dicitur movisse; qui vulgata similitudine, mari tranquillo, quod ventis concitaretur, aequiperando multitudinem Aetolorum, usus, cum in fide Romanae societatis mansissent, insita gentis tranquillitate quiesse eos aiebat; postquam flare ab Asia Thoas et Dicaearchus, ab Europa Menestas et Damocritus coepissent, tum illam tempestatem coortam, quae ad Antiochum eos sicuti in scopulum intulisset.

[¶99] 11.1. After long agitation the Aetolians finally succeeded in obtaining an agreement on the terms of peace.

> Latin: 11.1. diu iactati Aetoli tandem, ut condiciones pacis convenirent, effecerunt. fuerunt autem hae:

[¶100] 11.2. These were the conditions: “The people of the Aetolians shall uphold the sovereignty and dignity of the Roman people without fraud; they shall permit no army which is being led against the allies and friends of the Romans to cross their borders and shall aid such an army in no way;”

> Latin: 11.2. “imperium maiestatemque populi Romani gens Aetolorum conservato sine dolo malo; ne quem exercitum, qui adversus socios amicosque eorum ducetur, per fines suos transire sinito, neve ulla ope iuvato;

[¶101] 11.3. “they shall regard as enemies the same persons whom the Romans so regard, shall take up arms against them and make war upon them in company with the Romans;”

> Latin: 11.3. hostis eosdem habeto quos populus Romanus, armaque in eos ferto, bellumque pariter gerito;

[¶102] 11.4. “they shall restore deserters, runaways and captives to the Romans and their allies, except such prisoners as were captured a second time after they had returned to their homes, or such as were captured from those who were enemies to the Romans at that time when the Aetolians were associated with the Roman forces, and any of the others who shall be discovered within one hundred days to the magistrates of the Corcyraeans without fraud;”

> Latin: 11.4. perfugas fugitivos captivos reddito Romanis sociisque, praeterquam si qui capti, cum domos redissent, iterum capti sunt, aut si qui eo tempore ex iis capti sunt, qui tum hostes erant Romanis, cum intra praesidia Romana Aetoli essent;

[¶103] 11.5. “those who shall not be discovered shall be turned over as soon as each of them is found;” “they shall deliver to the Romans forty hostages, acceptable to the consul, none younger than twelve years nor older than forty, provided that no hostage shall be a ” “praetor, a commander of cavalry, a public secretary, or one who has previously been a hostage at Rome; Cephallania shall be excepted from the terms of peace.”

> Latin: 11.5. aliorum qui comparebunt intra dies centum Corcyraeorum magistratibus sine dolo malo tradantur; qui non comparebunt, quando quisque eorum primum inventus erit, reddatur; obsides quadraginta arbitratu consulis Romanis dato ne minores duodecim annorum neu maiores quadraginta, obses ne esto praetor, praefectus equitum, scriba publicus, neu quis, qui ante obses fuit apud Romanos;

[¶104] 11.8. Regarding the sum of money which they were to pay and the instalments thereof, no change was made in the conditions proposed by the consul; “if in place of silver they propose to pay gold, let them do so,” it was agreed, “provided that one gold piece shall be the equivalent of ten pieces of silver.”

> Latin: 11.8. Cephallania extra pacis leges esto.” de pecuniae summa, quam penderent, pensionibusque eius nihil ex eo, quod cum consule convenerat, mutatum; pro argento si aurum dare mallent, darent, convenit, dum pro argenteis decem aureus unus valeret.

[¶105] 11.9. “Whatever cities, whatever districts, whatever persons have at any time been under the jurisdiction of the Aetolians and have, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius or after that consulship, either been conquered by arms or submitted voluntarily to the control of the Roman people, none of these shall the Aetolians essay to recover; the Oeniadae with their city and lands shall belong to the Acarnanians.” On these conditions the treaty with the Aetolians was concluded.

> Latin: 11.9. “quae urbes, qui agri, qui homines Aetolorum iuris aliquando fuerunt, qui eorum T. Quinctio Cn. Domitio consulibus postve eos consules aut armis subacti aut voluntate in dicionem populi Romani venerunt, ne quem eorum Aetoli recepisse velint; Oeniadae cum urbe agrisque Acarnanum sunto.” his legibus foedus ictum cum Aetolis est.

[¶106] 12.1. Not merely in the same summer, but even practically during the same days when Marcus Fulvius the consul was thus engaged in Aetolia, the other consul Gnaeus Manlius in Gallograecia waged the war which I shall now proceed to describe.

> Latin: 12.1. eadem non aestate solum, sed etiam iisdem prope diebus, quibus haec a M. Fulvio consule in Aetolia gesta sunt, consul alter Cn. Manlius in Gallograecia bellum gessit, quod nunc ordiri pergam.

[¶107] 12.2. The consul arrived in Ephesus in the beginning of spring, and, having taken over the troops from Lucius Scipio and purified the army, he delivered a speech to the soldiers in which he gave great praise to their valour because they had ended the war with Antiochus by a single battle, and urged them to undertake a new war with the Gauls, who had not only aided Antiochus with auxiliaries but possessed spirits so untamable that the expulsion of Antiochus beyond

> Latin: 12.2. vere primo Ephesum consul venit, acceptisque copiis ab L. Scipione et exercitu lustrato contionem apud milites habuit, qua collaudata virtute eorum, quod cum Antiocho uno proelio debellassent, adhortatus eos ad novum cum Gallis suscipiendum bellum,

[¶108] 12.4. the ridges of the Taurus mountains would be in vain unless the power of the Gauls were broken, while as regards himself also he added brief remarks, neither false nor exaggerated.

> Latin: 12.4. qui et auxiliis iuvissent Antiochum, et adeo indomita haberent ingenia, ut nequiquam Antiochus emotus ultra iuga Tauri montis esset, nisi frangerentur opes Gallorum, de se quoque pauca, nec falsa nec immodica, adiecit.

[¶109] 12.5. The joyous soldiers listened to the consul with great applause, believing that the Gauls had been only a part of the forces of Antiochus; after the defeat of the king there would be no strength in the Gauls alone and by themselves.

> Latin: 12.5. laeti milites cum frequenti adsensu consulem audiverunt, partem virium Antiochi fuisse Gallos credentes; rege superato nullum momentum in solis per se Gallorum copiis fore.

[¶110] 12.6. The consul believed that Eumenes was away at an unsuitable time —he was then in Rome —as he was familiar with the country and the people and as it was to his interest that the power of the Gauls should be broken.

> Latin: 12.6. Eumenen haud in tempore abesse — Romae tum erat credere consul, gnarum locorum hominumque, et cuius interesset frangi Gallorum opes.

[¶111] 12.7. Manlius therefore summoned Eumenes' brother Attalus from Pergamum and urged him to join in the prosecution of the war, and on receiving the promise of the co-operation of himself and his countrymen sent him home to make preparations.

> Latin: 12.7. Attalum igitur fratrem eius accersit a Pergamo, hortatusque ad capessendum secum bellum pollicentem suam suorumque operam domum ad comparandum dimittit.

[¶112] 12.8. A few days later, when the consul left Ephesus for Magnesia, Attalus met him with a thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry, having directed his brother Athenaeus to follow with the rest of the army and having entrusted the guardianship of Pergamum to those men whom he deemed loyal to his brother and the throne.

> Latin: 12.8. paucos post dies profecto ab Epheso consuli ad Magnesiam occurrit Attalus cum mille peditibus, equitibus quingentis, Athenaeo fratre iusso cum ceteris copiis subsequi, commendata iis custodia Pergami, quos fratri regnoque fidos credebat.

[¶113] 12.9. The consul, praising the young man, marched with the entire force to the Meander and encamped, because the river could not be crossed by fording and boats had to be collected to ferry the army across. After crossing the Meander they advanced to Hiera Comê.

> Latin: 12.9. consul collaudato iuvene cum omnibus copiis ad Maeandrum progressus castra posuit, quia vado superari amnis non poterat et contrahendae naves erant ad exercitum traiciendum.

[¶114] 13.1. There was at this place a venerable shrine of Apollo and an oracle; the priests, it is said, give the responses in verses not without polish.

> Latin: 13.1. transgressi Maeandrum ad Hieran Comen pervenerunt. Fanum ibi augustum Apollinis et oraculum; sortes versibus haud inconditis ditis dare vates dicuntur.

[¶115] 13.2. On the second day's march from here they came to the Harpasus river, where ambassadors from Alabanda came with the request that he would compel, either by authority or by armed force, a stronghold which had recently revolted from them to accept its ancient status.

> Latin: 13.2. hinc alteris castris ad Harpasum flumen ventum est, quo legati ab Alabandis venerunt, ut castellum, quod ab ipsis nuper descisset, aut auctoritate aut armis cogeret iura antiqua pati.

[¶116] 13.3. There also came Athenaeus, the brother of Eumenes and Attalus, with Leusus the Cretan and Corragus the Macedonian; they brought with them a thousand infantry of different nationalities and three hundred cavalry. The consul, sending a tribune of the soldiers with a force of moderate size, took the stronghold by storm and having captured it turned it over to the people of Alabanda.

> Latin: 13.3. eodem et Athenaeus, Eumenis et Attali frater, cum Cretense Leuso et Corrago Macedone venit; mille pedites mixtarum gentium et trecentos equites secum adduxerunt.

[¶117] 13.4. He himself, not leaving the direct road, pitched camp at Antiochia on the Meander river. The sources of this river spring from Celaenae. The city of Celaenae was once the capital of Phrygia; thence there was a migration to a place not far from old Celaenae, and to the new town was given the name of Apamea, from Apama, the sister of King Seleucus.

> Latin: 13.4. consul tribuno militum misso cum modica manu castellum vi cepit, captum Alabandensibus reddit. ipse nihil via degressus ad Antiochiam super Maeandrum amnem posuit castra.

[¶118] 13.5. The Marsyas river also, rising not far from the sources of the. Meander, empties into the Meander, and the story runs thus, that at Celaenae Marsyas contended with Apollo in playing on the pipes.

> Latin: 13.5. huius amnis fontes Celaenis oriuntur. Celaenae urbs caput quondam Phrygiae fuit; migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celaenis, novaeque urbi Apameae nomen inditum ab Apama sorore Seleuci regis.

[¶119] 13.6. The Meander, rising on top of the citadel of Celaenae and flowing through the centre of the city, then first through Carian and later Ionian territory, empties into the gulf of the sea which lies between Prienê and Miletus. At Antiochia, Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, came to the consul's camp to furnish the grain to the army in accordance with the treaty made with Scipio.

> Latin: 13.6. et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Maeandri fontibus oriens, in Maeandrum cadit, famaque ita tenet, Celaenis Marsyan cum Apolline tibiarum cantu certasse.

[¶120] 13.7. There was a short argument regarding the auxiliaries of Attalus, since Seleucus maintained that Antiochus had bargained to supply grain to the Roman soldiers only.

> Latin: 13.7. Maeander ex arce summa Celaenarum ortus, media urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas in sinum maris editur, qui inter Prienen et Miletum est.

[¶121] 13.8. This too was ended by the firmness of the consul, who sent a tribune with the order that no Roman soldiers should receive any grain until the auxiliaries of Attalus should have had their share. Thence he marched to the place called Gordiutichi. From there they came on the third march to Tabae. The city lies on the borders of the Pisidians, on the side which faces the Pamphylian sea. Since the strength of the region was unimpaired, its men were fierce in warfare. At this time too the cavalry, charging the Roman column, threw it at first into no small degree of confusion; then, when it became evident that they were equal in neither numbers nor courage, when driven back into the town they begged pardon for their mistake and were ready to surrender the city. The consul exacted of them twenty-five talents of silver and ten thousand medimni of wheat; on these terms they were received in surrender.

> Latin: 13.8. ad Antiochiam in castra consulis Seleucus, Antiochi filius, ex foedere icto cum Scipione ad frumentum exercitui dandum venit. parva disceptatio de Attali auxiliaribus orta est, quod Romano tantum militi pactum Antiochum ut daretur frumentum Seleucus dicebat. discussa ea quoque est constantia consulis, qui misso tribuno edixit, ne Romani milites acciperent, priusquam Attali auxilia accepissent. inde ad Gordiutichos quod vocant processum est. ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum. in finibus Pisidarum posita urbs est, in ea parte, quae vergit ad Pamphylium mare. integris viribus regionis eius feroces ad bellandum habebat viros. tum quoque equites in agmen Romanum eruptione facta haud modice primo impetu turbavere; deinde ut apparuit nec numero se nec virtute pares esse, in urbem compulsi veniam erroris petebant, dedere urbem parati. quinque et viginti talenta argenti et decem milia medimnum tritici imperata: ita in deditionem accepti.

[¶122] 14.1. On the third day from there they came to the Casus river; on their departure thence they took the town of Eriza at the first assault.

> Latin: 14.1. tertio inde die ad Casum amnem perventum; inde profecti Erizam urbem primo impetu ceperunt.

[¶123] 14.2. They came next to Thabusium, a fortress overlooking the Indus river, which derived its name from an Indian who fell from his elephant.

> Latin: 14.2. ad Thabusion castellum imminens flumini Indo ventum est, cui fecerat nomen Indus ab elephanto deiectus.

[¶124] 14.3. They were not far from Cibyra, and no embassy was coming from Moagetes, tyrant of that city, a man faithless and hard to deal with in every way.

> Latin: 14.3. haud procul a Cibyra aberant, nec legatio ulla a Moagete, tyranno civitatis eius, homine ad omnia infido atque importuno, veniebat.

[¶125] 14.4. To test his attitude, the consul sent Gaius Helvius ahead with four thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. As this column was crossing the frontier ambassadors met them, bringing word that the tyrant was ready to do their bidding;

> Latin: 14.4. ad temptandum eius animum C. Helvium cum quattuor milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus consul praemittit. huic agmini iam finis ingredienti legati occurrerunt nuntiantes paratum esse tyrannum imperata facere;

## 32. Book XXXVIII · chapters 14–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/32/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/32/#p-N

[¶0] 14.5. they begged that he would enter their country peacefully and restrain the soldiery from laying waste the land, and brought him fifteen talents in the form of a golden crown.

> Latin: 14.5. orabant, ut pacatus finis iniret cohiberetque a populatione agri militem, et in corona aurea quindecim talenta adferebant.

[¶1] 14.6. Helvius, promising to keep the farms safe from pillage, ordered the ambassadors to go to the consul.

> Latin: 14.6. Helvius integros a populatione agros servaturum pollicitus ire ad consulem legatos iussit.

[¶2] 14.7. When they delivered the same message, the consul said, “We Romans have no indication of the good-will of the tyrant towards us, and it is well known to all that he is such a person that we must think about punishing him rather than cultivating his friendship.”

> Latin: 14.7. quibus eadem referentibus consul “neque Romani” inquit “bonae voluntatis ullum signum erga nos tyranni habemus, et ipsum talem esse inter omnes constat, ut de poena eius magis quam de amicitia nobis cogitandum sit.

[¶3] 14.8. Dismayed by this speech, the ambassadors asked nothing else than that he accept the crown and give the tyrant the opportunity to come to him, to speak and to defend himself.

> Latin: 14.8. ” perturbati hac voce legati nihil aliud petere, quam ut coronam acciperet veniendique ad eum tyranno potestatem et copiam loquendi ac purgandi se faceret.

[¶4] 14.9. With the permission of the consul the tyrant the next day came to the camp, clothed and attended in a style inferior to that of a private person of moderate wealth, and his speech was humble and incoherent, the speech of a man who belittled his own station and lamented the poverty of the cities under his control.

> Latin: 14.9. permissu consulis postero die in castra tyrannus venit, vestitus comitatusque vix ad privati modice locupletis habitum, et oratio fuit summissa et infracta, extenuantis opes suas urbiumque suae dicionis egestatem querentis.

[¶5] 14.10. Now there were under him, in addition to Cibyra, Sylleum and a city which they call ad Limnen. From them, by robbing himself and his subjects, he promised, though hesitatingly, to raise twenty-five talents. “Come, come,” replied the consul, “this trifling cannot be endured.”

> Latin: 14.10. erant autem sub eo praeter Cibyram Sylleum et ad Limnen quae appellatur. ex his, ut se suosque spoliaret, quinque et viginti talenta se conlecturum, prope ut diffidens, pollicebatur.

[¶6] 14.11. “It is not enough that you did not blush when, remaining away, you mocked us through your ambassadors; even when here you persist in the same shamelessness. Will five-and-twenty talents drain your tyranny dry?”

> Latin: 14.11. “enimvero” inquit consul “ferri iam ludificatio ista non potest. parum est non erubuisse absentem, cum per legatos frustrareris nos; praesens quoque in eadem perstas impudentia.

[¶7] 14.12. “Very well, unless you pay five hundred talents in three days, look forward to the devastation of your lands and the siege of your city.” Though terrified by this threat he nevertheless persisted in his stubborn pretence of poverty.

> Latin: 14.12. quinque et viginti talenta tyrannidem tuam exhaurient? quingenta ergo talenta nisi triduo numeras, populationem in agris, obsidionem in urbe expecta.

[¶8] 14.13. And little by little by grudging concessions, now amid much quibbling, now with prayers and feigned tears, he was worked up to the point of paying one hundred talents.

> Latin: 14.13. “hac denuntiatione conterritus perstare tamen in pertinaci simulatione inopiae.

[¶9] 14.14. Ten thousand medimni of grain were added. All this was collected within six days. From Cibyra the army was led through the territory of the people of Sinda and crossing the Caulares river went into camp.

> Latin: 14.14. et paulatim illiberali adiectione nunc per cavillationem, nunc precibus et simulatis lacrimis ad centum talenta est perductus. adiecta decem milia medimnum frumenti. haec omnia intra sex dies exacta. A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque Caularem amnem posuit castra.

[¶10] 15.2. The next day they marched along the marsh of Caralitis; they encamped near Madamprus. As they advanced from there the inhabitants fled in terror from the neighbouring town of Lagum; empty of men and filled with abundance of all things, the town was sacked.

> Latin: 15.2. postero die [et] praeter Caralitin paludem agmen ductum; ad Madamprum manserunt. inde progredientibus ab Laco, proxima urbe, metu incolae fugerunt;

[¶11] 15.3. Thence they moved to the sources of the Lysis river and next day to the Cobulatus river.

> Latin: 15.3. vacuum hominibus et refertum rerum omnium copia oppidum diripuerunt. inde ad Lysis fluminis fontes, postero die ad Cobulatum amnem progressi.

[¶12] 15.4. Troops from Termessus were at that time besieging the citadel of the Isiondenses after capturing the town. The besieged, since there was no other hope of relief, sent envoys to the consul asking aid: shut up in the citadel with their wives and children, they were expecting death day by day, to be suffered by either the sword or starvation.

> Latin: 15.4. Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem urbe capta oppugnabant. inclusi cum alia spes auxilii nulla esset, legatos ad consulem orantes opem miserunt:

[¶13] 15.5. Thus the eager consul was offered an occasion to turn aside into Pamphylia. By his arrival he rescued the Isiondenses from siege; on payment of fifty talents of silver he granted peace to Termessus; he did the same for the Aspendians and other peoples of Pamphylia.

> Latin: 15.5. cum coniugibus ac liberis in arce inclusos se mortem in dies, aut ferro aut fame patiendam, expectare. volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam devertendi oblata est.

[¶14] 15.6. Returning from Pamphylia, he encamped the first day on the river Taurus, the next at what they call Xylines Comê.

> Latin: 15.6. adveniens obsidione Isiondensis exemit; Termesso pacem dedit quinquaginta talentis argenti acceptis;

[¶15] 15.7. Advancing from there by continuous marches he came to the city of Cormasa. Darsa is the nearest town; this he found deserted by the inhabitants through fear, but full of all sorts of supplies. As he marched along the marshes ambassadors came from Lysinoë surrendering their city.

> Latin: 15.7. item Aspendiis ceterisque Pamphyliae populis. ex Pamphylia rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen quam vocant Comen posuit castra. profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa urbem pervenit.

[¶16] 15.8. Then they entered the country of the Sagalassenes, rich and abounding in all kinds of crops. Pisidians inhabit it, by far the best warriors in this region.

> Latin: 15.8. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam metu incolarum desertam, plenam omnium rerum copia invenit. progredienti praeter paludes legati ab Lysinoe dedentes civitatem venerunt.

[¶17] 15.9. This circumstance gave them courage, as well as the fertility of the soil and their large population and the situation of their fortified town in a land where such strongholds were few. Since no embassy met him at the frontier, the consul sent out parties to plunder the fields. Then at last their stubbornness was broken when they saw their property being carried and driven away; sending ambassadors and agreeing to pay fifty talents, twenty thousand medimni of wheat and as many of barley, they obtained peace.

> Latin: 15.9. inde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. colunt Pisidae, longe optimi bello regionis eius. cum ea res animos facit, tum agri fecunditas et multitudo hominum et situs inter paucas munitae urbis.

[¶18] 15.10. Then he proceeded to the Rhotrine springs and encamped at a village which they call Acoridos Comê. Thither the next day Seleucus came from Apamea.

> Latin: 15.10. consul, quia nulla legatio ad finem praesto fuerat, praedatum in agros misit. tum demum fracta pertinacia est, ut ferri agique res suas viderunt;

[¶19] 15.11. When the consul had sent back thence to Apamea the sick and his useless equipment, receiving from Seleucus guides for the march, he came that day into the country of Metropolis and the following day to Dyniae in Phrygia.

> Latin: 15.11. legatis missis pacti quinquaginta talentis et viginti milibus medimnum tritici, viginti hordei, pacem impetraverunt.

[¶20] 15.12. From there he marched to Synnada, all the towns in the neighbourhood being deserted through fear.

> Latin: 15.12. progressus inde ad Rhotrinos fontes ad vicum, quem Acoridos Comen vocant, posuit castra. eo Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit.

[¶21] 15.13. Dragging after him a column which was now overloaded with their booty and barely accomplishing a march of five miles in a whole day, he arrived at Beudos, which they call “the Old.” Next he reached Anabura and the following day the sources of the Alander, and the third he encamped at Abbassius.

> Latin: 15.13. aegros inde et inutilia impedimenta cum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dynias Phrygiae processit.

[¶22] 15.14. There he maintained his camp for many days because he had come to the frontiers of the Tolostobogii. The Gauls, a vast horde of men, whether moved by shortage of land or hope of plunder, feeling assured that no people through which they would pass was their match in war, under the leadership of Brennus came into the country of the Dardanians.

> Latin: 15.14. inde Synnada venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis. quorum praeda iam grave agmen trahens vix quinque milium die toto itinere perfecto ad Beudos, quod vetus appellant, pervenit. ad Anabura inde, et altero die ad Alandri fontes, tertio ad Abbassium posuit castra. ibi plures dies stativa habuit, quia perventum erat ad Tolostobogiorum fines. Galli, magna hominum vis, seu inopia agri seu praedae spe, nullam gentem, per quas ituri essent, parem armis rati, Brenno duce in Dardanos pervenerunt.

[¶23] 16.2. There strife broke out among them; about twenty thousand men, with Lonorius and Lutarius as their chiefs, seceded from Brennus and turned aside into Thrace.

> Latin: 16.2. ibi seditio orta est; ad viginti milia hominum cum Lonorio ac Lutario regulis secessione facta a Brenno in Thraeciam iter avertunt.

[¶24] 16.3. There, when they had penetrated as far as Byzantium, contending against those who resisted and imposing tribute upon those who sought peace, they occupied for a considerable time the coast of the Propontis, holding as tributaries the cities of the district.

> Latin: 16.3. ubi cum resistentibus pugnando, pacem petentibus stipendium imponendo Byzantium cum pervenissent, aliquamdiu oram Propontidis vectigalis habendo regionis eius urbes obtinuerunt.

[¶25] 16.4. Then the desire of crossing into Asia seized them, as they heard from their neighbours how rich was this land; and having taken Lysimachia by treachery and occupied the whole Chersonesus by force of arms they came down to the Hellespont.

> Latin: 16.4. cupido inde eos in Asiam transeundi, audientis ex propinquo, quanta ubertas eius terrae esset, cepit; et Lysimachia fraude capta Chersonesoque omni armis possessa ad Hellespontum descenderunt.

[¶26] 16.5. There, as they saw Asia separated from them by a narrow strait, their souls were even more inflamed with the desire to cross, and they sent messengers to Antipater, the prefect of this coast, regarding the crossing.

> Latin: 16.5. ibi vero exiguo divisam freto cernentibus Asiam multo magis animi ad transeundum accensi; nuntiosque ad Antipatrum praefectum eius orae de transitu mittebant. quae res cum lentius spe ipsorum traheretur, alia rursus nova inter regulos seditio orta est.

[¶27] 16.6. When this negotiation was dragging out longer than they had expected, another new revolt broke out between the chiefs. Lonorius with the larger part of the men went back to Byzantium whence he had come; Lutarius, when Macedonians were sent by Antipater to spy, under cover of being an embassy, took from them two decked ships and three cruisers. Using these as ferry-boats day after day and night after night, within a few days he transported his entire force.

> Latin: 16.6. Lonorius retro, unde venerat, cum maiore parte hominum repetit Byzantium; Lutarius Macedonibus per speciem legationis ab Antipatro ad speculandum missis duas tectas naves et tris lembos adimit. iis alios atque alios dies noctesque travehendo intra paucos dies omnis copias traicit.

[¶28] 16.7. Only a little later Lonorius, with the aid of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, crossed from Byzantium. Then the Gauls were once more united and aided Nicomedes in the war he was waging against Ziboetas, who held some part of Bithynia.

> Latin: 16.7. haud ita multo post Lonorius adiuvante Nicomede Bithyniae rege a Byzantio transmisit.

[¶29] 16.8. And, principally as a result of their assistance, Ziboetas was conquered and all Bithynia acknowledged the sovereignty of Nicomedes.

> Latin: 16.8. coeunt deinde in unum rursus Galli et auxilia Nicomedi dant adversus Ziboetam, tenentem partem Bithyniae, gerenti bellum.

[¶30] 16.9. Setting out from Bithynia they made their way into Asia. Of their twenty thousand men, not more than ten thousand were armed. Nevertheless, they inspired such terror in all the peoples who dwell on this side of the Taurus, those whom they approached and those whom they did not approach, that the most distant and the nearest alike obeyed their orders.

> Latin: 16.9. atque eorum maxime opera devictus Ziboeta est, Bithyniaque omnis in dicionem Nicomedis concessit. profecti ex Bithynia in Asiam processerunt. non plus ex viginti milibus hominum quam decem armata erant.

[¶31] 16.10. Finally, since there were three tribes, the Tolostobogii, the Trocmi, and the Tectosages, they split up into three divisions, according to the states of Asia which each held as tributaries.

> Latin: 16.10. tamen tantum terroris omnibus quae cis Taurum incolunt gentibus iniecerunt, ut quas adissent quasque non adissent, pariter ultimae propinquis, imperio parerent.

[¶32] 16.11. To the Trocmi the coast of the Hellespont was assigned; the Tolostobogii received by the lot Aeolis and Ionia, the Tectosages the interior parts of Asia.

> Latin: 16.11. postremo cum tres essent gentes, Tolostobogii Trocmi Tectosages, in tris partis, qua cuique populorum suorum vectigalis Asia esset, diviserunt.

[¶33] 16.12. And they exacted tribute from all Asia on this side of the Taurus, but established their own dwellings along the river Halys.

> Latin: 16.12. Trocmis Hellesponti ora data; Tolostobogii Aeolida atque Ioniam, Tectosages mediterranea Asiae sortiti sunt. et stipendium tota cis Taurum Asia exigebant, sedem autem ipsi sibi circa Halyn flumen cepere.

[¶34] 16.13. And so great was the terror of their name, their numbers being also enlarged by great natural increase, that in the end even the kings of Syria did not refuse to pay them tribute. Attalus, the father of King Eumenes, was the first of the inhabitants of Asia to refuse, and his bold step, contrary to the expectation of all, was aided by fortune and he worsted the Gauls in pitched battle.

> Latin: 16.13. tantusque terror eorum nominis erat, multitudine etiam magna subole aucta, ut Syriae quoque ad postremum reges stipendium dare non abnuerent.

[¶35] 16.14. Yet he did not cow them so thoroughly that they refrained from exercising their power; their strength remained the same until the war between Antiochus and the Romans.

> Latin: 16.14. primus Asiam incolentium abnuit Attalus, pater regis Eumenis; audacique incepto praeter opinionem omnium adfuit fortuna, et signis collatis superior fuit. non tamen ita infregit animos eorum, ut absisterent imperio:

[¶36] 16.15. Even then, after the defeat of Antiochus, they entertained great hopes that, since they lived far from the sea, the Roman army would not march against them.

> Latin: 16.15. eaedem opes usque ad bellum Antiochi cum Romanis manserunt. tum quoque, pulso Antiocho, magnam spem habuerunt, quia procul mari incolerent, Romanum exercitum ad se non perventurum.

[¶37] 17.1. Since war was to be waged with this enemy, so terrible to all the inhabitants of this region, the consul summoned an assembly and addressed the soldiers in about this fashion:

> Latin: 17.1. cum hoc hoste, tam terribili omnibus regionis eius, quia bellum gerendum erat, pro contione milites in hunc maxime modum adlocutus est consul:

[¶38] 17.2. “It does not escape me, soldiers, that of all the peoples who inhabit Asia the Gauls stand first in reputation for war.”

> Latin: 17.2. “non me praeterit, milites, omnium quae Asiam colunt gentium Gallos fama belli praestare.

[¶39] 17.3. “Among peoples of the most unwarlike sort this fierce tribe, travelling up and down in war, has almost made the world its residence.”

> Latin: 17.3. inter mitissimum genus hominum ferox natio pervagata bello prope orbem terrarum sedem cepit. procera corpora, promissae et rutilatae comae, vasta scuta, praelongi gladii;

[¶40] 17.4. “Tall bodies, long reddish hair, huge shields, very long swords; in addition, songs as they go into battle and yells and leapings and the dreadful din of arms as they clash shields according to some ancestral custom —all these are deliberately used to terrify their foes.” “But let Greeks and Phrygians and Carians fear these things to which they are unused and unaccustomed; to Romans Gallic riotings are familiar and their vain displays too are well known.”

> Latin: 17.4. ad hoc cantus inchoantium proelium et ululatus et tripudia, et quatientium scuta in patrium quendam modum horrendus armorum crepitus, omnia de industria composita ad terrorem, sed haec, quibus insolita atque insueta sunt, Graeci et Phryges et Cares timeant: Romanis Gallici tumultus adsueti, etiam vanitates notae sunt.

[¶41] 17.6. “Once, when we first met them at the Allia, our ancestors long ago fled before them; from that time now for two hundred years, terrified like animals they are slain and routed, and more triumphs, almost, have been celebrated over the Gauls than over all the ” “world.

> Latin: 17.6. semel primo congressu ad Aliam eos olim fugerunt maiores nostri; ex eo tempore per ducentos iam annos pecorum in modum consternatos caedunt fugantque, et plures prope de Gallis triumphi quam de toto orbe terrarum acti sunt.

[¶42] 17.7. This has now been learned by experience: if you bear up under their first onset, into which they rush with glowing enthusiasm and blind passion, their limbs grow lax with sweat and weariness, their weapons fall from their hands; their soft bodies, their soft souls (when passion subsides) are overcome by sun, dust, thirst, so that you need not use arms against them. Not only when matched legion to legion have we learned this, but when fighting man to man ” “alone.

> Latin: 17.7. iam usu hoc cognitum est: si primum impetum, quem fervido ingenio et caeca ira effundunt, sustinueris, fluunt sudore et lassitudine membra, labant arma; mollia corpora, molles, ubi ira consedit, animos sol pulvis sitis, ut ferrum non admoveas, prosternunt.

[¶43] 17.8. Titus Manlius, Marcus Valerius have shown how far Roman valour surpasses Gallic madness. Then Marcus Manlius alone thrust down the Gauls as they climbed in close array to the ” “Capitoline.

> Latin: 17.8. non legionibus legiones eorum solum experti sumus, sed vir unus cum viro congrediendo T. Manlius, M. Valerius, quantum Gallicam rabiem vinceret Romana virtus, docuerunt.

[¶44] 17.9. And those forefathers of ours had to do with true Gauls, born in their own land; these now are degenerates, of mixed race, and really Gallogrecians, as they are named; just as, in the case of plants and animals, the seeds have less power to maintain their natural quality than the character of the soil and climate in which they live has power to change ” “it.

> Latin: 17.9. iam M. Manlius unus agmine scandentis in Capitolium detrusit Gallos. et illis maioribus nostris cum haud dubiis Gallis, in sua terra genitis, res erat; hi iam degeneres sunt, mixti, et Gallograeci vere, quod appellantur.

[¶45] 17.10. The Macedonians who hold Alexandria in Egypt, who hold Seleucia and Babylonia and other colonies scattered throughout the world, have degenerated into Syrians, Parthians,” “Egyptians; Massilia, situated among the Gauls, has acquired something of the disposition of its neighbours; what have the Tarentines retained of that stern and dreadful Spartan ”

> Latin: 17.10. sicut in frugibus pecudibusque non tantum semina ad servandam indolem valent, quantum terrae proprietas caelique, sub quo aluntur, mutat. Macedones, qui Alexandriam in Aegypto, qui Seleuciam ac Babyloniam, quique alias sparsas per orbem terrarum colonias habent, in Syros Parthos Aegyptios degenerarunt;

[¶46] 17.12. “discipline? Whatever grows in its own soil, has greater excellence; transplanted to a soil alien to it, its nature changes and it degenerates towards that in which it is nurtured. It is Phrygians, therefore, burdened with the weapons of Gauls, whom, even as you slew them in the battle-line of Antiochus, you will slay, victorious over the ” “vanquished.

> Latin: 17.12. Massilia, inter Gallos sita, traxit aliquantum ab accolis animorum; Tarentinis quid ex Spartana dura illa et horrida disciplina mansit?

[¶47] 17.13. I am afraid that there will be too little of glory rather than too much of war. King Attalus has often repulsed and routed ” “them.

> Latin: 17.13. generosius in sua quidquid sede gignitur; insitum alienae terrae in id, quo alitur, natura vertente se, degenerat. Phrygas igitur Gallicis oneratos armis, sicut in acie Antiochi cecidistis, victos victores, caedetis.

[¶48] 17.14. Do not think that it is only beasts which when newly caught first retain that fierceness of their forest life, and then, when long fed by the hands of men, grow tame, but that in moderating the ferocity of men nature does not do the ” “same. Do you believe that these are the same men that their fathers and their grandfathers ” “were?

> Latin: 17.14. magis vereor, ne parum inde gloriae, quam ne nimium belli sit. Attalus eos rex saepe fudit fugavitque. nolite existimare beluas tantum recens captas feritatem illam silvestrem primo servare, dein, cum diu manibus humanis aluntur, mitescere, in hominum feritate mulcenda non eandem naturam esse.

[¶49] 17.16. Exiles on account of the poverty of the land, they left home, travelling through the most inhospitable land of Illyricum, then Paeonia and Thrace, fighting with the fiercest tribes, and seized these lands. Toughened and hardened by so many misfortunes, they were received by a land which could stuff them with its abundance of all ” “things.

> Latin: 17.16. eosdemne hos creditis esse, qui patres eorum avique fuerunt? extorres inopia agrorum profecti domo per asperrimam Illyrici oram, Paeoniam inde et Thraeciam pugnando cum ferocissimis gentibus emensi, has terras ceperunt.

[¶50] 17.17. In a land most rich, under a sky most kindly, among natives mild in disposition, all that fierceness with which they came has grown gentle. You, by Hercules, being men of Mars, must escape and avoid as soon as possible the pleasantness of Asia: such power have these foreign delights to destroy the vigour of the soul; such influence does contact with the habits and character of the natives ” “exert.

> Latin: 17.17. duratos eos tot malis exasperatosque accepit terra, quae copia omnium rerum saginaret. uberrimo agro, mitissimo caelo, clementibus accolarum ingeniis omnis illa, cum qua venerant, mansuefacta est feritas.

[¶51] 17.18. Yet this turns out well in this respect ” “—that, while their strength against you is vain, still their reputation among the Greeks is the same as that of old, which they had when they came, and you will win, as victors, the same military glory among our allies as if you had conquered Gauls who had ” “preserved their ancient type of courage.”

> Latin: 17.18. vobis mehercule, Martiis viris, cavenda ac fugienda quam primum amoenitas est Asiae: tantum hae peregrinae voluptates ad extinguendum vigorem animorum possunt; tantum contagio disciplinae morisque accolarum valet. hoc tamen feliciter evenit, quod sicut vim adversus vos nequaquam, ita famam apud Graecos parem illi antiquae obtinent, cum qua venerunt, bellique gloriam victores eandem inter socios habebitis, quam si servantis anticum specimen animorum Gallos vicissetis.”

[¶52] 18.1. Dismissing the meeting and sending envoys to Eposognatus, who alone of the chiefs had both remained loyal to Eumenes and refused to aid Antiochus against the Romans, he moved his camp. The first day he marched to the Alander river, the second to the village which they call Tyscon.

> Latin: 18.1. contione dimissa missisque ad Eposognatum legatis, qui unus ex regulis et in Eumenis manserat amicitia et negaverat Antiocho adversus Romanos auxilia, castra movit. primo die ad Alandrum flumen, postero ad vicum quem vocant Tyscon ventum.

[¶53] 18.2. When ambassadors from the people of Oroanda had come there asking friendship, he demanded of them two hundred talents and granted them permission to report this at home.

> Latin: 18.2. eo legati Oroandensium cum venissent amicitiam petentes, ducenta talenta his sunt imperata, precantibusque, ut domum renuntiarent, potestas facta.

[¶54] 18.3. Then the consul proceeded to lead the army towards Plitê; next he encamped at Alyatti. There the messengers sent to Eposognatus returned, accompanied by ambassadors of that chief, who asked him not to make war upon the Tectosagi; Eposognatus himself, they said, would go to that tribe and persuade them to do what was ordered.

> Latin: 18.3. ducere inde exercitum consul ad Plitendum; deinde ad Alyattos castra posita. eo missi ad Eposognatum redierunt, et legati reguli orantes, ne Tectosagis bellum inferret; ipsum in eam gentem iturum Eposognatum persuasurumque, ut imperata faciant.

[¶55] 18.4. Granting this favour to the chief, he began to lead the army through the district which is called Axylon. It derives its name from the fact it not only produces no wood at all but not even thorns or any other food for fire; they use cow-dung in place of wood.

> Latin: 18.4. data venia regulo, duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram coeptus. ab re nomen habet: non ligni modo quicquam, sed ne spinas quidem aut ullum aliud alimentum fert ignis;

[¶56] 18.5. While the Romans were encamped near Cuballum, a fortress of Galatia, the enemy's cavalry appeared with great uproar, and not only threw the Roman outguards into confusion by their unexpected attack, but even killed some men.

> Latin: 18.5. fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. ad Cuballum, Gallograeciae castellum, castra habentibus Romanis apparuere cum magno tumultu hostium equites, nec turbarunt tantum Romanas stationes repente invecti, sed quosdam etiam occiderunt.

[¶57] 18.6. When this disorder was reported in the camp, the Roman cavalry, pouring in haste from all the gates, repulsed and routed the Gauls and killed a considerable number in their flight. Thenceforth the consul, since he realized that he had now encountered the enemy, marched with scouts sent in advance and his column carefully formed.

> Latin: 18.6. qui tumultus cum in castra perlatus esset, effusus repente omnibus portis equitatus Romanus fudit fugavitque Gallos et aliquot fugientis occidit.

[¶58] 18.7. And when, marching without interruption, he had reached the Sangarius river, he determined to build a bridge, since there was nowhere a way to cross it by fording.

> Latin: 18.7. inde consul, ut qui iam ad hostis perventum cerneret, explorato deinde et cum cura coacto agmine procedebat. et continentibus itineribus cum ad Sangarium flumen venisset, pontem, quia vado nusquam transitus erat, facere instituit.

[¶59] 18.8. The Sangarius river, flowing from Mount Adoreus through Phrygia, is joined near Bithynia by the river Thymbres; thence, enlarged by the doubling of its waters, it flows through Bithynia and discharges into the Propontis, being, however, not so remarkable for its size as because it furnishes the inhabitants with vast quantities of fish.

> Latin: 18.8. Sangarius ex Adoreo monte per Phrygiam fluens miscetur ad Bithyniam Tymbri fluvio; inde maior iam geminatis aquis per Bithyniam fertur et in Propontidem sese effundit, non tamen tam magnitudine memorabilis, quam quod piscium accolis ingentem vim praebet.

[¶60] 18.9. When they had finished the bridge and crossed the river and were marching along the bank, Galli of the Great Mother from Pessinus met them, wearing their ritual ornaments and prophesying in their frenzied chants that the goddess was granting to the Romans the way of war and victory and dominion over this region. The consul said that he accepted the omen and encamped on that very spot.

> Latin: 18.9. transgressis ponte perfecto flumen praeter ripam euntibus Galli Matris Magnae a Pessinunte occurrere cum insignibus suis, vaticinantes fanatico carmine deam Romanis viam belli et victoriam dare imperiumque eius regionis.

[¶61] 18.10. Next day he moved to Gordium. This is not indeed a large town, but is a market visited and frequented more than is usually the case with an inland city.

> Latin: 18.10. accipere se omen cum dixisset consul, castra eo ipso loco posuit. postero die ad Gordium pervenit.

[¶62] 18.11. It has three seas about equidistant from it, the Hellespont, the sea at Sinope and the shores of the opposite sea where the Cilicians of the coast dwell;

> Latin: 18.11. id haud magnum quidem oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium.

[¶63] 18.12. besides, it adjoins the borders of several strong states, and their mutual needs concentrated their intercourse at this place especially. At this time the Romans found it deserted by the flight of the inhabitants, but likewise filled with abundance of all things.

> Latin: 18.12. tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius orae litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt; multarum magnarumque praeterea gentium finis contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus contraxere.

[¶64] 18.13. While he was maintaining a base there, ambassadors from Eposognatus came reporting that his visit to the chiefs of the Gauls had won no fair response;

> Latin: 18.13. id tum desertum fuga incolarum oppidum, refertum idem copia rerum omnium invenerunt.

[¶65] 18.14. from the villages and farms in the plains they were moving in large numbers, accompanied by their wives and children, driving ahead of them and carrying what they could carry and drive, and were making for the Olympus mountain, that thence they might maintain themselves by arms and by the situation of the place.

> Latin: 18.14. ibi stativa habentibus legati ab Eposognato venerunt nuntiantes profectum eum ad regulos Gallorum nihil aequi impetrasse; ex campestribus vicis agrisque frequentes demigrare et cum coniugibus ac liberis, quae ferre atque agere possint, prae se agentis portantisque Olympum montem petere, ut inde armis locorumque situ sese tueantur.

[¶66] 19.1. Later the ambassadors from the people of Oroanda brought surer news, that the tribe of the Tolostobogii had occupied the Olympus range; that the Tectosagi, separated from them, had made for another mountain which was called Magaba;

> Latin: 19.1. certiora postea Oroandensium legati attulerunt, Tolostobogiorum civitatem Olympum montem cepisse; diversos Tectosagos alium montem, Magaba qui dicatur, petisse;

[¶67] 19.2. that the Trocmi had left their wives and children among the Tectosagi and with their armed forces on the march had decided to aid the Tolostobogii.

> Latin: 19.2. Trocmos coniugibus ac liberis apud Tectosagos depositis armatorum agmine Tolostobogiis statuisse auxilium ferre. erant autem tunc trium populorum reguli Ortiago et Comboiomarus et Gaulotus.

[¶68] 19.3. The chiefs of these three tribes at this time were Ortiago and Combolomarus and Gaulotus. They had adopted this plan particularly for conducting the war —that, when they had occupied the highest peaks in the region, conveying everything there which would be sufficient for their use over however long a period, they would wear down the enemy by exhaustion;

> Latin: 19.3. iis haec maxime ratio belli sumendi fuerat, quod cum montes editissimos regionis eius tenerent, convectis omnibus, quae ad usum quamvis longi temporis sufficerent, taedio se fatigaturos hostem censebant:

[¶69] 19.4. for, they were convinced, the Romans would neither venture to climb over such steep and difficult ground, and, if they did attempt it, they could be stopped even by a small force or pushed back, nor would they sit quietly at the foot of cold mountains and endure chill and hunger.

> Latin: 19.4. nam neque ausuros per tam ardua atque iniqua loca subire eos, et, si conarentur, vel parva manu prohiberi aut deturbari posse, nec quietos in radicibus montium gelidorum sedentes frigus aut inopiam laturos.

[¶70] 19.5. And, although the very height of the place was a defence, they also threw a ditch and other fortifications around the summits which they had occupied.

> Latin: 19.5. et cum ipsa altitudo locorum eos tutaretur, fossam quoque et alia munimenta verticibus iis, quos insederant, circumiecere.

[¶71] 19.6. They took little forethought for a supply of missile weapons, because they believed that the very roughness of the terrain would furnish stones in abundance.

> Latin: 19.6. minima apparatus missilium telorum cura fuit, quod saxa adfatim praebituram asperitatem ipsam locorum credebant.

[¶72] 20.1. The consul, because he had foreseen, as a result of reflection, that the fighting would not be done hand to hand but by making attacks from a distance, had prepared a vast quantity of javelins, skirmishers' spears, arrows, bullets and stones of moderate size which could be thrown from slings, and equipped with this supply of missiles he led the army towards the Olympus mountain and encamped about five miles away.

> Latin: 20.1. consul quia non comminus pugnam sed procul locis oppugnandis futuram praeceperat animo, ingentem vim pilorum, velitarium hastarum, sagittarum glandisque et modicorum, qui funda mitti possent, lapidum paraverat, instructusque missilium apparatu ad Olympum montem ducit et a quinque ferme milibus castra locat.

[¶73] 20.3. The next day, taking Attalus and four hundred cavalry, he set out to survey the character of the mountain and the situation of the Gallic camp, but the cavalry of the enemy, in double his number, rushing out of the camp put him to flight; a few were killed in the flight, a larger number wounded.

> Latin: 20.3. postero die cum quadringentis equitibus et Attalo progressum eum ad naturam montis situmque Gallicorum castrorum visendum equites hostium, duplex numerus, effusi e castris, in fugam averterunt; occisi quoque pauci fugientium, vulnerati plures.

[¶74] 20.4. The third day he proceeded with his entire force to reconnoitre the ground, and, because no one of the enemy came out beyond the fortifications, he rode in safety around the mountain, and observed that on the southern side the hills were covered with earth and sloped gently up to a certain point, that on the north there were steep and almost perpendicular cliffs, and that although almost everything else was impassable there were three roads, one in the centre of the mountain, where it was covered with soil, two difficult, on the side of the winter rising of the sun and of its summer setting.

> Latin: 20.4. tertio die cum omnibus ad loca exploranda profectus, quia nemo hostium extra munimenta processit, tuto circumvectus montem, animadvertit meridiana regione terrenos et placide acclives ad quendam finem colles esse, a septentrione ardua et rectas prope rupes, atque omnibus ferme aliis inviis itinera tria esse, unum medio monte, qua terrena erant, duo difficilia ab hiberno solis ortu et ab aestivo occasu. haec contemplatus eo die sub ipsis radicibus posuit castra;

[¶75] 20.6. Having inspected them, he encamped that day at the very base; the following day, having offered sacrifice and obtained favourable omens from the first victims, he divided the army into three columns and began the advance against the enemy.

> Latin: 20.6. postero sacrificio facto, cum primis hostiis litasset, trifariam exercitum divisum ducere ad hostem pergit.

[¶76] 20.7. He himself, with the largest part of the forces, made the ascent where the mountain offered the most gradual slope; he directed his brother Lucius Manlius to move forward on the side of the winter rising, as far as the terrain permitted and as he could go in safety;

> Latin: 20.7. ipse cum maxima parte copiarum, qua aequissimum aditum praebebat mons, ascendit; L. Manlium fratrem ab hiberno ortu, quoad loca patiantur et tuto possit, subire iubet;

[¶77] 20.8. if any dangerous and steep places confronted him he was not to contend against the unfavourable character of the ground or struggle with insuperable obstacles, but to turn aside crosswise over the mountain towards the consul and join his column; his orders to Gaius Helvius, commanding the third contingent, were to go slowly around the base of the mountain and then climb up on the side of the summer setting.

> Latin: 20.8. si qua periculosa et praerupta occurrant, non pugnare cum iniquitate locorum neque inexsuperabilibus vim adferre, sed obliquo monte ad se declinare et suo agmini coniungi;

[¶78] 20.9. The auxiliaries of Attalus he also divided into three sections, and ordered the young man himself to attend him.

> Latin: 20.9. C. Helvium cum tertia parte circuire sensim per infima montis, deinde ab occasu aestivo erigere agmen. et Attali auxilia trifariam aequo numero divisit, secum esse ipsum iuvenem iussit.

[¶79] 20.10. The cavalry with the elephants he left in the plain close to the hills; his orders to the prefects were to observe alertly what went on in every quarter and to render assistance wherever the situation should demand it.

> Latin: 20.10. equitatum cum elephantis in proxima tumulis planitie reliquit; edictum praefectis, ut intenti, quid ubique geratur, animadvertant opemque ferre, quo postulet res, possint.

[¶80] 21.1. The Gauls, being quite confident that their position could not be approached from the two flanks, in order to block with arms the road on the side which faces the south, sent about four thousand armed men to hold a hill overlooking the road and less than a mile from the camp, thinking that from this, as from a redoubt, they would hinder the approach.

> Latin: 21.1. Galli et … ab duobus lateribus satis fidentes invia esse, ab ea parte, quae in meridiem vergeret, ut armis clauderent viam, quattuor milia fere armatorum ad tumulum imminentem viae minus mille passuum a castris occupandum mittunt, eo se rati veluti castello iter impedituros.

[¶81] 21.2. When the Romans perceived this they prepared for battle. A moderate distance in front of the standards marched the skirmishers and Cretan archers and slingers furnished by Attalus and the Trallianians and Thracians;

> Latin: 21.2. quod ubi Romani viderunt, expediunt sese ad pugnam. ante signa modico intervallo velites eunt et ab Attalo Cretenses sagittarii et funditores et Tralli et Thraeces;

[¶82] 21.3. the standards of the infantry, moving over difficult ground, proceeded at a slow rate, the men holding their shields before them so as only to ward off missiles, whilst they did not seem disposed to fight at close quarters.

> Latin: 21.3. signa peditum, ut per arduum, leni gradu ducuntur, ita prae se habentium scuta, ut missilia tantum vitarent, pede collato non viderentur pugnaturi.

[¶83] 21.4. The discharge of missiles from a distance began the fighting, which at first was even, the Gauls having the advantage of position, the Romans of variety and a plentiful supply of weapons; as the battle continued there was no longer any equality. Their shields, long, but not wide enough for the size of their bodies and, moreover, flat, offered poor protection to the Gauls. They had at this time no other weapons than their swords, for which there was no use, since the enemy did not meet them in hand-tohand conflict.

> Latin: 21.4. missilibus ex intervallo loci proelium commissum est, primo par, Gallos loco adiuvante, Romanos varietate et copia telorum; procedente certamine nihil iam aequi erat. scuta longa ceterum ad amplitudinem corporum parum lata, et ea ipsa plana, male tegebant Gallos.

[¶84] 21.5. Stones —but not of suitable size, since they had made no preparations in advance, but took each what happened to come to his hand in his hasty search —they did use, but like men untrained in their employment, with neither skill nor strength to add effectiveness to the blow.

> Latin: 21.5. nec tela iam alia habebant praeter gladios, quorum, cum manum hostis non consereret, nullus usus erat. saxis nec modicis, ut quae non praeparassent, sed quod cuique temere trepidanti ad manum venisset, et ut insueti, nec arte nec viribus adiuvantes ictum, utebantur.

[¶85] 21.7. Arrows, sling-bullets, darts, coming from all sides wounded them unexpectedly, nor did they see what to do, as their minds were blinded by rage and fear, and they were involved in a kind of battle for which they were very ill-adapted.

> Latin: 21.7. sagittis glande iaculis incauti et ab omni parte configebantur nec, quid agerent, ira et pavore occaecatis animis cernebant, et erant deprensi genere pugnae, in quod minime apti sunt.

[¶86] 21.8. For, as in hand-to-hand fighting, where they can receive and inflict wounds in turn, passion inflames their minds, so when they are struck by light weapons, coming from unseen and distant sources, and when they have no place at which they can charge with blind violence, like wounded animals they rush headlong upon their own friends.

> Latin: 21.8. nam quemadmodum comminus, ubi in vicem pati et inferre vulnera licet, accendit ira animos eorum, ita, ubi ex occulto et procul levibus telis vulnerantur, nec, quo ruant caeco impetu, habent, velut ferae transfixae in suos temere incurrunt.

[¶87] 21.9. The fact that they fight naked makes their wounds conspicuous and their bodies are fleshy and white, as is natural, since they are never uncovered except in battle; so that both more blood flowed from their abundant flesh and the wounds stood out to view more fearfully and the whiteness of their skins was more stained by the black blood.

> Latin: 21.9. detegebat vulnera eorum, quod nudi pugnant, et sunt fusa et candida corpora, ut quae numquam nisi in pugna nudentur; ita et plus sanguinis ex multa carne fundebatur, et foediores patebant plagae, et candor corporum magis sanguine atro maculabatur.

[¶88] 21.10. But they are not much disturbed by open wounds; indeed, sometimes they cut away the skin, when the gash is broad rather than deep, and think that thus they gain greater glory in the fight; the same men, when the sting of an arrow or of a bullet that has buried itself in the flesh torments them, having caused a wound small to look at, and, as they search for a way to extract the missile, it does not come out, turning to madness and shame at being destroyed by so small a thing, throw their bodies upon the ground. So in this instance they lay prostrate here and there; some, rushing against the enemy, were wounded from every side, and when they had come to close quarters they were slain by the swords of the skirmishers.

> Latin: 21.10. sed non tam patentibus plagis moventur; interdum insecta cute, ubi latior quam altior plaga est, etiam gloriosius se pugnare putant; iidem, cum aculeus sagittae aut glandis abditae introrsus tenui vulnere in speciem urit, et scrutantis, qua evellant telum non sequitur, tum in rabiem et pudorem tam parvae perimentis versi pestis prosternunt corpora humi.

[¶89] 21.12. This type of soldier carries a three-foot shield and, in his right hand, javelins which he uses at long range;

> Latin: 21.12. sic tum passim procubuere; alii ruentes in hostem undique configebantur et, cum comminus venerant, gladiis a velitibus trucidabantur.

[¶90] 21.13. he is also equipped with a Spanish sabre; if he is compelled to fight hand to hand, he shifts his javelins to his left hand and draws his sword.

> Latin: 21.13. hic miles tripedalem parmam habet et in dextera hastas, quibus eminus utitur, gladio Hispaniensi est cinctus; quodsi pede collato pugnandum est, translatis in laevam hastis stringit gladium.

[¶91] 21.14. By now there were few of the Gauls surviving, and they, when they saw themselves defeated by the light troops and that the legionary standards were drawing near, in headlong flight sought their camp, which was already full of panic and confusion, as the women and children and the rest of the unarmed crowd were gathered there. The victorious Romans took possession of the hills abandoned by the flight of the enemy.

> Latin: 21.14. pauci iam supererant Gallorum, qui, postquam ab levi armatura superatos se viderunt et instare legionum signa, effusa fuga castra repetunt pavoris et tumultus iam plena, ut ubi feminae puerique et alia imbellis turba permixta esset. Romanos victores deserti fuga hostium acceperunt tumuli.

[¶92] 22.1. About the same time Lucius Manlius and Gaius Helvius, when they had marched up as far as the slopes of the hill admitted of progress, after they had reached the impassable places changed their direction towards that part of the mountain which alone offered a road, and began to follow the consul's column, each at a moderate distance as if by agreement, being compelled by necessity itself to do what would from the first have been the best thing to do;

> Latin: 22.1. sub idem tempus L. Manlius et C. Helvius, cum, quoad viam colles obliqui dederunt, escendissent, postquam ad invia ventum est, flexere iter in partem montis, quae una habebat iter, et sequi consulis agmen modico uterque intervallo velut ex composito coeperunt, quod primo optimum factu fuisset, in id necessitate ipsa compulsi:

[¶93] 22.3. for reserves have often, on such unfavourable terrains, been of the greatest service, that when the leading troops have perhaps been thrown into disorder the reserves may both shield the defeated and, being themselves fresh, take up the fight.

> Latin: 22.3. subsidia enim in talibus iniquitatibus locorum maximo saepe usui fuerunt, ut primis forte deturbatis secundi et tegant pulsos et integri pugnam excipiant.

[¶94] 22.4. When the leading standards of the legions came to the hills which had been captured by the light troops, the consul ordered the men to take breath and to rest for a little while; at the same time he called their attention to the corpses of Gauls strewn over the hills and asked them what, when light-armed troops had worked such havoc in the fight, was to be expected of the legions, what of regular weapons, what of soldiers of the stoutest hearts? Their camp, he said, remained to be taken, into which the enemy had been driven in confusion by the light troops.

> Latin: 22.4. consul, postquam ad tumulos ab levi armatura captos prima signa legionum pervenerunt, respirare et conquiescere paulisper militem iubet; simul strata per tumulos corpora Gallorum ostentat, et, cum levis armatura proelium tale ediderit, quid ab legionibus, quid ab iustis armis, quid ab animis fortissimorum militum expectari? castra illis capienda esse, in quae compulsus ab levi armatura hostis trepidet.

[¶95] 22.6. Nevertheless, he ordered the light-armed men to lead the advance, and they, while the column was halted, had spent the time by no means idly, in collecting the weapons over the hills, that the supply of missiles might suffice.

> Latin: 22.6. praecedere tamen iubet levem armaturam, quae, cum staret agmen, colligendis per tumulos telis, ut missilia sufficerent, haud segne id ipsum tempus consumpserat.

[¶96] 22.7. Now they were approaching the camp, and the Gauls, lest their fortifications should offer them too little shelter, had taken post under arms in front of the rampart. Then they were overwhelmed by missiles of every kind, and the more numerous and the more crowded together they were, the less did any weapon fall without effect, so that in an instant they were driven back within the rampart, leaving only strong guards at the actual gates of the fortifications.

> Latin: 22.7. iam castris appropinquabant; et Galli, ne parum se munimenta sua tegerent, armati pro vallo constiterant. obruti deinde omni genere telorum, cum, quo plures atque densiores erant, eo minus vani quicquam intercideret teli, intra vallum momento temporis compelluntur stationibus tantum firmis ad ipsos aditus portarum relictis.

[¶97] 22.8. A vast quantity of missile weapons was discharged at the throng which had been driven inside the camp, and the shouts mingled with the wails of women and children showed that many were wounded. Against the troops who had blocked the gates at which they were posted, the antesignani of the legions hurled their spears.

> Latin: 22.8. in multitudinem compulsam in castra vis ingens missilium telorum coniciebatur, et vulnerari multos clamor permixtus mulierum atque puerorum ploratibus significabat.

[¶98] 22.9. The men indeed were not injured by them, but their shields in many cases were pierced and fastened together, nor did they longer resist the attack of the Romans.

> Latin: 22.9. in eos, qui portas stationibus suis clauserant, legionum antesignani pila coniecerunt. iis vero non vulnerabantur, sed transverberatis scutis plerique inter se conserti haerebant; nec diutius impetum Romanorum sustinuerunt.

[¶99] 23.1. The gates being now open, before the victors could break in, the Gauls began to flee from the camp in all directions. They rushed blindly along the roads and where there were no roads; no steep rocks, no cliffs, held them back; they feared nothing but the enemy; accordingly many were killed, falling headlong or slipping in weariness over tremendous precipices.

> Latin: 23.1. patentibus iam portis, priusquam irrumperent victores, fuga e castris Gallorum in omnis partes facta est. ruunt caeci per vias, per invia; nulla praecipitia saxa, nullae rupes obstant;

[¶100] 23.2. The consul, having taken the camp, kept his soldiers from spoil and pillage; he ordered them each to follow as best he could, press the pursuit and increase the panic of the fugitives.

> Latin: 23.2. nihil praeter hostem metuunt: itaque plerique praecipites per vastam altitudinem prolapsi ac debilitati exanimantur. consul captis castris direptione praedaque abstinet militem; sequi pro se quemque et instare et perculsis pavorem addere iubet.

[¶101] 23.3. The second column, under Lucius Manlius, also came up; he did not permit his men to enter the camp, but sent them at once to pursue the enemy, and he himself followed a little later, having entrusted the guarding of the prisoners to the tribunes of the soldiers, being convinced that the war was over if the largest possible number was killed or captured in that rout.

> Latin: 23.3. supervenit et alterum cum L. Manlio agmen; nec eos castra intrare sinit; protinus ad persequendos hostis mittit, et ipse paulo post tradita captivorum custodia tribunis militum sequitur, debellatum ratus, si in illo pavore quam plurimi caesi forent aut capti.

[¶102] 23.4. When the consul had gone, Gaius Helvius arrived with the third column and was unable to prevent his men from plundering the camp, and the booty, by a most unjust decree of fate, fell into the hands of men who had had no part in the battle.

> Latin: 23.4. egresso consule C. Helvius cum tertio agmine advenit, nec continere suos ab direptione castrorum valuit, praedaque eorum, iniquissima sorte, qui pugnae non interfuerant, facta est. equites diu ignari et pugnae et victoriae suorum steterunt;

[¶103] 23.5. The cavalry, knowing nothing for a long time of either the battle or the victory of their comrades, remained stationary; later they too, with all the speed of which their horses were capable, pursuing the Gauls as they scattered in flight around the base of the mountain, killed and captured them.

> Latin: 23.5. deinde et ipsi, quantum equis subire poterant, sparsos fuga Gallos circa radices montis consectati cecidere aut cepere.

[¶104] 23.6. The number of casualties could not easily be calculated because the flight and slaughter went on far and wide over all the outlying parts of the mountains, and a great number fell from the pathless cliffs into valleys of enormous depth, and some were killed in the forests and thickets.

> Latin: 23.6. numerus interfectorum haud facile iniri potuit, quia late per omnis amfractus montium fugaque et caedes fuit, et magna pars rupibus inviis in profundae altitudinis convalles delapsa est, pars in silvis vepribusque occisa.

[¶105] 23.8. Claudius, who writes that there were two battles on the Olympus mountain, asserts that about forty thousand men were slain; Valerius Antias, who is usually more unrestrained in exaggerating numbers, says that not more than ten thousand fell.

> Latin: 23.8. Claudius, qui bis pugnatum in Olympo monte scribit, ad quadraginta milia hominum auctor est caesa, Valerius Antias, qui magis immodicus in numero augendo esse solet, non plus decem milia.

[¶106] 23.9. The number of prisoners without doubt brought the total up to forty thousand, because they had brought with them their whole population of every class and age, like a people in migration rather than setting out to war.

> Latin: 23.9. numerus captivorum haud dubie milia quadraginta explevit, quia omnis generis aetatisque turbam secum traxerant demigrantium magis quam in bellum euntium modo.

[¶107] 23.10. The consul, having burned all the weapons of the enemy in one pile, ordered all his troops to bring in the rest of the booty and either sold that part of the booty which it was his duty to convert to public use or carefully distributed it to the soldiers so as to secure the greatest possible measure of equity.

> Latin: 23.10. consul armis hostium in uno concrematis cumulo ceteram praedam conferre omnis iussit, et aut vendidit, quod eius in publicum redigendum erat, aut cum cura, ut quam aequissima esset, per milites divisit.

[¶108] 23.11. Also before an assembly he praised everyone according to his merits, and Attalus before all, with the complete approval of the rest; for the young man had displayed not only remarkable courage and diligence amid all the toils and dangers, but also modesty of behaviour.

> Latin: 23.11. laudati quoque pro contione omnes sunt, donatique pro merito quisque, ante omnis Attalus summo ceterorum adsensu: nam singularis eius iuvenis cum virtus et industria in omnibus laboribus periculisque tum modestia etiam fuerat.

[¶109] 24.1. There remained an entirely new war with the Tectosagi. Setting out against them the consul came on the third day of marching to Ancyra, a famous city in that region, from which the enemy was a little more than ten miles distant.

> Latin: 24.1. supererat bellum integrum cum Tectosagis. ad eos profectus consul tertiis castris Ancyram, nobilem in illis locis urbem, pervenit, unde hostes paulo plus decem milia aberant.

[¶110] 24.2. While they were established in camp there, a memorable deed was done by a captive woman. The wife of the chieftain Orgiago, a woman of surpassing beauty, was held under guard among a large number of prisoners; the commander of the guard was a centurion, characterized by both the lust and the greed of the soldier.

> Latin: 24.2. ubi cum stativa essent, facinus memorabile a captiva factum est. Orgiagontis reguli uxor forma eximia custodiebatur inter plures captivas; cui custodiae centurio praeerat et libidinis et avaritiae militaris.

[¶111] 24.3. At first he tried her disposition; when he found it shrinking from voluntary fornication, he did violence to her body, which fortune had made a slave.

> Latin: 24.3. is primo animum temptavit; quem cum abhorrentem a voluntario videret stupro, corpori, quod servum fortuna erat, vim fecit.

[¶112] 24.4. Then, to quiet her indignation at the injury, he held out to the woman the hope of a return to her own people, but not even that, as a lover might have done, did he grant her for nothing. Having stipulated for a definite quantity of gold, to avoid taking one of his own men as an accomplice, he allowed the woman herself to send as a messenger to her people whomsoever of the prisoners she should choose.

> Latin: 24.4. deinde ad leniendam indignitatem iniuriae spem reditus ad suos mulieri facit, et ne eam quidem, ut amans, gratuitam. certo auri pondere pactus, ne quem suorum conscium haberet, ipsi permittit, ut, quem vellet, unum ex captivis nuntium ad suos mitteret.

[¶113] 24.5. He designated a spot near the river to which not more than two of the kinsmen of the captive were to come with the money the following night to receive her. It happened that one of the woman's own slaves was among the prisoners under the same guard.

> Latin: 24.5. locum prope flumen constituit, quo duo ne plus necessarii captivae cum auro venirent nocte insequenti ad eam accipiendam.

[¶114] 24.6. This man, as messenger, the centurion at nightfall conducted beyond the line of sentinels. The following night both the two kinsmen of the woman and the centurion with the prisoner came to the appointed place.

> Latin: 24.6. forte ipsius mulieris servus inter captivos eiusdem custodiae erat. hunc nuntium primis tenebris extra stationes centurio educit.

[¶115] 24.7. While they were displaying the money, which was to amount to an Attic talent —for so great had been the sum agreed upon —the woman in her own language ordered them to draw sword and kill the centurion as he was weighing the money.

> Latin: 24.7. nocte insequenti et duo necessarii mulieris ad constitutum locum et centurio cum captiva venit. ubi cum aurum ostenderent, quod summam talenti Attici — tanti enim pepigerat — expleret, mulier lingua sua, stringerent ferrum et centurionem pensantem aurum occiderent, imperavit.

[¶116] 24.9. When they had slit his throat and cut off his head, the woman herself wrapped it in her garment and carried it on her return to her husband Orgiago, who had escaped home from Olympus; before she embraced him she dropped at his feet the head of the centurion, and, when he wondered whose head this was and what this act meant, so unlike that of a woman, she confessed to her husband the violence done to her person and the vengeance exacted for her forcibly violated chastity, and, as the story goes, by the purity and dignity of her life in other respects maintained to the end the glory won by a deed that marked her as a true matron.

> Latin: 24.9. iugulati praecisum caput ipsa involutum veste ferens ad virum Orgiagontem, qui ab Olympo domum refugerat, pervenit; quem priusquam complecteretur, caput centurionis ante pedes eius abiecit, mirantique, cuiusnam id caput hominis aut quod id facinus haudquaquam muliebre esset, et iniuriam corporis et ultionem violatae per vim pudicitiae confessa viro est, aliaque, ut traditur, sanctitate et gravitate vitae huius matronalis facinoris decus ad ultimum conservavit.

## 33. Book XXXVIII · chapters 25–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33/#p-N

[¶0] 25.1. Ambassadors from the Tectosages came to the consul at his base at Ancyra, requesting that he should not move from Ancyra until he had conferred with their chiefs: there were no terms of peace which would not be preferable in their sight to war.

> Latin: 25.1. Ancyram in stativa oratores Tectosagum ad consulem venerunt petentes, ne ante [ab Ancyra] castra moveret, quam collocutus cum suis regibus esset: nullas condiciones pacis iis non bello fore potiores.

[¶1] 25.2. The time fixed was for the next day and the place one which seemed approximately half-way between the camp of the Gauls and Ancyra.

> Latin: 25.2. tempus in posterum diem constituitur locusque, qui medius maxime inter castra Gallorum et Ancyram est visus.

[¶2] 25.3. When the consul had come there at the designated time, attended by a guard of five hundred cavalry, and had returned to his camp without having seen any Gaul there, the same ambassadors returned, apologizing that their chiefs could not come by reason of religious objection;

> Latin: 25.3. quo cum consul ad tempus cum praesidio quingentorum equitum venisset nec ullo Gallorum ibi viso regressus in castra esset, oratores idem redeunt, excusantes religione obiecta venire reges non posse;

[¶3] 25.4. the leading men of the tribe, they said, through whom the business could equally well be transacted, would come. The consul said that he too would send a representative, namely, Attalus.

> Latin: 25.4. principes gentis, per quos aeque res transigi posset, venturos, consul se quoque Attalum missurum dixit.

[¶4] 25.5. Both parties attended this conference. When Attalus had brought up with him a bodyguard of three hundred cavalry, terms of peace were discussed;

> Latin: 25.5. ad hoc colloquium utrimque ventum est. trecentos equites Attalus praesidii causa cum adduxisset, iactatae sunt pacis condiciones;

[¶5] 25.6. since a conclusion to the matter could not be reached in the absence of the principals, it was agreed that the consul and the chiefs should meet in that place the following day.

> Latin: 25.6. finis rei quia absentibus ducibus imponi non poterat, convenit, uti consul regesque eo loco postero die congrederentur.

[¶6] 25.7. The evasiveness of the Gauls had this purpose: first, that they might waste time until they could transport their property, which they did not wish to jeopardize, together with their wives and children, across the river Halys; second, that they were plotting against the consul himself, who had not been sufficiently on guard against treachery at the conference.

> Latin: 25.7. frustratio Gallorum eo spectabat, primum ut tererent tempus, donec res suas, quibus periclitari nolebant, cum coniugibus et liberis trans Halyn flumen traicerent, deinde quod ipsi consuli, parum cauto adversus colloquii fraudem, insidiabantur.

[¶7] 25.8. For this purpose they chose from their entire number a thousand cavalry of tried boldness; and success would have attended their treachery had not fortune stood on the side of the law of nations which they had planned to violate.

> Latin: 25.8. mille ad eam rem ex omni numero audaciae expertae delegerunt equites; et successisset fraudi, ni pro iure gentium, cuius violandi consilium initum erat, stetisset fortuna.

[¶8] 25.9. The Roman foragers and wood-gatherers were led in the direction in which the conference was to be held, the tribunes thinking that this would be safer, since they would have between them and the enemy the consul's bodyguard, placed as a sort of outpost for them; nevertheless, they posted another outguard of their own, consisting of six hundred cavalry, nearer the camp.

> Latin: 25.9. pabulatores lignatoresque Romani in eam partem, in qua colloquium futurum erat, ducti sunt, tutius id futurum tribunis ratis, quia consulis praesidium et ipsum pro statione habituri erant hosti oppositum;

[¶9] 25.10. The consul, on the assurance of Attalus that the chiefs would come and that the business could be settled, set out from camp with the same guard of cavalry as before, and, when he had gone about five miles and was not far from the appointed place, suddenly he saw the Gauls coming, their horses at full gallop, and with the air of enemies.

> Latin: 25.10. suam tamen alteram stationem propius castra sescentorum equitum posuerunt. consul, adfirmante Attalo venturos reges et transigi rem posse, profectus e castris, cum eodem quo antea praesidio equitum quinque milia fere processisset nec multum a constituto loco abesset, repente concitatis equis cum impetu hostili videt Gallos venientis.

[¶10] 25.12. He halted his column, and, ordering the troopers to prepare arms and, minds for the combat, at first he stoutly received the onset of the attack and did not give way; then, when the weight of numbers was bearing him down, he began to retire gradually, preserving the formation of his troops; finally, when there was now more danger in delay than protection in maintaining the formation, all scattered in random flight.

> Latin: 25.12. constituit agmen, et expedire tela animosque equitibus iussis primo constanter initium pugnae accepit nec cessit; dein, cum praegravaret multitudo, cedere sensim nihil confusis turmarum ordinibus coepit;

[¶11] 25.13. Then indeed the Gauls began to pursue and kill the scattered cavalry; and a great part of them would have been destroyed had not the outpost of the foragers, the six hundred cavalry, come up to them.

> Latin: 25.13. postremo, cum iam plus in mora periculi quam in ordinibus conservandis praesidii esset, omnes passim in fugam effusi sunt. tum vero instare dissipatis Galli et caedere; magnaque pars oppressa foret, ni statio pabulatorum, sescenti equites occurrissent.

[¶12] 25.14. When they had heard from afar the terrified shouts of their comrades and had made ready their weapons and horses, they came upon the rout with their force still fresh. So straightway fortune changed and the panic changed sides, from the vanquished to the victors.

> Latin: 25.14. ii procul clamore pavido suorum audito cum tela equosque expedissent, integri profligatam pugnam acceperunt.

[¶13] 25.15. And at the first attack the Gauls were routed and the foragers flocked in from the fields and foes faced the Gauls from every side, so that they did not find even flight either easy or safe, since the Romans with fresh horses were pursuing the weary. And so few then escaped; no one was taken prisoner; by far the greatest part paid with their lives the penalty for breaking the faith of a conference.

> Latin: 25.15. itaque versa extemplo fortuna est, versus a victis in victores terror. et primo impetu fusi Galli sunt, et ex agris concurrebant pabulatores, et undique obvius hostis Gallis erat, ut ne fugam quidem tutam aut facilem haberent, quia recentibus equis Romani fessos sequebantur.

[¶14] 25.16. The Romans, their hearts on fire with wrath, advanced the next day with their whole strength against the enemy.

> Latin: 25.16. pauci ergo effugerunt; captus est nemo; maior multo pars per fidem violati colloquii poenas morte luerunt. Romani ardentibus ira animis postero die omnibus copiis ad hostem perveniunt.

[¶15] 26.1. The consul spent two days in exploring for himself the character of the mountain, that nothing might be unfamiliar to him; on the third day, after giving his attention to the auspices and then offering sacrifice, he divided his army into four columns and led them out, planning to lead two up the central part of the mountain and to send two from the sides to oppose the flanks of the Gauls.

> Latin: 26.1. biduum natura montis per se ipsum exploranda, ne quid ignoti esset, absumpsit consul; tertio die, cum auspicio operam dedisset, deinde immolasset, in quattuor partes divisas copias educit, duas, ut medio monte duceret, duas ab lateribus, ut adversus cornua Gallorum erigeret.

[¶16] 26.3. The Tectosagi and the Trocmi, who constituted the strength of the enemy, held the centre of their line with fifty thousand men; the cavalry, being dismounted since there was no use for horses on the rough cliffs, and numbering ten thousand men, they placed on their right flank; the Cappadocians of Ariarathes and the auxiliaries of Morzius on the left flank amounted to about four thousand men.

> Latin: 26.3. hostium quod roboris erat, Tectosagi et Trocmi, mediam tenebant aciem, milia hominum quinquaginta; equitatum, quia equorum nullus erat inter inaequales rupes usus, ad pedes deductum, decem milia hominum, ab dextro locaverunt cornu;

[¶17] 26.4. The consul, as at the Olympus mountain, placed the light-armed troops in the van and made provision that there might be at hand an equally large supply of every kind of weapon.

> Latin: 26.4. Ariarathis Cappadoces et Morzi auxiliares in laevo quattuor ferme milium numerum explebant. consul, sicut in Olympo monte, prima in acie locata levi armatura, telorum omnis generis ut aeque magna vis ad manum esset curavit.

[¶18] 26.5. When they approached, everything was the same on both sides as in the former battle except courage, which was increased in the victors by reason of their success and diminished in the enemy because, while they themselves had not been conquered, they considered as their own the disaster suffered by men of their own race.

> Latin: 26.5. ubi appropinquarunt, omnia eadem utrimque, quae fuerant in priore proelio, erant praeter animos et victoribus ab re secunda auctos et hostibus fractos, quia, etsi non ipsi victi erant, suae gentis hominum cladem pro sua ducebant.

[¶19] 26.6. And so from like beginnings the affair had the same end. The discharge of a veritable cloud of light missiles overwhelmed the line of the Gauls.

> Latin: 26.6. itaque a paribus initiis coepta res eundem exitum habuit.

[¶20] 26.7. No one dared to rush forward from their ranks lest he expose his body to wounds from all sides, and, standing fast, the more closely they were crowded together the more wounds they received, the attackers aiming, so to speak, at a target.

> Latin: 26.7. velut nubes levium telorum coniecta obruit aciem Gallorum. nec aut procurrere quisquam ab ordinibus suis, ne nudarent undique corpus ad ictus, audebant, et stantes, quo densiores erant, hoc plura, velut destinatum petentibus, vulnera accipiebant.

[¶21] 26.8. The consul, thinking that if he disclosed the standards of the legions to an enemy already disorganized on its own account they would all at once turn to flight, received within his ranks the skirmishers and the rest of the throng of auxiliaries and moved forward his battle-line.

> Latin: 26.8. consul iam per se turbatis si legionum signa ostendisset, versuros extemplo in fugam omnis ratus receptis inter ordines velitibus et alia turba auxiliorum aciem promovit.

[¶22] 27.1. The Gauls, terrified as they were by the recollection of the defeat of the Tolostobogii, carrying weapons fixed in their bodies and wearied both by standing and by wounds, did not endure even the first assault and shout of the Romans.

> Latin: 27.1. Galli et memoria Tolostobogiorum cladis territi et inhaerentia corporibus gerentes tela fessique et stando et vulneribus ne primum quidem impetum et clamorem Romanorum tulerunt.

[¶23] 27.2. Their flight was directed towards their camp, but few found their way within the ramparts; the majority was carried past to right and left and fled wherever the course of each led.

> Latin: 27.2. fuga ad castra inclinavit; sed pauci intra munimenta sese recepere; pars maior dextra laevaque praelati, qua quemque impetus tulit, fugerunt.

[¶24] 27.3. The victors, cutting them down from behind, followed as far as the camp; then they remained in the camp in their greed for plunder, nor did anyone pursue.

> Latin: 27.3. victores usque ad castra secuti ceciderunt terga; deinde in castris cupiditate praedae haeserunt, nec sequebatur quisquam.

[¶25] 27.4. On the flanks the Gauls stood firm longer because the attack was slower to reach them; but they did not endure even the first volley of weapons.

> Latin: 27.4. in cornibus Galli diutius steterunt, quia serius ad eos perventum est; ceterum ne primum quidem coniectum telorum tulerunt.

[¶26] 27.5. Since the consul was unable to tear away from their plundering the troops who had entered the camp, he at once sent those who had been on the flanks to pursue the enemy.

> Latin: 27.5. consul quia ingressos in castra ab direptione abstrahere non poterat, eos, qui in cornibus fuerant, protinus ad sequendos hostis misit.

[¶27] 27.6. Although they followed for a considerable distance, they did not kill more than eight thousand men in the flight, for there was no battle; the rest crossed the river Halys.

> Latin: 27.6. per aliquantum spatium secuti non plus tamen octo milia hominum in fuga — nam pugna nulla fuit — ceciderunt; reliqui flumen Halyn traiecerunt.

[¶28] 27.7. A large part of the Romans stayed that night in the camp of the enemy; the consul led the rest back to their own camp. The next day he surveyed the prisoners and booty, which was as great as a people most greedy for plunder could amass after holding under armed control for many years everything on this side of the Taurus mountain.

> Latin: 27.7. Romanorum pars magna ea nocte in castris hostium mansit; ceteros in sua castra consul reduxit. postero die captivos praedamque recensuit, quae tanta fuit, quantam avidissima rapiendi gens, cum cis montem Taurum omnia armis per multos annos tenuisset, coacervare potuit.

[¶29] 27.8. The Gauls, assembling in one place after their scattered and disorderly flight, most of them being wounded or unarmed, stripped of everything, sent ambassadors to the consul concerning peace.

> Latin: 27.8. Galli ex dissipata passim fuga in unum locum congregati, magna pars saucii aut inermes, nudati omnibus rebus, oratores de pace ad consulem miserunt.

[¶30] 27.9. Manlius ordered them to come to Ephesus; he himself —for it was now mid-autumn —was in haste to get away from regions cold owing to the neighbourhood of the Taurus mountain and led the victorious army back into winter quarters on the sea coast.

> Latin: 27.9. eos Manlius Ephesum venire iussit; ipse — iam enim medium autumni erat — locis gelidis propinquitate Tauri montis excedere properans victorem exercitum in hiberna maritimae orae reduxit.

[¶31] 28.1. While this was going on in Asia things were quiet in the other provinces. At Rome the censors Titus Quinctius Flamininus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus chose the senate; as princeps senatus Publius Scipio Africanus was chosen for the third time; only four senators were passed over, none of whom had held curule office.

> Latin: 28.1. dum haec in Asia geruntur, in ceteris provinciis tranquillae res fuerunt. censores Romae T. Quinctius Flamininus et M. Claudius Marcellus senatum [per] legerunt;

[¶32] 28.2. In the review of the equites also the censorship was quite lenient. Contracts were let for the building of a substructure above the Aequimelium on the Capitoline and for the paving with flint of the road from the Porta Capena to the temple of Mars.

> Latin: 28.2. princeps in senatu tertium lectus P. Scipio Africanus; quattuor soli praeteriti sunt, nemo curuli usus honore. et in equitatu recensendo mitis admodum censura fuit. substructionem super Aequimelium in Capitolio et viam silice sternendam a porta Capena ad Martis locaverunt.

[¶33] 28.4. The Campanians asked the senate for a decision as to where they should be listed by the censors; it was decreed that they should be listed in Rome. There were great floods that year; the Tiber on twelve occasions overflowed the Campus Martius and the level districts of the city.

> Latin: 28.4. Campani, ubi censerentur, senatum consuluerunt: decretum, uti Romae censerentur. aquae ingentes eo anno fuerunt; Tiberis duodeciens campum Martium planaque urbis inundavit.

[¶34] 28.5. The war with the Gauls in Asia having been finished by the consul Gnaeus Manlius, the other consul, Marcus Fulvius, after conquering the Aetolians, crossed to Cephallania and sent agents around the island to inquire of the cities whether they preferred to surrender themselves to the Romans or to try the fortune of war.

> Latin: 28.5. ab Cn. Manlio consule bello in Asia cum Gallis perfecto, alter consul M. Fulvius perdomitis Aetolis cum traiecisset in Cephallaniam, circa civitates insulae misit percontatum, utrum se dedere Romanis an belli fortunam experiri mallent.

[¶35] 28.6. Fear prevailed upon all of them not to refuse submission. Hostages were then requisitioned and supplied by the cities, poor in proportion to their strength, twenty each by the Cranians, the Palensians and the Sameans.

> Latin: 28.6. metus ad omnes valuit, ne deditionem recusarent. obsides inde imperatos pro viribus inopes populi … vicenos autem Cranii et Palenses et Samaei dederunt.

[¶36] 28.7. The radiance of unexpected peace had shone upon Cephallania when suddenly one city, the Sameans, it is uncertain for what reason, revolted.

> Latin: 28.7. insperata pax Cephallaniae adfulserat, cum repente una civitas, incertum quam ob causam, Samaei desciverunt.

[¶37] 28.8. Because the city enjoyed a strategic position, they said that they were afraid that they would be compelled by the Romans to move away. But whether they had invented this alarm for themselves and in baseless terror had roused a sleeping evil, or the subject had been discussed by the Romans and reported to them, nothing has been ascertained, except that when they had already given hostages they suddenly closed their gates and not even in response to the prayers of their own people —for the consul had sent some of them to the foot of the walls to stir up pity for their parents and fellowcountrymen —were they willing to abandon their undertaking. Then, when their replies showed no pacific intent, the siege of the city began.

> Latin: 28.8. quia opportuno loco urbs posita esset, timuisse se aiebant, ne demigrare cogerentur ab Romanis. ceterum ipsine sibi eum finxerint metum et timore vano quietum excitaverint malum, an iactata sermonibus res apud Romanos perlata ad eos sit, nihil comperti est, nisi quod datis iam obsidibus repente portas clauserunt et ne suorum quidem precibus — miserat enim sub muros consul ad temptandam misericordiam parentium populariumque —

[¶38] 28.10. He had all the equipment of artillery and siege-engines transferred from the siege of Ambracia, and what works had to be constructed the soldiers zealously undertook.

> Latin: 28.10. desistere ab incepto voluerunt. oppugnari deinde, postquam nihil pacati respondebatur, coepta urbs est. apparatum omnem tormentorum machinarumque travectum ab Ambraciae oppugnatione habebat, et opera quae facienda erant, inpigre milites perfecerunt.

[¶39] 28.11. Accordingly, the battering-rams were moved up in two places and the walls attacked.

> Latin: 28.11. duobus igitur locis admoti arietes quatiebant muros.

[¶40] 29.1. Nor was any measure overlooked by the Sameans by which either the works or the enemy could be interfered with. Nevertheless, their resistance depended mainly upon two things; first, the construction of a new wall, equally strong throughout, on the inner side and in place of the wall that was destroyed; second, their sudden sallies, now against the enemy's siegeworks, now against his outguards; and generally in these battles they had the advantage.

> Latin: 29.1. nec ab Samaeis quicquam, quo aut opera aut hostis arceri posset, praetermissum est. duabus tamen maxime resistebant rebus, una, interiorem semper iuxta validum pro diruto novum obstruentes murum, altera, eruptionibus subitis nunc in opera hostium, nunc in stationes; et plerumque his proeliis superiores erant.

[¶41] 29.3. One device was found to hold them in check, though trivial to mention.

> Latin: 29.3. una ad coercendos inventa haud magna memoratu res est.

[¶42] 29.4. A hundred slingers were recruited from Aegium and Patrae and Dymae. These peoples were trained from boyhood, in accordance with a tradition of the race, in hurling with a sling at the open sea the round stones which, mingled with the sand, generally strew the coasts.

> Latin: 29.4. centum funditores ab Aegio et Patris et Dymis acciti. a pueris ii more quodam gentis saxis globosis, quibus ferme harenae immixtis strata litora sunt, funda mare apertum incessentes exercebantur.

[¶43] 29.5. In consequence they use this weapon at longer range, with greater accuracy and with more powerful effect than the Balearic slinger.

> Latin: 29.5. itaque longius certiore et validiore ictu quam Baliaris funditor eo telo usi sunt.

[¶44] 29.6. Moreover, the sling is not composed of a single strap, like those of the Baleares and other peoples, but the bullet-carrier is triple, strengthened with numerous seams, that the missile may not fly out at random, from the pliancy of the strap at the moment of discharge, but, seated firmly while being whirled, may be shot out as if from a bow-string.

> Latin: 29.6. et est non simplicis habenae, ut Baliarica aliarumque gentium funda, sed triplex scutale, crebris suturis duratum, ne fluxa habena volutetur in iactu glans, sed librata cum sederit, velut nervo missa excutiatur.

[¶45] 29.7. Having been trained to shoot through rings of moderate circumference from long distances, they would wound not merely the heads of their enemies but any part of the face at which they might have aimed.

> Latin: 29.7. coronas modici circuli magno ex intervallo loci adsueti traicere non capita solum hostium vulnerabant, sed quem locum destinassent oris.

[¶46] 29.8. These slings prevented the Sameans from making sallies so frequently or so boldly, to such an extent that from the walls they begged the Achaeans to withdraw for a while and in quiet to watch them fighting with the Roman outguards.

> Latin: 29.8. hae fundae Samaeos cohibuerunt, ne tam crebro neve tam audacter erumperent, adeo ut precarentur ex muris Achaeos, ut parumper abscederent et se cum Romanis stationibus pugnantis quiete spectarent.

[¶47] 29.9. For four months Same underwent the siege. Since every day some of their small number were killed or wounded and those who remained were wearied in both body and mind, the Romans at night, by way of the citadel which they call Cyneatis —for the city slopes towards the sea and faces west —crossed the wall and entered the market-place. When the Sameans realized that part of the city had been captured by the enemy, they took refuge with their wives and children in the larger citadel.

> Latin: 29.9. quattuor menses obsidionem Same sustinuit. cum ex paucis cotidie aliqui eorum caderent aut vulnerarentur, et qui supererant fessi et corporibus et animis essent, Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem vocant — nam urbs in mare devexa in occidentem vergit —, muro superato in forum pervenerunt.

[¶48] 29.11. Then the next day the city was plundered and all who had surrendered were sold as slaves. The consul, having arranged matters in Cephallania and stationed a garrison at Same, crossed to the Peloponnesus, whither the Aegians especially and the Lacedaemonians had long been summoning him.

> Latin: 29.11. Samaei postquam captam partem urbis ab hostibus senserunt, cum coniugibus ac liberis in maiorem refugerunt arcem. inde postero die dediti direpta urbe sub corona omnes venierunt. consul compositis rebus Cephallaniae, praesidio [Samae] imposito, in Peloponnesum iam diu accersentibus Aegiensibus maxime ac Lacedaemoniis traiecit. Aegium a principio Achaici concilii semper conventus gentis indicti sunt, seu dignitati urbis id seu loci opportunitati datum est.

[¶49] 30.3. From the beginning of the Achaean League the meetings of the assembly had all been called for Aegium, whether this was a tribute to the importance of the city or the convenience of the place.

> Latin: 30.3. hunc morem Philopoemen eo primum anno labefactare conatus legem parabat ferre, ut in omnibus civitatibus, quae Achaici concilii essent, in vicem conventus agerentur. et sub adventum consulis damiurgis civitatium, qui summus est magistratus, Aegium evocantibus Philopoemen — praetor tum erat — Argos conventum edixit.

[¶50] 30.5. This custom Philopoemen, in this year for the first time, was trying to break down, and was preparing to propose a law that the meetings should be held in all the cities which belonged to the Achaean League in rotation. And at the approach of the consul, when the damiurgi of the cities (they are the chief magistrates) called the meeting at Aegium, Philopoemen —he was then praetor —summoned it at Argos. When it was clear that almost all would assemble there, the consul, although he favoured the cause of the Aegians, also went to Argos; when the argument had begun there and he saw that the Aegian case was weaker, he gave up his purpose. Then the Lacedaemonians diverted his attention to their own quarrels. Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, in which it was provided, among other things, that Nabis should surrender his holdings on the coast (XXXIV. xxxv —xxxvi); the Achaean League had assumed, without explicit authority, so far as the evidence shows, the enforcement of this provision when, in 192 B.C., Nabis had undertaken to obtain an outlet to the sea (XXXV. xxv —xxx). After the assassination of Nabis by the Aetolians in the same year, Philopoemen had taken Lacedaemon into the Achaean League (XXXV. xxxvii. 2), where its status was somewhat uncertain. Philopoemen's own policy was definitely anti-Laconian, and the unsettled question of the banished Spartan aristocrats was a continual problem (XXXVI. xxxv. 7). Livy now recounts the history of Achaean —Spartan relations from this time to the holding of the council at which Fulvius was present. The state was kept in anxiety especially by the exiles, a great part of whom lived in the fortresses along the Laconian sea coast, all of which had been taken away from Sparta. The Lacedaemonians, angered at this, in order that somehow they might possess free access to the sea, if ever they sent ambassadors to Rome or elsewhere, and at the same time that they might have a market and a place for the storage of foreign merchandise for necessary purposes, made an unexpected night attack on the coast town of Las and captured it. The townspeople and the exiles who lived there were at first terrified by this unlooked-for event; then, assembling at daybreak, with a slight effort they expelled the Lacedaemonians. Nevertheless, the panic spread to the whole sea coast, and all the forts and villages and the exiles whose residences were there sent a joint embassy to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 30.5. quo cum appareret omnes ferme conventuros, consul quoque, quamquam Aegiensium favebat causae, Argos venit; ubi cum disceptatio fuisset, et rem inclinatam cerneret, incepto destitit. Lacedaemonii deinde eum in sua certamina averterunt. sollicitam eam civitatem exules maxime habebant, quorum magna pars in maritimis Laconicae orae castellis civitatibusque, quae omnes ademptae erant, habitabant. id aegre patientes Lacedaemonii, ut aliqua liberum ad mare haberent aditum, si quando Romam aliove quo mitterent legatos, simul ut emporium et receptaculum peregrinis mercibus ad necessarios usus esset, nocte adorti vicum maritimum nomine Lan improviso occupaverunt. vicani quique ibi exules habitabant primo inopinata re territi sunt; deinde sub lucem congregati levi certamine expulerunt Lacedaemonios. terror tamen omnem maritimam oram pervasit, legatosque communiter et castella omnia vicique et exules, quibus ibi domicilia erant, ad Achaeos miserunt. Philopoemen praetor, iam inde ab initio exulum causae [et] amicus, et auctor semper Achaeis minuendi opes et auctoritatem Lacedaemoniorum, concilium querentibus dedit, decretumque referente eo factum est, cum in fidem Achaeorum tutelamque T. Quinctius et Romani Laconicae orae castella et vicos tradidissent, et, cum abstinere iis ex foedere Lacedaemonii deberent, Las vicus oppugnatus esset, caedesque ibi facta, qui eius rei auctores adfinesque essent, nisi dederentur Achaeis, violatum videri foedus.

[¶51] 31.3. XXXI. The praetor Philopoemen, who had from the very beginning championed the cause of the exiles and had always urged the Achaeans to diminish the power and influence of the Lacedaemonians, gave the complainants an audience before the council, and on his motion a decree was passed that, whereas Titus Quinctius and the Romans had put the fortresses and villages of the Laconian coast under the protection and guardianship of the Achaeans, and whereas, although under the treaty the Lacedaemonians were under obligations to let them alone, the village of Las had been attacked and men had been killed there, therefore, unless those who had been principals in and accessories to this act should be surrendered to the Achaeans, the treaty should be deemed to have been violated. Messengers were at once sent to Lacedaemon to demand them.

> Latin: 31.3. ad exposcendos eos legati extemplo Lacedaemonem missi sunt. id imperium adeo superbum et indignum Lacedaemoniis visum est, ut, si antiqua civitatis fortuna esset, haud dubie arma extemplo capturi fuerint. maxime autem consternavit eos metus, si semel primis imperiis oboediendo iugum accepissent, ne, id quod iam diu moliretur Philopoemen, exulibus Lacedaemonem traderet.

[¶52] 31.5. This demand seemed to the Lacedaemonians so insolent and unmerited that if the ancient fortune of the state had continued they would without doubt have immediately taken up arms. The principal cause of the terror which struck them was that, if they once accepted the yoke by obedience to these first commands, Philopoemen would turn Lacedaemon over to the exiles, as he had long been planning. Mad with wrath, then, they killed thirty men of the faction with which Philopoemen and the exiles had shared any other plans, and decreed that the alliance with the Achaeans should be broken off and that ambassadors should at once be sent to Cephallania to surrender Lacedaemon to the consul Marcus Fulvius and the Romans and to implore him to come to the Peloponnesus to receive the city of Lacedaemon under the good faith and protection of the Roman people.

> Latin: 31.5. furentes igitur ira triginta hominibus ex factione, cum qua consiliorum aliqua societas Philopoemeni atque exulibus erat, interfectis decreverunt renuntiandam societatem Achaeis legatosque extemplo Cephallaniam mittendos, qui consuli M. Fulvio quique Romanis Lacedaemonem dederent orarentque eum, ut veniret in Peloponnesum ad urbem Lacedaemonem in fidem dicionemque populi Romani accipiendam.

[¶53] 32.1. When the ambassadors reported this to the Achaeans, with the approval of all the cities which were represented at that council, war was declared upon the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 32.1. id ubi legati ad Achaeos rettulerunt, omnium civitatium, quae eius concilii erant, consensu bellum Lacedaemoniis indictum est. ne extemplo gereretur, hiems impediit;

[¶54] 32.2. Winter prevented the immediate prosecution of the war; nevertheless, their territories were devastated by small raids, more like brigandage than war, not only on land but also by ships from the sea.

> Latin: 32.2. incursionibus tamen parvis, latrocinii magis quam belli modo, non terra tantum sed etiam navibus a mari fines eorum vastati.

[¶55] 32.3. This disturbance brought the consul to the Peloponnesus; and by his order a council was called at Elis and the Lacedaemonians summoned to take part in the debate.

> Latin: 32.3. hic tumultus consulem Peloponnesum adduxit, iussuque eius Elin concilio indicto Lacedaemonii ad disceptandum acciti.

[¶56] 32.4. Not only a lively debate took place there but also a violent quarrel, to which the consul, although in other respects, favouring both sides in a spirit of conciliation, he had given ambiguous replies, put an end by the one peremptory demand that they should refrain from war until they had sent ambassadors to the senate in Rome. Both sides sent embassies to Rome.

> Latin: 32.4. magna ibi non disceptatio modo sed altercatio fuit, cui consul, cum alia satis ambitiose partem utramque fovendo incerta respondisset, una denuntiatione, ut bello abstinerent, donec Romam ad senatum legatos misissent, finem imposuit.

[¶57] 32.5. The Lacedaemonian exiles also entrusted their case and their representation to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 32.5. utrimque legatio missa Romam est. exules quoque Lacedaemoniorum suam causam legationemque Achaeis iniunxerunt.

[¶58] 32.6. Diophanes and Lycortas, both from Megalopolis, were chiefs of the Achaean delegation, and they, opposed as they were to one another on public questions generally, at this time also delivered speeches quite inconsistent with one another.

> Latin: 32.6. Diophanes et Lycortas, Megalopolitani ambo, principes legationis Achaeorum fuerunt, qui, dissidentes in re publica, tum quoque minime inter se convenientis orationes habuerunt.

[¶59] 32.7. Diophanes was for entrusting to the senate the adjudication of all questions: they, he said, would best settle the disputes between the Achaeans and the Lacedaemonians;

> Latin: 32.7. Diophanes senatui disceptationem omnium rerum permittebat: eos optime controversias inter Achaeos ac Lacedaemonios finituros esse;

[¶60] 32.8. Lycortas, acting on the instructions of Philopoemen, demanded that the Achaeans be permitted to carry out whatever they had decreed in accordance with the treaty and their own laws, and that the Romans should grant them, unabridged, the freedom of which they themselves were the source.

> Latin: 32.8. Lycortas ex praeceptis Philopoemenis postulabat, ut Achaeis ex foedere ac legibus suis, quae decressent, agere liceret, libertatemque sibi illibatam, cuius ipsi auctores essent, praestarent, magnae auctoritatis apud Romanos tum gens Achaeorum erat;

[¶61] 32.9. The people of the Achaeans at that time had great influence with the Romans; nevertheless, it was decreed that no change should be made in the status of the Lacedaemonians. The reply, however, was so ambiguous that both the Achaeans accepted it as a concession of freedom of action regarding Lacedaemon and the Lacedaemonians interpreted it as not granting the Achaeans full authority.

> Latin: 32.9. novari tamen nihil de Lacedaemoniis placebat. ceterum responsum ita perplexum fuit, ut et Achaei sibi de Lacedaemone permissum acciperent, et Lacedaemonii non omnia concessa iis interpretarentur.

[¶62] 32.10. This power the Achaeans employed unrestrainedly and tyrannically. Philopoemen was re-elected to the chief magistracy.

> Latin: 32.10. hac potestate immodice Achaei ac superbe usi sunt. Philopoemeni continuatur magistratus.

[¶63] 33.1. He at the beginning of spring called out the army and encamped within the borders of the Lacedaemonians, and then sent ambassadors to demand the men responsible for the revolt and to promise that the state should be at peace if they did this and that those men should suffer no injury without the opportunity to plead their cause in court.

> Latin: 33.1. qui veris initio exercitu indicto castra in finibus Lacedaemoniorum posuit, legatos deinde misit ad deposcendos auctores defectionis, et civitatem in pace futuram, si id fecisset, pollicentis, et illos nihil indicta causa passuros.

[¶64] 33.3. The rest kept silent from fear; those whom he had demanded by name declared that they would go on receipt from the ambassadors of a guaranty that they should suffer no violence until they had pleaded their cause.

> Latin: 33.3. silentium prae metu ceterorum fuit; quos nominatim depoposcerat, ipsi se ituros professi sunt, fide accepta a legatis vim abfuturam, donec causam dixissent.

[¶65] 33.4. Other well-known men also went with them, both to support them as private citizens and because they knew that their case affected the public interest.

> Latin: 33.4. ierunt etiam alii illustres viri, et advocati privatis, et quia pertinere causam eorum ad rem publicam censebant.

[¶66] 33.5. Under no other circumstances had the Achaeans taken Lacedaemonian exiles with them to the frontiers, because it was obvious that nothing would offend so much the feelings of the state; on this occasion practically the whole of the advance troops of the army consisted of exiles.

> Latin: 33.5. numquam alias exules Lacedaemoniorum Achaei secum adduxerant in finis, quia nihil aeque alienaturum animos civitatis videbatur; tunc exercitus totius prope antesignani exules erant.

[¶67] 33.6. They formed in a body and met the Lacedaemonians as they came to the gates of the camp; and at first they assailed them with insults and then, as a quarrel broke out and passions were aroused, the most impetuous of the exiles attacked the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 33.6. hi venientibus Lacedaemoniis ad portam castrorum agmine facto occurrerunt; et primo lacessere iurgiis, deinde, altercatione orta, cum accenderentur irae, ferocissimi exulum impetum in Lacedaemonios fecerunt.

[¶68] 33.7. When they appealed to the gods and the pledges of the ambassadors, both the ambassadors and the praetor were trying to push the mob aside and to protect the Lacedaemonians and to restrain some who were already binding them with chains.

> Latin: 33.7. cum illi deos et fidem legatorum testarentur, et legati et praetor summovere turbam et protegere Lacedaemonios vinclaque iam quosdam inicientis arcere.

[¶69] 33.8. The crowd grew as the excitement increased; and first the Achaeans rushed up to see the sight; then the exiles began bitterly to proclaim what they had suffered and to beg for aid, at the same time asserting that they would never have such an opportunity if they let this one slip; the treaty, they said, which had been ratified with religious sanction on the Capitoline, at Olympia, and on the Acropolis at Athens, had been made void by those men; before they were bound anew by another treaty they urged that the guilty should be punished.

> Latin: 33.8. crescebat tumultu concitato turba; et Achaei ad spectaculum primo concurrebant; deinde vociferantibus exulibus, quae passi forent, et orantibus opem adfirmantibusque simul numquam talem occasionem habituros, si eam praetermisissent; foedus quod in Capitolio, quod Olympiae, quod in arce Athenis sacratum fuisset, irritum per illos esse; priusquam alio de integro foedere obligarentur, noxios puniendos esse, accensa his vocibus multitudo ad vocem unius, qui, ut ferirent, inclamavit, saxa coniecit.

[¶70] 33.10. Then the multitude, inflamed by these words, at the call of one man, who shouted out that they should strike, began to throw stones. And so seventeen of those who had been put into chains in the excitement were killed.

> Latin: 33.10. atque ita decem septem, quibus vincula per tumultum iniecta erant, interfecti sunt.

[¶71] 33.11. The next day sixty-three were arrested whom the praetor had protected against violence, not because he was concerned for their safety but because he did not wish them to be killed without pleading their cause, becoming the victims of an angry mob, and when they had spoken briefly to hostile ears all were condemned and handed over for execution.

> Latin: 33.11. sexaginta tres postero die comprehensi, a quibus praetor vim arcuerat, non quia salvos vellet, sed quia perire causa indicta nolebat, obiecti multitudini iratae, cum aversis auribus pauca locuti essent, damnati omnes et traditi sunt ad supplicium.

[¶72] 34.1. Fear having been thus inspired in the Lacedaemonians, it was first ordered that they should destroy their walls; then, that all the foreign auxiliaries who had served under the tyrants for pay should leave Laconian territory; next, that the slaves whom the tyrants had freed —their number was large —should depart before a designated day; if any of them remained the Achaeans were to have the right to seize, carry off and sell them; then, that they should annul the laws and customs of Lycurgus and adjust themselves to the laws and institutions of the Achaeans: thus, they said, they would all become one body and would agree more readily on all matters. They obeyed no command more willingly than the order to tear down their walls, nor were they more reluctant to accept any than the one which required that the exiles be restored. The decree for their restoration was passed at Tegea in the common council of the Achaeans, and when the report was submitted that the foreign auxiliaries had been discharged and that the newly-registered Lacedaemonians —for so they called the men who had been set free by the tyrants —had left the city and had scattered through the country, they ordered the praetor, before the army was dismissed, to go with the light-armed troops and arrest men of this category and sell them under the law governing booty.

> Latin: 34.1. hoc metu iniecto Lacedaemoniis imperatum primum, uti muros diruerent; deinde ut omnes externi auxiliares, qui mercede apud tyrannos militassent, terra Laconica excederent; tum uti quae servitia tyranni liberassent — ea magna multitudo erat — ante diem certam abirent; qui ibi mansissent, eos prendendi abducendi vendendi Achaeis ius esset; Lycurgi leges moresque abrogarent, Achaeorum adsuescerent legibus institutisque: ita unius eos corporis fore et de omnibus rebus facilius consensuros. nihil oboedientius fecerunt, quam ut muros diruerent, nec aegrius passi sunt quam exules reduci. decretum Tegeae in concilio communi Achaeorum de restituendis iis factum est; et mentione illata externos auxiliares dimissos ac Lacedaemoniis adscriptos — ita enim vocabant qui ab tyrannis liberati erant — urbe excessisse, in agros dilapsos, priusquam dimitteretur exercitus, ire praetorem cum expeditis et comprehendere id genus hominum et vendere iure praedae placuit. multi comprehensi venierunt. porticus ex ea pecunia Megalopoli permissu Achaeorum refecta est, quam Lacedaemonii diruerant. et ager Belbinates, quem iniuria tyranni Lacedaemoniorum possederant, restitutus eidem civitati ex decreto vetere Achaeorum, quod factum erat Philippo Amyntae filio regnante. per haec velut enervata civitas Lacedaemoniorum diu Achaeis obnoxia fuit; nulla tamen res tanto erat damno quam disciplina Lycurgi, cui per octingentos annos adsuerant, sublata. A concilio, ubi ad consulem inter Achaeos Lacedaemoniosque disceptatum est, M. Fulvius, quia iam in exitu annus erat, comitiorum causa profectus Romam creavit consules M. Valerium Messalam et C. Livium Salinatorem, cum M. Aemilium Lepidum inimicum eo quoque anno petentem deiecisset. praetores inde creati Q. Marcius Philippus M. Claudius Marcellus C. Stertinius C. Atinius P. Claudius Pulcher L. Manlius Acidinus.

[¶73] 35.3. Many were arrested and sold. Out of this money, with the permission of the Achaeans, they rebuilt a portico at Megalopolis which the Lacedaemonians had destroyed. Also the ager Belbinates, which had been wrongfully seized by the tyrants of the Lacedaemonians, was given back to that state under an old decree of the Achaeans which had been passed while Philip, the son of Amyntas, was on the throne.

> Latin: 35.3. comitiis perfectis consulem M. Fulvium in provinciam et ad exercitum redire placuit, eique et collegae Cn. Manlio imperium in annum prorogatum est.

[¶74] 35.4. The Lacedaemonian state, thus, so to speak, emasculated, was long at the mercy of the Achaeans; yet nothing did them so much injury as the subversion of the discipline of Lycurgus to which they had been accustomed for eight hundred years.

> Latin: 35.4. eo anno in aede Herculis signum dei ipsius ex decemvirorum responso, et seiuges in Capitolio aurati a P. Cornelio positi:

[¶75] 35.5. XXXV. From the council at which the case of the Achaeans and the Lacedaemonians had been argued before the consul, Marcus Fulvius, since his year was now near its end, set out for Rome to hold the elections and announced the selection as consuls of Marcus Valerius Messala and Gaius Livius Salinator, when he had secured the defeat of his personal foe, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who was a candidate that year also.

> Latin: 35.5. consulem dedisse inscriptum est. et duodecim clipea aurata ab aedilibus curulibus P. Claudio Pulchro et Ser. Sulpicio Galba sunt posita ex pecunia, qua frumentarios ob annonam compressam damnarunt;

[¶76] 35.6. Next the praetors were elected; Quintus Marcius Philippus, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Gaius Stertinius, Gaius Atinius, Publius Claudius Pulcher, and Lucius Manlius Acidinus. When the elections were over it was decided that the consul Marcus Fulvius should return to the province and the army, and for him and for his colleague Gnaeus Manlius the imperium was prolonged for one year.

> Latin: 35.6. et aedilis plebi Q. Fulvius Flaccus duo signa aurata uno reo damnato — nam separatim accusaverant — posuit; collega eius A. Caecilius neminem condemnavit. ludi Romani ter, plebei quinquiens toti instaurati.

[¶77] 35.7. In that year in the temple of Hercules a statue of the divinity himself was installed in accordance with a decree of the decemvirs, and a six-horse chariot of gold was set up on the Capitoline by Publius Cornelius; the inscription read that “one who had been consul had dedicated it.” Also twelve gilded shields were set up by the curule aediles, Publius Claudius Pulcher and Servius Sulpicius Galba, out of the money which they had condemned the grain-dealers to pay for hoarding the grain-supply; likewise the plebeian aedile, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, after convicting only one defendant —for they had prosecuted independently —dedicated two gilded statues; his colleague Aulus Caecilius condemned no one. The Roman Games in their entirety were repeated three times, the Plebeian Games five times. Then, when Marcus Valerius Messala and Gaius Livius Salinator had been inaugurated as consuls on the Ides of March, they consulted the senate regarding the general policy and regarding the provinces and armies. No change was made respecting Aetolia and Asia; to one consul was assigned Pisa together with the Ligurians, to the other Gaul, as their provinces.

> Latin: 35.7. M. Valerius Messala inde et C. Livius Salinator consulatum idibus Martiis cum inissent, de re publica deque provinciis et exercitibus senatum consuluerunt. de Aetolia et Asia nihil mutatum est; consulibus alteri Pisae cum Liguribus, alteri Gallia provincia decreta est. comparare inter se aut sortiri iussi et novos exercitus, binas legiones, scribere, et ut sociis Latini nominis, quina dena milia peditum imperarent et mille et ducentos equites.

[¶78] 35.10. They were directed to arrange between them or to cast lots and to enroll new armies of two legions each and to requisition from the allies of the Latin confederacy fifteen thousand infantry for each and twelve hundred cavalry. The lot gave to Messala the Ligurians and to Salinator Gaul. Then the praetors cast lots: Marcus Claudius received the jurisdiction between citizens and Publius Claudius that between citizens and aliens; Quintus Marcius Sicily, Gaius Stertinius Sardinia, Lucius Manlius Nearer Spain and Gaius Atinius Farther Spain.

> Latin: 35.10. Messalae Ligures, Salinatori obtigit Gallia. praetores inde sortiti sunt: M. Claudio urbana, P. Claudio peregrina iurisdictio evenit; Q. Marcius Siciliam, C. Stertinius Sardiniam, L. Manlius Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Atinius ulteriorem est sortitus.

[¶79] 36.1. Regarding the armies, this was the decision: the legions from Gaul, which had been under the command of Gaius Laelius, to be transferred to Marcus Tuccius the propraetor for service among the Brutti, the army which was in Sicily to be brought home, and the fleet which was there to be conducted to Rome by Marcus Sempronius the propraetor.

> Latin: 36.1. de exercitibus ita placuit: ex Gallia legiones, quae sub C. Laelio fuerant, ad M. Tuccium propraetorem in Bruttios traduci, et, qui in Sicilia esset, dimitti exercitum, et classem, quae ibi esset, Romam reduceret M. Sempronius propraetor.

[¶80] 36.3. For the Spains the single legions which were then in those provinces were decreed, and the praetors were allowed to enlist as reinforcements from the allies and to transport with them each three thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 36.3. Hispaniis singulae legiones, quae tum in iis provinciis erant, decretae, et ut terna milia peditum, ducenos equites ambo praetores in supplementum sociis imperarent secumque transportarent.

[¶81] 36.4. Before the new magistrates departed for their provinces a three day period of prayer was proclaimed in the name of the college of decemvirs at all the street-corner shrines because in the day-time, between about the third and fourth hours, darkness had covered everything. Also a nine-day sacrifice was decreed because (so it was said) there had been a shower of stones on the Aventine.

> Latin: 36.4. priusquam in provincias novi magistratus proficiscerentur, supplicatio triduum pro collegio decemvirorum imperata fuit in omnibus compitis, quod luce inter horam tertiam ferme et quartam tenebrae obortae fuerant. et novemdiale sacrificium indictum est, quod in Aventino lapidibus pluvisset.

[¶82] 36.5. The Campanians, since, according to the decree which had been passed the year before, the censors compelled them to be assessed at Rome —for previously it had been uncertain where they should be assessed —requested that they should be permitted to take Roman citizens as wives, that any who had already married Roman citizens should be allowed to keep them, and that children born before this day should be legitimate, and capable of inheriting from their fathers. Both requests were granted.

> Latin: 36.5. Campani, cum eos ex senatus consulto, quod priore anno factum erat, censores Romae censeri coegissent — nam antea incertum fuerat, ubi censerentur —, petierunt, ut sibi cives Romanas ducere uxores liceret, et, si qui prius duxissent, ut habere eas, et nati ante eam diem uti iusti sibi liberi heredesque essent.

[¶83] 36.7. Respecting the residents in the municipalities of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum, Gaius Valerius Tappo, tribune of the people, proposed that the right to vote —for previously the citizenship without the right to vote had belonged to them —should be conferred upon them.

> Latin: 36.7. utraque res impetrata. de Formianis Fundanisque municipibus et Arpinatibus C. Valerius Tappo tribunus plebis promulgavit, ut iis suffragii latio — nam antea sine suffragio habuerant civitatem — esset.

[¶84] 36.8. When four tribunes of the people vetoed this bill, on the ground that it was not proposed with the sanction of the senate, and they were informed that it was the prerogative of the assembly, not the senate, to bestow the franchise upon whomsoever it desired, they gave up the effort.

> Latin: 36.8. huic rogationi quattuor tribuni plebis, quia non ex auctoritate senatus ferretur, cum intercederent, edocti, populi esse, non senatus ius suffragium, quibus velit, impertire, destiterunt incepto.

[¶85] 36.9. The bill was passed with the provision that the people of Formiae and Fundi should vote in the tribe called Aemilia and the Arpinates in the Cornelia; and in these tribes they were then for the first time registered under the Valerian plebiscite. Marcus Claudius Marcellus the censor, having been victorious over Titus Quinctius at the drawing of lots, closed the lustrum.

> Latin: 36.9. rogatio perlata est, ut in Aemilia tribu Formiani et Fundani, in Cornelia Arpinates ferrent; atque in his tribubus tum primum ex Valerio plebiscito censi sunt.

[¶86] 36.10. The number of citizens shown by the census was two hundred and fifty-eight thousand three hundred and eighteen. The lustrum having been closed, the consuls set out for their provinces.

> Latin: 36.10. M. Claudius Marcellus censor sorte superato T. Quinctio lustrum condidit. censa sunt civium capita CCLVIII CCCXVIII lustro perfecto consules in provincias profecti sunt.

[¶87] 37.1. During the winter in which these events occurred in Rome, Gnaeus Manlius, who was wintering in Asia, first as consul, then as proconsul, received embassies from all quarters, from all the cities and tribes which live on this side of the Taurus mountain.

> Latin: 37.1. hieme ea, qua haec Romae gesta sunt, ad Cn. Manlium consulem primum, dein pro consule, hibernantem in Asia, legationes undique ex omnibus civitatibus gentibusque, quae cis Taurum montem incolunt, conveniebant.

[¶88] 37.2. And while the Roman victory over King Antiochus had been more glorious and more splendid than that over the Gauls, yet the victory over the Gauls afforded the allies more satisfaction than that over Antiochus.

> Latin: 37.2. et ut clarior nobiliorque victoria Romanis de rege Antiocho fuit quam de Gallis, ita laetior sociis erat de Gallis quam de Antiocho.

[¶89] 37.3. The slavery imposed by the king was more endurable than the ferocity of the rude barbarians and the constant and uncertain fear as to whither a storm so to speak would bring the Gauls marauding upon them.

> Latin: 37.3. tolerabilior regia servitus fuerat quam feritas immanium barbarorum incertusque in dies terror, quo velut tempestas eos populantis inferret.

[¶90] 37.4. Accordingly, since from the overthrow of Antiochus they had received liberty and peace from the defeat of the Gauls, they had not only come to offer congratulations but had brought golden crowns, each in proportion to his ability.

> Latin: 37.4. itaque, ut quibus libertas Antiocho pulso, pax Gallis domitis data esset, non gratulatum modo venerant, sed coronas etiam aureas pro suis quaeque facultatibus attulerant.

[¶91] 37.5. Also ambassadors came from Antiochus, and from the Gauls themselves, asking that terms of peace should be stated, and from King Ariarathes of Cappadocia, to ask pardon and to wash away with money his guilt in that he had aided Antiochus with auxiliaries.

> Latin: 37.5. et ab Antiocho legati et ab ipsis Gallis, ut pacis leges dicerentur, et ab Ariarathe rege Cappadocum venerunt ad veniam petendam luendamque pecunia noxam, quod auxiliis Antiochum iuvisset.

[¶92] 37.6. Six hundred talents of silver were demanded of him; the Gauls were told that when King Eumenes had arrived he would give them terms. The embassies from the cities were sent away with gracious responses and in an even happier mood than when they had come.

> Latin: 37.6. huic sescenta talenta argenti sunt imperata; Gallis responsum, cum Eumenes rex venisset, tum daturum iis leges. civitatium legationes cum benignis responsis, laetiores etiam quam venerant, dimissae.

[¶93] 37.7. The envoys of Antiochus were directed to bring to Pamphylia the money and grain agreed upon in the treaty concluded with Lucius Scipio; the consul and the army would come there.

> Latin: 37.7. Antiochi legati pecuniam in Pamphyliam frumentumque ex pacto cum L. Scipione foedere iussi advehere;

[¶94] 37.8. Then at the beginning of spring, having purified the army, he set out and reached Apamea on the eighth day. Having spent three days in camp there, in three more marches from Apamea he arrived in Pamphylia, where he had ordered the king's agents to bring the money and grain.

> Latin: 37.8. eo se cum exercitu venturum. principio deinde veris lustrato exercitu profectus die octavo Apameam venit. ibi triduum stativis habitis, tertiis rursus ab Apamea castris in Pamphyliam, quo pecuniam frumentumque regios convehere iusserat, pervenit.

[¶95] 37.9. Two thousand five hundred talents of silver were received and conveyed to Apamea; the grain was distributed to the army. Then he led the troops towards Perga, which alone in this district was held by a royal garrison.

> Latin: 37.9. mille et quingenta talenta argenti accepta Apameam deportantur; frumentum exercitui dividitur. inde ad Pergam ducit, quae una in iis locis regio tenebatur praesidio.

[¶96] 37.10. As he approached the commander of the garrison met him, asking for a truce of thirty days in order that he might consult King Antiochus about surrendering the city. The time having been granted for that period, the garrison withdrew.

> Latin: 37.10. appropinquanti praefectus praesidii obvius fuit, triginta dierum tempus petens, ut regem Antiochum de urbe tradenda consuleret.

[¶97] 37.11. From Perga he sent his brother Lucius Manlius with four thousand men to Oroanda to collect the balance of the money which they had agreed to pay, and he himself, since he had heard that King Eumenes and the ten commissioners had arrived in Ephesus from Rome, ordered the envoys of Antiochus to follow and led the army back to Apamea.

> Latin: 37.11. dato tempore ad eam diem praesidio decessum est. a Perga L. Manlio fratre cum quattuor milibus militum Oroanda ad reliquum pecuniae ex eo, quod pepigerant, exigendum misso, ipse, quia Eumenem regem et decem legatos ab Roma Ephesum venisse audierat, iussis sequi Antiochi legatis Apameam exercitum reduxit.

[¶98] 38.1. There in accordance with the decision of the ten commissioners the treaty with Antiochus was drafted in about this language: “There shall be friendship between King Antiochus and the Roman people on these conditions and terms: the king shall permit no army which shall purpose to wage war with the Roman people or its allies to march through the territories of his kingdom or of his allies, and he shall not aid them with grain or with any other form of assistance; the Romans and their allies shall guarantee the same to Antiochus and to those who are under his ” “control. Antiochus shall have no right to wage war upon those peoples who inhabit the islands nor to cross to ” “Europe.

> Latin: 38.1. ibi ex decem legatorum sententia foedus in haec verba fere cum Antiocho conscriptum est: “amicitia regi Antiocho cum populo Romano his legibus et condicionibus esto: ne quem exercitum, qui cum populo Romano sociisve bellum gesturus erit, rex per fines regni sui eorumve, qui sub dicione eius erunt, transire sinito, neu commeatu neu qua alia ope iuvato;

[¶99] 38.3. He shall withdraw from the cities, lands, villages and strongholds on this side of the Taurus mountain as far as the Halys river and from the valley as far as the ridges of Taurus where it slopes down into ” “Lycaonia.

> Latin: 38.3. idem Romani sociique Antiocho et iis, qui sub imperio eius erunt, praestent. belli gerendi ius Antiocho ne esto cum illis, qui insulas colunt, neve in Europam transeundi.

[¶100] 38.4. He shall carry away nothing but his weapons from these towns, lands and fortresses from which he is withdrawing; if he has removed anything, he shall duly restore it to the place in which each item belongs. He shall harbour no soldier or other person from the kingdom ” “of Eumenes.

> Latin: 38.4. excedito urbibus agris vicis castellis cis Taurum montem usque ad Halyn amnem, et a valle Tauri usque ad iuga, qua in Lycaoniam vergit.

[¶101] 38.5. If any citizens of those cities which are separating from his kingdom are with King Antiochus and within the borders of his kingdom, they shall all return to Apamea before a designated day; whatever persons from the kingdom of Antiochus are with the Romans or their allies shall have the right to depart or ” “to remain; slaves, whether fugitives or prisoners of war, and whatever freemen there are, whether prisoners of war or deserters, he shall turn over to the Romans and their allies. He shall surrender all his elephants and shall acquire ” “no more.

> Latin: 38.5. ne qua praeter arma efferto ex iis oppidis agris castellisque, quibus excedat; si qua extulit, quo quaeque oportebit, recte restituito. ne militem neu quem alium ex regno Eumenis recipito. si qui earum urbium cives, quae regno abscedunt, cum rege Antiocho intraque fines regni eius sunt, Apameam omnes ante diem certam redeunto;

[¶102] 38.7. He shall surrender also his warships and their rigging, and he shall have not more than ten decked ships nor more than ten merchant vessels, nor shall any of these be propelled by more than thirty oars, nor shall he have a ship of one bank for a war in which he himself shall be ” “the aggressor.

> Latin: 38.7. qui ex regno Antiochi apud Romanos sociosque sunt, iis ius abeundi manendique esto, servos seu fugitivos seu bello captos, seu quis liber captus aut transfuga erit, reddito Romanis sociisque.

[¶103] 38.8. He shall not sail beyond the promontories of Calycadnus and Sarpedon, unless a ship is carrying payments of tribute or ambassadors or hostages. King Antiochus shall not be authorized to hire soldiers from those peoples which are under the control of the Roman people, nor even to accept ” “volunteers therefrom.

> Latin: 38.8. elephantos tradito omnis neque alios parato. tradito et naves longas armamentaque earum, neu plures quam decem naves … actuarias, quarum nulla plus quam triginta remis agatur, habeto, neve monerem [ex] belli causa, quod ipse illaturus erit.

## 34. Book XXXVIII · chapters 38–48

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/34/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/34/#p-N

[¶0] 38.9. If the Rhodians or the allies own any houses or buildings within the boundaries of the kingdom of Antiochus, they shall belong to the Rhodians or the allies on the same basis as before ” “the war; if any moneys are due, the right to collect them shall exist; if anything has been taken away, the right shall likewise exist to search for, identify and ”

> Latin: 38.9. ne navigato citra Calycadnum neu Sarpedonium promunturia, extra quam si qua navis pecuniam stipendium aut legatos aut obsides portabit. milites mercede conducendi ex iis gentibus, quae sub dicione populi Romani sunt, Antiocho regi ius ne esto, ne voluntarios quidem recipiendi.

[¶1] 38.11. “recover it. If any cities which should be surrendered are held by persons to whom Antiochus has entrusted them, he shall withdraw his garrisons from them and shall see that they are ” “duly surrendered.

> Latin: 38.11. Rhodiorum sociorumve quae aedes aedificiaque intra fines regni Antiochi sunt, quo iure ante bellum fuerunt, eo Rhodiorum sociorumve sunto;

[¶2] 38.12. He shall pay twelve thousand Attic talents of tested silver within twelve years in equal instalments —with the proviso that the talent shall not weigh less than eighty Roman pounds —and five hundred and forty thousand modii of wheat. He shall pay to King Eumenes three hundred and fifty talents within five years, and in commutation for the grain, on his own valuation, one hundred and ” “twenty-seven talents.

> Latin: 38.12. si quae pecuniae debentur, earum exactio esto; si quid ablatum est, id conquirendi cognoscendi repetendique item ius esto. si quas urbes, quas tradi oportet, ii tenent, quibus Antiochus dedit, et ex iis praesidia deducito, utique recte tradantur, curato.

[¶3] 38.13. He shall give the Romans twenty hostages and shall change them triennially, provided that none of them shall be younger than eighteen years nor older than ” “forty-five years.

> Latin: 38.13. argenti probi talenta Attica duodecim milia dato intra duodecim annos pensionibus aequis — talentum ne minus pondo octoginta Romanis ponderibus pendat — et tritici quingenta quadraginta milia modium.

[¶4] 38.14. If any of the allies of the Roman people shall without provocation make war upon Antiochus, he shall have the ” “right to oppose force with force, provided that he shall neither hold any city under the law of war nor receive any into friendship.

> Latin: 38.14. Eumeni regi talenta trecenta quinquaginta intra quinquennium dato, et pro frumento, quod aestimatum est, talenta centum viginti septem.

[¶5] 38.15. They shall settle disputes between them by law and legal formula, or, if both states shall desire,” “by war.”

> Latin: 38.15. obsides Romanis viginti dato, et triennio mutato, ne minores octonum denum annorum neu maiores quinum quadragenum.

[¶6] 38.16. With regard to the surrender of Hannibal the Carthaginian, and Thoas the Aetolian and Mnasilochus the Acarnanian and Eubulidas and Philo the Chalcidians, there was a clause in this treaty too, and another to the effect that whatever in future it should seem desirable to add, take away, or modify, could be so altered without invalidating the treaty.

> Latin: 38.16. si qui sociorum populi Romani ultro bellum inferent Antiocho, vim vi arcendi ius esto, dum ne quam urbem aut belli iure teneat aut in amicitiam accipiat. controversias inter se iure ac iudicio disceptanto, aut, si utrisque placebit, bello. “de Hannibale Poeno et Aetolo Thoante et Mnasilocho Acarnane et Chalcidensibus Eubulida et Philone dedendis in hoc quoque foedere adscriptum est, et ut, si quid postea addi demi mutarive placuisset, ut id salvo foedere fieret.

[¶7] 39.1. The consul swore to observe this treaty; to secure the oath from the king, Quintus Minucius Thermus was sent and Lucius Manlius, who chanced at that time to return from Oroanda.

> Latin: 39.1. consul in hoc foedus iuravit; ab rege qui exigerent iusiurandum, profecti Q. Minucius Thermus et L. Manlius, qui tum forte ab Oroandis rediit.

[¶8] 39.2. He wrote also to Quintus Fabius Labeo, who was in command of the fleet, to proceed at once to Patara and to destroy and burn the ships of the king that were there. Setting out from Ephesus, he either wrecked or burned fifty decked ships.

> Latin: 39.2. et Q. Fabio Labeoni, qui classi praecrat, scripsit, ut Patara extemplo proficisceretur, quaeque ibi naves regiae essent, concideret cremaretque.

[¶9] 39.3. Telmessus, since the townspeople were alarmed at the unexpected appearance of the fleet, was recovered on the same expedition. From Lycia, ordering the ships which had been left at Ephesus to follow from there, Labeo crossed straight to Greece by way of the islands.

> Latin: 39.3. profectus ab Epheso quinquaginta tectas naves aut concidit aut incendit. Telmessum eadem expeditione territis subito adventu classis oppidanis recipit.

[¶10] 39.4. Delaying a. few days at Athens, until the ships from Ephesus should reach Piraeus, he conducted the entire fleet from there to Italy. When Gnaeus Manlius, among the other things which were to be received from Antiochus, had received the elephants also and had presented them all to Eumenes as a gift, he next investigated the affairs of the cities, since many were in confusion in consequence of the changes.

> Latin: 39.4. ex Lycia protinus, iussis ab Epheso sequi, qui ibi relicti erant, per insulas in Graeciam traiecit. Athenis paucos moratus dies, dum Piraeum ab Epheso naves venirent, totam inde classem in Italiam reduxit.

[¶11] 39.5. And King Ariarathes, half of the money which had been demanded of him having been remitted through the good offices of Eumenes, to whom he had about this time betrothed his daughter, was received into friendship. The ten commissioners, having looked into the situation of the cities, made different dispositions in different cases.

> Latin: 39.5. Cn. Manlius cum inter cetera, quae accipienda ab Antiocho erant, elephantos quoque accepisset donoque Eumeni omnis dedisset, causas deinde civitatium, multis inter novas res turbatis, cognovit.

[¶12] 39.6. Those which had been tributaries to King Antiochus but had sided with the Roman people were granted freedom from taxation; those which had been partisans of Antiochus or tributaries to King Attalus were all ordered to pay tribute to Eumenes.

> Latin: 39.6. et Ariarathes rex parte dimidia pecuniae imperatae beneficio Eumenis, cui desponderat per eos dies filiam, remissa in amicitiam est acceptus.

[¶13] 39.7. In addition, they granted freedom from taxation expressly to the Colophonians who live in Notium, to the Cymaeans and the Mylasenians;

> Latin: 39.7. civitatium autem cognitis causis decem legati aliam aliarum fecerunt condicionem. quae stipendiariae regi Antiocho fuerant et cum populo Romano senserant, iis immunitatem dederunt;

[¶14] 39.8. to the Clazomenians, in addition to immunity, they gave the island of Drymussa as a gift, and to the Milesians they restored what they call the “sacred land,” and to the people of Ilium they added Rhoeteum and Gergithus, less as a reward for recent services than in recognition of their descent. This was also the reason for liberating Dardanus. The Chians, Zmyrnaeans and Erythraeans, because of the extraordinary loyalty they had displayed in the war, were rewarded with lands and in addition were treated with every mark of honour.

> Latin: 39.8. quae partium Antiochi fuerant aut stipendiariae Attali regis, eas omnes vectigal pendere Eumeni iusserunt. nominatim praeterea Colophoniis, qui in Notio habitant, et Cymaeis et Mylasenis immunitatem concesserunt;

[¶15] 39.9. To the Phocaeans they both gave back the lands which they had held before the war and permitted them to live under their ancient laws.

> Latin: 39.9. Clazomeniis super immunitatem et Drymussam insulam dono dederunt, et Milesiis quem sacrum appellant agrum restituerunt, et Iliensibus Rhoeteum et Gergithum addiderunt, non tam ob recentia ulla merita quam originum memoria.

[¶16] 39.10. The Rhodians were confirmed in the possession of what had been given them by the earlier decree; they received Lycia and Caria as far as the Meander river with the exception of Telmessus. Upon King Eumenes they bestowed, in Europe, the Chersonesus and Lysimachia, the strongholds, villages and lands within the boundaries of Antiochus; in Asia, both Phrygias —the one on the Hellespont, the other which they call the Greater;

> Latin: 39.10. eadem et Dardanum liberandi causa fuit. Chios quoque et Zmyrnaeos et Erythraeos pro singulari fide, quam eo bello praestiterunt, et agro donarunt et in omni praecipuo honore habuerunt.

[¶17] 39.12. and they gave back to him Mysia, which King Prusias had taken from him, and Lycaonia and Milyas and Lydia and expressly the cities of Tralles and Ephesus and Telimessus.

> Latin: 39.12. Phocaeensibus et ager, quem ante bellum habuerant, redditus, et ut legibus antiquis uterentur permissum.

[¶18] 39.13. When a dispute over Pamphylia broke out between Eumenes and the ambassadors of Antiochus, because part of it was on this side of Taurus and part on the other, the whole question was referred to the senate. Having published these treaties and decrees, Manlius with the ten commissioners and all the army set out for the Hellespont, summoning thither the chiefs of the Gauls, and stated the terms on which they should observe peace with Eumenes, and warned them that they should discontinue their habit of wandering about under arms and should keep themselves within the boundaries of their own lands.

> Latin: 39.13. Rhodiis adfirmata, quae data priore decreto erant; Lycia et Caria datae usque ad Maeandrum amnem praeter Telmessum. regi Eumeni Chersonesum in Europa et Lysimachiam, castella, vicos, agrum, quibus finibus tenuerat Antiochus, adiecerunt; in Asia Phrygiam utramque — alteram ad Hellespontum, maiorem alteram vocant — et Mysiam, quam Prusia rex ademerat, ei restituerunt, et Lycaoniam et Milyada et Lydiam et nominatim urbes Tralles atque Ephesum et Telmessum. de Pamphylia disceptatum inter Eumenem et Antiochi legatos cum esset, quia pars eius citra pars ultra Taurum est, integra res ad senatum reicitur. his foederibus decretisque datis Manlius cum decem legatis omnique exercitu ad Hellespontum profectus, evocatis eo regulis Gallorum, leges, quibus pacem cum Eumene servarent, dixit, denuntiavit, ut morem vagandi cum armis finirent agrorumque suorum terminis se continerent.

[¶19] 40.3. Then, collecting ships from the whole coast, the fleet of Eumenes also being brought up from Elaea by his brother Athenaeus, he ferried all his forces across' to Europe.

> Latin: 40.3. contractis deinde ex omni ora navibus et Eumenis etiam classe per Athenaeum fratrem regis ab Elaea adducta copias omnes in Europam traiecit.

[¶20] 40.4. Then, leading a column heavily laden with every sort of booty by short stages through the Chersonese he established a base at Lysimachia, in order that with his pack-animals as far as possible fresh and in good condition he might enter Thrace, the journey through which was generally feared.

> Latin: 40.4. inde per Chersonesum modicis itineribus grave praeda omnis generis agmen trahens Lysimachiae stativa habuit, ut quam maxime recentibus et integris iumentis Thraeciam, per quam iter vulgo horrebant, ingrederetur.

[¶21] 40.5. On the day of his departure from Lysimachia he reached the river called Melas and on the day after that Cypsela.

> Latin: 40.5. quo profectus est ab Lysimachia die, ad amnem Melana quem vocant, inde postero die Cypsela pervenit.

[¶22] 40.6. From Cypsela a road awaited him, for about ten miles wooded, narrow, rough, and by reason of the difficulty of this route he divided the army into two sections, and, having ordered one to go ahead and the other to bring up the rear at a great distance, he placed the baggage between them; there were carts loaded with public money and other valuable booty.

> Latin: 40.6. a Cypselis via decem milium fere silvestris angusta confragosa excipiebat, propter cuius difficultatem itineris in duas partes divisus exercitus, et praecedere una iussa, altera magno intervallo cogere agmen, media impedimenta interposuit: plaustra cum pecunia publica erant pretiosaque alia praeda.

[¶23] 40.7. As they were marching in this order through the defile, not more than ten thousand Thracians, of four tribes, the Astii and the Caeni and the Maduateni and the Coreli, blocked the road at the narrow point.

> Latin: 40.7. ita cum per saltum iret, Thraecum decem haud amplius milia ex quattuor populis, Astii et Caeni et Maduateni et Coreli, ad ipsas angustias viam circumsederunt.

[¶24] 40.8. It was generally believed that this did not happen without treachery on the part of Philip, king of the Macedonians; he knew that the Romans would return by no other route than through Thrace, and he knew how much money they would bring with them. The commander was with the van, being concerned about the unfavourable character of the terrain.

> Latin: 40.8. opinio erat non sine Philippi Macedonum regis fraude id factum; eum scisse non alia quam per Thraeciam redituros Romanos, et quantam pecuniam secum portarent.

[¶25] 40.9. The Thracians did not move until the armed troops were past; when they saw that the van was out of the defile and that the rear was not yet at hand, they fell upon the trains and the baggage, and having killed the guards some of them carried off what was in the wagons, others drove off the pack-animals, loads and all.

> Latin: 40.9. in primo agmine imperator erat, sollicitus propter iniquitatem locorum. Thraeces nihil se moverunt, donec armati transirent; postquam primos superasse angustias viderunt, postremos nondum appropinquantis, impedimenta et sarcinas invadunt, caesisque custodibus partim ea, quae in plaustris erant, diripere, partim sub oneribus iumenta abstrahere.

[¶26] 40.11. When the uproar reached first those who were following and just entering the defile and then came to the head of the column, there was a rush from both directions towards the centre, and a disorderly battle began in several places at once.

> Latin: 40.11. unde postquam clamor primum ad eos, qui iam ingressi saltum sequebantur, deinde etiam ad primum agmen est perlatus, utrimque in medium concurritur, et inordinatum pluribus simul locis proelium conseritur.

[¶27] 40.12. The Thracians were exposed to slaughter, hampered as they were by the burden of the booty itself, while many of them were without arms, in order that they might keep their hands free to plunder; the Romans were betrayed by the unfavourable ground, since the barbarians charged them over familiar paths and sometimes laid ambushes for them in low-lying valleys. Even the loads and the wagons, inconveniently placed for one side or the other, as chance determined, hindered the fighters.

> Latin: 40.12. Thraecas praeda ipsa impeditos oneribus et plerosque, ut ad rapiendum vacuas manus haberent, inermes ad caedem praebet; Romanos iniquitas locorum barbaris per calles notas obcursantibus et latentibus interdum per cavas valles prodebat.

[¶28] 40.13. Here the plunderer fell, there the defender of the plunder. Just as the terrain was unfavourable or favourable for one party or the other, just as the spirits of the fighters varied, just as their numbers —for some met parties larger than their own and others smaller —just so the fortune of the battle changed; many fell on both sides.

> Latin: 40.13. ipsa etiam onera plaustraque, ut fors tulit, his aut illis incommode obiecta pugnantibus impedimento sunt. alibi praedo, alibi praedae vindex cadit. prout locus iniquus aequusve his aut illis, prout animus pugnantium est, prout numerus — alii enim pluribus. quam ipsi erant, alii paucioribus occurrerant —, varia fortuna pugnae est;

[¶29] 40.15. Night was now at hand when the Thracians retired from the fight, not to avoid wounds or death, but because they had enough of spoils.

> Latin: 40.15. multi utrimque cadunt. iam nox appetebat, cum proelio excedunt Thraeces, non fuga vulnerum aut mortis, sed quia satis praedae habebant.

[¶30] 41.1. The head of the Roman column encamped outside the defile near the temple of Bendis on open ground; the rest remained within the defile to guard the trains, sheltered by a double rampart.

> Latin: 41.1. Romanorum primum agmen extra saltum circa templum Bendidium castra loco aperto posuit; pars altera ad custodiam impedimentorum medio in saltu, duplici circumdato vallo, mansit. postero die prius explorato saltu, quam moverent, primis se coniungunt.

[¶31] 41.2. The following day, having reconnoitred the defile before they moved, they joined the van. In this battle there was a loss both of baggage and of camp-followers and a considerable number of soldiers had fallen, since there was fighting everywhere along the whole defile, but the most serious blow received was the death of Quintus Minucius Thermus, a man of courage and energy. That day they reached the Hebrus river.

> Latin: 41.2. in eo proelio cum et impedimentorum et calonum pars et milites aliquot, cum passim toto prope saltu pugnaretur, cecidissent, plurimum Q. Minucii Thermi morte damni est acceptum, fortis ac strenui viri. eo die ad Hebrum flumen perventum est. inde Aeniorum finis praeter Apollinis, Zerynthium quem vocant incolae, templum superant.

[¶32] 41.4. Then they crossed the frontiers of the Aenians near the temple of Apollo, whom the natives call Zerynthius.

> Latin: 41.4. aliae angustiae circa Tempyra excipiunt — hoc loco nomen est —, nec minus confragosae quam priores; sed, quia nihil silvestre circa est, ne latebras quidem ad insidiandum praebent.

[¶33] 41.5. Another pass confronted them near Tempyra —this is the name of the placenot less rough than the former; but, because there is no wooded country around it, it does not furnish even hiding-places for ambuscades.

> Latin: 41.5. huc ad eandem spem praedae Thrausi, gens, et ipsa Thraecum, convenere; sed, quia nudae valles, procul ut conspicerentur angustias obsidentes, efficiebant, minus terroris tumultusque fuit apud Romanos: quippe etsi iniquo loco, proelio tamen iusto, acie aperta, signis collatis dimicandum erat.

[¶34] 41.6. The Thrausi, these too being Thracians, assembled here with the same hope of plunder; but, since the exposed valleys brought it about that those who blocked the pass could be seen from afar, there was less consternation and confusion among the Romans; indeed, although on uneven ground, there was none the less a pitched battle to be fought, a regular engagement with battle-lines open to view.

> Latin: 41.6. conferti subeunt et cum clamore impetu facto primum expulere loco hostis, deinde avertere; fuga inde caedesque suis ipsos impedientibus angustiis fieri coepta est.

[¶35] 41.7. They moved forward in close array, and charging with a shout they first dislodged the enemy and then broke their line; then flight and slaughter began to take place, since the enemy were entangled in the narrow pass which they had themselves selected. The victorious Romans encamped near a village of the Maroneans —they call it Salê.

> Latin: 41.7. Romani victores ad vicum Maronitarum — Salen appellant — posuerunt castra. postero die patenti itinere Priaticus campus eos excepit, triduumque ibi frumentum accipientes manserunt, partem ex agris Maronitarum, conferentibus ipsis, partem ex navibus suis, quae cum omnis generis commeatu sequebantur.

[¶36] 41.8. The next day, marching in open country, the Priatic plain received them, and they spent three days there collecting grain, partly from the fields of the Maroneans, brought in by the people themselves, partly from their own ships, which were following with all manner of supplies. From this station it was a day's march to Apollonia. Thence they came through the country of the Abderites to Neapolis.

> Latin: 41.8. ab stativis diei via Apolloniam fuit. hinc per Abderitarum agrum Neapolim perventum est. hoc omne per Graecorum colonias pacatum iter fuit; reliquum inde per medios Thraecas dies noctesque, etsi non infestum, tamen suspectum, donec in Macedoniam pervenerunt.

[¶37] 41.10. All this journey was peaceful, amid the colonies of Greeks; the rest from there on, through the midst of the Thracians, while not dangerous, yet required vigilance by day and night until they arrived in Macedonia.

> Latin: 41.10. mitiores Thraecas idem exercitus, cum a Scipione eadem via duceretur, habuerat, nullam ob aliam causam, quam quod praedae minus, quod peteretur, fuerat;

[¶38] 41.11. The same army, led over the same route by Scipio, had found the Thracians more peacefully inclined, for no other reason than that there was less of booty to be sought; and yet Claudius asserts that even then about fifteen thousand Thracians encountered Muttines the Numidian who was preceding the column to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 41.11. quamquam tunc quoque Claudius auctor est ad quindecim milia Thraecum praecedenti ad exploranda loca agmen Muttini Numidae occurrisse. quadringentos equites fuisse Numidas, paucos elephantos;

[¶39] 41.12. He says that there were four hundred Numidian cavalry with a few elephants; that the son of Muttines with a hundred and fifty picked troopers broke through the centre of the enemy; and that a little later, when Muttines, having placed the elephants in the centre and stationed the cavalry on the flanks, had closed with the enemy, this same son had caused panic by an attack in the rear, and that the enemy, thrown into confusion by this cavalry-storm, so to speak, had not reached the column of the infantry.

> Latin: 41.12. Muttinis filium per medios hostes cum centum quinquaginta delectis equitibus perrupisse; eundem mox, cum iam Muttines in medio elephantis collocatis, in cornua equitibus dispositis manum cum hoste conseruisset, terrorem ab tergo praebuisse, atque inde turbatos equestri velut procella hostis ad peditum agmen non accessisse.

[¶40] 41.14. Gnaeus Manlius led the army through Macedonia into Thrace. When he had proceeded from there through Epirus to Apollonia, not yet holding the wintry sea in such light esteem that he dared to cross it, he passed the winter in Apollonia.

> Latin: 41.14. Cn. Manlius per Macedoniam in Thessaliam exercitum traduxit. inde per Epirum Apolloniam cum pervenisset, nondum adeo hiberno contempto mari, ut traicere auderet, Apolloniae hibernavit.

[¶41] 42.1. At almost the end of this year the consul Marcus Valerius came from the Ligurians to Rome to hold the elections of magistrates, having done nothing in the province so worthy of note that it could be a plausible reason for delay, to cause him to arrive later than usual for the elections.

> Latin: 42.1. exitu prope anni M. Valerius consul ex Liguribus ad magistratus subrogandos Romam venit nulla memorabili in provincia gesta re, ut ea probabilis morae causa esset, quod solito serius ad comitia venisset.

[¶42] 42.2. The election of consuls took place on the twelfth day before the Kalends of March;

> Latin: 42.2. comitia consulibus rogandis fuerunt a. d. XII. Kal.

[¶43] 42.3. the successful candidates were Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Gaius Flaminius.

> Latin: 42.3. Martias; creati M. Aemilius Lepidus C. Flaminius.

[¶44] 42.4. The next day the praetors were chosen, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Servius Sulpicius Galba, Quintus Terentius Culleo, Lucius Terentius Massiliota, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Furius Crassipes.

> Latin: 42.4. postero die praetores facti Ap. Claudius Pulcher Ser. Sulpicius Galba Q. Terentius Culleo L. Terentius Massaliota Q. Fulvius Flaccus M. Furius Crassipes.

[¶45] 42.5. Having finished the elections, the consul referred to the senate the question as to which provinces they desired to assign to the praetors. They decreed that two should be stationed in Rome to administer justice, two outside Italy, in Sicily and Sardinia, and two in Italy, at Tarentum and in Gaul; and they were ordered to cast lots at once, before they were inaugurated.

> Latin: 42.5. comitiis perfectis, quas provincias praetoribus esse placeret, retulit ad senatum consul. decreverunt duas Romae iuris dicendi causa, duas extra Italiam, Siciliam ac Sardiniam, duas in Italia, Tarentum et Galliam;

[¶46] 42.6. Servius Sulpicius received the civil jurisdiction, Quintus Terentius that between citizens and aliens, Lucius Terentius Sicily, Quintus Fulvius Sardinia, Appius Claudius Tarentum, Marcus Furius Gaul.

> Latin: 42.6. et extemplo, priusquam inirent magistratum, sortiri iussi. Ser. Sulpicius urbanam, Q. Terentius peregrinam est sortitus, L. Terentius Siciliam, Q. Fulvius Sardiniam, Ap. Claudius Tarentum, M. Furius Galliam.

[¶47] 42.7. In that year Lucius Minucius Myrtilus and Lucius Manlius, because they were said to have beaten Carthaginian ambassadors, by order of Marcus Claudius, the city praetor, were delivered by the fetials to ambassadors and taken to Carthage. There was the rumour of a great war, growing more dangerous every day, among the Ligurians.

> Latin: 42.7. eo anno L. Minucius Myrtilus et L. Manlius, quod legatos Carthaginienses pulsasse dicebantur, iussu M. Claudii praetoris urbani per fetiales traditi sunt legatis et Carthaginem avecti.

[¶48] 42.8. So, on the day when the new consuls laid before the senate the question of the provinces and the general policy, the senate decreed to both consuls the Ligurians as their province.

> Latin: 42.8. in Liguribus magni belli et gliscentis in dies magis fama erat. itaque consulibus novis, quo die de provinciis et de re publica retulerunt, senatus utrisque Ligures provinciam decrevit.

[¶49] 42.9. To this decree of the senate the consul Lepidus objected, declaring that it was improper that both the consuls should be shut up in the valleys of the Ligurians while Marcus Fulvius and Gnaeus Manlius for two years now, the one in Europe, the other in Asia, were lording it as if they were the successors to Philip and Antiochus.

> Latin: 42.9. huic senatus consulto Lepidus consul intercedebat, indignum esse praedicans consules ambos in valles Ligurum includi, M.

[¶50] 42.10. If it were the senate's pleasure that there should be armies in those lands, consuls rather than private citizens should command them. These men were wandering about, carrying the threat of war to nations upon whom no war had been declared, selling peace for a price. If it was necessary, he continued, to hold these provinces with troops, just as the consul Lucius Scipio had succeeded Manius Acilius and had in turn been superseded by the consuls Marcus Fulvius and Gnaeus Manlius, so Fulvius and Manlius should have been replaced by the consuls Gaius Livius and Marcus Valerius.

> Latin: 42.10. Fulvium et Cn. Manlium biennium iam, alterum in Europa, alterum in Asia, velut pro Philippo atque Antiocho substitutos regnare. si exercitus in his terris esse placeat, consules iis potius quam privatos praeesse oportere.

[¶51] 42.11. Now, at any rate, when the Aetolian war was finished, when Asia was rescued from Antiochus, when the Gauls were conquered, either consuls should be sent to command consular armies or the legions should be recalled from there and at length restored to the state.

> Latin: 42.11. vagari eos cum belli terrore per nationes, quibus bellum indictum non sit, pacem pretio venditantis. si eas provincias exercitibus obtinere opus esset, sicut M'. Acilio L. Scipio consul, L. Scipioni M. Fulvius et Cn. Manlius successissent consules, ita Fulvio Manlioque C.

[¶52] 42.12. After hearing this the senate persisted in its decision that both consuls should have the Ligurians as their province; it was voted that Manlius and Fulvius should retire from their provinces and withdraw their armies from them and return to Rome. There was a feud between Marcus Fulvius and the consul Marcus Aemilius, and, in addition to everything else, Aemilius considered that it was due to the efforts of Marcus Fulvius that he himself had reached the consulship two years late.

> Latin: 42.12. Livium et M. Valerium consules debuisse succedere. nunc certe, perfecto Aetolico bello, recepta ab Antiocho Asia, devictis Gallis, aut consules ad exercitus consulares mitti aut reportari legiones inde reddique tandem rei publicae debere. senatus his auditis in sententia perseveravit, ut consulibus ambobus Ligures provincia esset; Manlium Fulviumque decedere de provinciis et exercitus inde deducere ac redire Romam placuit. inimicitiae inter M. Fulvium et M. Aemilium consulem erant, et super cetera Aemilius serius biennio se consulem factum M. Fulvii opera ducebat.

[¶53] 43.2. Therefore, with a view to making Fulvius unpopular, he introduced to the senate ambassadors of the Ambraciots, previously coached as to their charges, who were to complain that, while they were at peace and had performed the orders of the previous consuls and were ready to render the same obedience to Marcus Fulvius, war had been declared on them, and first their fields had been laid waste and fear of plunder and slaughter held before the city, so that they were compelled by that fear to close their gates;

> Latin: 43.2. itaque ad invidiam ei faciendam legatos Ambraciensis in senatum subornatos criminibus introduxit, qui sibi, cum in pace essent imperataque prioribus consulibus fecissent et eadem oboedienter praestare M. Fulvio parati essent, bellum illatum questi, agros primum depopulatos, terrorem direptionis et caedis urbi iniectum, ut eo metu claudere cogerentur portas;

[¶54] 43.4. that then they were beleaguered and besieged and that every form of war had been waged against them —slaughter, fires, destruction, plunder of the city;

> Latin: 43.4. obsessos deinde et oppugnatos se, et omnia exempla belli edita in se caedibus incendiis ruinis direptione urbis, coniuges liberos in servitium abstractos, bona adempta, et, quod se ante omnia moveat, templa tota urbe spoliata ornamentis;

[¶55] 43.5. that their wives and children had been carried off into slavery, their property taken from them, and, what disturbed them most of all, the temples throughout the city had been stripped of their ornaments; the images of the gods, or rather the gods themselves, had been torn from their seats and carried away; bare walls and door-posts, they said, had been left to the Ambracians to adore, to pray to, and to supplicate: as they made these complaints the consul, asking leading questions as they had agreed, drew them on, as if against their will, to say even more.

> Latin: 43.5. simulacra deum, deos immo ipsos, convulsos ex sedibus suis ablatos esse; parietes postesque nudatos, quos adorent, ad quos precentur et supplicent, Ambraciensibus superesse — : haec querentis interrogando criminose ex composito consul ad plura velut non sua sponte dicenda eliciebat.

[¶56] 43.7. When the Fathers were aroused, the other consul, Gaius Flaminius, took up the cause of Marcus Fulvius, saying that the Ambraciots were following an old and long-abandoned path; thus Marcus Marcellus had been accused by the Syracusans, thus Quintus Fulvius by the Campanians.

> Latin: 43.7. motis patribus alter consul C. Flaminius M. Fulvii causam excepit, qui veterem viam et obsoletam ingressos Ambracienses dixit:

[¶57] 43.8. Nay, would they permit similar accusations to be brought against Titus Quinctius by King Philip, against Manius Acilius and Lucius Scipio by Antiochus, against Gnaeus Manlius by the Gauls and even against Marcus Fulvius by the Aetolians and the peoples of Cephallania?

> Latin: 43.8. sic M. Marcellum ab Syracusanis, sic Q. Fulvium a Campanis accusatos. quin eadem opera T. Quinctium a Philippo rege, M'. Acilium et L. Scipionem ab Antiocho, Cn. Manlium a Gallis, ipsum M. Fulvium ab Aetolis et Cephallaniae populis accusari paterentur?

[¶58] 43.9. “That Ambracia was besieged and captured and that its statues and works of art were removed from there and that other things were done which are usually done when cities are captured, do you think that either I on behalf of Marcus Fulvius or Marcus Fulvius on his own behalf will deny,” “conscript Fathers, since for these achievements he will claim from you a triumph, the captured Ambracia and the statues which they accuse him of removing and the other spoils of that city will be carried before his chariot and fixed to his ”

> Latin: 43.9. “Ambraciam oppugnatam et captam et signa inde ornamentaque ablata et cetera facta, quae captis urbibus soleant, negaturum aut me pro M. Fulvio aut ipsum M. Fulvium censetis, patres conscripti, qui ob has res gestas triumphum a vobis postulaturus sit, Ambraciam captam signaque, quae ablata criminantur, et cetera spolia eius urbis ante currum laturus et fixurus in postibus suis?

[¶59] 43.11. “door-posts? There is no respect in which they can separate themselves from the Aetolians; the situation of Ambraciots and Aetolians is ” “identical.

> Latin: 43.11. nihil est, quod se ab Aetolis separent; eadem Ambraciensium et Aetolorum causa est.

[¶60] 43.12. Let my colleague, then, either expend his malice in some other case or, if he prefers to do so in this matter especially, let him keep his Ambraciots here until the arrival of Marcus ” “Fulvius; I shall permit no decree to be passed concerning either the Ambraciots or the Aetolians in the absence of Marcus Fulvius.”

> Latin: 43.12. itaque collega meus vel in alia causa inimicitias exerceat, vel, si in hac utique mavult, retineat Ambraciensis suos in adventum M. Fulvii; ego nec de Ambraciensibus nec de Aetolis decerni quicquam absente M. Fulvio patiar.

[¶61] 44.1. While Aemilius was thus assailing the shrewd hostility of his enemy as if known to all, and was claiming that Fulvius would drag out the time by delaying, that he might not come to Rome while his foe was consul, two days were wasted by the bickering of the consuls; and it seemed that no decree could be passed while Flaminius was present.

> Latin: 44.1. ”Cum Aemilius callidam malitiam inimici velut notam omnibus insimularet et tempus eum morando extracturum diceret, ne consule inimico Romam veniret, certamine consulum biduum absumptum est; nec praesente Flaminio decerni quicquam videbatur posse.

[¶62] 44.3. Aemilius took advantage of an opportunity when Flaminius was kept away by illness, and on his motion the senate passed a decree that the Ambraciots should recover all their property;

> Latin: 44.3. captata occasio est, cum aeger forte Flaminius abesset, et referente Aemilio senatus consultum factum est, ut Ambraciensibus suae res omnes redderentur;

[¶63] 44.4. that they should be free and should enjoy their own laws; that they should collect port duties at their pleasure, by land and sea, provided that the Romans and the allies of the Latin confederacy should be exempt from paying them;

> Latin: 44.4. in libertate essent ac legibus suis uterentur; portoria, quae vellent, terra marique caperent, dum eorum immunes Romani ac socii nominis Latini essent;

[¶64] 44.5. that as to the statues and other works of art which they complained had been taken from their sacred shrines, when Marcus Fulvius had returned to Rome, the question concerning them should be referred to the college of pontiffs, and that whatever they should have ordered should be done.

> Latin: 44.5. signa aliaque ornamenta quae quererentur ex aedibus sacris sublata esse, de iis, cum M. Fulvius Romam revertisset, placere ad collegium pontificum referri, et quod ii censuissent, fieri.

[¶65] 44.6. The consul was not satisfied with this, but later, in a sparsely attended meeting, added a decree of the senate, to the effect that it did not appear that Ambracia had been captured by force.

> Latin: 44.6. neque his contentus consul fuit, sed postea per infrequentiam adiecit senatus consultum, Ambraciam non videri vi captam esse.

[¶66] 44.7. Then a three-day period of prayer was proclaimed in accordance with a decree of the decemvirs for the health of the people, because a severe pestilence was wasting the City and the country districts.

> Latin: 44.7. supplicatio inde ex decemvirorum decreto pro valetudine populi per triduum fuit, quia gravis pestilentia urbem atque agros vastabat.

[¶67] 44.8. Next the Latin Festival was held. The consuls, released from these ceremonies and having finished the levy —for each of them preferred to employ new soldiers —departed to the province and discharged all the veterans.

> Latin: 44.8. Latinae inde fuerunt. quibus religionibus liberati consules et dilectu perfecto — novis enim uterque maluit uti militibus — in provinciam profecti sunt, veteresque omnes dimiserunt.

[¶68] 44.9. After the departure of the consuls, Gnaeus Manlius the proconsul arrived in Rome; when an audience before the senate in the temple of Bellona had been granted him by the praetor Servius Sulpicius and he, after relating his exploits, had demanded that on account of them honour should be paid to the immortal gods and that he should be permitted to ride into the City in triumph, the majority of

> Latin: 44.9. post consulum profectionem Cn. Manlius proconsul Romam venit; cui cum ab Ser. Sulpicio praetore senatus ad aedem Bellonae datus esset, et ipse commemoratis rebus ab se gestis postulasset, ut ob eas diis immortalibus honos haberetur sibique triumphanti urbem invehi liceret,

[¶69] 44.11. the ten commissioners who had been with him opposed it, and, beyond the rest, Lucius Furius Purpurio and Lucius Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: 44.11. contradixerunt pars maior decem legatorum, qui cum eo fuerant et ante alios L. Furius Purpurio et L. Aemilius Paulus.

[¶70] 45.1. They said that the commissioners had been assigned to Gnaeus Manlius for the purpose of making peace with Antiochus and of putting into final form the terms of the treaty which had been initiated by Lucius Scipio.

> Latin: 45.1. legatos sese Cn. Manlio datos pacis cum Antiocho faciendae causa foederisque legum, quae cum L. Scipione inchoatae fuissent, perficiendarum.

[¶71] 45.2. Gnaeus Manlius, they said, had striven with all his might to break the peace and to take Antiochus by treachery, if the king should have given him any opportunity to do so; but he, being aware of the deceitfulness of the consul, although often approached with requests for conferences, had avoided, not merely a meeting with him, but even the sight of him.

> Latin: 45.2. Cn. Manlium summa ope tetendisse, ut eam pacem turbaret, et Antiochum, si sui potestatem fecisset, insidiis exciperet; sed illum cognita fraude consulis, cum saepe colloquiis petitis captatus esset, non congressum modo sed conspectum etiam eius vitasse.

[¶72] 45.3. Manlius, they said, when he desired to cross the Taurus, had with difficulty been held back by the pleas of all his lieutenants from trying to test the prediction of ruin found in the verses of the Sibyl for those who crossed the fateful boundaries, but, none the less, had moved up the army and encamped near by on the very crest at the parting of the waters.

> Latin: 45.3. cupientem transire Taurum aegre omnium legatorum precibus, ne carminibus Sibyllae praedictam superantibus terminos fatalis cladem experiri vellet, retentum admosse tamen exercitum et prope ipsis iugis ad divortia aquarum castra posuisse. cum ibi nullam belli causam inveniret quiescentibus regiis, circumegisse exercitum ad Gallograecos, cui nationi non ex senatus auctoritate, non populi iussu bellum illatum.

[¶73] 45.5. Finding no pretext for war there, the king's forces remaining passive, he led the army around against the Galatians, a people against whom war had not been declared by the authority of the senate or the vote of the assembly.

> Latin: 45.5. quod quem umquam de sua sententia facere ausum? Antiochi Philippi Hannibalis et Poenorum recentissima bella esse;

[¶74] 45.6. Who, they asked, had ever ventured to do this on his own motion? The most recent wars were those with Antiochus, Philip, Hannibal and the Carthaginians; in all these cases the senate had passed decrees, the assembly had voted, restitution had previously been demanded by ambassadors, finally, delegates had been sent to declare war.

> Latin: 45.6. de omnibus his consultum senatum, populum iussisse, saepe legatos ante missos, res repetitas, postremo, qui bellum indicerent, missos.

[¶75] 45.7. "Which of these things was done, Gnaeus Manlius, so that we can consider this a public war of the Roman people and not a private piratical expedition of your own?

> Latin: 45.7. “quid eorum, Cn. Manli, factum est, ut istud publicum populi Romani bellum et non tuum privatum latrocinium ducamus?

[¶76] 45.8. Were you even content with that and did you lead your army directly against those whom you had picked out to be your enemies?

> Latin: 45.8. at eo ipso contentus fuisti, recto itinere exercitum duxisti ad eos, quos tibi hostis desumpseras:

[¶77] 45.9. Or, moving by all the roundabout ways, stopping at every cross-road, that, wherever Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, turned his course, there you, a money-seeking consul, might follow with a Roman army, did you travel over all the nooks and corners of Pisidia and Lycaonia and Phrygia, exacting tribute from tyrants and commanders of out-of-the-way fortresses? What business did you have with the people of Oroanda? What with other equally innocent peoples? "But the war proper, on account of which you ask a triumph, how did you conduct it?

> Latin: 45.9. an per omnes amfractus viarum, cum ad bivia consisteres, ut, quo flexisset agmen Attalus, Eumenis frater, eo consul mercennarius cum exercitu Romano sequereris, Pisidiae Lycaoniaeque et Phrygiae recessus omnis atque angulos peragrasti, stipem ab tyrannis castellanisque deviis colligens? quid enim tibi cum Oroandis? quid cum aliis aeque innoxiis populis?”

[¶78] 45.10. Did you fight on favourable ground, at a time selected by you? Rightly in truth do you demand that honour be paid to the immortal gods, first, because they refused to exact the penalty from the army for the rashness of the commander, who was waging war under no law of nations; second, because they confronted us with dumb animals, not enemies.

> Latin: 45.10. “bellum autem ipsum, cuius nomine triumphum petis, quo modo gessisti? loco aequo, tempore tuo pugnasti? tu vero recte, ut diis immortalibus honos habeatur, postulas, primum quod pro temeritate imperatoris, nullo gentium iure bellum inferentis, poenas luere exercitum noluerunt; deinde quod beluas, non hostis nobis obiecerunt.

[¶79] 46.1. “Do not think that only the name of the Gallogrecians is a mixture; long since both their bodies and their minds have been mixed and corrupted.”

> Latin: 46.1. nolite nomen tantum existimare mixtum esse Gallograecorum: multo ante et corpora et animi mixti ac vitiati sunt.

[¶80] 46.2. “Or if they were Gauls, with whom we have fought a thousand times in Italy with varying results, so far as the issue depended on our commander, would even a messenger have come back from there?”

> Latin: 46.2. an, si illi Galli essent, cum quibus milliens vario eventu in Italia pugnatum est, quantum in imperatore nostro fuit, nuntius illinc redisset?

[¶81] 46.3. “Twice he engaged in battle with them, twice he attacked over unfavourable ground and placed his battle-line in a valley below the enemy and almost at their feet. Without hurling a weapon from their higher position, and merely flinging their naked bodies down, they could have overwhelmed us. What happened then?”

> Latin: 46.3. bis cum iis pugnatum est, bis loco iniquo subiit, in valle inferiore pedibus paene hostium aciem subiecit. ut non tela ex superiore loco mitterent, sed corpora sua nuda inicerent, obruere nos potuerunt.

[¶82] 46.4. “Great is the fortune of the Roman people, great and terrible is its name. By the recent overthrow of Hannibal, Philip, Antiochus, they were well-nigh thunderstruck. Bodies of such huge size were thrown into panic by sling-bullets and arrows; no sword was made bloody in combat in the Gallic war'; like flocks of birds they flew away at the first whizzing of the missiles.”

> Latin: 46.4. quid igitur incidit? magna fortuna populi Romani est, magnum et terribile nomen. recenti ruina Hannibalis Philippi Antiochi prope attoniti erant. tantae corporum moles fundis sagittisque in fugam consternatae sunt;

[¶83] 46.5. “But, by Hercules, we, the same Romans —Fortune reminding us what would have happened if we had had an enemy —when ” “on our return we had fallen in with the Thracian brigands, were slaughtered, put to flight, robbed of our baggage.”

> Latin: 46.5. gladius in acie cruentatus non est Gallico bello; velut avium examina ad crepitum primum missilium avolavere. at hercule iidem nos — monente fortuna, quid, si hostem habuissemus, casurum fuisset — cum redeuntes in latrunculos Thracas incidissemus, caesi, fugati, exuti impedimentis sumus.

[¶84] 46.7. “Quintus Minucius Thermus, in whose death we suffered a far greater loss than if Gnaeus Manlius, through whose rashness this defeat had come about, had fallen, was killed along with many brave men;”

> Latin: 46.7. Q. Minucius Thermus, in quo haud paulo plus damni factum est, quam si Cn. Manlius, cuius temeritate ea clades inciderat, perisset, cum multis viris fortibus cecidit;

[¶85] 46.8. “the army which was bringing back the spoils of King Antiochus, scattered in three sections, the van in one place, the rear in another, the trains in a third, spent one night skulking in the lairs of beasts among the thickets. For such deeds is a triumph sought? If there had been no calamity and disgrace suffered in Thrace, over what foes would you seek a triumph?”

> Latin: 46.8. exercitus spolia regis Antiochi referens trifariam dissipatus, alibi primum, alibi postremum agmen, alibi impedimenta, inter vepres in latebris ferarum noctem unam delituit.

[¶86] 46.9. “Over those, I suppose, whom the senate or the Roman people had assigned to you as enemies. This is how triumphs were granted to Lucius Scipio here and Manius Acilius yonder over King Antiochus, to Titus Quinctius not long ago over King Philip, to Publius Africanus over Hannibal and the Carthaginians and Syphax.”

> Latin: 46.9. pro his triumphus petitur? si nihil in Thracia cladis ignominiaeque foret acceptum, de quibus hostibus triumphum peteres? de iis, ut opinor, quos tibi hostes senatus aut populus Romanus dedisset.

[¶87] 46.10. “And even after the senate had already voted for the war, the most unimportant matters none the less were inquired into to determine to whom it should be announced: should the declaration be given in any case to the kings themselves, or was it sufficient that the declaration be delivered at some military post?”

> Latin: 46.10. sic huic L. Scipioni, sic illi M'. Acilio de rege Antiocho, sic paulo ante T. Quinctio de rege Philippo, sic P. Africano de Hannibale et Poenis et Syphace triumphus datus.

[¶88] 46.11. “Do you wish all these formalities to be violated and thrown into confusion, the fetial laws to be done away with and the fetials themselves abolished?”

> Latin: 46.11. et minima illa, cum iam senatus censuisset bellum, quaesita tamen sunt, quibus nuntiandum esset: ipsis utique regibus nuntiaretur, an satis esset ad praesidium aliquod nuntiari.

[¶89] 46.12. “Let there be (may I speak without offence to the gods) neglect of religious observances, let forgetfulness of the gods take possession of your hearts —is it your will that the senate should not be consulted about war? Or the motion put to the people whether they 'wish and order' war to be waged with the Gauls?”

> Latin: 46.12. vultis ergo haec omnia pollui et confundi, tolli fetialia iura, nullos esse fetiales? fiat, pace deum dixerim, iactura religionis; oblivio deorum capiat pectora vestra:

[¶90] 46.13. “Not long ago the consuls certainly wished for Greece and Asia; yet when you persisted in decreeing them the Ligurians as their province they obeyed.”

> Latin: 46.13. num senatum quoque de bello consuli non placet? non ad populum ferri, velint iubeantne cum Gallis bellum geri?

[¶91] 46.14. “Justly, therefore, when they have waged successful war, will they ask a triumph from you by whose authority they have waged it.” Such was the argument of Furius and Aemilius. Manlius, I have heard, replied in about the following manner: "It was formerly the custom, conscript Fathers, that tribunes of the people should oppose candidates for triumphs; in this case I am grateful to them because they have conceded this much, whether to me or to the greatness of my achievements —that they do not merely by their silence approve my distinction but even seem ready to propose it if necessary; it is among the ten commissioners (heaven

> Latin: 46.14. modo certe consules Graeciam atque Asiam volebant; tamen perseverantibus vobis Ligures provinciam decernere dicto audientes fuerunt. merito ergo a vobis prospere bello gesto triumphum petent, quibus auctoribus gesserunt.” talis oratio Furii et Aemilii fuit. Manlium in hunc maxime modum respondisse accepi. “tribuni plebis antea solebant triumphum postulantibus adversari, patres conscripti; quibus ego gratiam habeo, quod seu mihi seu magnitudini rerum gestarum hoc dederunt, ut non solum silentio comprobarent honorem meum, sed referre etiam, si opus esset, viderentur parati esse;

[¶92] 47.3. help us!), a council which our ancestors created for awarding victory and its honours to commanders, that I find my opponents.

> Latin: 47.3. ex decem legatis, si diis placet, quod consilium dispensandae cohonestandaeque victoriae imperatoribus maiores dederunt nostri, adversarios habeo.

[¶93] 47.4. Lucius Furius and Lucius Aemilius forbid me to mount the triumphal car, they strip the garland of victory from my head, these men whom, if the tribunes were obstructing my triumph, I should have summoned as witnesses to what I have done.

> Latin: 47.4. L. Furius et L. Aemilius currum triumphalem me conscendere prohibent, coronam insignem capiti detrahunt; quos ego, si tribuni me triumphare prohiberent, testes citaturus fui rerum a me gestarum.

[¶94] 47.5. For my part, conscript Fathers, I grudge no man his distinction; when the tribunes of the people, brave and energetic men, not long ago were opposing the triumph of Quintus Fabius Labeo, you checked them by your authority; he triumphed, although his enemies circulated the story, not that he had waged an illegal war, but that he had not set eyes on an enemy at all; I who have so often fought with a hundred thousand of the fiercest enemies, who captured or killed more than forty thousand men, who took two of their camps, who left everything on this side of the ridges of Taurus more peaceful than is the land of Italy, am not only cheated out of my triumph but am pleading my case before you, conscript Fathers, with my own lieutenants as

> Latin: 47.5. nullius equidem invideo honori, patres conscripti: vos tribunos plebei nuper, viros fortes ac strenuos, impedientes Q. Fabii Labeonis triumphum auctoritate vestra deterruistis; triumphavit, quem non bellum iniustum gessisse, sed hostem omnino non vidisse inimici iactabant: ego, qui cum centum milibus ferocissimorum hostium signis collatis totiens pugnavi, qui plus quadraginta milia hominum cepi aut occidi, qui bina castra eorum expugnavi, qui citra iuga Tauri omnia pacatiora, quam terra Italia est, reliqui, non triumpho modo fraudor, sed causam apud vos, patres conscripti, accusantibus meis ipse legatis dico.

[¶95] 47.7. my accusers! Their charge, as you have observed, conscript Fathers, is twofold: for they said that I should not have waged war with the Gauls and that the war was conducted rashly and heedlessly.

> Latin: 47.7. duplex eorum, ut animadvertistis, patres conscripti, accusatio fuit: nam nec gerendum mihi fuisse bellum cum Gallis, et gestum temere atque imprudenter dixerunt. “non erant Galli hostes, sed tu eos pacatos imperata facientes violasti.

[¶96] 47.8. 'The Gauls,' they say, 'were not enemies, but you attacked them while they were peaceful and obedient to our orders.' I shall not ask you, conscript Fathers, to believe about those Gauls also who dwell in Asia what you know in general about the barbarous character of the people of the Gauls and their most deadly hatred of the name of Rome; setting aside the ill repute and ill fame of the race as a whole, judge them by themselves.

> Latin: 47.8. ” non sum postulaturus a vobis, patres conscripti, ut, quae communiter de immanitate gentis Gallorum de infestissimo odio in nomen Romanum scitis, ea de illis quoque, qui has terras incolunt, existimetis Gallis: remota universae gentis infamia atque invidia per se ipsos aestimate. utinam rex Eumenes, utinam Asiae civitates omnes adessent, et illos potius querentes quam me accusantem audiretis.

[¶97] 47.10. Would that King Eumenes were here, would that all the cities of Asia were here, and that you could hear them complaining of rather than me accusing the Gauls.

> Latin: 47.10. mittite, agedum, legatos circa omnes Asiae urbes et quaerite, utra graviore servitute, Antiocho ultra Tauri iuga emoto an Gallis subactis, liberati sint:

[¶98] 47.11. Come, send ambassadors around all the cities of Asia and ask them whether they were freed from a more grievous slavery when Antiochus was expelled beyond the ridges of Taurus or when the Gauls were subdued.

> Latin: 47.11. quotiens agri eorum vastati sint, quotiens praedae abactae, referant, cum vix redimendi captivos copia esset, et mactatas humanas hostias immolatosque liberos suos audirent.

[¶99] 47.12. Let them tell you how often their fields were devastated, how often plunder was carried away, when they had barely the wealth to ransom their captives and kept hearing of human victims slain and their own children sacrificed. Know that your own allies had been paying tribute to the Gauls and even now, when liberated by you from the king's control, would still have been paying it if I had failed them. "The farther Antiochus should be removed, the more uncontrollable would be the rule of the Gauls in Asia, and all the lands on this side of the ridges of Taurus you would have added to Gallic territory, not to your own.

> Latin: 47.12. stipendium scitote pependisse socios vestros Gallis et nunc, liberatos per vos regio imperio, fuisse pensuros, si a me foret cessatum. quo longius Antiochus emotus esset, hoc impotentius in Asia Galli dominarentur, et, quidquid est terrarum citra Tauri iuga, Gallorum imperio, non vestro adiecissetis.

[¶100] 48.2. Grant, if you will, that what my opponents say is true; but even on one occasion, Delphi, the common oracle of the human race, the navel of the world, the Gauls despoiled, and the Romans did not on that account declare or wage a war upon them.

> Latin: 48.2. at enim sunt quidem ista, verum etiam Delphos quondam, commune humani generis oraculum, umbilicum orbis terrarum, Galli spoliaverunt, nec ideo populus Romanus his bellum indixit aut intulit.

[¶101] 48.3. For my part, I thought that there was some difference between that time, when Greece and Asia were not yet under your control and sway, as regards your interest and concern in what was happening in those lands, and this time, when you have fixed the Taurus mountain as the boundary of the Roman empire, when you bestow liberty and immunity upon cities, increase the territory of some, deprive others of their lands, impose tribute upon others, enlarge, diminish, give, take away kingdoms, and deem it your responsibility that they shall have peace on land and sea.

> Latin: 48.3. equidem aliquid interesse rebar inter id tempus, quo nondum in iure ac dicione vestra Graecia atque Asia erat, ad curandum animadvertendumque, quid in his terris fieret, et hoc, quo finem imperii Romani Taurum montem statuistis, quo libertatem, immunitatem civitatibus datis, quo aliis fines adicitis, alias agro multatis, aliis vectigal imponitis, regna augetis minuitis donatis adimitis, curae vestrae censetis esse, ut pacem terra marique habeant.

[¶102] 48.5. Or, supposing that Antiochus had not withdrawn his garrisons, which remained peacefully in their citadels, would you consider that Asia had not been set free; but, on the other hand, should the armies of the Gauls be wandering at will, would these gifts which you have presented to King Eumenes have been assured, would liberty have been assured to the cities?

> Latin: 48.5. an, nisi praesidia deduxisset Antiochus, quae quieta in suis arcibus erant, non putaretis liberatam Asiam; si Gallorum exercitus effusi vagarentur, rata dona vestra, quae dedistis, regi Eumeni, rata libertas civitatibus esset?

[¶103] 48.6. But why do I argue as if I had made the Gauls our enemies, not found them so?

> Latin: 48.6. sed quid ego haec ita argumentor, tamquam non acceperim, sed fecerim hostes Gallos?

[¶104] 48.7. I appeal to you, Lucius Scipio (and when I succeeded to your authority I prayed to the immortal gods, and not in vain, for your valour and good fortune), to you, Publius Scipio, who had the rank of lieutenant but the authority of a colleague both with your brother the consul and with the army, to say whether you know that in the army of Antiochus there were legions of Gauls, whether you saw them in the line of battle, stationed on both flanks —for this was their strength, as it seemed —whether you fought with them as with lawful enemies, slew them, and carried off their spoils.

> Latin: 48.7. te, L. Scipio, appello, cuius ego mihi, succedens in vicem imperii tui, virtutem felicitatemque pariter non frustra ab diis immortalibus precatus sum, te, P. Scipio, qui legati ius, collegae maiestatem et apud fratrem consulem et apud exercitum habuisti, sciatisne in exercitu Antiochi Gallorum legiones fuisse, videritis in acie eos, in cornu utroque — id enim roboris esse videbatur — locatos, pugnaveritis ut cum hostibus iustis, cecideritis, spolia eorum retuleritis.

[¶105] 48.9. But yet, they say, it Was with Antiochus and not with the Gauls that both the senate had decreed and the assembly had ordered. war. But at the same time, in my judgment, they had decreed and ordered war with those who were within his ranks;

> Latin: 48.9. atqui cum Antiocho, non cum Gallis bellum et senatus decreverat et populus iusserat. sed simul, ut opinor, cum his decreverant iusserantque, qui intra praesidia eius fuissent;

[¶106] 48.10. of those, with the exception of Antiochus, with whom Scipio had contracted a peace and with whom you had expressly ordered that a treaty be made, all were enemies who bore arms against us in the cause of Antiochus. Although the Gauls before all were in this class and certain chiefs and tyrants, nevertheless I both negotiated for peace with the others, compelling them, in keeping with the dignity of your empire, to atone for their sins, and tried the sentiments of the Gauls, in the hope that perhaps their native fierceness could be softened, and, after I saw that they were untamed and intractable, then at length I decided that I must restrain them by force of arms.

> Latin: 48.10. ex quibus praeter Antiochum, cum quo pacem pepigerat Scipio, et cum quo nominatim foedus ut fieret mandaveratis, omnes hostes erant, qui pro Antiocho arma adversus nos tulerunt. in qua causa cum Galli ante omnes fuissent et reguli quidam et tyranni, ego tamen et cum aliis, pro dignitate imperii vestri coactis luere peccata sua, pacem pepigi, et Gallorum animos, si possent mitigari a feritate insita,

## 35. Book XXXVIII · chapters 48–60

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/35/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/35/#p-N

[¶0] 48.12. "Now, since I have answered the charge that I initiated the war, I must render account for its conduct.

> Latin: 48.12. temptavi et, postquam indomitos atque implacabiles cernebam, tum demum vi atque armis coercendos ratus sum.”

[¶1] 48.13. In this I for my part should trust my own cause even if I were pleading, not before the Roman, but before the Carthaginian senate, where commanders are said to be crucified if they have conducted a campaign with successful result but defective policy;

> Latin: 48.13. “nunc, quoniam suscepti belli purgatum est crimen, gesti reddenda est ratio. in quo confiderem equidem causae meae, etiam si non apud Romanum sed apud Carthaginiensem senatum agerem, ubi in crucem tolli imperatores dicuntur, si prospero eventu, pravo consilio rem gesserunt;

[¶2] 48.14. but in this state, which, in initiating and carrying out every action, calls upon the gods, for the reason that it exposes to the criticism of no man those actions which the gods have sanctioned, and which includes among its formal phrases, when it decrees a thanksgiving or a triumph, 'because he has conducted the affairs of the state well and successfully,' if I should be unwilling to speak, if I considered it overbearing and presumptuous to exult in our valour, if in recognition of the good fortune of myself and my army, in that we overthrew so great a nation with no loss of soldiers, I demanded that honour should be paid to

> Latin: 48.14. sed ego in ea civitate, quae ideo omnibus rebus incipiendis gerendisque deos adhibet, quia nullius calumniae subicit ea, quae dii comprobaverunt, et in sollemnibus verbis habet, cum supplicationem aut triumphum decernit, “ quod bene ac feliciter rem publicam administrarit”, si nollem, si grave ac superbum existimarem virtute gloriari, pro felicitate mea exercitusque mei, quod tantam nationem sine ulla militum iactura devicimus,

[¶3] 48.16. the immortal gods and that I myself might in triumph mount to the Capitoline, whence I set out after duly announcing my vows, would you refuse this to me as well as to the immortal gods?

> Latin: 48.16. postularem, ut diis immortalibus honos haberetur et ipse triumphans in Capitolium ascenderem, unde votis rite nuncupatis profectus sum, negaretis hoc mihi cum diis immortalibus?

[¶4] 49.1. ' Yes,' you say, for I fought on unfavourable ground. Tell me, then, in what more favourable place I could have fought. Since the enemy had occupied the mountain and were keeping themselves within a fortified place, naturally I had to go to the enemy if I wished to defeat them.

> Latin: 49.1. iniquo enim loco dimicavi. dic igitur, quo aequiore potuerim dimicare. cum montem hostes cepissent, loco munito se tenerent, nempe eundum ad hostes erat, si vincere vellem.

[¶5] 49.2. “What if they had had a city in that place and were holding themselves within the walls? Naturally a siege would be necessary. Well, did Manius Acilius at Thermopylae fight with King Antiochus on favourable ground?”

> Latin: 49.2. quid? si urbem eo loco haberent et moenibus se tenerent? nempe oppugnandi erant. quid? ad Thermopylas aequone loco M'. Acilius cum rege Antiocho pugnavit?

[¶6] 49.3. “Well, was not Philip in the same fashion, when he held the crest of the mountains above the Aous, dislodged by Titus Quinctius? For my part, I: still do not discover what sort of enemy they are picturing to themselves, or what they want him to seem to you.”

> Latin: 49.3. quid? Philippum non eodem modo super Aoum amnem iuga tenentem montium T. Quinctius deiecit? equidem adhuc, qualem aut sibi fingant aut vobis videri velint hostem fuisse, non invenio.

[¶7] 49.4. “If he was an enemy degenerate and made effeminate by the pleasant life of Asia, what danger was there if we attacked even over unfavourable ground?”

> Latin: 49.4. si degenerem et emollitum amoenitate Asiae, quid periculi vel iniquo loco subeuntibus fuit? si timendum et feritate animorum et robore corporum, huicine tantae victoriae triumphum negatis?

[¶8] 49.5. “If he was an enemy to be feared because of both fierceness of temper and strength of body, why do you refuse a triumph to so great a. victory as this? It is blind jealousy, conscript Fathers, and it knows nothing except how to belittle deeds of valour and to spoil the distinctions and rewards they earn.”

> Latin: 49.5. caeca invidia est, patres conscripti, nec quicquam aliud scit quam detractare virtutes, corrumpere honores ac praemia earum.

[¶9] 49.6. “I beg that you will pardon me, conscript Fathers, on this ground, if my speech is made over-long, not by my desire to boast about myself, but by the need to defend myself against their accusations.”

> Latin: 49.6. mihi quaeso ita ignoscatis, patres conscripti, si longiorem orationem non cupiditas gloriandi de me, sed necessaria criminum defensio fecit.

[¶10] 49.7. “Again, could I make the passes in Thrace wide when they were narrow, level ground instead of steep, neat groves instead of wild forests, and could I guarantee that there should be no Thracian brigands lurking in ambushes known to ” “them, that there should be no loss of baggage, that no pack-animal from so long a train should be driven off, that no one should be wounded, that that brave and energetic man Quintus Minucius should not die from his wound?”

> Latin: 49.7. an etiam per Thraciam saltus patentes, qui angusti erant, et plana ex arduis et culta ex silvestribus facere potui et praestare, necubi notis sibi latebris delitescerent latrones Thraces, ne quid sarcinarum raperetur, ne quod iumentum ex tanto agmine abstraheretur, ne quis vulneraretur, ne ex vulnere vir fortis ac strenuus Q. Minucius moreretur?

[¶11] 49.9. “They dwell on this misfortune, because it happened to our sorrow that we lost such a citizen;”

> Latin: 49.9. in hoc casu, quo infeliciter incidit, ut talem civem amitteremus, haerent;

[¶12] 49.10. “the fact that, when the enemy attacked us in a defile hard to pass through, on unfavourable ground, the two divisions of our army, the van and the rear, at the same time surrounded the army of the barbarians which was lingering around our trains, that they killed and captured many thousands on that same day and many more ” “a few days later, if they keep silent about all this, do they think that you will not learn of it, since the whole army is here to bear witness to what I ”

> Latin: 49.10. quod saltu iniquo, loco alieno cum adortus nos hostis esset, duae simul acies primi et novissimi agminis haerentem ad impedimenta nostra exercitum barbarorum circumvenerunt, quod multa milia ipso die, plura multo post dies paucos ceciderunt et ceperunt, hoc, si ipsi tacuerint, vos scituros, cum testis orationis meae totus exercitus sit, non credunt?

[¶13] 49.12. “say? If I had not drawn sword in Asia, if I had seen no enemy, I should still have earned a triumph in Thrace by these two battles. But enough has already been ” “said; rather, I should wish, conscript Fathers, that pardon be asked and granted for my wearying you with a longer speech than I should have wished to make.”

> Latin: 49.12. si gladium in Asia non strinxissem, si hostem non vidissem, tamen [proconsul] triumphum in Thracia duobus proeliis merueram. sed iam dictum satis est; quin pro eo, quod pluribus verbis vos quam vellem fatigavi, veniam a vobis petitam impetratamque velim, patres conscripti.”

[¶14] 50.1. The accusations would have had more weight that day than the defence had they not prolonged the debate to a late hour. The senate adjourned, having given the impression that the triumph would be refused.

> Latin: 50.1. plus crimina eo die quam defensio valuisset, ni altercationem in serum perduxissent. dimittitur senatus in ea opinione, ut negaturus triumphum fuisse videretur.

[¶15] 50.2. The next day the relatives and friends of Manlius exerted all their efforts and the elder senators also prevailed by their influence, saying that no precedent had been handed down in tradition that a commander who, after decisively defeating the enemy and accomplishing the task assigned him as his province, had brought home his army, should enter the City without the car and laurel, a private citizen and without honour.

> Latin: 50.2. postero die et cognati amicique Cn. Manlii summis opibus adnisi sunt, et auctoritas seniorum valuit, negantium exemplum proditum memoriae esse, ut imperator, qui devictis perduellibus, confecta provincia exercitum reportasset, sine curru et laurea privatus inhonoratusque urbem iniret. hic pudor malignitatem vicit, triumphumque frequentes decreverunt.

[¶16] 50.4. Respect for this tradition prevailed over ill-will and a full session voted the triumph. Then all talk and thought of this debate were put into the background by a struggle greater and originating with a greater and more famous man.

> Latin: 50.4. oppressit deinde mentionem memoriamque omnem contentionis huius maius et cum maiore et clariore viro certamen ortum.

[¶17] 50.5. Publius Scipio Africanus, as Valerius Antias asserts, was prosecuted by two men, each named Quintus Petillius.

> Latin: 50.5. P. Scipioni Africano, ut Valerius Antias auctor est, duo Q. Petillii diem dixerunt. id, prout cuiusque ingenium erat, interpretabantur.

[¶18] 50.6. This action each man interpreted according to his own inclinations.

> Latin: 50.6. alii non tribunos plebis, sed universam civitatem, quae id pati posset, incusabant:

[¶19] 50.7. Some reproached, not the tribunes of the people, but the whole state, for being able to allow this —the two greatest cities in the world, they said, were at about the same time found ungrateful towards their foremost citizens, but Rome was more ungrateful, because conquered Carthage had driven the conquered Hannibal into exile, while victorious Rome was driving out the victorious Scipio.

> Latin: 50.7. duas maximas orbis terrarum urbes ingratas uno prope tempore in principes inventas, Romam ingratiorem, si quidem victa Carthago victum Hannibalem in exilium expulisset, Roma victrix victorem Africanum expellat.

[¶20] 50.8. Others argued that no single citizen should attain such eminence that he could not be questioned under the laws; that nothing was so essential to equally distributed liberty as that every man, however powerful, should plead his cause.

> Latin: 50.8. alii, neminem unum tantum eminere civem debere, ut legibus interrogari non possit; nihil tam aequandae libertatis esse quam potentissimum quemque posse dicere causam.

[¶21] 50.9. What now —not to mention supreme position in the state —could be safely entrusted to any man if no accounting could be asked? Against a man, they said, who. cannot brook equitable law, no violence is illegal.

> Latin: 50.9. quid autem tuto cuiquam, nedum summam rem publicam, permitti, si ratio non sit reddenda? qui ius aequum pati non possit, in eum vim haud iniustam esse.

[¶22] 50.10. Such was the current of talk until the day of the trial came. No other man before him, not even this same Scipio, when consul or censor, was ever escorted to the Forum by a greater crowd of men of every rank than was Scipio that day when he was the defendant.

> Latin: 50.10. haec agitata sermonibus, donec dies causae dicendae venit. nec alius antea quisquam nec ille ipse Scipio consul censorve maiore omnis generis hominum frequentia quam reus illo die in forum est deductus.

[¶23] 50.11. Being bidden to plead his cause, he began so magnificent a speech about his achievements that it was very clear that no man had ever been better eulogized or more truthfully.

> Latin: 50.11. iussus dicere causam sine ulla criminum mentione orationem adeo magnificam de rebus ab se gestis est exorsus, ut satis constaret neminem umquam neque melius neque verius laudatum esse.

[¶24] 50.12. For he spoke of his deeds in the same temper and spirit in which he performed them, and there was no resentment among his hearers, since he was speaking to ward off peril and not to boast.

> Latin: 50.12. dicebantur enim ab eodem animo ingenioque, a quo gesta erant, et aurium fastidium aberat, quia pro periculo, non in gloriam referebantur.

[¶25] 51.1. When the tribunes revived the old charges of luxury in his winter-quarters at Syracuse and the disturbances caused by Pleminius at Locri, to make their present charges more credible, on the basis of suspicions rather than of evidence they charged him with having accepted bribes:

> Latin: 51.1. tribuni plebis vetera luxuriae crimina Syracusanorum hibernorum et Locris Pleminianum tumultum cum ad fidem praesentium criminum retulissent, suspicionibus magis quam argumentis pecuniae captae reum accusarunt:

[¶26] 51.2. that his captured son had been restored without a ransom and that in all other respects Antiochus had paid court to Scipio as if in his hands alone lay peace and war with Rome;

> Latin: 51.2. filium captum sine pretio redditum, omnibusque aliis rebus Scipionem, tamquam in eius unius manu pax Romana bellumque esset, ab Antiocho cultum;

[¶27] 51.3. he had been, they alleged, a dictator, not a lieutenant, in relation to the consul in the province; he had gone there for no other reason than that which Spain, Gaul, Sicily and Africa had long since come to believe should be manifest to Greece and Asia and all the kings and tribes that lie towards the east, namely, that one man was the source and stay of Roman power, that under the shadow of Scipio the City which was the mistress of the world lay sheltered, that his nod was weighty as decrees of the senate and enactments of the assembly.

> Latin: 51.3. dictatorem eum consuli, non legatum in provincia fuisse; nec ad aliam rem eo profectum, quam ut, id quod Hispaniae Galliae Siciliae Africae iam pridem persuasum esset, hoc Graeciae Asiaeque et omnibus ad orientem versis regibus gentibusque appareret, unum hominem caput columenque imperii Romani esse, sub umbra Scipionis civitatem dominam orbis terrarum latere, nutum eius pro decretis patrum, pro populi iussis esse. infamia intactum invidia, qua possunt, urgent.

[¶28] 51.5. A man untouched by ill repute they loaded with innuendo in every possible way. The speeches having continued until nightfall, the matter was adjourned. When the appointed day came, the tribunes took their seats on the Rostra at dawn; the defendant when summoned came with a great throng of friends and clients through the midst of the meeting to the Rostra, and, when silence ensued, he spoke as follows: “On this day, tribunes of the people, and you, citizens, I fought well and successfully in pitched battle with Hannibal and the Carthaginians in Africa.”

> Latin: 51.5. orationibus in noctem perductis prodicta dies est. ubi ea venit, tribuni in Rostris prima luce consederunt; citatus reus magno agmine amicorum clientiumque per mediam contionem ad Rostra subiit silentioque facto “ hoc” inquit “die, tribuni plebis vosque, Quirites, cum Hannibale et Carthaginiensibus signis collatis in Africa bene ac feliciter pugnavi.

[¶29] 51.8. “Therefore, since it is meet on this day to refrain from trials and quarrels, I shall proceed at once from here to the Capitoline to offer homage to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Juno and Minerva and the other gods who preside over the Capitoline and the ” “citadel, and I shall give thanks to them because both on this same day and on many other occasions they have given me the purpose and the capacity to render conspicuous service to the state.”

> Latin: 51.8. itaque, cum hodie litibus et iurgiis supersederi aequum sit, ego hinc extemplo in Capitolium ad Iovem optimum maximum Iunonemque et Minervam ceterosque deos, qui Capitolio atque arci praesident, salutandos ibo, hisque gratias agam, quod mihi et hoc ipso die et saepe alias egregie gerendae rei publicae mentem facultatemque dederunt.

[¶30] 51.10. “Let all of you too, citizens, for whom it is convenient, come with me and pray to the gods that you may have leaders like me, but on this condition that, if from my ” “seventeenth year to my old age you have always gone ahead of my years in bestowing honours upon me, I have anticipated your honours by my deeds.”

> Latin: 51.10. vestrum quoque quibus commodum est, Quirites, ite mecum, et orate deos, ut mei similes principes habeatis, ita, si ab annis septemdecim ad senectutem semper vos aetatem meam honoribus vestris anteistis, ego vestros honores rebus gerendis praecessi.

[¶31] 51.12. From the Rostra he went up to the Capitoline. At the same time the whole meeting withdrew and followed Scipio, so that finally even the clerks and messengers left the tribunes, nor did anyone remain with them except their retinue of slaves and the herald who from the Rostra summoned the defendant.

> Latin: 51.12. ” ab Rostris in Capitolium ascendit. simul se universa contio avertit et secuta Scipionem est, adeo ut postremo scribae viatoresque tribunos relinquerent, nec cum iis praeter servilem comitatum et praeconem, qui reum ex Rostris citabat, quisquam esset.

[¶32] 51.13. Scipio visited all the temples of the gods, not only on the Capitoline but through the whole City, with the Roman people in attendance upon him.

> Latin: 51.13. Scipio non in Capitolio modo, sed per totam urbem omnia templa deum cum populo Romano circumiit.

[¶33] 51.14. This day was rendered almost more famous by the general applause of men and by the true estimate of his greatness than that on which he rode into the City in triumph over King Syphax and the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 51.14. celebratior is prope dies favore hominum et aestimatione verae magnitudinis eius fuit, quam quo triumphans de Syphace rege et Carthaginiensibus urbem est invectus.

[¶34] 52.1. This was the last day of glory to shine on Publius Scipio. Since in future he foresaw unpopularity and quarrels with the tribunes, obtaining a longer adjournment he retired to his country place at Liternum, with the definite intention of not being present to plead his cause.

> Latin: 52.1. hic speciosus ultimus dies P. Scipioni illuxit. post quem cum invidiam et certamina cum tribunis prospiceret, die longiore prodicta in Literninum concessit certo consilio, ne ad causam dicendam adesset.

[¶35] 52.2. His soul and character were too lofty, and too much accustomed to a greater fortune, to know how to be a defendant and to come down to the lowly position of men who must plead their cause.

> Latin: 52.2. maior animus et natura erat ac maiori fortunae adsuetus, quam ut reus esse sciret et summittere se in humilitatem causam dicentium.

[¶36] 52.3. When the day arrived and the summons for the absent defendant began to be proclaimed, Lucius Scipio gave illness as the reason for his absence. When the tribunes who had accused him refused to accept this plea and maintained that he had not come to plead his cause because of the same arrogance as that with which he had deserted the trial and the tribunes of the people and the assembly, and with which, attended by those whom he had robbed of their right to express their opinion of him and of their liberty, leading them captive, as it were, he had celebrated a triumph over the Roman people and had brought about a secession that day from the tribunes of the people to the Capitoline: “You have, therefore,” they said, “your reward for that rash conduct;”

> Latin: 52.3. ubi dies venit citarique absens est coeptus, L. Scipio morbum causae esse, cur abesset, excusabat. quam excusationem cum tribuni, qui diem dixerant, non acciperent, et ab eadem superbia non venire ad causam dicendam arguerent, qua iudicium et tribunos plebis et contionem reliquisset, et, quibus ius sententiae de se dicendae et libertatem ademisset, his comitatus, velut captos trahens, triumphum de populo Romano egisset secessionemque eo die in Capitolium a tribunis plebis fecisset:

[¶37] 52.6. “under his leadership and sanction you abandoned us and by him you are yourselves abandoned, and so far has our spirit declined day by day that a man for whom seventeen years ago, when he commanded an army and a fleet, we dared to send tribunes of the people and an aedile, to arrest him and bring him back to Rome —to ” “that man, when a private citizen, we do not dare to send messengers to hale him forth from his country place to plead his cause”; the tribunes of the people, when appealed to by Lucius Scipio, thus decreed:

> Latin: 52.6. — “habetis ergo temeritatis illius mercedem; quo duce et auctore nos reliquistis, ab eo ipsi relicti estis, et tantum animorum in dies nobis decrescit, ut, ad quem ante annos septemdecim exercitum et classem habentem tribunos plebis aedilemque mittere in Siciliam ausi sumus, qui prenderent eum et Romam reducerent, ad eum privatum ex villa sua extrahendum ad causam dicendam mittere non audeamus‘

[¶38] 52.8. that, if the plea of illness were submitted, it was their pleasure that this plea should be accepted and the case adjourned by their colleagues. One of the tribunes of the people at this time was Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, between whom and Publius Scipio there was a feud.

> Latin: 52.8. —; tribuni plebis appellati ab L. Scipione ita decreverunt: si morbi causa excusaretur, sibi placere accipi eam causam diemque a collegis prodici.

[¶39] 52.9. When he had forbidden his name to be signed to the decree of his colleagues, and all men were anticipating a harsher proposal, he thus decreed: that, since Lucius Scipio had given illness as the excuse for his brother, this seemed to him sufficient;

> Latin: 52.9. tribunus plebis eo tempore Ti. Sempronius Gracchus erat, cui inimicitiae cum P. Scipione intercedebant. is, cum vetuisset nomen suum decreto collegarum adscribi, tristioremque omnes sententiam expectarent, ita decrevit:

[¶40] 52.10. that he would not permit Publius Scipio to be prosecuted before he returned to Rome; that even then, if he were appealed to, he would come to Scipio's aid, to save him from pleading his cause:

> Latin: 52.10. cum L. Scipio excusasset morbum esse causae fratri, satis id sibi videri; se P. Scipionem, priusquam Romam redisset, accusari non passurum; tum quoque, si se appellet, auxilio ei futurum, ne causam dicat:

[¶41] 52.11. such heights had Publius Scipio reached, as a result of his own deeds and of the honours conferred by the Roman people, with the approbation of gods and men, that to compel him to stand as a defendant before the Rostra and listen to the insults of young men would be a greater disgrace to the Roman people than to Scipio himself.

> Latin: 52.11. ad id fastigium rebus gestis, honoribus populi Romani P. Scipionem deorum hominumque consensu pervenisse, ut sub Rostris reum stare et praebere aures adolescentium conviciis populo Romano magis deforme quam ipsi sit.

[¶42] 53.1. He supplemented his decree with an indignant speech: “Are your feet, tribunes, to trample down Scipio, that conqueror of Africa?”

> Latin: 53.1. adiecit decreto indignationem: sub pedibus vestris stabit, tribuni, domitor ille Africae Scipio? ideo quattuor nobilissimos duces Poenorum in Hispania, quattuor exercitus fudit fugavit;

[¶43] 53.2. “Was it for this that he repulsed and routed four of the most noted generals of the Carthaginians in Spain, and four armies?”

> Latin: 53.2. ideo Syphacem cepit, Hannibalem devicit, Carthaginem vectigalem nobis fecit, Antiochum — recepit enim fratrem consortem huius gloriae L.

[¶44] 53.3. “Was it for this that he captured Syphax, overthrew Hannibal, made Carthage tributary to us, drove Antiochus —for Lucius Scipio admits his brother to a share in this glory —beyond the ridges of Taurus, that he should fall a victim to the two Petillii?” “Will you allow a victory over Publius Africanus to be sought? Shall distinguished men by no services of their own, by no honours of your bestowal, ever reach a safe and, as it were, sacred citadel where their old age, if not respected, at least secure, may find rest?”

> Latin: 53.3. Scipio — ultra Tauri iuga emovit, ut duobus Petilliis succumberet, vos de P. Africano palmam peteretis? nullisne meritis suis, nullis vestris honoribus … umquam in arcem tutam et velut sanctam clari viri pervenient, ubi, si non venerabilis, inviolata saltem senectus eorum considat?

[¶45] 53.5. Both the decree and the supplementary speech touched not only the tribunes but even the prosecutors themselves, and the latter said that they would take counsel as to what their right and duty required. After that, when the assembly of the people had been adjourned, a meeting of the senate began.

> Latin: 53.5. “movit et decretum et adiecta oratio non ceteros modo, sed ipsos etiam accusatores, et deliberaturos se, quid iuris sui et officii esset, dixerunt.

[¶46] 53.6. There boundless gratitude was expressed by the whole order and especially by the senators of consular rank and greater age, because Tiberius Gracchus had shown greater regard for the public interest than for his personal quarrels, and the Petillii were assailed with abuse because they had tried to become conspicuous by darkening another's reputation and were seeking spoils from a triumph over Africanus. Thenceforth there was silence regarding Africanus. He spent his life at Liternum, with no desire to return to the City;

> Latin: 53.6. senatus deinde concilio plebis dimisso haberi est coeptus. ibi gratiae ingentes ab universo ordine, praecipue a consularibus senioribusque, Ti. Graccho actae sunt, quod rem publicam privatis simultatibus potiorem habuisset, et Petillii vexati sunt probris, quod splendere aliena invidia voluissent et spolia ex Africani triumpho peterent.

[¶47] 53.8. when dying they say that he gave orders that he should be buried in that same place in the country and that his tomb should be erected there, that his funeral might not be held in an ungrateful home-land. He was a man to be remembered, although more to be remembered for his achievements in war than for his deeds in peace.

> Latin: 53.8. silentium deinde de Africano fuit. vitam Literni egit sine desiderio urbis; morientem rure eo ipso loco sepeliri se iussisse ferunt monumentumque ibi aedificari, ne funus sibi in ingrata patria fieret.

[¶48] 53.9. The first part of his life was more distinguished than the last, since in his youth he was continually waging wars, while with old age his deeds too faded, nor was any opportunity afforded to display his talent. What was his second consulship compared to the first, even if you add the censorship?

> Latin: 53.9. vir memorabilis; bellicis tamen quam pacis artibus memorabilior, … prima pars vitae quam postrema fuit, quia in iuventa bella adsidue gesta, cum senecta res quoque defloruere, nec praebita est materia ingenio.

[¶49] 53.10. What was gained by his lieutenancy in Asia, rendered unprofitable as it was by his illness and disfigured by the misfortune of his son and, after his return, by the necessity of either standing trial or leaving the trial and his country at the same time?

> Latin: 53.10. quid ad primum consulatum secundus, etiam si censuram adicias? quid Asiatica legatio, et valetudine adversa inutilis et filii casu deformata et post reditum necessitate aut subeundi iudicii aut simul cum patria deserendi?

[¶50] 53.11. Nevertheless, since he brought to an end the Punic War, than which there was waged none greater nor more dangerous by the Romans, he has secured a singular pre-eminence of fame.

> Latin: 53.11. Punici tamen belli perpetrati, quo nullum neque maius neque periculosius Romani gessere, unus praecipuam gloriam tulit.

[¶51] 54.1. On the death of Africanus the spirits of his adversaries rose, the first of them being Marcus Porcius Cato, who even during his life had been accustomed to snarl at his greatness.

> Latin: 54.1. morte Africani crevere inimicorum animi, quorum princeps fuit M. Porcius Cato, qui vivo quoque eo adlatrare magnitudinem eius solitus erat.

[¶52] 54.2. It was with his backing, it is thought, that the Petillii initiated the prosecution of Africanus while he lived and after his death introduced a motion.

> Latin: 54.2. hoc auctore existimantur Petillii et vivo Africano rem ingressi et mortuo rogationem promulgasse.

[¶53] 54.3. The motion was to this effect: “Do you wish and order, citizens, with respect to the money which was captured from, taken from, levied upon King Antiochus and those who were under his rule, and what of this money has not been accounted for to the state, that regarding this matter Servius Sulpicius ” “the city praetor shall refer to the senate the question, whom, of those who are now praetors, the senate wishes to investigate this matter?”

> Latin: 54.3. fuit autem rogatio talis:”velitis iubeatis, Quirites, quae pecunia capta ablata coacta ab rege Antiocho est quique sub imperio eius fuerunt, quod eius in publicum relatum non est, uti de ea re Ser. Sulpicius praetor urbanus ad senatum referat, quem eam rem velit senatus quaerere de iis, qui praetores nunc sunt.

[¶54] 54.5. This proposal was at first vetoed by Quintus and Lucius Mummius; they deemed it proper that the senate should inquire regarding money which had not been turned in to the treasury in the manner in which it had always been done before.

> Latin: 54.5. “huic rogationi primo Q. et L. Mummii intercedebant; senatum quaerere de pecunia non relata in publicum, ita ut antea semper factum esset, aequum censebant.

[¶55] 54.6. The Petillii kept assailing the influential position and tyrannical power of the Scipios in the senate. Lucius Furius Purpurio, a man of consular rank, who had been one of the ten commissioners in Asia, proposed to extend the field of the investigation to include moneys which had been taken, not only from Antiochus, but from other kings and peoples as well, striking at his enemy Gnaeus Manlius.

> Latin: 54.6. Petillii nobilitatem et regnum in senatu Scipionum accusabant. L. Furius Purpureo consularis, qui in decem legatis in Asia fuerat, latius rogandum censebat, non quae ab Antiocho modo pecuniae captae forent, sed quae ab aliis regibus gentibusque, Cn. Manlium inimicum incessens.

[¶56] 54.8. Lucius Scipio also, who was evidently about to speak for himself rather than against the bill, came forward to oppose it. He complained that only after the death of his brother Publius Africanus, a man conspicuous above all for courage and fame, this proposal had originated;

> Latin: 54.8. et L. Scipio, quem magis pro se quam adversus legem dicturum apparebat, dissuasor processit. is morte P. Africani fratris, viri omnium fortissimi clarissimique, eam exortam rogationem est conquestus:

[¶57] 54.9. for it was not enough that no eulogy had been pronounced before the Rostra over Publius Africanus after his death without also bringing charges against him;

> Latin: 54.9. parum enim fuisse non laudari pro Rostris P. Africanum post mortem, nisi etiam accusaretur; et Carthaginienses exilio Hannibalis contentos esse, populum Romanum ne morte quidem P.

[¶58] 54.10. even the Carthaginians had been satisfied with the exile of Hannibal, the Roman people was not content even with the death of Publius Scipio without also tearing to shreds his reputation as he lay in the tomb, and, besides, sacrificing his brother as an additional victim to their jealousy.

> Latin: 54.10. Scipionis exsatiari, nisi et ipsius fama sepulti laceretur et frater insuper, accessio invidiae, mactetur.

[¶59] 54.11. Marcus Cato supported the bill —and a speech of his on the money of King Antiochus is extant —and by his influence deterred the tribunes, the Mummii, from further opposing the measure.

> Latin: 54.11. M. Cato suasit rogationem — exstat oratio eius de pecunia regis Antiochi — et Mummios tribunos auctoritate deterruit, ne adversarentur rogationi.

[¶60] 54.12. With their veto withdrawn, therefore, all the tribes voted “aye.”

> Latin: 54.12. remittentibus ergo his intercessionem omnes tribus uti rogassent iusserunt.

[¶61] 55.1. Servius Sulpicius then brought up the question of what praetor they wished to have conduct the investigation under the Petillian law, and the Fathers selected Quintus Terentius Culleo.

> Latin: 55.1. Ser. Sulpicio deinde referente, quem rogatione Petillia quaerere vellent, Q. Terentium Culleonem patres iusserunt.

[¶62] 55.2. Before this praetor, either so friendly to the Cornelian family that those who say that Publius Scipio died and was buried at Rome —for this too is reported —have put it on record that, wearing the cap of freedom, just as he had marched in the triumphal procession, he walked also before the bier at the funeral, and at the Porta Capena served wine and honey to those who attended the funeral, because he had been rescued from the enemy by Scipio, along with the other prisoners in Africa, or, on the other hand, so hostile that on account of his well-known unfriendliness the faction which was opposed to the Scipios chose him in preference to anyone else to conduct the investigation;

> Latin: 55.2. ad hunc praetorem, adeo amicum Corneliae familiae, ut, qui Romae mortuum elatumque P. Scipionem — est enim ea quoque fama — tradunt, pilleatum, sicut in triumpho ierat, in funere quoque ante lectum isse memoriae prodiderint, et ad portam Capenam mulsum prosecutis funus dedisse, quod ab eo inter alios captivos in Africa ex hostibus receptus esset, aut adeo inimicum eundem, ut propter insignem simultatem ab ea factione, quae adversa Scipionibus erat, delectus sit potissimum ad quaestionem exercendam —

[¶63] 55.4. at any rate, before this praetor, too well or too ill disposed, Lucius Scipio was immediately arraigned.

> Latin: 55.4. ; ceterum ad hunc nimis aequum aut iniquum praetorem reus extemplo factus L. Scipio. simul et delata et recepta nomina legatorum eius, A.

[¶64] 55.5. At the same time the names of two of his lieutenants, Aulus and Lucius Hostilius Cato, were both brought forward and accepted, and that of his quaestor, Gaius Furius Aculeo, and, that everything might seem infected by a conspiracy for peculation, also those of two clerks and an orderly. Lucius Hostilius and the clerks and the orderly were acquitted before the trial of Scipio took place; Scipio and his lieutenant Aulus Hostilius and Gaius Furius were convicted:

> Latin: 55.5. et L. Hostiliorum Catonum, et C. Furii Aculeonis quaestoris et, ut omnia contacta societate peculatus viderentur, scribae quoque duo et accensus. L. Hostilius et scribae et accensus, priusquam de Scipione iudicium fieret, absoluti sunt, Scipio et A. Hostilius legatus et C. Furius damnati:

[¶65] 55.6. the charge was that, in order to secure more favourable terms of peace for Antiochus, Scipio had received six thousand pounds of gold, and four hundred and eighty pounds of silver more than he turned in to the treasury, Aulus Hostilius eighty pounds of gold and four hundred and three of silver, the quaestor Furius one hundred and thirty pounds of gold, two hundred of silver.

> Latin: 55.6. quo commodior pax Antiocho daretur, Scipionem sex milia pondo auri, quadringenta octoginta argenti plus accepisse, quam in aerarium retulerit, A.

[¶66] 55.7. These amounts of gold and silver I have found recorded in the writings of Antias.

> Latin: 55.7. Hostilium octoginta pondo auri, argenti quadringenta tria, Furium quaestorem auri pondo centum triginta, argenti ducenta.

[¶67] 55.8. In the case of Lucius Scipio, I should myself prefer to see an error of the scribe rather than a falsification of the historian in the amounts of gold and silver;

> Latin: 55.8. has ego summas auri et argenti relatas apud Antiatem inveni. in L. Scipione malim equidem librarii mendum quam mendacium scriptoris esse in summa auri atque argenti:

[¶68] 55.9. for it is more probable that the greater weight would have been of silver and not of gold and that the fine assessed would have been four million sesterces rather than twenty-four million, the more so because there is a tradition that an accounting for just this sum was also demanded in the senate from Publius Scipio himself, and that, when he had directed his brother Lucius to bring the account-book, he had himself, with his own hands, torn it up, being angry that after he had brought two hundred millions into the treasury he should be asked to account for four millions.

> Latin: 55.9. similius enim veri est argenti quam auri maius pondus fuisse, et potius quadragiens quam ducentiens quadragiens litem aestimatam, eo magis, quod tantae summae rationem etiam ab ipso P. Scipione requisitam esse in senatu tradunt, librumque rationis eius cum Lucium fratrem adferre, iussisset, inspectante senatu suis ipsum manibus concerpsisse indignantem, quod, cum bis milliens in aerarium intulisset, quadragiens ratio ab se posceretur.

[¶69] 55.13. With the same self-confidence, they say, when the quaestors did not dare to take money from the treasury contrary to the law, he demanded the keys and said that he would open the treasury who had brought it to pass that it was closed. Much else is said, especially about the end of Scipio's life, his trial, his death, his funeral, his tomb, all so contradictory that I find no tradition, no written documents, which I can accept.

> Latin: 55.13. ab eadem fiducia animi, cum quaestores pecuniam ex aerario contra legem promere non auderent, poposcisse clavis et se aperturum aerarium dixisse, qui, ut clauderetur, effecisset. multa alia in Scipionis exitu maxime vitae dieque dicta, morte, funere, sepulcro, in diversum trahunt, ut, cui famae, quibus scriptis adsentiar, non habeam.

[¶70] 56.2. There is no unanimity as to his accuser: some say that Marcus Naevius accused him, others the Petillii; there is no agreement as to the time when he was prosecuted nor as to the year when he died nor as to where he died or was buried; some say that both death and burial took place at Rome, others at Liternum.

> Latin: 56.2. non de accusatore convenit: alii M. Naevium, alii Petillios diem dixisse scribunt, non de tempore, quo dicta dies sit, non de anno, quo mortuus sit, non ubi mortuus aut elatus sit:

[¶71] 56.3. In both places tombs and statues are shown; for at Liternum there is a tomb and a statue placed upon the tomb, which I myself saw recently, shattered by a storm, and at Rome, outside the Porta Capena, in the tomb of the Scipios, there are three statues, two of which are said to represent Publius and Lucius Scipio, the third the poet Quintus Ennius.

> Latin: 56.3. alii Romae, alii Literni et mortuum et sepultum. utrobique monumenta ostenduntur et statuae: nam et Literni monumentum monumentoque statua superimposita fuit, quam tempestate disiectam nuper vidimus ipsi, et Romae extra portam Capenam in Scipionum monumento tres statuae sunt, quarum duae P. et L. Scipionum dicuntur esse, tertia poetae Q. Ennii.

[¶72] 56.5. Not only is there disagreement among historians, but the speeches also (if indeed those which are in circulation are genuine works of these men) of Publius Scipio and Tiberius Gracchus are inconsistent with one another.

> Latin: 56.5. nec inter scriptores rerum discrepat solum, sed orationes quoque, si modo ipsorum sunt quae feruntur, P. Scipionis et Ti. Gracchi abhorrent inter se.

[¶73] 56.6. The index of the speech of Publius Scipio contains the name of Marcus Naevius, tribune of the people; the speech itself lacks the name of the accuser; it calls him now “a ne'er-do-well,” now “a no-good.”

> Latin: 56.6. index orationis P. Scipionis nomen M. Naevii tribuni plebis habet, ipsa oratio sine nomine est accusatoris; modo nebulonem, modo nugatorem appellat.

[¶74] 56.7. Nor does the speech of Gracchus make any mention at all either of the Petillii as accusers of Africanus or of the prosecution of Africanus. Another entirely different story must be put together, consistent with the oration of Gracchus, and those writers must be followed who say that, when Lucius Scipio was both accused and convicted of receiving money from the king, Africanus was serving on a commission in Etruria; that, leaving this post after receiving the news of his brother's downfall, he hastened to Rome, and when he had gone from the gate straight to the Forum, because it was said that his brother was being put in chains, that he drove the messenger from him, and that when the tribunes tried to stop him he attacked them, with more affection for his-brother than respect for the laws.

> Latin: 56.7. ne Gracchi quidem oratio aut Petilliorum accusatorum Africani aut diei dictae Africano ullam mentionem habet. alia tota serenda fabula est Gracchi orationi conveniens, et illi auctores sequendi sunt, qui, cum L. Scipio et accusatus et damnatus sit pecuniae captae ab rege, legatum in Etruria fuisse Africanum tradunt, quo post famam de casu fratris adlatam relicta legatione cucurrisse eum Romam et, cum a porta recta ad forum se contulisset, quod in vincula duci fratrem dictum erat, reppulisse a corpore eius viatorem, et tribunis retinentibus magis pie quam civiliter vim fecisse.

[¶75] 56.10. For it is just this conduct that Tiberius Gracchus complains of —that the tribunicial power had been infringed by a private citizen, and at the end, when he promised his official assistance to Lucius Scipio, he added that it seemed to be a more endurable precedent that a tribune of the people rather than a private citizen should have overthrown both the tribunicial power and the state.

> Latin: 56.10. hinc enim ipse Gracchus queritur dissolutam esse a privato tribuniciam potestatem, et ad postremum, cum auxilium L. Scipioni pollicetur, adicit tolerabilioris exempli esse a tribuno plebis potius quam a privato victam videri et tribuniciam potestatem et rem publicam esse.

[¶76] 56.11. But this one act of uncontrolled violence on Scipio's part he loaded with reproaches in such a way that, taunting him because he had fallen so far below his own standards, he paid him, as compensation for his criticism of the moment, lasting and accumulated praises for his integrity and self-command; for he said that the people had once been rebuked by Scipio because they wished to make him perpetual consul and dictator;

> Latin: 56.11. sed ita hanc unam impotentem eius iniuriam invidia onerat, ut increpando, quod degenerarit tantum a se ipse, cumulatas ei veteres laudes moderationis et temperantiae pro reprehensione praesenti reddat:

[¶77] 56.12. that he forbade statues to himself to be erected in the Comitium, on the Rostra, in the Curia, on the Capitoline, in the cell of Jupiter;

> Latin: 56.12. castigatum enim quondam ab eo populum ait, quod eum perpetuum consulem et dictatorem vellet facere; prohibuisse statuas sibi in comitio, in Rostris, in curia, in Capitolio, in cella Iovis poni;

[¶78] 56.13. that he prevented also a decree that his image in triumphal dress should appear to be coming out of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.

> Latin: 56.13. prohibuisse, ne decerneretur, ut imago sua triumphali ornatu e templo Iovis optimi maximi exiret.

[¶79] 57.1. Such statements, even if included in a eulogy, would indicate the unusual greatness of a soul which restricted distinctions to conformity with a democratic constitution, and they were made by an enemy and accompanied by censure.

> Latin: 57.1. haec vel in laudatione posita ingentem magnitudinem animi moderantis ad civilem habitum honoribus significarent, quae exprobrando inimicus fatetur.

[¶80] 57.2. To this Gracchus the younger of Scipio's two daughters —for the elder was betrothed to Publius Cornelius Nasica and beyond doubt by her father —was married, as all agree.

> Latin: 57.2. huic Graccho minorem ex duabus filiis — nam maior P. Cornelio Nasicae haud dubie a patre collocata erat — nuptam fuisse convenit.

[¶81] 57.3. What is not certain is whether she was both betrothed and married after the death of her father, or whether the opinions are true, that Gracchus, when Lucius Scipio was being taken to prison and no one of his colleagues was coming to his assistance, swore that his feud with the Scipios continued as before and that he was doing nothing to curry favour, but that he would not permit the brother of Africanus to be put into that prison into which he had seen Publius Africanus thrusting kings and generals of the enemy.

> Latin: 57.3. illud parum constat, utrum post mortem patris et desponsa sit et nupserit, an verae illae opiniones sint, Gracchum, cum L. Scipio in vincula duceretur, nec quisquam collegarum auxilio esset, iurasse sibi inimicitias cum Scipionibus, quae fuissent, manere, nec se gratiae quaerendae causa quicquam facere, sed, in quem carcerem reges et imperatores hostium ducentem vidisset P. Africanum, in eum se fratrem eius duci non passurum.

[¶82] 57.5. The story goes on that the senate, which chanced to dine that day on the Capitoline, had risen up and begged that during the banquet Africanus should betroth his daughter to Gracchus.

> Latin: 57.5. senatum eo die forte in Capitolio cenantem consurrexisse et petisse, ut inter epulas Graccho filiam Africanus desponderet.

[¶83] 57.6. When the contract had been duly made at this public ceremony and Scipio had returned home, he told his wife Aemilia that he had arranged a marriage for their younger daughter. When she, being irritated, as a woman would naturally be, that he had not consulted with her about the daughter of both of them, had added that not even if he were promising her to Tiberius Gracchus should the mother have been excluded from the deliberation,

> Latin: 57.6. quibus ita inter publicum sollemne sponsalibus rite factis cum se domum recepisset, Scipionem Aemiliae uxori dixisse filiam se minorem despondisse. cum illa, muliebriter indignabunda nihil de communi filia secum consultatum, adiecisset non, si Ti. Graccho daret, expertem consilii debuisse matrem esse, laetum Scipionem tam concordi iudicio ei ipsi desponsam respondisse.

[¶84] 57.8. Scipio, they say, rejoicing at their harmony of opinion, replied that it was to Gracchus that he had betrothed her. However much at variance are these accounts of so great a man, they have seemed worthy of presentation. When the trials had been completed by Quintus Terentius the praetor, Hostilius and Furius, who were convicted, gave bond the same day to the City quaestors;

> Latin: 57.8. haec de tanto viro quam et opinionibus et monumentis litterarum variarent, proponenda erant. iudiciis a Q. Terentio praetore perfectis, Hostilius et Furius damnati praedes eodem die quaestoribus urbanis dederunt;

[¶85] 58.2. when Scipio protested that all the money which he had received was in the treasury and that he had no public property, they proceeded to put him in prison.

> Latin: 58.2. Scipio, cum contenderet omnem quam accepisset pecuniam in aerario esse, nec se quicquam publici habere, in vincula duci est coeptus.

[¶86] 58.3. Publius Scipio Nasica appealed to the tribunes and delivered a speech full of deserved tributes, not only to the Cornelian gens as a whole, but specifically to his own family.

> Latin: 58.3. P. Scipio Nasica tribunos appellavit orationemque habuit plenam veris decoribus non communiter modo Corneliae gentis, sed proprie familiae suae.

[¶87] 58.4. The fathers, he said, both of himself and of Publius Africanus and the Lucius Scipio who was being imprisoned, were Gnaeus and Publius Scipio, men of the highest distinction.

> Latin: 58.4. parentes suos et P. Africani ac L. Scipionis, qui in carcerem duceretur, fuisse Cn. et P. Scipiones, clarissimos viros.

[¶88] 58.5. After they had, through many years in the land of Spain, against many generals and armies alike of Carthaginians and Spaniards, increased the fame of the Roman name, not only in war but because they had given those peoples an example of Roman self-control and devotion, both had in the end met death for their fatherland.

> Latin: 58.5. eos, cum per aliquot annos in terra Hispania adversus multos Poenorum Hispanorumque et duces et exercitus nominis Romani famam auxissent non bello solum, sed quod Romanae temperantiae fideique specimen illis gentibus dedissent, ad extremum ambo pro republica mortem occubuisse.

[¶89] 58.7. While it would have been enough, he continued, to maintain for posterity their standard of glory, Publius Africanus had so far surpassed his father's praises that he had given reason to believe that he was born, not of human blood, but of divine stock.

> Latin: 58.7. cum illorum gloriam tueri posteris satis esset, P. Africanum tantum paternas superiecisse laudes, ut fidem fecerit non sanguine humano sed stirpe divina satum se esse.

[¶90] 58.8. Lucius Scipio, whose fate was now in question, not to mention what he had done in Spain, in Africa, while serving as his brother's lieutenant, had, as consul, been deemed by the senate worthy to have decreed to him, without recourse to the lot, the province of Asia and the war with King Antiochus, and had been deemed by his brother worthy to be attended to Asia by that brother as his lieutenant, after he had been twice consul and censor and had celebrated a triumph.

> Latin: 58.8. L. Scipionem, de quo agatur, ut, quae in Hispania, quae in Africa, cum legatus fratris esset, gessisset, praetereantur, consulem et ab senatu dignum visum, cui extra sortem Asia provincia et bellum cum Antiocho rege decerneretur, et a fratre, cui post duos consulatus censuramque et triumphum legatus in Asiam iret.

[¶91] 58.9. There, that the greatness and glory of the lieutenant might not obscure the consul's fame, it happened that, on the day when Lucius Scipio defeated Antiochus in pitched battle at Magnesia, Publius Scipio was sick at Elaea, some days' journey away.

> Latin: 58.9. ibi ne magnitudo et splendor legati laudibus consulis officeret, forte ita incidisse, ut, quo die ad Magnesiam signis collatis L. Scipio Antiochum devicisset, aeger P. Scipio Elaeae dierum aliquot via abesset.

[¶92] 58.10. That army, he went on, was no smaller than that of Hannibal, with which they had fought in Africa; that same Hannibal, who had been commander in the Punic War, was there among many other generals of the king. And the war indeed had been so conducted that no one could find fault even with fortune; it was in the peace that ground for accusation was sought; the peace, they said, had been sold.

> Latin: 58.10. non fuisse minorem eum exercitum quam Hannibalis, cum quo in Africa esset pugnatum; Hannibalem eundem fuisse inter multos alios regios duces, qui imperator Punici belli fuerit. et bellum quidem ita gestum esse, ut ne fortunam quidem quisquam criminari possit:

[¶93] 58.11. On this point, he maintained, the ten commissioners were likewise accused, by whose advice the peace had been concluded;

> Latin: 58.11. in pace crimen quaeri; eam dici venisse. hic decem legatos simul argui. quorum ex consilio data pax esset:

[¶94] 58.12. although some of the ten commissioners had come forward to accuse Gnaeus Manlius, this charge had failed, not only to win belief in his guilt, but even to delay his triumph.

> Latin: 58.12. quamquam exstitisse ex decem legatis. qui Cn. Manlium accusarent; tamen non modo ad criminis fidem. sed ne ad moram quidem triumphi eam accusationem valuisse.

[¶95] 59.1. But, by Hercules, they say in the case of Scipio that the very terms of peace were suspicious, as too favourable to Antiochus; for it was implied that his kingdom had been left undiminished; that after his defeat he possessed everything he had owned before the war;

> Latin: 59.1. at hercule in Scipione leges ipsas pacis, ut nimium accommodatas Antiocho, suspectas esse: integrum enim ei regnum relictum;

[¶96] 59.2. that, although he had had a great quantity of gold and silver, none of it had been turned in to the treasury, all of it converted to private use;

> Latin: 59.2. omnia possidere eum victum, quae ante bellum eius fuerint; auri et argenti cum vim magnam habuisset, nihil in publicum relatum, omne in privatum versum;

[¶97] 59.3. but (as to the last charge) had not so much gold and silver been displayed before the eyes of all in the triumph of Lucius Scipio as had not been carried in ten other triumphs if they were combined into one?

> Latin: 59.3. an praeter omnium oculos tantum auri argentique in triumpho L. Scipionis, quantum non decem aliis triumphis, si omne in unum conferatur, [sit] latum?

[¶98] 59.4. For what (returning to their first charge) shall I say about the boundaries of the kingdom of Antiochus?

> Latin: 59.4. nam quid de finibus regni dicam? Asiam omnem et proxima Europae tenuisse Antiochum.

[¶99] 59.5. He had held, as we know, all Asia and the adjacent parts of Europe. How great this section of the earth is, extending from the Taurus mountain clear to the Aegean Sea, how many cities and even nations it contains, all men know.

> Latin: 59.5. ea quanta regio orbis terrarum sit, a Tauro monte in Aegaeum usque prominens mare, quot non urbes modo sed gentes amplectatur, omnes scire.

[¶100] 59.6. This region, extending in length more than thirty days' march and ten in width between the two seas, as far as the crest of the Taurus mountain, had been taken from Antiochus, who had been driven back into the farthest corner of the earth.

> Latin: 59.6. hanc regionem dierum plus triginta iter in longitudinem, decem inter duo maria in latitudinem patentem usque ad Tauri montis iuga Antiocho ademptam, expulso in ultimum angulum orbis terrarum.

[¶101] 59.7. What more could have been taken from him by a peace granted without a bribe? Macedonia, he reminded them, had been left to Philip after his defeat, Lacedaemon to Nabis, nor had Quinctius been the victim of a trumped-up charge; he, of course, had not had Africanus as a brother; although his fame should have aided Lucius Scipio, his unpopularity had done him harm.

> Latin: 59.7. quid, si gratuita pax esset, plus adimi ei potuisse? Philippo victo Macedoniam, Nabidi Lacedaemonem relictam, nec Quinctio crimen quaesitum: non enim habuisse eum Africanum fratrem; cuius cum gloria prodesse L. Scipioni debuisset, invidiam nocuisse.

[¶102] 59.8. Judgment had been given that so much gold and silver had been conveyed into the house of Lucius Scipio as the sale of all his property could not produce. Where, then, he asked, was the royal gold, where all the legacies he had received?

> Latin: 59.8. tantum auri argentique iudicatum esse in domum L. Scipionis illatum, quantum venditis omnibus bonis redigi non posset. id ubi ergo esse regium aurum, ubi tot hereditates acceptas?

[¶103] 59.9. In a house which extravagance had not drained, this heap of new wealth should be apparent. But, of course, what cannot be obtained from his property the foes of Lucius Scipio will seek from his body and from his back, by means of persecution and insults, so that this most distinguished man may be shut up in prison among thieves of the night and brigands and may die in the: darkness of a cell and then be cast out naked before the prison. And it was not, he concluded, to the Cornelian family so much as to the City of Rome that this would bring the blush of shame.

> Latin: 59.9. in domo, quam sumptus non exhauserint, exstare debuisse novae fortunae cumulum. at enim, quod ex bonis redigi non possit, ex corpore et tergo per vexationem et contumelias L. Scipionis petituros inimicos, ut in carcere inter fures nocturnos et latrones vir clarissimus includatur et in robore et tenebris exspiret, deinde nudus ante carcerem proiciatur. non id Corneliae magis familiae quam urbi Romanae fore erubescendum.

[¶104] 60.1. In reply to this the praetor Terentius read the Petillian law and the decree of the senate and the sentence which had been passed on Lucius Scipio;

> Latin: 60.1. adversus ea Terentius praetor rogationem Petilliam et senatus consultum et iudicium de L. Scipione factum recitavit:

[¶105] 60.2. unless the fine which was imposed was paid to the treasury there was nothing which he could do except to order the convicted man to be arrested and taken to prison.

> Latin: 60.2. se, ni referatur pecunia in publicum, quae iudicata sit, nihil habere quod faciat, nisi ut prendi damnatum et in vincula duci iubeat.

[¶106] 60.3. When the tribunes had withdrawn for consultation, a little later Gaius Fannius announced that, in accordance with the decision of himself and his colleagues except Gracchus, the tribunes would not interfere with the praetor so as to prevent his exercise of his authority.

> Latin: 60.3. tribuni cum in consilium secessissent, paulo post C. Fannius ex sua collegarumque aliorum, praeter Gracchum, sententia pronuntiavit praetori non intercedere tribunos, quo minus sua potestate utatur.

[¶107] 60.4. Tiberius Gracchus thus decreed: that he would not prevent the praetor from collecting, out of the property of Lucius Scipio, the fine that had been imposed;

> Latin: 60.4. Ti. Gracchus ita decrevit, quo minus ex bonis L. Scipionis quod iudicatum sit redigatur, se non intercedere praetori;

[¶108] 60.5. Lucius Scipio himself, who had conquered the richest king in the world, extended the empire of the Roman people to the most distant limits of the earth, bound King Eumenes, the Rhodians, and so many cities of Asia by obligations to the Roman people, had led in his triumph and thrown into prison so many leaders of the enemy, he would not permit to lie in prison and in chains among the enemies of the Roman people, and he ordered him to be released.

> Latin: 60.5. L. Scipionem, qui regem opulentissimum orbis terrarum devicerit, imperium populi Romani propagaverit in ultimos terrarum fines, regem Eumenem, Rhodios, alias tot Asiae urbes devinxerit populi Romani beneficiis, plurimos duces hostium in triumpho ductos carcere incluserit, non passurum inter hostes populi Romani [L. Scipionem ] in carcere et in vinculis esse, mittique eum se iubere.

[¶109] 60.7. This decree was listened to with such applause and with such joy did men see Scipio released that it scarcely seemed that the trial had taken place in the same state. Then the praetor sent the quaestors to take possession, on behalf of the state, of the property of Lucius Scipio.

> Latin: 60.7. tanto adsensu auditum est decretum, adeo dimissum Scipionem laeti homines viderunt, ut vix in eadem civitate videretur factum iudicium.

[¶110] 60.8. Not only was there no trace of the king's wealth discovered, but by no means was there as much property found as would equal the amount of the fine.

> Latin: 60.8. in bona deinde L. Scipionis possessum publice quaestores praetor misit. neque in iis non modo vestigium ullum comparuit pecuniae regiae, sed nequaquam tantum redactum est, quantae summae damnatus fuerat.

[¶111] 60.9. Such a sum was raised for Lucius Scipio by his relatives and friends and clients that if he had received it he would have been a great deal richer than he had been before his downfall.

> Latin: 60.9. collata ea pecunia a cognatis amicisque et clientibus est L. Scipioni, ut, si acciperet eam, locupletior aliquanto esset, quam ante calamitatem fuerat.

[¶112] 60.10. He accepted none of it; what was necessary for a decent existence was redeemed for him by his nearest relatives; and the ill-will against the Scipios ended by recoiling upon the heads of the praetor and his advisers and the accusers.

> Latin: 60.10. nihil accepit; quae necessaria ad cultum erant, redempta ei a proximis cognatis sunt; verteratque Scipionum invidia in praetorem et consilium eius et accusatores.

## 36. Book XXXIX · chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. While these things were going on at Rome, if indeed they did happen that year, both consuls were waging war against the Ligurians.

> Latin: 1.1. dum haec, si modo hoc anno acta sunt, Romae aguntur, consules ambo in Liguribus gerebant bellum.

[¶1] 1.2. This enemy was born, as it were, to keep alive the military discipline of the Romans during the intervals between their great wars; nor did any province do more to put an edge to the soldier's courage.

> Latin: 1.2. is hostis velut natus ad continendam per magnorum intervalla bellorum Romanis militarem disciplinam erat, nec alia provincia militem magis ad virtutem acuebat.

[¶2] 1.3. For Asia, on account of the pleasantness of its cities and the abundance of its treasures of land and sea and the feebleness of the enemy and the wealth of its kings, made armies richer rather than braver.

> Latin: 1.3. nam Asia et amoenitate urbium et copia terrestrium maritimarumque rerum et mollitia hostium regiisque opibus ditiores quam fortiores exercitus faciebat.

[¶3] 1.4. Especially under the command of Gnaeus Manlius was discipline slackly and indifferently enforced; and so a somewhat more difficult advance in Thrace and a rather more effective enemy had taught them a lesson with great slaughter.

> Latin: 1.4. praecipue sub imperio Cn. Manli solute ac neglegenter habiti sunt: itaque asperius paulo iter in Thracia et exercitatior hostis magna clade eos castigavit.

[¶4] 1.5. Among the Ligurians there was everything to keep an army alert —hilly and rough ground, which was difficult both for the men themselves to occupy and to dislodge the enemy who had already occupied it, and roads difficult, narrow, dangerous by reason of ambuscades; an enemy lightly equipped, mobile and unexpected in his movements, who permitted no time or place whatever to be quiet or safe; the besieging of fortified points was necessary and at the same time toilsome and dangerous; the district was poor, which constrained the soldiers to simple living and offered them little plunder. Accordingly, no civilian camp-follower went along, no long train of pack-animals stretched out the column.

> Latin: 1.5. in Liguribus omnia erant, quae militem excitarent, loca montana et aspera, quae et ipsis capere labor erat et ex praeoccupatis deicere hostem, itinera ardua, angusta, infesta insidiis, hostis levis et velox et repentinus, qui nullum usquam tempus, nullum locum quietum aut securum esse sineret, obpugnatio necessaria munitorum castellorum, laboriosa simul periculosaque, inops regio, quae parsimonia adstringeret milites, praedae haud multum praeberet.

[¶5] 1.7. There was nothing except arms and men who placed all their trust in their arms. Nor was there ever wanting either the occasion or the cause for war with them, because on account of their poverty at home they were constantly raiding their neighbours' lands. And yet the fighting never brought about the final settlement of a campaign.

> Latin: 1.7. itaque non lixa sequebatur, non iumentorum longus ordo agmen extendebat; nihil praeter arma et viros omnem spem in armis habentes erat. nec deerat umquam cum iis vel materia belli vel causa, quia propter domesticam inopiam vicinos agros incursabant, nec tamen in discrimen summae rerum pugnabatur.

[¶6] 2.1. The consul Gaius Flaminius, having fought several successful battles with the Ligurian Friniates on their own soil, received the tribe in surrender and disarmed them.

> Latin: 2.1. C. Flaminius consul, cum Friniatibus Liguribus in agro eorum pluribus proeliis secundis factis, in deditionem gentem accepit.

[¶7] 2.2. When they were reproved because they did not surrender the arms in good faith, they abandoned their villages and fled to the Auginus mountain. The consul followed in haste.

> Latin: 2.2. et arma ademit. ea quia non sincera fide tradebant, cum castigarentur, relictis vicis in montem Auginum profugerunt. confestim secutus est consul.

[¶8] 2.3. But they scattered again, the largest part being unarmed, and fled at full speed through pathless country and over steep cliffs where the enemy could not pursue. So they departed across the Apennines. Those who remained in camp were surrounded and captured. Thence the legions were led across the Apennines.

> Latin: 2.3. ceterum effusi rursus, et pars maxima inermes, per invia et rupes deruptas praecipitantes fugerunt, qua sequi hostis non posset. ita trans Apenninum abierunt. qui castris se tenuerant, circumsessi et expugnati sunt.

[¶9] 2.4. There the enemy defended themselves for a while by virtue of the height of the mountain which they had occupied, but presently yielded in surrender. At this time the arms were sought out with greater diligence, and all were taken from them. The war was then transferred to the Ligurian Apuani, who had raided the lands of Pisa and Bologna to such effect that they could not be cultivated.

> Latin: 2.4. inde trans Apenninum ductae legiones. ibi montis, quem ceperant, altitudine paulisper se tutati, mox in deditionem concesserunt. tum conquisita cum intentiore cura arma et omnia adempta.

[¶10] 2.5. Having subdued them too, the consul granted peace to their neighbours. And, because he had brought it to pass that the province was free from war, that he might not leave his army idle, he built a road from Bologna to Arezzo.

> Latin: 2.5. translatum deinde ad Apuanos Ligures bellum, qui in agrum Pisanum Bononiensemque ita incursaverant, ut coli non posset. his quoque perdomitis consul pacem dedit finitimis. et quia a bello quieta ut esset provincia effecerat, ne in otio militem haberet, viam a Bononia perduxit Arretium.

[¶11] 2.7. The other consul, Marcus Aemilius, burned and ravaged the farms and villages of the Ligurians which were in the plains or valleys, the people themselves holding the two mountains Ballista and Suismontium. Then, attacking the men who were on the mountains, he first wore them out with small skirmishes, then forced them to come down to face his battle-line and defeated them in a regular battle, in the course of which he vowed a temple to Diana.

> Latin: 2.7. M. Aemilius alter consul agros Ligurum vicosque, qui in campis aut vallibus erant, ipsis montes duos Ballistam Suismontiumque tenentibus, deussit depopulatusque est. deinde eos, qui in montibus erant, adortus primo levibus proeliis fatigavit, postremo coactos in aciem descendere iusto proelio devicit, in quo et aedem Dianae vovit.

[¶12] 2.9. Having subdued all the tribes on this side of the Apennines, Aemilius then attacked those beyond the mountains —among whom there were those Ligurian Friniates also whom Gaius Flaminius had not visited —and subdued them all, took away their arms and transferred the population from the hills to the plains.

> Latin: 2.9. subactis cis Apenninum omnibus tum transmontanos adortus—in his et Friniates Ligures erant, quos non adierat C. Flaminius —omnes Aemilius subegit armaque ademit et de montibus in campos multitudinem deduxit.

[¶13] 2.10. Leaving the Ligurians pacified, he led his army into Gallic territory, and built a road from Placentia to Ariminum, in order to make a junction with the Via Flaminia. In the final encounter in which he engaged the Ligurians in a pitched battle, he vowed a temple to Juno Regina.

> Latin: 2.10. pacatis Liguribus exercitum in agrum Gallicum duxit, viamque a Placentia, ut Flaminiae committeret, Ariminum perduxit.

[¶14] 2.11. Such were the events of that year among the Ligurians. In Gaul the praetor Marcus Furius, seeking in peace the appearance of war, had disarmed the Cenomani, who had given no provocation:

> Latin: 2.11. proelio ultimo, quo cum Liguribus signis conlatis conflixit, aedem Iunoni reginae vovit. haec in Liguribus eo anno gesta. in Gallia M. Furius praetor insontibus Cenomanis, in pace speciem belli quaerens, ademerat arma.

[¶15] 3.2. they in consequence laid a complaint about this before the senate at Rome, and were referred to the consul Aemilius, whom the senate had authorized to investigate and decide, and after engaging in great contention with the praetor won their case.

> Latin: 3.2. id Cenomani conquesti Romae apud senatum reiectique ad consulem Aemilium, cui, ut cognosceret statueretque, senatus permiserat, magno certamine cum praetore habito tenuerunt causam.

[¶16] 3.3. The praetor was ordered to restore their arms to the Cenomani and to leave the province.

> Latin: 3.3. arma reddere Cenomanis, decedere provincia praetor iussus.

[¶17] 3.4. Then ambassadors from the allies of the Latin confederacy, who had assembled from all Latium in great numbers from every side, were granted an audience by the senate. When they complained that a great number of their citizens had migrated to Rome and had been assessed there, Quintus Terentius Culleo the praetor was instructed to search them out, and, on receiving from the allies proof that any person or the father of such person had been assessed among the allies in the censorship of Gaius Claudius and Marcus Livius or after that censorship, to compel such persons to return to the places where they had been registered.

> Latin: 3.4. legatis deinde sociorum Latini nominis, qui toto undique ex Latio frequentes convenerant, senatus datus est. his querentibus magnam multitudinem civium suorum Romam commigrasse et ibi censos esse, Q. Terentio Culleoni praetori negotium datum est, ut eos conquireret, et quem C. Claudio M. Livio censoribus postve eos censores ipsum parentemve eius apud se censum esse probassent socii, ut redire eo cogeret, ubi censi essent.

[¶18] 3.6. As a consequence of this investigation twelve thousand of the Latins returned home, for even at that time a multitude of aliens was burdening the city.

> Latin: 3.6. hac conquisitione duodecim milia Latinorum domos redierunt, iam tum multitudine alienigenarum urbem onerante.

[¶19] 4.1. Before the consuls returned to Rome, the proconsul Marcus Fulvius returned from Aetolia;

> Latin: 4.1. priusquam consules redirent Roman, M. Fulvius proconsul ex Aetolia redit;

[¶20] 4.2. and when the senate, in the temple of Apollo, had heard him describe his exploits in Aetolia and Cephallania, he asked the Fathers, if they deemed it proper, by reason of his successful and fortunate conduct of the business of the state, both to order that honour should be paid to the immortal gods and to decree a triumph to him.

> Latin: 4.2. isque ad aedem Apollinis in senatu cum de rebus in Aetolia Cephalleniaque ab se gestis disseruisset, petit a patribus, ut aequum censerent ob rem publicam bene ac feliciter gestam diis inmortalibus honorem haberi [iuberent], et sibi triumphum decernerent.

[¶21] 4.3. Marcus Aburius, tribune of the people, announced that, if any decree on that subject were passed prior to the arrival of Marcus Aemilius, he would veto it: Aemilius, he said, wished to speak against it, and on his departure to his province had given instructions to him, the tribune, that this whole discussion should be reserved for his return. Fulvius, he said, was suffering the loss of time only: even with the consul present the senate would decree what he wished.

> Latin: 4.3. M. Aburius tribunus plebis, si quid de ea re ante M. Aemili consulis adventum decerneretur, intercessurum se ostendit: eum contradicere velle, proficiscentemque in provinciam ita sibi mandasse, uti ea disceptatio integra in adventum suum servaretur. Fulvium temporis iacturam facere; senatum etiam praesente consule, quod vellet, decreturum.

[¶22] 4.5. Then Fulvius replied: if either the quarrel between him and Marcus Aemilius was unknown to men, or if it was unknown with what uncontrollable and almost tyrannical passion Aemilius carried on the feud, even then it would have been unendurable that the absent consul should both stand in the way of the honour due to the immortal gods and delay an earned and merited triumph, and that a general after a brilliant campaign and a victorious army with its booty and prisoners should stand

> Latin: 4.5. tum Fulvius: si aut simultas M. Aemili secum ignota hominibus esset, aut quam is eas inimicitias inpotenti ac prope regia ira exerceret, tamen non fuisse ferendum, absentem consulem et deorum inmortalium honori obstare et meritum debitumque triumphum morari,

[¶23] 4.7. before the gates until it suited the fancy of a consul (who stayed away for just that reason) to return to Rome.

> Latin: 4.7. imperatorem rebus egregie gestis victoremque exercitum cum praeda et captivis ante portas stare, donec consuli ob hoc ipsum moranti redire Romam libitum esset.

[¶24] 4.8. But as a matter of fact, he went on, since his quarrel with the consul was very well known, what justice could be expected from a man who had deposited in the treasury a decree of the senate passed stealthily and in a poorly attended meeting, to the effect that Ambracia did not appear to have been taken by force, although it had been besieged with a mound and sheds, where other works were built anew when the first were burned, where the battle had raged around the walls for fifteen days, above and below the ground, where from daylight, after the soldiers had already scaled the walls, until nightfall the battle had been maintained with uncertain issue, and where more than three thousand of the enemy had perished?

> Latin: 4.8. verum enimvero, cum sint nobilissimae sibi cum consule inimicitiae, quid ab eo quemquam posse aequi expectare, qui per infrequentiam furtim senatus consultum factum ad aerarium detulerit Ambraciam non videri vi captam, quae aggere ac vineis obpugnata sit, ubi incensis operibus alia de integro facta sint, ubi circa muros supra subterque terram per dies quindecim pugnatum,

[¶25] 4.10. Then, too, as to the plundering of the temples of the immortal gods in the captured city, what kind of insult was it that he had turned the booty over to the pontiffs?

> Latin: 4.10. ubi a prima luce, cum iam transcendisset muros miles, usque ad noctem diu anceps proelium tenuerit, ubi plus tria milia hostium sint caesa.

[¶26] 4.11. Unless it had been lawful to adorn the City with the trophies of Syracuse and other captured towns, but that in the case of captured Ambracia alone the law of war did not hold good!

> Latin: 4.11. iam de deorum inmortalium inmortalum templis spoliatis in capta urbe qualem calumniam ad pontifices adtulerit? nisi Syracusarum ceterarumque captarum civitatum ornamentis urbem exornari fas fuerit, in Ambracia una capta non valuerit belli ius.

[¶27] 4.13. He begged the conscript Fathers and he requested of the tribune that they should not permit him to be made a laughing-stock by this most insolent personal enemy.

> Latin: 4.13. se et patres conscriptos orare et ab tribuno petere, ne se superbissimo inimico ludibrio esse sinant.

[¶28] 5.1. Everybody from all sides began to address the tribune, some with entreaties, some with reproaches.

> Latin: 5.1. undique omnes alii deprecari tribunum, alii castigare. Tiberi Gracchi collegae plurimum oratio movit:

[¶29] 5.2. The argument of his colleague Tiberius Gracchus impressed him most. He said that it was not a good precedent to follow up even one's own contentions while holding a magistracy; but it was disgraceful for a tribune of the people to take sides in the contentions of others, and unworthy of the authority of that college and of its sacred laws.

> Latin: 5.2. ne suas quidem simultates pro magistratu exercere boni exempli esse; alienarum vero simultatum tribunum plebis cognitorem fieri turpe et indignum collegii eius potestate et sacratis legibus esse.

[¶30] 5.3. Each man, he said, in accordance with his own judgment should both hate or love men and approve or disapprove measures, should not depend upon another's expression and nod or be led this way or that under the pressure of another's will, nor should a tribune of the people be a second to an angry consul;

> Latin: 5.3. suo quemque iudicio et homines odisse aut diligere et res probare aut inprobare debere, non pendere ex alterius vultu ac nutu nec alieni momentis animi circumagi, adstipularique irato consuli tribunum plebei et, quid privatim M.

[¶31] 5.4. he should not remember any commission which Marcus Aemilius had privately entrusted to him, and forget the office of tribune which had been entrusted to him by the Roman people, and entrusted for the purpose of rendering assistance to and protecting the liberty of private citizens, not of bolster ing up the consular authority.

> Latin: 5.4. Aemilius mandaverit, meminisse, tribunatum sibi a populo Romano mandatum oblivisci, et mandatum pro auxilio ac libertate privatorum, non pro consulari regno.

[¶32] 5.5. Aburius, he said, did not even see that the result would be that tradition and posterity would have the story how in the same college one of two tribunes of the people had laid aside his own enmities for the sake of the state, the other had assumed and carried on those of another because they had been entrusted to him.

> Latin: 5.5. ne hoc quidem cernere eum fore, ut memoriae ac posteritati mandetur eiusdem collegii alterum e duobus tribunis plebis suas inimicitias remisisse rei publicae, alterum alienas et mandatas exercuisse. his victus castigationibus tribunus cum templo excessisset, referente Ser. Sulpicio praetore triumphus M. Fulvio est decretus.

[¶33] 5.7. When the tribune, overcome by this criticism, had left the temple, after the question was raised by Serv. Sulpicius, praetor, the triumph was voted to Marcus Fulvius. When he had thanked the conscript Fathers, he went on to say that he had vowed the Great Games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the day when he had captured Ambracia, that for this purpose a hundred pounds of gold had been contributed by the cities;

> Latin: 5.7. is cum gratias patribus conscriptis egisset, adiecit ludos magnos se Iovi optimo maximo eo die, quo Ambraciam cepisset, vovisse; in eam rem sibi centum pondo auri a civitatibus conlatum;

[¶34] 5.8. he requested that, from this money which he had planned to display in his triumph and then deposit in the treasury, this particular sum should, by their order, be kept separate.

> Latin: 5.8. petere, ut ex ea pecunia, quam in triumpho latam in aerario positurus esset, id aurum secerni iuberent.

[¶35] 5.9. The senate ordered the college of pontiffs to be consulted whether it was necessary to spend this entire sum on the games. When the pontiffs had replied that from the point of view of religion it was immaterial how much should be spent on the games, the senate granted permission to Fulvius for whatever amount he should spend, provided that he did not exceed a total of eighty thousand sesterces.

> Latin: 5.9. senatus pontificum collegium consuli iussit, num omne id aurum in ludos consumi necesse esset. cum pontifices negassent ad religionem pertinere, quanta inpensa in ludos fieret, senatus Fulvio, quantum inpenderet, permisit, dum ne summam octoginta milium excederet.

[¶36] 5.11. He had decided to triumph in the month of January; but when he had heard that the consul Marcus Aemilius, having received a letter from Marcus Aburius about the withdrawal of the veto, was himself coming to Rome to hinder the triumph, but had been detained on the way by illness, he advanced the date, lest he have more strife in the triumph than in the war.

> Latin: 5.11. triumphare mense Ianuario statuerat; sed cum audisset consulem M. Aemilium litteris M. Aburi tribuni plebis acceptis de remissa intercessione ipsum ad inpediendum triumphum Romam venientem aegrum in via substitisse, ne plus in triumpho certaminum quam in bello haberet, praetulit triumphi diem.

[¶37] 5.13. He triumphed the tenth day before the Kalends of January over the Aetolians and over Cephallania.

> Latin: 5.13. triumphavit ante diem decimum kal.

[¶38] 5.14. Golden crowns of one hundred and twelve pounds in weight were carried before his car; he displayed also eighty-three thousand pounds of silver, two hundred and forty-three pounds of gold, one hundred and eighteen thousand Attic four-drachma pieces, twelve thousand three hundred and twenty-two coins called “Philippei,” bronze statues to the number of seven hundred and eighty-five and two hundred and thirty of marble, weapons, javelins and other spoils taken from the enemy, in great quantities, besides catapults, ballistae and every variety of artillery;

> Latin: 5.14. Ianuarias de Aetolis et de Cephallenia. aureae coronae centum duodecim pondo ante currum latae sunt, argenti pondo milia octoginta tria, auri pondo ducenta quadraginta tria, tetrachma Attica centum octodecim milia, Philippei nummi duodecim milia quadringenti viginti duo, signa aenea septingenta octoginta quinque, signa marmorea ducenta triginta, arma tela cetera spolia hostium magnus numerus, ad hoc catapultae ballistae tormenta omnis generis;

[¶39] 5.16. there marched also generals, whether Aetolians and Cephallanians or commanders of the king left there by Antiochus, to the number of twenty-seven. On that day, before he rode into the City, in the Circus Flaminius, he presented many tribunes, prefects, cavalrymen and centurions, Romans and allies, with military decorations. To the soldiers, out of the booty, he gave twenty-five denarii each, twice that amount to each centurion, and thrice to each cavalryman.

> Latin: 5.16. duces aut Aetoli et Cephallenes aut regii ab Antiocho ibi relicti ad viginti septem. multos eo die, priusquam in urbem inveheretur, in circo Flaminio tribunos, praefectos, equites, centuriones, Romanos sociosque, donis militaribus donavit. militibus ex praeda vicenos quinos denarios divisit, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti.

[¶40] 6.1. The time for the consular elections was now at hand; for these, since Marcus Aemilius, to whom this responsibility had fallen by lot, was unable to come, Gaius Flaminius came to Rome. He announced the choice of Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Marcius Philippus as consuls.

> Latin: 6.1. iam consularium comitiorum adpetebat tempus; quibus quia M. Aemilius, cuius sortis ea cura erat, occurrere non potuit, C. Flaminius Romam venit. ab eo creati consules Sp. Postumius Albinus Q. Marcius Philippus.

[¶41] 6.2. Then the praetors were elected, Titus Maenius, Publius Cornelius Sulla, Gaius Calpurnius Piso, Marcus Licinius Lucullus, Gaius Aurelius Scaurus, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus. At the end of the year, when the new magistrates had already been elected, on the third day before the Nones of March, Gnaeus Manlius Volso triumphed over the Gauls who inhabit Asia.

> Latin: 6.2. praetores inde facti T. Maenius P. Cornelius Sulla C. Calpurnius Piso M. Licinius Lucullus C. Aurelius Scaurus L. Quinctius Crispinus.

[¶42] 6.3. His purpose in delaying so long to celebrate his triumph was to avoid pleading his cause under the Petillian law before the praetor Quintus Terentius Culleo and being himself consumed in the flames of another's trial, in which Lucius Scipio had been condemned, seeing that the jurors were far more hostile to him than to Scipio because it was rumoured

> Latin: 6.3. extremo anni, magistratibus iam creatis, ante diem tertium nonas Martias Cn. Manlius Vulso de Gallis qui Asiam incolunt triumphavit. serius ei triumphandi causa fuit, ne Q. Terentio Culleone praetore causam lege Petillia diceret et incendio alieni iudicii, quo L.

[¶43] 6.5. that he, when he succeeded Scipio, had ruined the military discipline, strictly maintained by his predecessor, by permitting every kind of licence. Nor was this only a matter of unfavourable report of what was said to have happened in the province, far from their eyes, but still more of what was apparent every day among his soldiers.

> Latin: 6.5. Scipio damnatus erat, conflagraret, eo infensioribus in se quam in illum iudicibus, quod disciplinam militarem severe ab eo conservatam successorem ipsum omni genere licentiae conrupisse fama adtulerat.

[¶44] 6.6. For the beginnings of foreign luxury were introduced into the City by the army from Asia.

> Latin: 6.6. neque ea sola infamiae erant, quae in provincia procul ab oculis facta narrabantur, sed ea etiam magis, quae in militibus eius quotidie aspiciebantur.

[¶45] 6.7. They for the first time imported into Rome couches of bronze, valuable robes for coverlets, tapestries and other products of the loom, and what at that time was considered luxurious furniture —tables with one pedestal and sideboards. Then female players of the lute and the harp and other festal delights of entertainments were made adjuncts to banquets; the banquets themselves, moreover, began to be planned with both greater care and greater expense.

> Latin: 6.7. luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. ii primum lectos aeratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, plagulas et alia textilia et, quae tum magnificae supellectilis habebantur, monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt.

[¶46] 6.8. At that time the cook, to the ancient Romans the most worthless of slaves, both in their judgment of values and in the use they made of him, began to have value, and what had been merely a necessary service came to be regarded as an art.

> Latin: 6.8. tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia [alia] ludorum oblectamenta addita epulis;

[¶47] 6.9. Yet those things which were then looked upon as remarkable were hardly even the germs of the luxury to come. In his triumph Gnaeus Manlius carried two hundred and twelve golden crowns, two hundred and twenty thousand pounds of silver, two thousand one hundred and three pounds of gold, of Attic four-drachma pieces one hundred and twenty-seven thousand, of cistophori two hundred and fifty thousand, of gold Philippei sixteen thousand three hundred and twenty; there were also arms and many Gallic spoils transported in carts, and fifty-two leaders of the enemy led before his car.

> Latin: 6.9. epulae quoque ipsae et cura et sumptu maiore adparari coeptae. tum coquus. vilissimum antiquis mancipium et aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse et, quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta. vix tamen illa, quae tum conspiciebantur, semina erant futurae luxuriae. in triumpho tulit Cn. Manlius coronas aureas ducentas duodecim [pondo], argenti pondo ducenta viginti milia, auri pondo duo milia centum tria, tetrachmum Atticum centum viginti septem milia, cistophori ducenta quinquaginta, Philippeorum aureorum nummorum sedecim milia trecentos viginti;

[¶48] 7.2. To the soldiers he gave forty-two denarii each, twice that amount to each centurion and thrice to each cavalryman, and he gave them also double pay; many of all ranks, presented with military decorations, followed his car.

> Latin: 7.2. et arma spoliaque multa Gallica carpentis travecta; duces hostium duo et quinquaginta ducti ante currum. militibus quadragenos binos denarios divisit, duplex centurioni, triplex in equites, et stipendium duplex (in pedites) dedit;

[¶49] 7.3. Such songs were sung by the soldiers about their commander that it was easily seen that they were sung about an indulgent leader who sought popularity, and that the triumph was marked more by the applause of the military than of the civil population.

> Latin: 7.3. multi omnium ordinum donati militaribus donis currum secuti sunt, carminaque a militibus ea in imperatorem dicta, ut facile adpareret in ducem indulgentem ambitiosumque ea dici, triumphum esse militari magis favore quam populari celebrem.

[¶50] 7.4. But the friends of Manlius were able to curry favour with the people as well; at their instance a decree of the senate was passed that, with regard to the tax which had been paid by the people into the treasury, whatever portion of this was in arrears should be paid out of the money which had been carried in the triumph. The city quaestors, displaying fidelity and diligence, paid twenty-five and one-half asses each per thousand asses.

> Latin: 7.4. sed ad populi quoque gratiam conciliandam amici Manli valuerunt, quibus adnitentibus senatus consultum factum est, ut ex pecunia, quae in triumpho translata esset, stipendium conlatum a populo in publicum, quod eius solutum antea non esset, solveretur. vicenos quinos et semisses in milia aeris quaestores urbani cum cura et fide solverunt.

[¶51] 7.6. About the same time two tribunes of the soldiers arrived from the two Spains, bringing dispatches from Gaius Atinius and Lucius Manlius, who were holding those provinces.

> Latin: 7.6. per idem tempus tribuni militum duo ex duabus Hispaniis cum litteris C. Atini et L. Manli, qui eas provincias obtinebant, venerunt.

[¶52] 7.7. From these letters it was learned that the Celtiberians and Lusitanians were in arms and were ravaging the lands of the allies. The decision regarding the whole question was left to the new magistrates by the senate.

> Latin: 7.7. ex iis litteris cognitum est Celtiberos Lusitanosque in armis esse et sociorum agros populari. de ea re consultationem integram senatus ad novos magistratus reiecit.

[¶53] 7.8. At the Roman Games that year, which Publius Cornelius Cethegus and Aulus Postumius Albinus gave, a badly-fixed mast in the Circus fell on the statue of Pollentia and shattered it.

> Latin: 7.8. ludis Romanis eo anno, quos P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Postumius Albinus faciebant, malus in circo instabilis in signum Pollentiae procidit atque id deiecit.

[¶54] 7.9. The Fathers, disturbed by this omen, voted, first, that one day should be added to the Games, and, second, that two statues should be set up in place of one and the new one gilded.

> Latin: 7.9. ea religione moti patres et diem unum adiciendum ludorum censuerunt et signa duo pro uno reponenda et novum auratum faciendum.

[¶55] 7.10. The Plebeian Games too were repeated, to the extent of one day, by the plebeian aediles Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Marcus Furius Luscus.

> Latin: 7.10. et plebeii ludi ab aedilibus C. Sempronio Blaeso et M. Furio Lusco diem unum instaurati sunt.

[¶56] 8.1. The following year diverted the consuls Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Marcius Philippus from the army and the administration of wars and provinces to the suppression of an internal conspiracy.

> Latin: 8.1. insequens annus Sp. Postumium Albinum et Q. Marcium Philippum consules ab exercitu bellorumque et provinciarum cura ad intestinae coniurationis vindictam avertit.

[¶57] 8.2. The praetors drew lots for their provinces, Titus Maenius receiving the city jurisdiction, Marcus Licinius Lucullus that between citizens and aliens, Gaius Aurelius Scaurus Sardinia, Publius Cornelius Sulla Sicily, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus Nearer Spain, Gaius Calpurnius Piso Farther Spain. To both consuls the investigation of secret conspiracies was decreed.

> Latin: 8.2. praetores provincias sortiti sunt, T. Maenius urbanam, M. Licinius Lucullus inter cives et peregrinos, C. Aurelius Scaurus Sardiniam, P. Cornelius Sulla Siciliam, L. Quinctius Crispinus Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Calpurnius Piso Hispaniam ulteriorem.

[¶58] 8.3. A nameless Greek came first to Etruria, possessed of none of those many arts which the Greek people, supreme as it is in learning, brought to us in numbers for the cultivation of mind and body, but a dabbler in sacrifices and a fortune-teller; nor was he one who, by frankly disclosing his creed and publicly proclaiming both his profession and his system, filled minds with error, but a priest of secret rites performed by night.

> Latin: 8.3. consulibus ambobus quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta est. Graecus ignobilis in Etruriam primum venit nulla cum arte earum, quas multas ad animorum corporumque cultum nobis eruditissima omnium gens invexit, sacrificulus et vates, nec is, qui aperta religione, propalam et quaestum et disciplinam profitendo, animos errore imbueret, sed occultorum et nocturnorum antistes sacrorum.

[¶59] 8.5. There were initiatory rites which at first were imparted to a few, then began to be generally known among men and women. To the religious element in them were added the delights of wine and feasts, that the minds of a larger number might be attracted.

> Latin: 8.5. initia erant, quae primo paucis tradita sunt, deinde vulgari coepta per viros mulieresque. additae voluptates religioni vini et epularum, quo plurium animi inlicerentur.

[¶60] 8.6. When wine had inflamed their minds, and night and the mingling of males with females, youth with age, had destroyed every sentiment of modesty, all varieties of corruption first began to be practised, since each one had at hand the pleasure answering to that to which his nature was more inclined.

> Latin: 8.6. cum vinum animos … et nox et mixti feminis mares, aetatis tenerae maioribus, discrimen omne pudoris exstinxissent, corruptelae primum omnis generis fieri coeptae, cum ad id quisque, quo natura pronioris libidinis esset, paratam voluptatem haberet.

[¶61] 8.7. There was not one form of vice alone, the promiscuous matings of free men and women, but perjured witnesses, forged seals and wills and evidence, all issued from this same workshop: likewise poisonings and secret murders, so that at times not even the bodies were found for burial.

> Latin: 8.7. nec unum genus noxae, stupra promiscua ingenuorum feminarumque erant, sed falsi testes, falsa signa testamentaque et indicia ex eadem officina exibant, venena indidem intestinaeque caedes, ita ut ne corpora quidem interdum ad sepulturam exstarent.

[¶62] 8.8. Much was ventured by craft, more by violence. This violence was concealed because amid the howlings and the crash of drums and cymbals no cry of the sufferers could be heard as the debauchery and murders proceeded.

> Latin: 8.8. multa dolo, pleraque per vim audebantur. occulebat vim quod prae ululatibus tympanorumque et cymbalorum strepitu nulla vox quiritantium inter stupra et caedes exaudiri poterat.

[¶63] 9.1. The destructive power of this evil spread from Etruria to Rome like the contagion of a pestilence. At first the size of the City, with abundant room and tolerance for such evils, concealed it: at length information came to the consul Postumius in about this manner.

> Latin: 9.1. huius mali labes ex Etruria Romam veluti contagione morbi penetravit. primo urbis magnitudo capacior patientiorque talium malorum ea celavit; tandem indicium hoc maxime modo ad Postumium consulem pervenit.

[¶64] 9.2. Publius Aebutius, whose father had performed his military service with a horse supplied by the state, was left a ward, and later, on the death of his guardians, was brought under the tutelage of his mother Duronia and his stepfather Titus Sempronius Rutilus.

> Latin: 9.2. P. Aebutius, cuius pater publico equo stipendia fecerat, pupillus relictus, mortuis deinde tutoribus sub tutela Duroniae matris et vitrici T. Semproni Rutili educatus fuerat.

[¶65] 9.3. His mother was devoted to her husband, and his stepfather, who had so administered his guardianship that he could not render an accounting, desired that the ward should either be done away with or be made dependent upon them by some tie. The one method of corrupting him was through the Bacchanalia. The mother addressed the young man: while he was sick, she said, she had vowed for him that as soon as he had recovered she would initiate him into the Bacchic rites; being compelled, by the kindness of the gods, to pay her vow, she wished to fulfil it.

> Latin: 9.3. et mater dedita viro erat, et vitricus, quia tutelam ita gesserat, ut rationem reddere non posset, aut tolli pupillum aut obnoxium sibi vinculo aliquo fieri cupiebat. via una corruptelae Bacchanalia erant.

[¶66] 9.4. For ten days, she continued, he must practise continence: on the tenth day she would conduct him to the banquet and then, after ritual purification, to the shrine.

> Latin: 9.4. mater adulescentulum adpellat: se pro aegro eo vovisse, ubi primum convaluisset, Bacchis eum se initiaturam, damnatam voti benignitate deum exsolvere id velle. decem dierum castimonia opus esse; decimo die cenatum, deinde pure lautum in sacrarium deducturam.

[¶67] 9.5. There was a wellknown courtesan, a freedwoman named Hispala Faecenia, not worthy of the occupation to which, while still a mere slave, she had accustomed herself, and even after she had been manumitted she maintained herself in the same way.

> Latin: 9.5. scortum nobile, libertina Hispala Fecenia, non digna quaestu, cui ancillula assuerat, etiam postquam manumissa erat, eodem se genere tuebatur.

[¶68] 9.6. Between her and Aebutius, since they were neighbours, an intimacy developed, not at all damaging either to the young man's fortune or to his reputation; for he had been loved and sought out without any effort on his part, and, since his own relatives made provision for all his needs on a very small scale, he was maintained by the generosity of the courtesan.

> Latin: 9.6. huic consuetudo iuxta vicinitatem cum Aebutio fuit, minime adulescentis aut rei aut famae damnosa; ultro enim amatus adpetitusque erat et maligne omnia praebentibus suis meretriculae munificentia sustinebatur.

[¶69] 9.7. More than that, she had gone so far, under the influence of their intimacy, that, after the death of her patron, since she was under the legal control of no one, having petitioned the tribunes and the praetor for a guardian, when she made her will she had instituted Aebutius as her sole heir.

> Latin: 9.7. quin eo processerat consuetudine capta, ut post patroni mortem, quia in nullius manu erat, tutore ab tribunis et praetore petito, cum testamentum faceret, unum Aebutium institueret heredem.

[¶70] 10.1. Since there were these bonds of affection between them, and neither had any secrets from the other, the young man jestingly told her not to be surprised if he were away from her for several nights: as a matter of religious duty, he said, to free himself from a vow made for the sake of his health, he intended to be initiated in the Bacchic rites.

> Latin: 10.1. haec amoris pignora cum essent, nec quicquam secretum alter ab altero haberent, per iocum adulescens vetat eam mirari, si per aliquot noctes secubuisset:

[¶71] 10.2. When the woman heard this she exclaimed in great distress, “The gods forbid!” She said that it would be much better both for him and for her to die rather than do that; and she called down curses and vengeance upon the heads of those persons who had given him this counsel.

> Latin: 10.2. religionis se causa, ut voto pro valetudine sua facto liberetur, Bacchis initiari velle. id ubi mulier audivit perturbata “dii meliora!” inquit; mori et sibi et illi satius esse, quam id faceret, et in caput eorum detestari minas periculaque, qui id suasissent.

[¶72] 10.3. Wondering both at her language and at her so manifest distress, the young man bade her spare her curses: it was his mother, he said, with the approval of his stepfather, who had ordered it.

> Latin: 10.3. admiratus cum verba tum perturbationem tantam adulescens parcere exsecrationibus iubet: matrem id sibi adsentiente vitrico imperasse.

[¶73] 10.4. “Your stepfather, then,” she replied, “is making haste —for perhaps it is not right to accuse your mother —to destroy in this way your virtue, your reputation and your life.”

> Latin: 10.4. “vitricus ergo” inquit “tuus—matrem enim insimulare forsitan fas non sit—pudicitiam famam spem vitamque tuam perditum ire hoc facto properat.

[¶74] 10.5. As he marvelled the more and asked her what she meant, beseeching gods and goddesses for peace and forgiveness if, compelled by her love for him, she had declared what should be concealed, she told him that while she was a slave she had attended her mistress to that shrine, but that as a free woman she had never visited it.

> Latin: 10.5. eo magis mirabundo quaerentique, quid rei esset, pacem veniamque precata deorum dearumque, si coacta caritate eius silenda enuntiasset, ancillam se ait dominae comitem id sacrarium intrasse, liberam numquam eo accessisse:

[¶75] 10.6. She knew, she said, that it was the factory of all sorts of corruptions; and it was known that for two years now no one had been initiated who had passed the age of twenty years.

> Latin: 10.6. scire corruptelarum omnis generis eam officinam esse, et iam biennio constare neminem initiatum ibi maiorem annis viginti.

[¶76] 10.7. As each was introduced, he became a sort of victim for the priests. They, she continued, would lead him to a place which would ring with howls and the song of a choir and the beating of cymbals and drums, that the voice of the sufferer, when his virtue was violently attacked, might not be heard.

> Latin: 10.7. ut quisque introductus sit, velut victimam tradi sacerdotibus; eos deducere in locum, qui circumsonet ululatibus cantuque symphoniae et cymbalorum et tympanorum pulsu, ne vox quiritantis, cum per vim stuprum inferatur, exaudiri possit.

[¶77] 10.8. Then she begged and besought him to put an end to this matter in any way he could and not to plunge into a situation where all disgraceful practices would have first to be endured and then performed.

> Latin: 10.8. orare inde atque obsecrare, ut eam rem quocumque modo discuteret, nec se eo praecipitaret, ubi omnia infanda patienda primum, deinde facienda essent;

[¶78] 10.9. Nor would she let him go until the young man gave her his promise that he would have nothing to do with those mysteries.

> Latin: 10.9. neque ante dimisit eum, quam fidem dedit adulescens ab his sacris se temperaturum.

[¶79] 11.1. When he came home and his mother began to tell him what he had to do that day and on the following days in connection with the rites, he informed her that he would do none of them and that it was not his intention to be initiated.

> Latin: 11.1. postquam domum venit, et mater mentionem intulit, quid eo die, quid deinceps ceteris, quae ad sacra pertinerent, faciendum esset, negat eorum se quicquam facturum nec initiari sibi in animo esse.

[¶80] 11.2. His stepfather was present at the interview. Straightway the woman exclaimed that he could not do without his mistress Hispala for ten nights; infected with the enchantments and poisons of that vampire, he had no respect for his mother or his stepfather or yet the gods. Berating him thus, his mother on one side, his stepfather with four slaves on the other, drove him from the house.

> Latin: 11.2. aderat sermoni vitricus. confestim mulier exclamat Hispalae concubitu carere eum decem noctes non posse, illius excetrae delenimentis et venenis imbutum nec parentis nec vitrici nec deorum verecundiam habere. iurgantes hinc mater, hinc vitricus cum quattuor eum servis domo exegerunt.

[¶81] 11.3. The young man thereupon went to his aunt Aebutia and explained to her the reason why his mother had driven him out, and on her recommendation the following day reported the affair to the consul Postumius with no witnesses present.

> Latin: 11.3. adulescens inde ad Aebutiam se amitam contulit causamque ei, cur esset a matre eiectus, narravit, deinde ex auctoritate eius postero die ad consulem Postumium arbitris remotis rem detulit.

[¶82] 11.4. The consul sent him away with instructions to return the third day; he himself asked his mother-in-law Sulpicia, a woman of high character, whether she was acquainted with an elderly woman, Aebutia, from the Aventine.

> Latin: 11.4. consul post diem tertium redire ad se iussum dimisit, ipse Sulpiciam gravem feminam, socrum suam, percunctatus est, ecquam anum Aebutiam ex Aventino nosset.

[¶83] 11.5. When she replied that she knew that she was a virtuous woman of the old style, he said that he felt the need of an interview with her: Sulpicia should send her a message to come. Aebutia, summoned by Sulpicia, came, and a little later the consul, as if he had come in by chance, brought in an allusion to Aebutius, the son of her brother.

> Latin: 11.5. cum ea, nosse probam et antiqui moris feminam, respondisset, opus esse sibi ea conventa dixit: mitteret nuntium ad eam, ut veniret.

[¶84] 11.6. Tears flowed from the woman's eyes, and she began to bewail the fate of the young man who was robbed of his estate by those who should least of all have treated him thus, and who was then at her house, driven from home by his mother because the virtuous youth —might the gods be gracious — refused to be initiated into rites which, if reports were to be believed, were full of lewdness.

> Latin: 11.6. Aebutia accita ad Sulpiciam venit, et consul paulo post, velut forte intervenisset, sermonem de Aebutio fratris eius filio infert. lacrimae mulieri obortae, et miserari casum adulescentis coepit, qui spoliatus fortunis, a quibus minime oporteret, apud se tunc esset, eiectus a matre, quod probus adulescens—dii propitii essent—obscenis, ut fama esset, sacris initiari nollet.

[¶85] 12.1. The consul, thinking that he had learned enough about Aebutius to trust his story, sent Aebutia away and asked his mother-in-law to summon to her Hispala, also from the Aventine, a freedwoman and no stranger in the neighbourhood: he wished to ask her also certain questions.

> Latin: 12.1. satis exploratum de Aebutio ratus consul non vanum auctorem esse, Aebutia dimissa socrum rogat, ut Hispalam indidem ex Aventino libertinam, non ignotam viciniae, arcesseret ad sese:

[¶86] 12.2. Hispala, alarmed by her message, because without knowing the reason she was summoned to so important and respected a woman, when she saw the lictors in the vestibule and the consul's retinue and the consul himself, almost swooned.

> Latin: 12.2. eam quoque esse quae percunctari vellet. ad cuius nuntium perturbata Hispala, quod ad tam nobilem et gravem feminam ignara causae arcesseretur, postquam lictores in vestibulo turbamque consularem et consulem ipsum conspexit, prope exanimata est.

[¶87] 12.3. Conducting her into the inner part of the house, with his mother-in-law present, the consul told her that if she could bring herself to tell the truth she had no cause to feel alarmed; she would receive a pledge either from Sulpicia, a woman of such standing, or from himself; she should state to them what rites were usually performed in the nocturnal orgies at the Bacchanalia in the grove of Stimula. When she heard this, such fear and trembling seized the woman in all her limbs that for a long time she could not open her mouth.

> Latin: 12.3. in interiorem partem aedium abductam socru adhibita consul, si vera dicere inducere in animum posset, negat perturbari debere; fidem vel a Sulpicia, tali femina, vel ab se acciperet; expromeret sibi, quae in luco Similae Bacchanalibus in sacro nocturno solerent fieri.

[¶88] 12.5. Being at length restored, she said that when quite young and a slave she had been initiated with her mistress; that for many years after her manumission she had known nothing of what went on there.

> Latin: 12.5. hoc ubi audivit, tantus pavor tremorque omnium membrorum mulierem cepit, ut diu hiscere non posset.

[¶89] 12.6. Then the consul praised her on this ground, that she had not denied that she had been initiated; but she was to tell, under the same pledge, the rest as well.

> Latin: 12.6. tandem confirmata puellam admodum se ancillam initiatam cum domina ait; aliquot annis, ex quo manumissa sit, nihil, quid ibi fiat, scire.

[¶90] 12.7. When she insisted that she knew nothing more, he told her that she would not receive the same forgiveness or consideration if she were convicted by the evidence of someone else as if she had confessed of her own accord; the man, he added, who had heard it from her had told him the whole story.

> Latin: 12.7. iam id ipsum consul laudare, cum initiatam se non infitiaretur; sed et cetera eadem fide expromeret. neganti ultra quicquam scire, non eandem dicere, si coarguatur ab alio, ac per se fatenti veniam aut gratiam fore: eum sibi omnia exposuisse, qui ab illa audisset.

[¶91] 13.1. The woman, thinking without a doubt, as was indeed the fact, that Aebutius had revealed the secret, threw herself at the feet of Sulpicia, and at first began to plead with her not to try to turn the chatter of a freedwoman with her lover into something that was not merely serious but even fatal: she had spoken thus for the purpose of frightening him, not because she knew anything.

> Latin: 13.1. mulier haud dubie, id quod erat, Aebutium indicem arcani rata esse, ad pedes Sulpiciae procidit et eam primo orare coepit, ne mulieris libertinae cum amatore sermonem in rem non seriam modo, sed capitalem etiam verti vellet: se terrendi eius causa, non quod sciret quicquam, ea locutam esse.

[¶92] 13.3. At this point Postumius, inflamed with wrath, said that she believed even then that she was jesting with her lover Aebutius, and not speaking in the house of a most respectable matron and in the presence of a consul. Sulpicia too lifted up the terror-stricken woman, and at the same time encouraged her and mollified the anger of her son-in-law.

> Latin: 13.3. hic Postumius accensus ira, tum quoque ait eam cum Aebutio se amatore cavillari credere, non in domo gravissimae feminae et cum consule loqui; et Sulpicia adtollere paventem, simul illam adhortari, simul iram generi lenire.

[¶93] 13.4. At length regaining her self-control, and complaining much of the treachery of Aebutius, who had returned such gratitude to one who deserved so well of him, she declared that she feared greatly the wrath of the gods whose hidden mysteries she was to reveal, but far more the wrath of the men who would, if she informed against them, with their own hands tear her limb from limb.

> Latin: 13.4. tandem confirmata, multum incusata perfidia Aebuti, qui optime in eo ipso meritae talem gratiam rettulisset, magnum sibi metum deorum, quorum occulta initia enuntiaret, maiorem multo dixit hominum esse, qui se indicem manibus suis discerpturi essent.

[¶94] 13.6. Accordingly she begged Sulpicia and the consul that they would banish her somewhere outside Italy, where she could pass the rest of her life in safety.

> Latin: 13.6. itaque hoc se Sulpiciam, hoc consulem orare, ut se extra Italiam aliquo ablegarent, ubi reliquum vitae degere tuto posset.

[¶95] 13.7. The consul bade her be of good cheer and assured her that it would be his responsibility to see that she could safely live in Rome. Then Hispala set forth the origin of the mysteries.

> Latin: 13.7. bone animo esse iubere eam consul, et sibi curae fore dicere, ut Romae tuto habitaret. tum Hispala originem sacrorum expromit:

[¶96] 13.8. At first, she said, it was a ritual for women, and it was the custom that no man should be admitted to it. There had been three days appointed each year on which they held initiations into the Bacchic rites by day; it was the rule to choose the matrons in turn as priestesses.

> Latin: 13.8. primo sacrarium id feminarum fuisse, nec quemquam eo virum admitti solitum; tres in anno statos dies habuisse, quibus interdiu Bacchis initiarentur, sacerdotes in vicem matronas creari solitas.

[¶97] 13.9. Paculla Annia, a Campanian, she said, when priestess, had changed all this as if by the advice of the gods; for she had been the first to initiate men, her sons, Minius and Herennius Cerrinius; she had held the rites by night and not by day, and instead of a mere three days a year she had established five days of initiation in every month.

> Latin: 13.9. Pacullam Anniam Campanam sacerdotem omnia, tamquam deum monitu, inmutasse; nam et viros eam primam filios suos initiasse, Minium et Herennium Cerrinios, et nocturnum sacrum ex diurno et pro tribus in anno diebus quinos singulis mensibus dies initiorum fecisse.

[¶98] 13.10. From the time that the rites were performed in common, men mingling with women and the freedom of darkness added, no form of crime, no sort of wrongdoing, was left untried. There were more lustful practices among men with one another than among women. If any of them were disinclined to endure abuse or reluctant to commit crime, they were sacrificed as victims.

> Latin: 13.10. ex quo in promiscuo sacra sint et permixti viri feminis, et noctis licentia accesserit, nihil ibi facinoris, nihil flagitii praetermissum. plura virorum inter sese quam feminarum esse stupra.

[¶99] 13.11. To consider nothing wrong, she continued, was the highest form of religious devotion among them. Men, as if insane, with fanatical tossings of their bodies, would utter prophecies.

> Latin: 13.11. si qui minus patientes dedecoris sint et pigriores ad facinus, pro victimis inmolari. nihil nefas ducere, hanc summam inter eos religionem esse.

[¶100] 13.12. Matrons in the dress of Bacchantes, with dishevelled hair and carrying blazing torches, would run down to the Tiber, and plunging their torches in the water (because they contained live sulphur mixed with calcium) would bring them out still burning.

> Latin: 13.12. viros velut mente capta cum iactatione fanatica corporis vaticinari; matronas Baccharum habitu crinibus sparsis cum ardentibus facibus decurrere ad Tiberim demissasque in aquam faces, quia vivum sulphur cum calce insit, integra flamma efferre.

## 37. Book XXXIX · chapters 13–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/37/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/37/#p-N

[¶0] 13.13. Men were alleged to have been carried off by the gods who had been bound to a machine and borne away out of sight to hidden caves: they were those who had refused either to conspire or to join in the crimes or to suffer abuse.

> Latin: 13.13. raptos a diis homines dici, quos machinae inligatos ex conspectu in abditos specus abripiant; eos esse, qui aut coniurare aut sociari facinoribus aut stuprum pati noluerint.

[¶1] 13.14. Their number, she said, was very great, almost constituting a second state; among them were certain men and women of high rank. Within the last two years it had been ordained that no one beyond the age of twenty years should be initiated: boys of such age were sought for as admitted both vice and corruption.

> Latin: 13.14. multitudinem ingentem, alterum iam prope populum esse, in his nobiles quosdam viros feminasque. biennio proximo institutum esse, ne quis maior viginti annis initiaretur; captari aetates et erroris et stupri patientes.

[¶2] 14.1. Having finished her testimony, again falling at their feet, she repeated the same prayers that they should banish her.

> Latin: 14.1. peracto indicio advoluta rursus genibus preces easdem, ut se ablegaret, repetivit.

[¶3] 14.2. The consul asked his mother-in-law to vacate some part of the house into which Hispala might move. An apartment above the house was assigned to her, the stairs leading to the street being closed up and an approach to the house arranged.

> Latin: 14.2. consul rogat socrum, ut aliquam partem aedium vacuam faceret, quo Hispala inmigraret. cenaculum super aedes datum est scalis ferentibus in publicum obseratis, aditu in aedes verso.

[¶4] 14.3. All the household goods of Faecenia were at once moved and her slaves summoned, and Aebutius was directed to move to the house of a client of the consul. When both witnesses were thus available, Postumius laid the matter before the senate, everything being set forth in detail; first what had been reported, then what he had himself discovered.

> Latin: 14.3. res omnes Feceniae extemplo translatae et familia arcessita; et Aebutius migrare ad consulis clientem iussus. ita cum indices ambo in potestate essent, rem ad senatum Postumius defert, omnibus ordine expositis, quae delata primo, quae deinde ab se inquisita forent.

[¶5] 14.4. Great panic seized the Fathers, both on the public account, lest these conspiracies and gatherings by night might produce something of hidden treachery or danger, and privately, each for himself, lest anyone might be involved in the mischief. The senate, moreover, decreed that the consul should be thanked because he had investigated the affair both with great industry and without creating any confusion.

> Latin: 14.4. patres pavor ingens cepit, cum publico nomine, ne quid eae coniurationes coetusque nocturni fraudis occultae aut periculi inportarent, tum privatim suorum cuiusque vicem, ne quis adfinis ei noxiae esset.

[¶6] 14.5. Then the investigation of the Bacchanals and their nocturnal orgies they referred to the consuls, not as a part of their regular duties;

> Latin: 14.5. censuit autem senatus gratias consuli agendas, quod eam rem et cum singulari cura et sine ullo tumultu investigasset.

[¶7] 14.6. they directed the consuls to see to it that the witnesses Aebutius and Faecenia did not suffer harm and to attract other informers by rewards; the priests of these rites, whether men or women, should be sought out, not only at Rome but through all the villages and communities, that they might be at the disposal of the consuls;

> Latin: 14.6. quaestionem deinde de Bacchanalibus sacrisque nocturnis extra ordinem consulibus mandant; indicibus Aebutio ac Feceniae ne fraudi ea res sit curare et alios indices praemiis invitare iubent;

[¶8] 14.7. that it should be proclaimed in addition in the city of Rome and that edicts should be sent through all Italy, that no one who had been initiated in the Bacchic rites should presume to assemble or come together for the purpose of celebrating those rites or to perform any such ritual.

> Latin: 14.7. sacerdotes eorum sacrorum, seu viri seu feminae essent, non Romae modo, sed per omnia fora et conciliabula conquiri, ut in consulum potestate essent; edici praeterea in urbe Roma et per totam Italiam edicta mitti, ne quis, qui Bacchis initiatus esset, coisse aut convenisse sacrorum causa velit, neu quid talis rei divinae fecisse;

[¶9] 14.8. Before all, it was decreed that an inquiry should be conducted regarding those persons who had come together or conspired for the commission of any immorality or crime. Such was the decree of the senate.

> Latin: 14.8. ante omnia ut quaestio de iis habeatur, qui coierint coniuraverintve, quo stuprum flagitiumve inferretur.

[¶10] 14.9. The consuls ordered the curule aediles to search out all the priests of this cult and to keep them under surveillance, in free custody for the investigation; the plebeian aediles were to see to it that no celebration of the rites should be held in secret.

> Latin: 14.9. haec senatus decrevit. consules aedilibus curulibus imperarunt, ut sacerdotes eius sacri omnes conquirerent, comprehensosque libero conclavi ad quaestionem servarent; aediles plebis viderent, ne qua sacra in operto fierent.

[¶11] 14.10. The task was entrusted to the triumviri capitales of placing guards through the City, of seeing that no night meetings were held, and of making provision against fire; as assistants to the triumviri, the quinqueviri uls cis Tiberim were to stand guard each over the buildings of his own district.

> Latin: 14.10. triumviris capitalibus mandatum est, ut vigilias disponerent per urbem servarentque, ne qui nocturni coetus fierent, utque ab incendiis caveretur, adiutores triumviris quinqueviri uti cis Tiberim suae quisque regionis aedificiis praeessent.

[¶12] 15.1. When the magistrates had been dispatched to these posts, the consuls mounted the Rostra and called an informal meeting of the people, and, when the consul had finished the regular formula of prayer which magistrates are accustomed to pronounce before they address the people, he thus began:

> Latin: 15.1. ad haec officia dimissis magistratibus consules in rostra escenderunt, et contione advocata cum sollemne carmen precationis, quod praefari solent priusquam populum adloquantur magistratus, peregisset consul;

[¶13] 15.2. "Never for any assembly, citizens, has this formal prayer to the gods been not only so suitable but even so necessary, a prayer which reminds us that these are the gods whom our forefathers had appointed to be worshipped, to be venerated, to receive our prayers, not those gods who would drive our enthralled minds with vile and alien rites, as by the scourges of the Furies, to every crime and every lust.

> Latin: 15.2. ita coepit.”nulli umquam contioni, Quirites, tam non solum apta, sed etiam necessaria haec sollemnis deorum comprecatio fuit, quae vos admoneret hos esse deos, quos colere, venerari precarique maiores vestri instituissent, non illos, qui pravis et externis religionibus captas mentes velut furialibus stimulis ad omne scelus et ad omnem libidinem agerent.

[¶14] 15.4. For my part, I do not discover what I should refrain from telling or how far I should speak out. If you are left ignorant of anything, I fear that I shall leave room for carelessness; if I lay bare everything, that I shall scatter abroad an excess of terror.

> Latin: 15.4. equidem nec quid taceam nec quatenus proloquar, invenio. si aliquid ignorabitis, ne locum neglegentiae dem, si omnia nudavero, ne nimium terroris obtundam vobis, vereor.

[¶15] 15.5. Whatever I shall have said, be sure that my words are less than the dreadfulness and the gravity of the situation: to take sufficient precautions will be our task.

> Latin: 15.5. quidquid dixero, minus quam pro atrocitate et magnitudine rei dictum scitote esse; ut ad cavendum satis sit, dabitur opera a nobis.

[¶16] 15.6. As to the Bacchanalia, I am assured that you have learned that they have long been celebrated all over Italy and now even within the City in many places, and that you have learned this not only from rumour but also from their din and cries at night, which echo throughout the City, but I feel sure that you do not know what this thing is:

> Latin: 15.6. Bacchanalia tota iam pridem Italia et nunc per urbem etiam multis locis esse, non fama solum accepisse vos, sed crepitibus etiam ululatibusque nocturnis, qui personant tota urbe, certum habeo, ceterum, quae ea res sit, ignorare;

[¶17] 15.7. some believe that it is a form of worship of the gods, others that it is an allowable play and pastime, and, whatever it is, that it concerns only a few.

> Latin: 15.7. alios deorum aliquem cultum, alios concessum ludum et lasciviam credere esse et qualecumque sit, ad paucos pertinere.

[¶18] 15.8. As regards their number, if I shall say that there are many thousands of them, it cannot but be that you are terrified, unless I shall at once add to that who and of what sort they are.

> Latin: 15.8. quod ad multitudinem eorum adtinet, si dixero, multa milia hominum esse, ilico necesse cesse est exterreamini, nisi adiunxero, qui qualesque sint.

[¶19] 15.9. First, then, a great part of them are women, and they are the source of this mischief; then there are men very like the women, debauched and debauchers, fanatical, with senses dulled by wakefulness, wine, noise and shouts at night.

> Latin: 15.9. primum igitur mulierum magna pars est, et is fons mali huiusce fuit; deinde simillimi feminis mares, stuprati et constupratores, fanatici, vigiliis vino strepitibus clamoribusque nocturnis adtoniti.

[¶20] 15.10. The conspiracy thus far has no strength, but it has an immense source of strength in that they grow more numerous day by day.

> Latin: 15.10. nullas adhuc vires coniuratio, ceterum incrementum ingens virium habet, quod in dies plures fiunt.

[¶21] 15.11. Your ancestors did not wish that even you should assemble casually and without reason, except when the standard was displayed on the citadel and the army was assembled for an election, or the tribunes had announced a meeting of the plebeians, or some of the magistrates had called you to an informal gathering; and wherever there was a crowd collected they thought that there should also be a legal leader of the crowd. Of what sort do you think are, first, gatherings held by night, second, meetings of men and women in common? If you knew at what ages males were initiated, you would feel not only pity for them but also shame.

> Latin: 15.11. maiores vestri ne vos quidem, nisi cum aut vexillo in arce posito comitiorum causa exercitus eductus esset, aut plebi concilium tribuni edixissent, aut aliquis ex magistratibus ad contionem vocasset, forte temere coire voluerunt; et ubicumque multitudo esset, ibi et legitimum rectorem multitudinis censebant debere esse.

[¶22] 15.12. Do you think, citizens, that youths initiated by this oath should be made soldiers? That arms should be entrusted to men mustered from this foul shrine?

> Latin: 15.12. quales primum nocturnos coetus, deinde promiscuos mulierum ac virorum esse creditis?

[¶23] 15.13. Will men debased by their own debauchery and that of others fight to the death on behalf of the chastity of your wives and children? “Yet it would be less serious if their wrongdoing had merely made them effeminate —that was in great measure their personal dishonour —and if they had kept their hands from crime and their thoughts from evil designs: never has there been so much evil in the state nor affecting so many people in so many ways.”

> Latin: 15.13. si quibus aetatibus initientur mares sciatis, non misereat vos eorum solum, sed etiam pudeat. hoc sacramento initiatos iuvenes milites faciendos censetis, Quirites? iis ex obsceno sacrario eductis arma committenda? hi cooperti stupris suis alienisque pro pudicitia coniugum ac liberorum vestrorum ferro decernent?” “minus tamen esset, si flagitiis tantum effeminati forent—ipsorum id magna ex parte dedecus erat—, a facinoribus manus, mentem a fraudibus abstinuissent.

[¶24] 16.2. “Whatever villainy there has been in recent years due to lust, whatever to fraud, whatever to crime, I tell you, has arisen from this one cult.”

> Latin: 16.2. numquam tantum malum in re publica fuit nec ad plures nec ad plura pertinens. quidquid his annis libidine, quidquid fraude, quidquid scelere peccatum est, ex illo uno sacrario scitote ortum esse.

[¶25] 16.3. “Not yet have they revealed all the crimes to which they have conspired. Their impious compact still limits itself to private crimes, since as yet it does not have strength enough to crush the state. Daily the evil grows and creeps abroad. It is already too great to be purely a private matter: its objective is the control of the state.”

> Latin: 16.3. necdum omnia, in quae coniurarunt, edita facinora habent. adhuc privatis noxiis, quia nondum ad rem publicam obprimendam statis virium est, coniuratio sese inpia tenet. crescit et serpit quotidie malum. iam maius est, quam ut capere id privata fortuna possit, ad summam rem publicam spectat.

[¶26] 16.4. “Unless you are on guard betimes, citizens, as we hold this meeting in the day-time, summoned by a consul, in accordance with law, so there can be one held at night. Now, as single individuals, they stand in fear of you, gathered here all together in this assembly: presently, when you have scattered to your homes and farms, they will have come together and they will take measures for their own safety and at the same time for your destruction: then you, as isolated individuals, will have to fear them as a united body. Therefore each one of you should hope that all your friends have been endowed with sound minds.”

> Latin: 16.4. nisi praecavetis, Quirites, iam huic diurnae, legitime ab consule vocatae, par nocturna contio esse poterit. nunc illi vos, singuli universos contionantes timent; iam ubi vos dilapsi domos et in rura vestra eritis, illi coierint, consultabunt de sua salute simul ac vestra pernicie; tum singulis vobis universi timendi erunt.

[¶27] 16.5. “If lust, if madness has carried off anyone into that whirlpool, let each consider that such a person belongs, not to himself, but to those with whom he has conspired to every wickedness and wrong. I am not free of anxiety lest some even of you, citizens, may go astray through error.”

> Latin: 16.5. optare igitur unusquisque vestrum debet, ut bona mens suis omnibus fuerit. si quem libido, si furor in illum gurgitem abripuit, illorum eum, cum quibus in omne flagitium et facinus coniuravit, non suum iudicet esse.

[¶28] 16.6. “Nothing is more deceptive in appearance than a false religion. When the authority of the gods is put forward as a defence for crime, there steals upon the mind a fear lest in punishing human misdeeds we may violate something of divine law which became mixed up with them.”

> Latin: 16.6. ne quis etiam errore labatur vestrum quoque, non sum securus. nihil enim in speciem fallacius est quam prave religio.

[¶29] 16.7. “From this scruple innumerable edicts of the pontiff, decrees of the senate, and finally responses of the haruspices free you.” “How often, in the times of our fathers and our grandfathers, has the task been assigned to the magistrates of forbidding the introduction of foreign cults, of excluding dabblers in sacrifices and fortune-tellers from the Forum, the Circus, and the City, of searching out and burning books of prophecies, and of annulling every system of sacrifice except that performed in the Roman way.”

> Latin: 16.7. ubi deorum numen praetenditur sceleribus, subit animum timor, ne fraudibus humanis vindicandis divini iuris aliquid inmixtum violemus. hac vos religione innumerabilia decreta pontificum, senatus consulta, haruspicum denique responsa liberant. quotiens hoc patrum avorumque aetate negotium est magistratibus datum, uti sacra externa fieri vetarent, sacrificulos vatesque foro circo urbe prohiberent, vaticinios libros conquirerent comburerentque, omnem disciplinam sacrificandi praeterquam more Romano abolerent!

[¶30] 16.9. “For men wisest in all divine and human law used to judge that nothing was so potent in destroying religion as where sacrifices were performed, not by native, but by foreign, ritual.”

> Latin: 16.9. iudicabant enim prudentissimi viri omnis divini humanique iuris nihil aeque dissolvendae religionis esse, quam ubi non patrio, sed externo ritu sacrificaretur.

[¶31] 16.10. “I have thought that this warning should be given you, that no religious fear may disturb your minds when you see us suppressing the Bacchanalia and breaking up these nightly meetings.”

> Latin: 16.10. haec vobis praedicenda ratus sum, ne qua superstitio agitaret animos vestros, cum demolientes nos Bacchanalia discutientesque nefarios coetus cerneretis.

[¶32] 16.11. “All these things, if the gods are favourable and willing, we shall do; they, because they were indignant that their own divinity was being polluted by acts of crime and lust, have dragged these matters from darkness into the light, nor have they willed that they should be discovered in order that they might be unpunished, but that they might be coerced and suppressed.”

> Latin: 16.11. omnia diis propitiis volentibusque ea faciemus; qui quia suum numen sceleribus libidinibusque contaminari indigne ferebant, ex occultis ea tenebris in lucem extraxerunt, nec patefieri, ut inpunita essent, sed ut vindicarentur et obprimerentur, voluerunt.

[¶33] 16.12. “The senate has entrusted the investigation of this affair, by extraordinary assignment, to my colleague and myself. We shall zealously carry through what has to be done by ourselves; the responsibility of keeping watch through the City we have entrusted to the minor magistrates.”

> Latin: 16.12. senatus quaestionem extra ordinem de ea re mihi collegaeque meo mandavit. nos, quae ipsis nobis agenda sunt, inpigre exsequemur; vigiliarum nocturnarum curam per urbem minoribus magistratibus mandavimus;

[¶34] 16.13. “For you too it is proper, whatever duties are assigned you, in whatever place each one is posted, to obey zealously and to see to it that no danger or confusion may arise from the treachery of criminals.”

> Latin: 16.13. vos quoque aequum est, quae vestra munia sunt, quo quisque loco positus erit, quod imperabitur, inpigre praestare et dare operam, ne quid fraude noxiorum periculi aut tumultus oriatur.”

[¶35] 17.1. Then they ordered the decrees of the senate to be read and announced the reward to be paid the informer if anyone had brought any person before them or had reported the name of anyone who was absent.

> Latin: 17.1. recitari deinde senatus consulta iusserunt indicique praemium proposuerunt, si quis quem ad se deduxisset nomenve absentis detulisset;

[¶36] 17.2. If anyone was named and had escaped, for him they would designate a fixed day, and, if he did not respond when summoned on that day, he would be condemned in his absence.

> Latin: 17.2. qui nominatus profugisset, diem certam se finituros, ad quam nisi citatus respondisset, absens damnaretur; si quis eorum, qui tum extra terram Italiam essent, nominaretur, ei laxiorem diem daturos, si venire ad causam dicendam vellet.

[¶37] 17.3. If anyone was named of those who were at that time outside the land of Italy, they would fix a more elastic date if he wished to come to plead his cause. They next proclaimed that no one should venture to sell or buy anything for the purpose of flight; that no one should harbour, conceal, or in any wise aid the fugitives.

> Latin: 17.3. edixerunt deinde, ne quis quid fugae causa vendidisse neve emisse vellet; ne quis reciperet, celaret, ope ulla iuvaret fugientes.

[¶38] 17.4. When the meeting was dismissed there was great panic in the whole City, nor was this confined only to the walls or the boundaries of Rome; but gradually through all Italy, as letters were received from their friends concerning the decree of the senate, concerning the assembly and the edict of the consuls, the terror began to spread.

> Latin: 17.4. contione dimissa terror magnus urbe tota fuit; nec moenibus se tantum urbis aut finibus Romanis continuit, sed passim per totam Italiam litteris hospitum de senatus consulto et contione et edicto consulum acceptis trepidari coeptum est.

[¶39] 17.5. Many during the night after the day when the revelation was made in the meeting were caught trying to escape and brought back by the guards whom the triumviri had posted at the gates: the names of many were reported. Certain of these, men and women, committed suicide.

> Latin: 17.5. multi ea nocte, quae diem insecuta est, quo in contione res palam facta est, custodiis circa portas positis fugientes a triumviris comprehensi et reducti sunt; multorum delata nomina. quidam ex iis viri feminaeque mortem sibi consciverunt.

[¶40] 17.6. In the conspiracy, it was said, more than seven thousand men and women were involved. But the heads of the conspiracy, it was clear, were Marcus and Gaius Atinius of the Roman plebs, and the Faliscan Lucius Opicernius and the Campanian Minius Cerrinius: they were the source of all wickedness and wrongdoing, the story went, and they were the supreme priests and the founders of the cult.

> Latin: 17.6. coniurasse supra septem milia virorum ac mulierum dicebantur. capita autem coniurationis constabat esse M. et C. Atinios de plebe Romana et Faliscum L. Opiternium et Minium Cerrinium Campanum:

[¶41] 17.7. It was seen to that at the first opportunity they were arrested. They were brought before the consuls, confessed, and asked for no delay in standing trial.

> Latin: 17.7. ab his omnia facinora et flagitia orta, eos maximos sacerdotes conditoresque eius sacri esse. data opera, ut primo quoque tempore comprehenderentur. adducti ad consules fassique de se nullam moram indicio fecerunt.

[¶42] 18.1. But so numerous were the persons who had fled from the City that, since in many instances legal proceedings and causes were falling through, the praetors Titus Maenius and Marcus Licinius were compelled, through the intervention of the senate, to adjourn court for thirty days, until the investigations should be finished by the consuls.

> Latin: 18.1. ceterum tanta fuga ex urbe facta erat, ut, quia multis actiones et res peribant, cogerentur praetores T. Maenius et M. Licinius per senatum res in diem tricesimum differre, donec quaestiones a consulibus perficerentur.

[¶43] 18.2. The same depopulation, because at Rome men whose names had been given in did not respond or were not found, compelled the consuls to make the rounds of the villages and there investigate and conduct trials.

> Latin: 18.2. eadem solitudo, quia Romae non respondebant nec inveniebantur, quorum nomina delata erant, coegit consules circa fora proficisci ibique quaerere et iudicia exercere.

[¶44] 18.3. Those who had merely been initiated and had made their prayers in accordance with the ritual formula, the priest dictating the words, in which the wicked conspiracy to all vice and lust was contained, but had committed none of the acts to which they were bound by the oath against either themselves or others, they left in chains; upon those who had permitted themselves to be defiled by debauchery or murder, who had polluted themselves by false testimony, forged seals, substitution of wills or other frauds, they inflicted capital punishment.

> Latin: 18.3. qui tantum initiati erant et ex carmine sacro praeeunte verba sacerdote precationes fecerant, in quibus nefanda coniuratio in omne facinus ac libidinem continebatur, nec earum rerum ullam, in quas iure iurando obligati erant, in se aut alios admiserant, eos in vinculis relinquebant;

[¶45] 18.4. More were killed than were thrown into prison. There was a large number of men and women in both classes. Convicted women were turned over to their relatives or to those who had authority over them, that they might be punished in private:

> Latin: 18.4. qui stupris aut caedibus violati erant, qui falsis testimoniis, signis adulterinis, subiectione testamentorum, fraudibus aliis contaminati, eos capitali poena adficiebant.

[¶46] 18.5. if there was no suitable person to exact it, the penalty was inflicted by the state.

> Latin: 18.5. plures necati quam in vincula coniecti sunt. magna vis in utraque causa virorum mulierumque fuit.

[¶47] 18.6. Then the task was entrusted to the consuls of destroying all forms of Bacchic worship, first at Rome and then throughout Italy, except in cases where an ancient altar or image had been consecrated. For the future it was then provided by decree of the senate that there should be no Bacchanalia in Rome or Italy.

> Latin: 18.6. mulieres damnatas cognatis aut in quorum manu essent tradebant, ut ipsi in privato animadverterent in eas; si nemo erat idoneus supplicii exactor, in publico animadvertebatur.

[¶48] 18.7. If any person considered such worship to be ordained by tradition or to be necessary, and believed that he could not omit it without sin and atonement, he was to make a declaration before the city praetor, and the latter would consult the senate.

> Latin: 18.7. datum deinde consulibus negotium est, ut omnia Bacchanalia Romae primum, deinde per totam Italiam diruerent, extra quam si qua ibi vetusta ara aut signum consecratum esset.

[¶49] 18.8. If permission were granted to him, at a meeting where not fewer than one hundred were in attendance, he should offer the sacrifice, provided that not more than five people should take part in the rite, and that there should be no common purse or master of sacrifices or priest.

> Latin: 18.8. in reliquum deinde senatus consulto cautum est, ne qua Bacchanalia Romae neve in Italia essent; si quis tale sacrum sollemne et necessarium duceret, nec sine religione et piaculo se id omittere posse, apud praetorem urbanum profiteretur, praetor senatum consuleret; si ei permissum esset, cum in senatu centum non minus essent, ita id sacrum faceret, dum ne plus quinque sacrificio interessent, neu qua pecunia communis neu quis magister sacrorum aut sacerdos esset.

[¶50] 19.1. Then another decree of the senate, allied to this, was passed on the motion of the consul Quintus Marcius, that the entire question of those whose services as informers the consuls had enjoyed should be referred to the senate when Spurius Postumius should have returned to Rome after completing the investigations.

> Latin: 19.1. aliud deinde huic coniunctum referente Q. Marcio consule senatus consultum factum est, ut de iis, quos pro indicibus consules habuissent, integra res ad senatum referretur, cum Sp. Postumius quaestionibus perfectis Romam redisset.

[¶51] 19.2. Minius Cerrinius the Campanian they voted should be sent to Ardea for imprisonment, advance notice being given to the magistrates of the Ardeans that they should keep especially close guard over him, not only to prevent his escape but also to allow him no opportunity to commit suicide.

> Latin: 19.2. Minium Cerrinium Campanum Ardeam in vincula mittendum censuerunt magistratibusque Ardeatium praedicendum, ut intentiore eum custodia adservarent, non solum ne effugeret, sed ne mortis consciscendae locum haberet.

[¶52] 19.3. Spurius Postumius returned to Rome a considerable time later: on his motion with reference to the rewards for Publius Aebutius and Hispala Faecenia, because it was through their information that the Bacchanalia had been discovered, a decree of the senate was passed that to each of them one hundred thousand asses should be paid by the city quaestors out of the treasury;

> Latin: 19.3. Sp. Postumius aliquanto post Romam venit; eo referente de P. Aebuti et Hispalae Feceniae praemio, quod eorum opera indicata Bacchanalia essent, senatus consultum factum est, uti singulis his centena milia aeris quaestores urbani ex aerario darent;

[¶53] 19.4. and that the consuls should take up with the tribunes of the people the matter of their presenting to the assembly at the earliest possible moment proposals that Publius Aebutius should be rated as having performed his military service, that he should not serve in the army except by his own act, that the censor should not assign him a public horse without his consent;

> Latin: 19.4. utique consul cum tribunis plebis ageret, uti ad plebem primo quoque tempore ferrent, ut P. Aebutio emerita stipendia essent, ne invitus militaret, neve censor ei … equum publicum adsignaret;

[¶54] 19.5. that Hispala Faecenia should have the rights of bestowing and alienating property, of marriage outside her gens, and choice of a tutor just as if her husband had given it to her by his will; that she should be permitted to marry a man of free birth, nor should any fraud or disgrace on this account attach to a man who should have married her;

> Latin: 19.5. utique Feceniae Hispalae datio deminutio gentis enuptio tutoris optio item esset, quasi ei vir testamento dedisset, utique ei ingenuo nubere liceret, neu quid ei, qui eam duxisset, ob id fraudi ignominiaeve esset;

[¶55] 19.6. that the consuls and praetors who were at this time in office and those who should follow them should have a care that no injury should be done to this woman and that she should be secure. The senate, they were to say, wished and judged it proper that this should be done.

> Latin: 19.6. utique consules praetoresque, qui nunc essent, quive postea futuri essent, curarent, ne quid ei mulieri iniuriae fieret, utique tuto esset.

[¶56] 19.7. All these motions were presented to the assembly and passed in accordance with the decree of the senate; with respect to the impunity and rewards of the rest of the informers discretion was left to the consuls.

> Latin: 19.7. id senatum velle et aequum censere, ut ita fieret. ea omnia lata ad plebem factaque sunt ex senatus consulto; et de ceterorum indicum inpunitate praemiisque consulibus permissum est.

[¶57] 20.1. And by this time Quintus Marcius, having completed the investigation in his district, was preparing to set out against the Ligurians, who composed his province, having received three thousand Roman infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry and five thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy as reinforcements.

> Latin: 20.1. et iam Q. Marcius quaestionibus suae regionis perfectis in Ligures provinciam proficisci parabat, tribus milibus peditum Romanorum, centum quinquaginta equitibus et quinque milibus Latini nominis peditum ducentis equitibus in supplementum acceptis.

[¶58] 20.2. The same province and the same numbers of infantry and cavalry had been decreed to his colleague as well. They received the armies which Gaius Flaminius and Marcus Aemilius had commanded as consuls the preceding year.

> Latin: 20.2. eadem provincia, idem numerus peditum equitumque et collegae decretus erat. exercitus acceperunt, quos priore anno C. Flaminius et M. Aemilius consules habuerunt.

[¶59] 20.3. Besides, they were directed, under the decree of the senate, to enlist two new legions, and they called upon the allies of the Latin confederacy for twenty thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry, and they enlisted three thousand Roman infantry and two hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 20.3. duas praeterea legiones novas ex senatus consulto scribere iussi sunt, et viginti milia peditum sociis et nomini Latino imperarunt et equites octingentos, et tria milia peditum Romanorum, ducentos equites.

[¶60] 20.4. All this army, except the legions, it was resolved to send to reinforce the army in Spain. Accordingly the consuls, while they were themselves busy with the investigations, placed Titus Maenius in charge of conducting the levy.

> Latin: 20.4. totum hunc exercitum praeter legiones in supplementum Hispaniensis exercitus duci placebat. itaque consules, dum ipsi quaestionibus inpediebantur, T. Maenium dilectui habendo praefecerunt.

[¶61] 20.5. When the investigations were completed, Quintus Marcius set out before his colleague against the Ligurian Apuani.

> Latin: 20.5. perfectis quaestionibus prior Q. Marcius in Ligures Apuanos est profectus.

[¶62] 20.6. While he was following them into a retired glade, which had always been their secret retreat and hiding-place, he was surrounded on unfavourable ground in a narrow pass which had been occupied in advance.

> Latin: 20.6. dum penitus in abditos saltus, quae latebrae receptaculaque illis semper fuerant, persequitur, in praeoccupatis angustiis loco iniquo est circumventus.

[¶63] 20.7. Four thousand soldiers were lost and three standards of the second legion and eleven ensigns of the allies of the Latin confederacy fell into the hands of the enemy, as well as many weapons which were thrown away everywhere because they hindered the flight along the paths in the forest.

> Latin: 20.7. quattuor milia militum amissa, et legionis secundae signa tria, undecim vexilla socium Latini nominis in potestatem hostium venerunt et arma multa, quae, quia inpedimento fugientibus per silvestres semitas erant, passim iactabantur.

[¶64] 20.8. The Ligurians desisted from their pursuit before the Romans stopped their flight.

> Latin: 20.8. prius sequendi Ligures finem quam fugae Romani fecerunt.

[¶65] 20.9. As soon as the consul got free of the enemy's country, that it might not be seen how great was the loss, he disbanded the army in a peaceful region.

> Latin: 20.9. consul ubi primum ex hostium agro evasit, ne, quantum deminutae copiae forent, adpareret, in locis pacatis exercitum dimisit.

[¶66] 20.10. He could not, however, erase the record of his defeat; for the glade from which the Ligurians had driven him was called “Marcius.”

> Latin: 20.10. non tamen oblitterare famam rei male gestae potuit; nam saltus, unde eum Ligures fugaverant, Marcius est adpellatus.

[¶67] 21.1. About the time the news from the Ligurians was published, dispatches from Spain were read, bringing sorrow mingled with joy.

> Latin: 21.1. sub hunc nuntium ex Ligustinis vulgatum litterae ex Hispania mixtam gaudio tristitiam adferentes recitatae sunt.

[¶68] 21.2. Gaius Atinius, who as praetor two years before had set out to that province, had engaged in pitched battle with the Lusitanians in the territory of Hasta: about six thousand of the enemy fell and the rest were repulsed and routed and stripped of their camp.

> Latin: 21.2. C. Atinius, qui biennio ante praetor in eam provinciam profectus erat, cum Lusitanis in agro Hastensi signis conlatis pugnavit; ad sex milia hostium sunt caesa, ceteri fusi et fugati castrisque exuti.

[¶69] 21.3. He then led the legions to assault the town of Hasta: this too he took without much more of a fight than the camp; but while he was too carelessly approaching the walls he was hit and a few days later died from his wound.

> Latin: 21.3. ad oppidum deinde Hastam obpugnandum legiones ducit; id quoque haud multo maiore certamine cepit quam castra, sed, dum incautius subit muros, ictus, ex vulnere post dies paucos moritur.

[¶70] 21.4. When the letter regarding the death of the propraetor was read, the senate decreed that a messenger should be sent to overtake the praetor Gaius Calpurnius at the harbour of Luna and announce to him that the senate deemed it proper that he should hasten his departure, that the province might not be left without a governor.

> Latin: 21.4. litteris de morte propraetoris recitatis senatus censuit mittendum, qui ad Lunae portum C. Calpurnium praetorem consequeretur nuntiaretque senatum aequum censere, ne sine imperio provincia esset, maturare eum proficisci.

[¶71] 21.5. The messenger who was sent arrived at Luna on the fourth day: Calpurnius had departed a few days before.

> Latin: 21.5. quarto die, qui missus erat, Lunam venit; paucis ante diebus Calpurnius profectus erat, et in citeriore Hispania L.

[¶72] 21.6. And in Nearer Spain Lucius Manlius Acidinus, who had gone to the province at the same time as Gaius Atinius, engaged in a battle with the Celtiberians.

> Latin: 21.6. Manlius Acidinus, qui eodem tempore quo C. Atinius in provinciam ierat, cum Celtiberis acie conflixit.

[¶73] 21.7. Both sides withdrew with the result indecisive, except that the Celtiberians moved their camp from there the next night and gave the Romans the chance both to bury their dead and collect the spoils from the enemy.

> Latin: 21.7. incerta victoria discessum est, nisi quod Celtiberi castra inde nocte proxima moverunt, Romanis et suos sepeliendi et spolia legendi ex hostibus potestas facta est.

[¶74] 21.8. A few days later, having collected a larger army, the Celtiberians spontaneously challenged the Romans to battle near the town of Calagurris. It is not explained what made them weaker after their numbers were increased.

> Latin: 21.8. paucos post dies maiore coacto exercitu Celtiberi ad Calagurrim oppidum ultro lacessiverunt proelio Romanos.

[¶75] 21.9. They were defeated in the battle: about twelve thousand men were killed and two thousand captured and the Romans gained possession of the camp.

> Latin: 21.9. nihil traditur, quae causa numero aucto infirmiores eos fecerit. superati proelio sunt; ad duodecim milia hominum caesa, plus duo capta, et castris Romanus potitur;

[¶76] 21.10. And, if the arrival of his successor had not prevented the victor from exploiting his success, the Celtiberians might have been subdued. Both new praetors led their armies into winter quarters.

> Latin: 21.10. et nisi successor adventu suo inhibuisset inpetum victoris, subacti Celtiberi forent. novi praetores ambo exercitus in hiberna deduxerunt.

[¶77] 22.1. About the time that these reports were brought from Spain, the Taurian Games were performed for two days for religious reasons. Then for ten days, with great magnificence, Marcus Fulvius gave the games which he had vowed during the Aetolian war.

> Latin: 22.1. per eos dies, quibus haec ex Hispania nuntiata sunt, ludi Taurii per biduum facti religionis causa. decem … adparatos deinde ludos M. Fulvius, quos voverat Aetolico bello, fecit.

[¶78] 22.2. Many actors too came from Greece to do him honour. Also a contest of athletes was then for the first time made a spectacle for the Romans and a hunt of lions and panthers was given, and the games, in number and variety, were celebrated in a manner almost like that of the present time.

> Latin: 22.2. multi artifices ex Graecia venerunt honoris eius causa. athletarum quoque certamen tum primo Romanis spectaculo fuit, et venatio data leonum et pantherarum, et prope huius saeculi copia ac varietate ludicrum celebratum est.

[¶79] 22.3. Then a nine-day feast took place because in Picenum through three days there had been showers of stones, and especially because flames shining in the sky in many places were said to have set fire to the garments of many when a light breeze blew upon them.

> Latin: 22.3. novemdiale deinde sacrum tenuit, quod in Piceno per triduum lapidibus pluverat, ignesque caelestes multifariam orti adussisse complurium levi adflatu vestimenta maxime dicebantur.

[¶80] 22.4. A one-day period of prayer was also added by decree of the pontiffs because the temple of Ops on the Capitoline had been struck by lightning.

> Latin: 22.4. addita et unum diem supplicatio est ex decreto pontificum, quod aedis Opis in Capitolio de caelo tacta erat. hostiis maioribus consules procurarunt urbemque lustraverunt.

[¶81] 22.5. The consuls atoned for this with full-grown victims and purified the City. About the same time it was reported too from Umbria that a hermaphrodite about twelve years old had been discovered. In their fear and awe of this portent they ordered the prodigy to be removed from Roman soil and killed as soon as possible.

> Latin: 22.5. sub idem tempus et ex Umbria nuntiatum est semimarem duodecim ferme annos natum inventum. id prodigium abominantes arceri Romano agro necarique quam primum iusserunt.

[¶82] 22.6. In the same year Transalpine Gauls, crossing into Venetia without any devastation or war, took possession of a site for founding a town not far from where Aquileia now stands.

> Latin: 22.6. eodem anno Galli Transalpini transgressi in Venetiam sine populatione aut bello haud procul inde, ubi nunc Aquileia est, locum oppido condendo ceperunt.

[¶83] 22.7. Roman ambassadors sent across the Alps to inquire into the matter received the reply that this party had not set out with the authority of the state, nor did they know what they were doing in Italy.

> Latin: 22.7. legatis Romanis de ea re trans Alpes missis responsum est neque profectos ex auctoritate gentis eos nec, quid in Italia facerent, sese scire.

[¶84] 22.8. Lucius Scipio at this time celebrated for ten days the games which he said he had vowed during the war with Antiochus, with money contributed for the purpose by the kings and cities.

> Latin: 22.8. L. Scipio ludos eo tempore, quos bello Antiochi vovisse sese dicebat, ex conlata ad id pecunia ab regibus civitatibusque per dies decem fecit.

[¶85] 22.9. Valerius Antias is the authority for the statement that after his condemnation and the sale of his property he had been sent as an ambassador to Asia to resolve the disputes between the two kings, Antiochus and Eumenes:

> Latin: 22.9. legatum eum post damnationem et bona vendita missum in Asiam ad dirimenda inter Antiochum et Eumenem reges certamina Valerius Antias est auctor;

[¶86] 22.10. he adds that at that time the money was contributed to him and artists collected throughout Asia, and that finally, after his embassy, action was taken in the senate about these games, of which he had made no mention after the war in which he said that they had been vowed.

> Latin: 22.10. tum conlatas ei pecunias congregatosque per Asiam artifices, et quorum ludorum post bellum, in quo votos diceret, mentionem non fecisset, de iis post legationem demum in senatu actum.

[¶87] 23.1. When the year was now coming to its end, Quintus Marcius was about to retire from office while absent from Rome and Spurius Postumius, having conducted the investigations with the greatest faithfulness and energy, held the elections.

> Latin: 23.1. cum iam in exitu annus esset, Q. Marcius absens magistratu abiturus erat; Sp. Postumius quaestionibus cum summa fide curaque perfectis comitia habuit.

[¶88] 23.2. The consuls elected were Appius Claudius Pulcher and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus. Next day the praetors were chosen, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Aulus Postumius Albinus, Gaius Afranius Stellio, Gaius Atilius Serranus, Lucius Postumius Tempsanus, Marcus Claudius Marcellinus.

> Latin: 23.2. creati consules sunt Ap. Claudius Pulcher M. Sempronius Tuditanus. postero die praetores facti P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Postumius Albinus C. Afranius Stellio C. Atilius Serranus L. Postumius Tempsanus M. Claudius Marcellus.

[¶89] 23.3. At the end of the year, because the consul Spurius Postumius had reported that on his journeys in the prosecution of the investigations on both coasts of Italy he had found colonies abandoned, Sipontum on the upper sea, Buxentum on the lower, three commissioners to enroll colonists for them were elected in accordance with a decree of the senate and under the presidency of the praetor Titus Maenius.

> Latin: 23.3. extremo anni, quia Sp. Postumius consul renuntiaverat peragrantem se propter quaestiones utrumque litus Italiae desertas colonias Sipontum supero, Buxentum infero mari invenisse, triumviri ad colonos eo scribendos ex senatus consulto ab T.

[¶90] 23.4. The commissioners were Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Tuccius, Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus.

> Latin: 23.4. Maenio praetore urbano creati sunt L. Scribonius Libo M. Tuccius Cn. Baebius Tamphilus.

[¶91] 23.5. The war with King Perseus and the Macedonians which was threatening did not arise from the causes which most people assign to it, nor from Perseus himself: the beginnings had been made by Philip; and Philip himself, had he lived longer, would have waged that war.

> Latin: 23.5. cum Perseo rege et Macedonibus bellum quod inminebat, non, unde plerique opinantur, nec ab ipso Perseo causas cepit: inchoata initia a Philippo sunt, et is ipse, si diutius vixisset, id bellum gessisset.

[¶92] 23.6. One thing, when terms of peace were dictated to him after his defeat, especially offended him —that the right of punishing those of the Macedonians who had revolted from him during the war had been taken from him by the senate, although, since Quinctius, in their negotiations for peace, had postponed the whole question, he had not despaired of obtaining it. Then, when King Antiochus had been defeated at Thermopylae, the tasks had been divided, and at the same time the consul Acilius had laid siege to Heraclea, Philip to Lamia; but when Heraclea was taken Philip had felt aggrieved because he had been ordered to retire from the walls of Lamia and the town had been surrendered to the Romans. The consul soothed his wrath, because, when he was himself in haste to move towards Naupactus, whither the Aetolians had gone from their flight, he had permitted Philip to make war on Athamania and Amynander and to add to his kingdom the cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians.

> Latin: 23.6. una eum res, cum victo leges inponerentur, maxime angebat, quod, qui Macedonum ab se defecerant in bello, in eos ius saeviendi ademptum ei ab senatu erat, cum, quia rem integram Quinctius in condicionibus pacis distulerat, non desperasset impetrari posse. Antiocho rege deinde bello superato ad Thermopylas, divisis partibus, cum per eosdem dies consul Acilius Heracleam, Philippus Lamiam obpugnasset, capta Heraclea quia iussus abscedere a moenibus Lamiae erat Romanisque oppidum deditum est, aegre eam rem tulerat.

[¶93] 23.10. Without great effort he had both driven Amynander from Athamania and recovered a considerable number of towns. Demetrias also, a powerful city, opportunely situated in every respect, and the tribes of the Magnesians he had brought under his control.

> Latin: 23.10. permulsit iram eius consul, quod ad Naupactum ipse festinans, quo se ex fuga Aetoli contulerant, Philippo permisit, ut Athamaniae et Amynandro bellum inferret et urbes, quas Thessalis Aetoli ademerant, regno adiceret. haud magno certamine et Amynandrum Athamania expulerat et urbes receperat aliquot.

[¶94] 23.12. After that he had also gained certain cities in Thrace, amid the disorder caused by the quarrels of their leading citizens —the fault of new and unwonted liberty —by joining himself to the parties which were being worsted in this internal rivalry.

> Latin: 23.12. Demetriadem quoque, urbem validam et ad omnia opportunam, et Magnetum gentem suae dicionis fecit. inde et in Thracia quasdam urbes, novae atque insuetae libertatis vitio seditionibus principum turbatas, partibus, quae domestico certamine vincerentur, adiungendo sese cepit.

[¶95] 24.1. By these means the anger of the king against the Romans was temporarily assuaged. Never, however, did he relax his attention to the assembling in time of peace of strength which, whenever the chance should be given, he could use in time of war.

> Latin: 24.1. his sedata in praesentia regis ira in Romanos est. numquam tamen remisit animum a colligendis in pace viribus, quibus, quandoque data fortuna esset, ad bellum uteretur.

[¶96] 24.2. He not only increased the revenues of his kingdom from the farm crops and the harbour duties, but also reopened old mines long disused and began operations on new ones in many places.

> Latin: 24.2. vectigalia regni non fructibus tantum agrorum portoriisque maritimis auxit, sed metalla etiam et vetera intermissa recoluit et nova multis locis instituit.

[¶97] 24.3. But that he might restore the ancient population, which had been lost in the calamities of war, he did not merely look to the natural increase of the people, by requiring all to beget and rear children, but he had transferred a great number of Thracians to Macedonia as well, being for some time free from wars and devoting all his thought to increasing the resources of his kingdom.

> Latin: 24.3. ut vero antiquam multitudinem hominum, quae belli cladibus amissa erat, restitueret, non subolem tantum stirpis parabat cogendis omnibus procreare atque educare liberos, sed Thracum etiam magnam multitudinem in Macedoniam traduxerat quietusque aliquamdiu a bellis omni cura in augendas regni opes intentus fuerat.

[¶98] 24.5. Then causes recurred which aroused anew his anger against the Romans. The complaints of the Thessalians and the Perrhaebians with regard to their cities which were in his hands and those of the envoys of King Eumenes with regard to his violent occupation of the Thracian towns and the transfer of the population to Macedonia had been so received that it was plainly evident that they would not be ignored.

> Latin: 24.5. rediere deinde causae, quae de integro iram moverent in Romanos. Thessalorum et Perrhaeborum querellae de urbibus suis ab eo possessis et legatorum Eumenis regis de Thraciis oppidis per vim occupatis traductaque in Macedoniam multitudine ita auditae erant, ut eas non neglegi satis adpareret.

[¶99] 24.7. The senate had been especially moved by the fact that they had heard that he now coveted the possession of Aenus and Maronea; they were less concerned about the Thessalians.

> Latin: 24.7. maxime moverat senatum, quod iam Aeni et Maroneae adfectari possessionem audierant;

[¶100] 24.8. Athamanian ambassadors had also arrived, complaining, not of the occupation of part of their kingdom or of the loss of territory, but that all Athamania had come under the sovereignty and sway of the king; exiles of the Maroneans had also come, expelled because they had defended the cause of liberty against the king's garrison: they brought the news that not only Maronea but also Aenus was in the power of Philip.

> Latin: 24.8. minus Thessalos curabant. Athamanes quoque venerant legati, non partis amissae, non finium iacturam querentes, sed totam Athamaniam sub ius iudiciumque regis venisse;

[¶101] 24.9. Ambassadors too from Philip had come to clear him on these counts, and they asserted that he had done nothing except with the consent of the Roman generals: the cities of the Thessalians and Perrhaebians and Magnesians and the people of the Athamanians, including Amynander, had been in the same situation as the

> Latin: 24.9. et Maronitarum exules venerant pulsi, quia libertatis causam defendissent ab regio praesidio; ii non Maroneam modo, sed etiam Aenum in potestate narrabant esse Philippi. venerant et a Philippo legati ad purganda ea, qui nihil nisi permissu Romanorum imperatorum factum adfirmabant:

[¶102] 24.11. Aetolians; after the defeat of King Antiochus the consul, kept busy with besieging the Aetolian cities, had sent Philip to recover the above-mentioned places; subdued by arms, they now obeyed him.

> Latin: 24.11. civitates Thessalorum et Perrhaeborum et Magnetum et cum Amynandro Athamanum gentem in eadem causa qua Aetolos fuisse;

[¶103] 24.12. The senate, in order not to reach any decision in the absence of the king, sent as commissioners to settle these disputes Quintus Caecilius Metellus, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus, Tiberius Sempronius.

> Latin: 24.12. Antiocho rege pulso occupatum obpugnandis Aetolicis urbibus consulem ad recipiendas eas civitates Philippum misisse;

[¶104] 24.13. On their arrival at Thessalian Tempe all the states which had matters of dispute with the king were summoned to a council. There, when they had taken their places, the 'Roman commissioners in the position of arbitrators, the Thessalians, Perrhaebians and Athamanians as unquestionably accusers, and Philip to hear the charges almost as a criminal, each one of the men who were chiefs of embassies, in accordance with his own inclinations, whether towards sympathy for Philip or towards hatred, made more harsh or more lenient proposals.

> Latin: 24.13. armis subactos parere. senatus ne quid absente rege statueret, legatos ad eas controversias disceptandas misit Q. Caecilium Metellum M. Baebium Tamphilum Ti. Sempronium. quorum sub adventum ad Thessalica Tempe omnibus iis civitatibus, quibus cum rege disceptatio erat, concilium indictum est. ibi cum Romani legati disceptatorum loco, Thessali Perrhaebique et Athamanes haud dubii accusatores, Philippus ad audienda crimina tamquam reus consedissent, pro ingenio quisque eorum, qui principes legationum erant, et gratia cum Philippo aut odio acerbius leniusve egerunt.

## 38. Book XXXIX · chapters 25–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/38/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/38/#p-N

[¶0] 25.3. But the principal grounds for controversy were Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria, Eurymenae and other cities near them, whether, at a time when they were under Thessalian control, they had been forcibly seized and occupied by the Aetolians —for it was agreed that Philip had taken them from the Aetolians —or whether these towns had been Aetolian in earlier times; for Acilius had given them to the king subject to the condition that they had belonged to the Aetolians and, furthermore, that they had joined with the Aetolians voluntarily, not under compulsion of armed force.

> Latin: 25.3. in controversiam autem veniebant Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria et Eurymenae et cetera circa eas oppida, utrum Thessalorum iuris, cum vi ademptae possessaeque ab Aetolis forent—nam Philippum Aetolis ademisse eas constabat—

[¶1] 25.5. Under the same procedure the dispute was conducted as to the cities of the Perrhaebians and Magnesians; for the Aetolians had confused all claims by seizing them as opportunity offered.

> Latin: 25.5. ,an Aetolica antiquitus ea oppida fuissent: ita enim Acilium regi concessisse, si Aetolorum fuissent, si voluntate, non si vi atque armis coacti cum Aetolis essent.

[¶2] 25.6. Besides these questions, which were matters for legal adjudication, there were the complaints of the Thessalians that if these cities should be restored to them he would give them back after they had been despoiled and abandoned;

> Latin: 25.6. eiusdem formulae disceptatio de Perrhaeborum Magnetumque oppidis fuit: omnium enim iura possidendo per occasiones Aetoli miscuerant.

[¶3] 25.7. for in addition to those who had been lost in the hardships of war he had taken five hundred of the leaders of the youth away to Macedonia and was misusing their services on tasks fit only for slaves;

> Latin: 25.7. ad haec, quae disceptationis erant, querellae Thessalorum adiectae, quod ea oppida, si iam redderentur sibi, spoliata ac deserta redditurus esset:

[¶4] 25.8. and what he had restored to the Thessalians, under compulsion, he had taken care to return unusable. Phthian Thebes, they said, had once been the one maritime market of the Thessalians which was profitable and productive of revenue: by assembling there cargo-boats which would steer past Thebes to Demetrias, the king had diverted thither all the sea-trade. At last not even ambassadors, who were inviolable under the law of nations, had he refrained from attacking: he had laid an ambush for them while they were on their way to Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 25.8. nam praeter belli casibus amissos quingentos principes iuventutis in Macedoniam abduxisse et opera eorum in servilibus abuti ministeriis, et quae reddiderit coactus Thessalis, inutilia ut redderet curasse. Thebas Phthias unum maritimum emporium fuisse quondam Thessalis, quaestuosum et frugiferum; ibi navibus onerariis comparatis regem, quae praeter Thebas Demetriadem cursum derigerent, negotiationem omnem maritimam eo avertisse.

[¶5] 25.10. As a result, then, they said, all Thessalians had been thrown into such a panic that no one dared to open his mouth either in his own city or in the common councils of the people.

> Latin: 25.10. iam ne a legatis quidem, qui iure gentium sancti sint, violandis abstinere: insidias positas euntibus ad T. Quinctium.

[¶6] 25.11. The Romans, the source of their liberty, were far away: close beside them was a threatening master, forbidding them to take advantage of the kindnesses of the Roman people. What, pray, was free if there was no free speech? Even now, with the confidence and under the safeguards of ambassadors, they were lamenting rather than stating their case. Unless the Romans found some device by which both the fear of the Greeks who were neighbours of Macedonia and the aggressiveness of Philip could be diminished, both his defeat and their liberation would be in vain.

> Latin: 25.11. itaque ergo in tantum metum omnes Thessalos coniectos, ut non in civitatibus suis, non in communibus gentis conciliis quisquam hiscere audeat. procul enim abesse libertatis auctores Romanos; lateri adhaerere gravem dominum, prohibentem uti beneficiis populi Romani. quid autem, si vox libera non sit, liberum esse?

[¶7] 25.12. Like a stubborn horse which would not obey, more cruel reins must be employed to control him. These remarks the last speakers made in bitterness, although previous speakers had gently soothed his wrath, begging that he would pardon their pleas for liberty, that he would lay aside the harshness of a tyrant and train himself to act as an ally and friend, and that he would imitate the Roman people, which preferred to win for itself allies by affection rather than by fear. When the Thessalians had been heard, the Perrhaebians argued that Gonnocondylum, which Philip had named Olympias, belonged to Perrhaebia and should be restored to them; the same demand was also made for Malloea and Ericinium. The Athamanians sought liberty and the forts of Athenaeum and Poetneum.

> Latin: 25.12. nunc se fiducia et praesidio legatorum ingemiscere magis quam loqui. nisi provideant aliquid Romani, quo et et Graecis Macedoniam adcolentibus metus et audacia Philippo minuatur, neqüiquam et illum victum et se liberatos esse. ut equum tenacem, non parentem frenis asperioribus castigandum esse. haec acerbe postremi, cum priores leniter permulsissent iram eius petentes, ut ignosceret pro libertate loquentibus, et ut deposita domini acerbitate adsuesceret socium atque amicum sese praestare et imitaretur populum Romanum, qui caritate quam metu adiungere sibi socios mallet. Thessalis auditis Perrhaebi Gonnocondylum, quod Philippus Olympiadem adpellaverat, Perrhaebiae fuisse, et ut sibi restitueretur, agebant, et de Malloea et Ericinio eadem postulatio erat. Athamanes libertatem repetebant et castella Athenaeum et Poetneum.

[¶8] 26.1. Philip, so as to assume the pose of the accuser rather than the accused, himself began with complaints, alleging that the Thessalians had seized by force of arms Menelais in Dolopia, which had belonged to his kingdom; similarly, Petra in Pieria had been taken by the same Thessalians and the Perrhaebians.

> Latin: 26.1. Philippus, ut accusatoris potius quam rei speciem haberet, et ipse a querellis orsus Menelaidem in Dolopia, quae regni sui fuisset, Thessalos vi atque armis expugnasse questus est, item Petram in Pieria ab iisdem Thessalis Perrhaebisque captam;

[¶9] 26.2. Xyniae indeed, which was certainly an Aetolian town, they had annexed as their own; and Paracheloïs, which was under Athamania, had been made Thessalian under no rule of law.

> Latin: 26.2. Xynias quidem, haud dubie Aetolicum oppidum, sibi contribuisse eos, et Paracheloida, quae sub Athamania esset, nullo iure Thessalorum formulae factam.

[¶10] 26.3. Now as to the charges which they had made against him regarding the ambushing of ambassadors and the frequenting or deserting of maritime harbours, the one, he said, was nonsense, that he should be accountable for what harbours merchants or sailors would seek, the other was inconsistent with his character.

> Latin: 26.3. nam quae sibi crimina obiciantur de insidiis legatorum et maritimis portubus frequentatis aut desertis, alterum ridiculum esse, se reddere rationem, quos portus mercatores aut nautici petant, alterum mores respuere suos.

[¶11] 26.5. It was so many years now that ambassadors had never stopped going now to Roman commanders, now to the senate in Rome, carrying charges against him: who of these, he asked, had ever been harmed even by word? They said that once ambassadors going to Quinctius had been ambushed; but what had happened to them they did not add.

> Latin: 26.5. tot annos esse, per quos numquam cessaverint legati nunc ad imperatores Romanos nunc Romam ad senatum crimina de se deferre: quem umquam verbo violatum esse?

[¶12] 26.6. These were the allegations of men seeking some false charge to make, since they had nothing true to say.

> Latin: 26.6. semel euntibus ad Quinctium insidias dici factas, sed quid iis acciderit, non adici. quaerentium, quod falso obiciant, cum veri nihil habeant, ea crimina esse.

[¶13] 26.7. Arrogantly and excessively did the Thessalians misuse the indulgence of the Roman people, as if after a long thirst they drank too greedily a draught of pure freedom: thus, like slaves suddenly set free contrary to their expectations, they were trying out their freedom of voice and tongue and were making a show of themselves by attacking and insulting their masters. Carried away by anger, he added that the sun of all his days had not yet set.

> Latin: 26.7. insolenter et inmodice abuti Thessalos indulgentia populi Romani, velut ex diutina siti nimis avide meram haurientes libertatem, itaque servorum modo praeter spem repente manumissorum licentiam vocis et linguae experiri et iactare sese insectatione et conviciis dominorum.

[¶14] 26.9. This remark not only the Thessalians took as a. threat against them, but the Romans also. And when after this speech a roar of protest began and was finally quieted, he replied next to the Perrhaebians and the Athamanians, that the status of the cities about which they were arguing was the same.

> Latin: 26.9. elatus deinde ira adiecit, nondum omnium dierum solem occidisse. id minaciter dictum non Thessali modo in sese sed etiam Romani acceperunt.

[¶15] 26.10. He claimed that the consul Acilius and the Romans had given them to him because they were on the side of the enemy.

> Latin: 26.10. et cum fremitus post eam vocem ortus et tandem sedatus esset, Perrhaeborum inde Athamanumque legatis respondit eandem, de quibus illi agant, civitatium causam esse:

[¶16] 26.11. If they who had given them wished to take away their gift, he was aware, he said, that he would have to yield;

> Latin: 26.11. consulem Acilium et Romanos sibi dedisse eas, cum hostium essent;

[¶17] 26.12. but they would be doing an injury to a better and more loyal friend to gratify fickle and useless allies. For nothing was gratitude less enduring than for liberty, especially when bestowed upon men who are certain to spoil it by misuse.

> Latin: 26.12. si suum munus, qui dedissent adimere velint, scire cedendum esse; sed meliori et fideliori amico in gratiam levium et inutilium sociorum iniuriam eos facturos.

[¶18] 26.13. Having heard the case, the commissioners gave judgment that it was their pleasure that the Macedonian garrisons should be withdrawn from these cities and that the kingdom should be reduced to the ancient boundaries of Macedonia.

> Latin: 26.13. nec enim ullius rei minus diuturnam esse gratiam quam libertatis, praesertim apud eos, qui male utendo eam corrupturi sint.

[¶19] 26.14. Regarding the injuries which they complained of as committed by both sides, they would have to determine the rule of procedure to be followed, so as to know in what manner to settle the disputes between these peoples and the Macedonians.

> Latin: 26.14. causa cognita pronuntiarunt legati, placere deduci praesidia Macedonum ex iis urbibus et antiquis Macedoniae terminis regnum finiri. de iniuriis, quas ultro citroque inlatas querantur, quo modo inter eas gentes et Macedonas disceptetur, formulam iuris exsequendi constituendam esse.

[¶20] 27.1. Thence, having given serious offence to the king, they proceeded to Thessalonica to investigate the condition of the cities of Thrace.

> Latin: 27.1. inde graviter offenso rege Thessalonicen ad cognoscendum de Thraciae urbibus proficiscuntur.

[¶21] 27.2. There ambassadors of Eumenes told them that if the Romans wished Aenus and Maronea to be free, the king's sense of propriety permitted them to say nothing more, except to suggest that they leave them free in fact and not merely in name, and not allow their own work to be a source of gain to another.

> Latin: 27.2. ibi legati Eumenis, si liberas esse Aenum et Maroneam velint Romani, nihil sui pudoris esse ultra dicere, quam ut admoneant, re, non verbo eos liberos relinquant, nec suum munus intercipi ab alio patiantur;

[¶22] 27.3. But if there were less concern for the cities situated in Thrace, it was far more proper that towns which had belonged to Antiochus should fall as prizes of war to Eumenes rather than to Philip, either in consideration of the services of his father Attalus in the war which the Roman people had waged against Philip himself, or of his own services, in that he had taken part, during the war with Antiochus, in all its labours and perils on land and sea.

> Latin: 27.3. sin autem minor cura sit civitatium in Thracia positarum, multo verius esse, quae sub Antiocho fuerint, praemia belli Eumenem quam Philippum habere vel pro patris Attali meritis bello, quod adversus Philippum ipsum gesserit populus Romanus, vel suis, quod Antiochi bello terra marique laboribus periculisque omnibus interfuerit.

[¶23] 27.5. They said that Eumenes had in addition the preliminary opinion of the ten commissioners on the matter, who, since they had given him the Chersonesus and Lysimachia, surely gave him Maronea and Aenus too, which, from their nearness to his country, were mere appendages to the larger gift.

> Latin: 27.5. habere eum praeterea decem legatorum in eam rem praeiudicium, qui cum Chersonesum Lysimachiamque dederint, Maroneam quoque atque Aenum profecto dedisse, quae ipsa propinquitate regionis velut adpendices maioris muneris essent.

[¶24] 27.6. In consequence of what service to the Roman people, they asked, or of what right to rule had Philip imposed his garrisons upon these cities when they were so far away from the boundaries of Macedonia? Let the commissioners order the Maroneans to be summoned: from them they would receive all certain information about the condition of these cities.

> Latin: 27.6. nam Philippum quidem quo aut merito in populum Romanum aut iure imperii, cum tam procul a finibus Macedoniae absint, civitatibus his praesidia inposuisse? vocari Maronitas iuberent; ab iis certiora omnia de statu civitatium earum scituros.

[¶25] 27.7. The agents of the Maroneans, when called in, said that the royal garrison occupied, not merely one place in the city, as in other towns, but several at once, and that Maronea was full of Macedonians.

> Latin: 27.7. legati Maronitarum vocati non uno tantum loco urbis praesidium regium esse, sicut in aliis civitatibus, dixerunt, sed pluribus simul, et plenam Macedonum Maroneam esse.

[¶26] 27.8. As a result, the king's partisans were in control: they alone were permitted to speak in the senate and in the public meetings; they either held themselves or gave to others all offices.

> Latin: 27.8. itaque dominari adsentatores regios; his solis loqui et in senatu et in contionibus licere, eos omnes honores et capere ipsos et dare aliis.

[¶27] 27.9. All the aristocrats, who felt some concern for liberty and the laws, were either in exile, driven from their homes, or were silent, unhonoured and at the mercy of their inferiors.

> Latin: 27.9. optimum quemque, quibus libertatis, quibus legum cura sit, aut exulare pulsos patria aut inhonoratos et deterioribus obnoxios silere.

[¶28] 27.10. And as to the boundary rights, they had little new to say: only that Quintus Fabius Labeo, when he had been in that region, had fixed as the boundary for Philip the ancient royal road which leads to Paroreia in Thrace, nowhere approaching the sea: Philip had later laid out a new road which encompassed the cities and lands of the Maroneans.

> Latin: 27.10. de iure etiam finium pauca adiecerunt: Q. Fabium Labeonem, cum in regione ea fuisset, direxisse finem Philippo veterem viam regiam, quae ad Thraciae Paroream subeat, nusquam ad mare declinantem; Philippum novam postea deflexisse viam, qua Maronitarum urbes agrosque amplectatur.

[¶29] 28.1. In reply to this Philip followed a very different line of argument from that recently used against the Thessalians and Perrhaebians: “With the Maroneans or with Eumenes,” he said, “I have no debate, but now, Romans, the debate is with you, from whom I have for some time observed that I receive no fair treatment.”

> Latin: 28.1. ad ea Philippus longe aliam quam adversus Thessalos Perrhaebosque nuper ingressus disserendi viam “non cum Maronitis” inquit “mihi aut cum Eumene disceptatio est, sed iam vobiscum, Romani, a quibus nihil aequi me impetrare iam diu animadverto.

[¶30] 28.2. “The cities of the Macedonians which had revolted from me during the truce I deemed it right that I should recover, not because it would be an important addition to my kingdom —for they are small towns and, moreover, situated on the farthest frontiers —but because it was a valuable precedent for holding within bounds the other Macedonians.”

> Latin: 28.2. civitates Macedonum, quae a me inter indutias defecerant, reddi mihi aequum censebam, non quia magna accessio ea regni futura esset—sunt enim et parva oppida et in finibus extremis posita—, sed quia multum ad reliquos Macedonas continendos exemplum pertinebat.

[¶31] 28.3. “This was refused me. During the Aetolian war, ordered by the consul Manius Acilius to besiege Lamia, after I had been wearied for a long time by the siege and battles and when I was on the point of scaling the walls, I was recalled by him from the city, which was all but taken, and compelled to march my troops away.”

> Latin: 28.3. negatum est mihi. bello Aetolico Lamiam obpugnare iussus a consule M'. Acilio cum diu fatigatus ibi operibus proeliisque essem, transcendentem me iam muros a capta prope urbe revocavit consul et abducere copias inde coegit.

[¶32] 28.4. “As a consolation for this injustice it was permitted to me to recover certain fortresses (such they were rather than cities) of Thessaly and Perrhaebia and the Athamanians.”

> Latin: 28.4. ad huius solacium iniuriae permissum est, ut Thessaliae Perrhaebiaeque et Athamanum reciperem quaedam castella magis quam urbes. ea quoque ipsa vos mihi, Q. Caecili, paucos ante dies ademistis.

[¶33] 28.5. “Even these, Quintus Caecilius, you took away from me a few days ago. Just now (heaven help us!) the ambassadors of Eumenes assumed it as not to be gainsaid that it was more just for Eumenes than for me to have what had belonged to Antiochus. I judge the matter far differently. Eumenes could not have remained in his kingdom, I do not mean if the Romans had not conquered, but if they had not undertaken the war.”

> Latin: 28.5. pro non dubio paulo ante, si diis placet, legati Eumenis sumebant, quae Antiochi fuerunt, Eumenem aequius esse quam me habere. id ego longe aliter iudico esse. Eumenes enim non, nisi vicissent Romani, sed, nisi bellum gessissent, manere in regno suo non potuit.

[¶34] 28.6. “And so he has received favours from you, not you from him. So far from true was it that any part of my kingdom was in danger that when Antiochus voluntarily promised me three thousand talents and fifty decked ships and all the cities of Greece which I had held before, as the price of my alliance, I refused; I preferred to be his enemy even before Manius Acilius brought his army across to Greece.”

> Latin: 28.6. itaque ille vestrum meritum habet, non vos illius; mei autem regni tantum aberat ut ulla pars in discrimine fuerit, ut tria milia talentum et quinquaginta tectas naves et omnes Graeciae civitates, quas antea tenuissem, pollicentem ultro Antiochum in mercedem societatis sim aspernatus;

[¶35] 28.7. “And with that consul I conducted whatever campaign he assigned to me;” “and for the following consul, Lucius Scipio, when he had decided to lead his army to the Hellespont by land, I not merely gave him a right of way through our kingdom but also paved roads, built bridges, furnished supplies; and this not through Macedonia alone but also through Thrace, where, along with everything else, I had to maintain peace with the barbarians.” “For this zeal in your behalf, not to say for these services to you, was ” “it right, Romans, that you should add to and enlarge and increase somewhat my domains by your generosity, or that you should take away what I have, either by my own right or by your kindness, as you are doing now?

> Latin: 28.7. hostemque ei me esse prius etiam, quam M’. Acilius exercitum in Graeciam traiceret, praetuli. et cum eo consule belli partem, quamcumque mihi delegavit, gessi, et insequenti consuli, L. Scipioni, cum terra statuisset ducere exercitum ad Hellespontum, non iter tantum per regnum nostrum dedi, sed vias etiam munivi, pontes feci, commeatus praebui, nec per Macedoniam tantum, sed per Thraciam etiam, ubi inter cetera pax quoque praestanda a barbaris erat.

[¶36] 28.10. The cities of the Macedonians, which you admit were part of my dominion, are not restored.” “Eumenes has come to despoil me as if I were Antiochus, and (heaven help us!) he brings forward, for his most impudent manipulation of the facts, the decree of the ten commissioners, by which more than anything else he can be both refuted and convicted.”

> Latin: 28.10. pro hoc studio meo erga vos, ne dicam merito, utrum adicere vos, Romani, aliquid et amplificare et augere regnum meum munificentia vestra oportebat, an, quae haberem aut meo iure aut beneficio vestro, eripere, id quod nunc facitis? Macedonum civitates, quas regni mei fuisse fatemini, non restituuntur. Eumenes, tamquam ad Antiochum spoliandum me venit et, si diis placet, decem legatorum decretum calumniae inpudentissimae praetendit, quo maxime et refelli et coargui potest;

[¶37] 28.12. “For it was written therein most explicitly and clearly that the Chersonesus and Lysimachia were given to Eumenes.” “Where, pray, were Aenus and Maronea and the Thracian cities assigned to him? What he did not even dare to ask of them shall he obtain from you as if he had been granted it by them? It makes a difference in what category you wish me to be with reference to you.” “If you have determined to harass me as a private and public enemy, continue to act as you have begun; but if some consideration is due me as an allied and friendly king, I beg you not to judge me worthy of such an injury.”

> Latin: 28.12. disertissime enim planissimeque in eo scriptum est Chersonesum et Lysimachiam Eumeni dari. ubi tandem Aenus et Maronea et Thraciae civitates adscriptae sunt? quod ab illis ne postulare quidem est ausus, id apud vos, tamquam ab illis impetraverit, obtinebit? quo in numero me apud vos esse velitis, refert. si tamquam inimicum et hostem insectari propositum est, pergite, ut coepistis, facere; sin aliquis est respectus mei ut socii atque amici regis, deprecor, ne me tanta iniuria dignum iudicetis.

[¶38] 29.1. The speech of the king affected the commissioners profoundly. Therefore they left the question unsettled by an indecisive answer: if by the decree of the ten commissioners these cities had been assigned to Eumenes, they were making no change;

> Latin: 29.1. ” movit aliquantum oratio regis legatos. itaque medio responso rem suspenderunt: si decem legatorum decreto Eumeni datae civitates eae essent, nihil se mutare;

[¶39] 29.2. if Philip had captured them in war, he should hold them as the prize of victory under the law of war; if neither of these was true, it was their pleasure that the decision should be reserved for the senate and, in order that everything might remain in its original state, that the garrisons which were in these cities should be withdrawn.

> Latin: 29.2. si Philippus bello cepisset eas, praemium victoriae iure belli habiturum; si neutrum eorum foret, cognitionem placere senatui reservari et, ut omnia in integro manerent, praesidia, quae in iis urbibus sint, deduci.

[¶40] 29.3. These were the principal causes which had turned the thoughts of Philip away from the Romans, so that the war can appear, not as begun for new reasons by his son Perseus, but as a heritage from the father to the son.

> Latin: 29.3. hae causae maxime animum Philippi alienaverunt ab Romanis, ut non a Perseo filio eius novis causis motum, sed ob has a patre bellum relictum filio videri possit. Romae nülla Macedonici belli suspicio erat.

[¶41] 29.4. At Rome there was no suspicion of a Macedonian war. Lucius Manlius the proconsul had returned from Spain; when he demanded from the senate, meeting in the temple of Bellona, a triumph for his achievements, their importance made the request reasonable;

> Latin: 29.4. L. Manlius proconsul ex Hispania redierat. cui postulanti ab senatu in aede Bellonae triumphum rerum gestarum magnitudo impetrabilem faciebat, exemplum obstabat, quod ita comparatum more maiorum erat, ne quis, qui exercitum non deportasset, triumpharet, nisi perdomitam pacatamque provinciam tradidisset successori.

[¶42] 29.5. precedent stood in the way, because it had been so arranged by the custom of their forefathers that a general who had not brought back his army should not triumph unless he had handed over to his successor a province thoroughly conquered and pacified. Nevertheless, the intermediate distinction, of entering the City in ovation, was granted to Manlius.

> Latin: 29.5. medius tamen honos Manlio habitus, ut ovans urbem iniret. tulit coronas aureas quinquaginta duas, auri praeterea pondo centum triginta duo, argenti sedecim milia trecenta, et pronuntiavit in senatu decem milia pondo argenti et octoginta auri Q.

[¶43] 29.7. He carried in his procession fifty-two golden crowns, in addition to one hundred and thirty-two pounds of gold and sixteen thousand three hundred of silver, and he declared in the senate that his quaestor Quintus Fabius was bringing ten thousand pounds of silver and eighty of gold: this too he would put into the treasury. There was a serious slave insurrection that year in Apulia.

> Latin: 29.7. Fabium quaestorem advehere; id quoque se in aerarium delaturum. magnus motus servilis eo anno in Apulia fuit. Tarentum provinciam L. Postumius praetor habebat.

[¶44] 29.9. Lucius Postumius the praetor had Tarentum as his province. He conducted a strict investigation into a conspiracy of shepherds who had endangered the highways and the public pasturelands by their brigandage. He condemned about seven thousand men: many of them escaped, many were executed.

> Latin: 29.9. is de pastorum coniuratione, qui vias latrociniis pascuaque publica infesta habuerant, quaestionem severe exercuit. ad septem milia hominum condemnavit; multi inde fugerunt, de multis sumptum est supplicium.

[¶45] 29.10. The consuls, long delayed in the City by the levies, at length set out for their provinces.

> Latin: 29.10. consules, diu retenti ad urbem dilectibus, tandem in provincias profecti sunt.

[¶46] 30.1. The same year the praetors in Spain, Gaius Calpurnius and Lucius Quinctius, when in the beginning of spring they had led their troops out of winter quarters and had united in Baeturia, marched into Carpetania, where the camp of the enemy lay, and prepared to conduct the campaign with a common plan and policy.

> Latin: 30.1. eodem anno in Hispania praetores C. Calpurnius et L. Quinctius, cum primo vere ex hibernis copias eductas in Baeturia iunxissent, in Carpetaniam, ubi hostium castra erant, progressi sunt communi animo consilioque parati rem gerere.

[¶47] 30.2. Not far from the towns of Dipo and Toletum a fight broke out between foraging parties, and as these were reinforced, each from its own camp, gradually all the troops were drawn out into the line.

> Latin: 30.2. haud procul Dipone et Toleto urbibus inter pabulatores pugna orta est, quibus dum utrimque subvenitur a castris, paulatim omnes copiae in aciem eductae sunt.

[¶48] 30.3. In this sudden engagement both the familiar ground and the nature of the fighting favoured the enemy. The two Roman armies were routed and driven back into camp. The enemy did not keep up their pressure on the defeated foe.

> Latin: 30.3. in eo tumultuario certamine et loca sua et genus pugnae pro hoste fuere. duo exercitus Romani fusi atque in castra compulsi sunt.

[¶49] 30.4. The Roman praetors, in order that their camp might not be attacked the next day, in the quiet of the following night with silent signals led the army away.

> Latin: 30.4. non institere perculsis hostes. praetores Romani, ne postero die castra obpugnarentur, silentio proximae noctis tacito signo exercitum abduxerunt.

[¶50] 30.5. At daybreak the Spaniards approached the rampart in battle-line and entering an empty camp, contrary to expectations, plundered what had been left behind in the confusion of the night, and returning to their own camp remained quietly in their quarters for a few days.

> Latin: 30.5. luce prima Hispani acie instructa ad vallum accesserunt vacuaque praeter spem castra ingressi, quae relicta inter nocturnam trepidationem erant, diripuerunt regressique in castra sua paucos dies quieti in stativis manserunt.

[¶51] 30.6. About five thousand of the Romans and allies fell in the battle and rout, and with their spoils the enemy armed themselves. Then they moved away to the river Tagus.

> Latin: 30.6. Romanorum sociorumque in proelio fugaque ad quinque milia occisa, quorum se spoliis hostes armarunt. inde ad Tagum flumen profecti sunt.

[¶52] 30.7. Meanwhile the Roman praetors spent all their time in collecting auxiliaries from the allied towns of the Spaniards and in restoring the courage of the men after the panic of the defeat.

> Latin: 30.7. praetores interim Romani omne id tempus contrahendis ex civitatibus sociis Hispanorum auxiliis et reficiendis ab terrore adversae pugnae militum animis consumpserunt.

[¶53] 30.8. When their strength was sufficient and even the soldiers were now demanding the enemy in order to wipe out the previous disgrace, they encamped twelve miles from the river Tagus. Thence, breaking camp in the third watch, they marched in a hollow square at dawn to the banks of the Tagus.

> Latin: 30.8. ubi satis placuere vires, et iam miles quoque ad delendam priorem ignominiam hostem poscebat, profecti, duodecim milia passuum ab Tago flumine posuerunt castra.

[¶54] 30.9. Across the river on a hill was the camp of the enemy. Immediately, where the river revealed fords in two places, Calpurnius on the right, Quinctius on the left, led the army across, the enemy quietly watching while they marvelled at their sudden advance and talked about how they might have caused confusion while the Romans were disorganized in the act of crossing the river.

> Latin: 30.9. inde tertia vigilia sublatis signis quadrato agmine principio lucis ad Tagi ripam pervenerunt. trans fluvium in colle hostium castra erant. extemplo, qua duobus locis vada nudabat amnis, dextra parte Calpurnius, laeva Quinctius exercitus traduxerunt quieto hoste, dum miratur subitum adventum consultatque, qui tumultum inicere trepidantibus in ipso transitu amnis potuisset.

[¶55] 30.11. Meanwhile the Romans, having brought over all their trains and massed them in one place, because they saw the enemy already in motion and there was no opportunity to fortify a camp, drew up their line of battle. In the centre were posted the fifth legion of Calpurnius and the eighth of Quinctius: these constituted the strength of the whole army.

> Latin: 30.11. interim Romani inpedimentis quoque omnibus traductis contractisque in unum locum, quia iam moveri videbant hostem, nec spatium erat castra communiendi, aciem instruxerunt.

[¶56] 30.12. They had an open plain as far as the camp of the enemy, free from any danger of ambuscade. When the Spaniards saw the two Roman columns on the nearer bank, in order to catch them before they could unite and form their ranks, rushing hastily out of their camp they hastened to the conflict.

> Latin: 30.12. in medio locatae quinta Calpurni legio et octava Quincti; id robur toto exercitu erat. campum apertum usque ad hostium castra habebant, liberum a metu insidiarum. Hispani postquam in citeriore ripa duo Romanorum agmina conspexerunt, ut, priusquam se iungere atque instruere possent, occuparent eos, castris repente effusi cursu ad pugnam tendunt.

[¶57] 31.2. There was a fierce fight at the outset, the Spaniards on the one side being puffed up by their recent victory, the Roman soldiers on the other incensed by their unaccustomed defeat.

> Latin: 31.2. atrox in principio proelium fuit et Hispanis recenti victoria ferocibus et insueta ignominia milite Romano accenso.

[¶58] 31.3. The fiercest fight was in the centre of the line, composed of the two bravest legions. When the enemy saw that they could be dislodged in no other way, they began to attack in wedge formation; and ever more men, more closely massed, were pressing on the centre.

> Latin: 31.3. acerrime media acies, duae fortissimae legiones, dimicabant; quas cum aliter moveri loco non posse hostis cerneret, cuneo institit pugnare; et usque plures confertioresque medios urgebant.

[¶59] 31.4. After Calpurnius the praetor saw that the line was in distress there, he sent Titus Quinctilius Varus and Lucius Juventius Talna, the lieutenants, at full speed to encourage the single legions;

> Latin: 31.4. ibi postquam laborare aciem Calpurnius praetor vidit, T. Quinctilium Varum et L. Iuventium Thalnam legatos ad singulas legiones adhortandas propere mittit;

[¶60] 31.5. he ordered them to instruct and remind the troops that in them lay all their hopes of victory and of holding Spain: if they retired from that spot, no one in that army would ever see —not to mention Italy —even the farther bank of the Tagus river.

> Latin: 31.5. docere et monere iubet in illis spem omnem vincendi et retinendae Hispaniae esse: si illi loco cedant, neminem eius exercitus non modo Italiam, sed ne Tagi quidem ulteriorem ripam unquam visurum.

[¶61] 31.6. He himself with the cavalry of the two legions, making a short detour, took in flank the wedge of the enemy which was pressing on the centre.

> Latin: 31.6. ipse cum equitibus duarum legionum paullum circumvectus in cuneum hostium, qui mediam urgebat aciem, ab latere incurrit.

[¶62] 31.7. Quinctius with the allied cavalry attacked the other flank of the enemy. But the cavalry of Calpurnius fought far more furiously, and the praetor beyond the rest:

> Latin: 31.7. Quinctius cum suis equitibus alterum hostium latus invadit. sed longe acrius Calpurniani equites pugnabant, et praetor ante alios:

[¶63] 31.8. for he was both the first to strike down an enemy and so threw himself into the midst that it could scarcely be told to which side he belonged; and the cavalry were inspired by the remarkable valour of the praetor and in turn inspired the infantry.

> Latin: 31.8. nam et primus hostem percussit et ita se inmiscuit mediis, ut vix, utrius partis esset, nosci posset;

[¶64] 31.9. Shame moved the senior centurions when they saw the praetor amid the weapons of the enemy. And so each for himself urged on the standard-bearers, ordered them to advance and the soldiers to follow at once.

> Latin: 31.9. et equites praetoris eximia virtute et equitum pedites accensi sunt. pudor movit primos centuriones, qui inter tela hostium praetorem conspexerunt. itaque urgere signiferos pro se quisque, iubere inferre signa et confestim militem sequi.

[¶65] 31.10. The shouting was renewed by all: an attack was launched as if from higher ground. And so they swept forward like a torrent and overwhelmed the panic-stricken enemy, nor as they charged wave after wave could they be resisted.

> Latin: 31.10. renovatur ab omnibus clamor, inpetus fit velut ex superiore loco. haud secus ergo quam torrentis modo fundunt sternuntque perculsos, nec sustineri alii super alios inferentes sese possunt.

[¶66] 31.11. The cavalry pursued the fugitives to the camp, and mingling with the throng of the enemy made their way inside the rampart; there the battle was renewed by the troops who had been left to guard the camp, and the Roman cavalry were forced to dismount.

> Latin: 31.11. fugientes in castra equites persecuti sunt et permixti turbae hostium intra vallum penetraverunt, ubi ab relictis in praesidio castrorum proelium instauratum;

[¶67] 31.12. While they were fighting thus the fifth legion came up; then, as they could, new forces were joining the battle. Spaniards were being slaughtered everywhere through the whole camp, and not more than four thousand men escaped.

> Latin: 31.12. coactique sunt Romani equites descendere ex equis. dimicantibus iis legio quinta supervenit, deinde, ut quaeque potuerant, copiae adfluebant.

[¶68] 31.13. About three thousand of them, who had kept their weapons, occupied a mountain near by; a thousand, most of them partially armed, straggled through the fields. There had been more than thirty-five thousand of the enemy, of whom so small a remnant survived the battle. One hundred and thirty-three standards were taken.

> Latin: 31.13. caeduntur passim Hispani per tota castra, nec plus quam quattuor milia hominum effugerunt. inde tria milia fere, qui arma retinuerant, montem propinquum ceperunt, mille semermes maxime per agros palati sunt.

[¶69] 31.14. Of the Romans and allies a few more than six hundred fell, and of the auxiliaries from the province about a hundred and fifty.

> Latin: 31.14. supra triginta quinque milia hostium fuerant, ex quibus tam exigua pars pugnae superfuit.

[¶70] 31.15. The loss of five tribunes of the soldiers and of a few Roman knights particularly gave the appearance of a bloody victory.

> Latin: 31.15. signa capta centum triginta duo. Romani sociique paulo plus sexcenti et provincialium auxiliorum centum quinquaginta ferme ceciderunt.

[¶71] 31.16. They remained in the camp of the enemy because there had been no opportunity to fortify their own. Before an assembly the next day Gaius Calpurnius praised and decorated the cavalry with trappings for their horses and proclaimed publicly that the enemy had been defeated and his camp taken and captured mainly through their efforts. Quinctius, the other praetor, decorated his cavalry with chains and clasps.

> Latin: 31.16. tribuni militum quinque amissi et pauci equites Romani cruentae maxime victoriae speciem fecerunt, in castris hostium, quia ipsis spatium sua communiendi non fuerat, manserunt. pro contione postero die laudati donatique a C. Calpurnio equites phaleris, pronuntiavitque eorum maxime opera hostes fusos, castra capta et expugnata esse.

[¶72] 31.18. Also many centurions from both armies were honoured, especially those who had held the centre of the line.

> Latin: 31.18. Quinctius alter praetor suos equites catellis ac fibulis donavit. donati et centuriones ex utriusque exercitu permulti, maxime qui mediam aciem tenuerunt.

[¶73] 32.1. The consuls, having finished the levies and the other business which had to be transacted in Rome, led the army against the Ligurians, who constituted their province.

> Latin: 32.1. consules dilectibus aliisque, quae Romae agendae erant, peractis rebus in Ligures provinciam exercitum duxerunt.

[¶74] 32.2. Sempronius, setting out from Pisa against the Ligurian Apuani, devastating their lands and burning the villages and forts, opened up the pass as far as the river Macra and the harbour of Luna.

> Latin: 32.2. Sempronius a Pisis profectus in Apuanos Ligures vastando agros urendoque vicos et castella eorum aperuit saltum usque ad fluvium Macram et Lunae portum.

[¶75] 32.3. The enemy retired to a mountain, the ancient seat of their forefathers; even from there, the handicap of unfavourable ground having been overcome, they were dislodged by an attack.

> Latin: 32.3. hostes montem, antiquam sedem maiorum suorum, ceperunt, et inde superata locorum iniquitate proelio deiecti sunt.

[¶76] 32.4. Appius Claudius too equalled the good fortune and valour of his colleague among the Ligurian Ingauni in a number of victories. In addition he captured six of their towns; in them he took many thousands of men; forty-three, who had been responsible for the war, he beheaded.

> Latin: 32.4. et Appius Claudius felicitatem virtutemque collegae in Liguribus Ingaunis aequavit secundis aliquot proeliis. sex praeterea oppida eorum expugnavit, multa milia hominum in iis cepit, belli auctores tres et quadraginta securi percussit.

[¶77] 32.5. The time for the elections was now approaching. But Claudius arrived in Rome earlier than Sempronius, to whom had fallen by lot the conduct of the elections, because his brother Publius Claudius was seeking the consulship.

> Latin: 32.5. iam comitiorum adpetebat tempus. prior tamen Claudius quam Sempronius, cui sors comitia habendi obtigerat, Romam venit, quia P.

[¶78] 32.6. He had as patrician competitors Lucius Aemilius, Quintus Fabius, Servius Sulpicius Galba, all perennial candidates, who after defeats were again seeking an office which was due them all the more because it had been at first refused.

> Latin: 32.6. Claudius frater eius consulatum petebat, competitores habebat patricios L. Aemilium Q. Fabium Ser. Sulpicium Galbam, veteres candidatos, et ab repulsis eo magis debitum, quia primo negatus erat, honorem repetentes.

[¶79] 32.7. Also, because it was not lawful that more than one from the patricians should be elected, there was a closer race among the four candidates.

> Latin: 32.7. etiam quia plus quam unum ex patriciis creari non licebat, artior petitio quattuor petentibus erat.

[¶80] 32.8. Influential plebeians also were contending for the office, Lucius Porcius, Quintus Terentius Culleo, Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, and these too, having suffered defeat, were put off in the hope that some day they would at last win in the election.

> Latin: 32.8. plebeii quoque gratiosi homines petebant, L. Porcius Q. Terentius Culleo Cn. Baebius Tamphilus; et hi repulsis in spem impetrandi tandem aliquando honoris dilati.

[¶81] 32.9. Claudius was the only new candidate of them all. In the general opinion of men Quintus Fabius Labeo and Lucius Porcius Licinus were almost certain of success.

> Latin: 32.9. Claudius ex omnibus unus novus candidatus erat. opinione hominum haud dubie destinabantur Q. Fabius Labeo et L. Porcius Licinus.

[¶82] 32.10. But the consul Claudius, without his lictors, flitting with his brother around the whole Forum, though his adversaries and the greater part of the senate kept crying out that he should remember that he was the consul of the Roman people rather than the brother of Publius Claudius (why should he not take his seat on the tribunal and act either as an umpire or else as a silent spectator of the elections?), nevertheless could not be restrained from his zealous canvass.

> Latin: 32.10. sed Claudius consul sine lictoribus cum fratre toto foro volitando, clamitantibus adversariis et maiore parte senatus, meminisse eum debere se prius consulem populi Romani quam fratrem P. Claudi esse; quin ille sedens pro tribunali aut arbitrum aut tacitum spectatorem comitiorum se praeberet?—coerceri tamen ab effuso studio nequiit.

[¶83] 32.12. Great contentions among the tribunes of the people, as well, who took part in the fight either against the consul or on his side, disturbed the elections several times, until Appius succeeded in bringing in his brother, Fabius being defeated.

> Latin: 32.12. magnis contentionibus tribunorum quoque plebis, qui aut contra consulem aut pro studio eius pugnabant, comitia aliquotiens turbata, donec pervicit Appius, ut deiecto Fabio fratrem traheret.

[¶84] 32.13. Publius Claudius Pulcher was elected contrary to his own expectations and those of others. Lucius Porcius Licinus held his place because among the plebeians the contest was conducted with moderate partisanship, not with Claudian violence.

> Latin: 32.13. creatus P. Claudius Pulcher praeter spem suam et ceterorum. locum suum tenuit L. Porcius Licinus, quia moderatis studiis, non vi Claudiana inter plebeios certatum est.

[¶85] 32.14. Then the praetorian elections were held: Gaius Decimius Flavus, Publius Sempronius Longus, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus Naevius Matho, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Aulus Terentius Varro were chosen praetors.

> Latin: 32.14. praetorum inde comitia sunt habita: C. Decimius Flavus P. Sempronius Longus P. Cornelius Cethegus Q. Naevius Matho C. Sempronius Blaesus A. Terentius Varro praetores facti.

[¶86] 32.15. Such were the events, at home and abroad, of the consular year of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius.

> Latin: 32.15. haec eo anno, quo Ap. Claudius M. Sempronius consules fuerunt, domi militiaeque gesta.

[¶87] 33.1. In the beginning of the following year, when Quintus Caecilius, Marcus Baebius and Tiberius Sempronius, who had been sent to arbitrate between the kings, Philip and Eumenes, and the cities of the Thessalians, had reported on their mission, the consuls Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius also introduced into the senate the ambassadors of these kings and of the cities.

> Latin: 33.1. principio insequentis anni P. Claudius L. Porcius consules, cum Q. Caecilius M. Baebius Ti. Sempronius, qui ad disceptandum inter Philippum et Eumenem reges Thessalorumque civitates missi erant, legationem renuntiassent, regum quoque eorum civitatiumque legatos in senatum introduxerunt. eadem utrimque iterata, quae dicta apud legatos in Graecia erant, aliam deinde novam legationem patres, cuius princeps Ap.

[¶88] 33.3. The same arguments were repeated on both sides that had been used before the commissioners in Greece. Then the Fathers decreed another new commission, of which Appius Claudius was the chief, to go to Greece and Macedonia to see whether the cities had been restored to the Thessalians and Perrhaebians.

> Latin: 33.3. Claudius fuit, in Graeciam et Macedoniam decreverunt ad visendum, redditaene civitates Thessalis et Perrhaebis essent.

[¶89] 33.4. They were also instructed that the garrisons were to be withdrawn from Aenus and Maronea and that the whole sea coast should be freed from Philip and the Macedonians.

> Latin: 33.4. iisdem mandatum, ut ab Aeno et Maronea praesidia deducerentur maritimaque omnis Thraciae ora a Philippo et Macedonibus liberaretur.

[¶90] 33.5. They were directed to visit the Peloponnesus also, from which the previous commission had come away leaving the position of things more uncertain than if they had not gone: for in addition to everything else they had even been sent away without an answer, and the Achaean council had not been summoned as they requested.

> Latin: 33.5. Peloponnesum quoque adire iussi, unde prior legatio discesserat incertiore statu rerum, quam si non venissent: nam super cetera etiam sine responso dimissi nec datum petentibus erat Achaeorum concilium.

[¶91] 33.6. When Quintus Caecilius complained bitterly of this conduct and the Lacedaemonians at the same time lamented that their walls had been destroyed, their common people taken away to Achaia and enslaved, the laws of Lycurgus, on which their state had been based up to that time, annulled, the principal reply of the Achaeans to the charge that a council had been refused was to read the law which forbade the calling of the council except when it was a question of peace or war or when ambassadors arrived from the senate with letters or written

> Latin: 33.6. de qua re querente graviter Q. Caecilio et simul Lacedaemoniis deplorantibus moenia diruta, abductam plebem in Achaiam et venumdatam, ademptas, quibus ad eam diem civitas stetisset, Lycurgi leges, Achaei maxime concilii negati crimen excusabant recitando legem, quae, nisi belli pacisve causa et cum legati ab senatu cum litteris aut scriptis mandatis venirent, vetaret indici concilium.

[¶92] 33.8. instructions. That this excuse might not be given again, the senate made it plain that it was their duty to see that Roman commissioners should always have the opportunity to address the council of the people, just as to them too the senate was open as often as they wished.

> Latin: 33.8. ea ne postea excusatio esset, ostendit senatus curae iis esse debere, ut legatis Romanis semper adeundi concilium gentis potestas fieret, quem ad modum et illis, quotiens vellent, senatus daretur.

[¶93] 34.1. When these embassies had been dismissed, Philip was informed by his representatives that he was to retire from the cities and withdraw his garrisons; being angered at everyone, he vented his wrath on the Maroneans.

> Latin: 34.1. dimissis iis legationibus, Philippus a suis certior factus cedendum civitatibus deducendaque praesidia esse, infensus omnibus in Maronitas iram effundit.

[¶94] 34.2. He sent word to Onomastus, who was in command of the sea coast, to kill the leading men of the opposing party. Onomastus, through the agency of a certain Casander, one of the king's supporters who had long been a resident of Maronea, admitting the Thracians by night, caused a slaughter as if the town had been captured in war.

> Latin: 34.2. Onomasto, qui praeerat maritimae orae, mandat, ut partis adversae principes interficeret. ille per Casandrum quendam, unum ex regiis iam diu habitantem Maroneae, nocte Thracibus intromissis velut in bello capta urbe caedem fecit.

[¶95] 34.3. When the Roman commissioners complained of such cruel treatment of the unoffending Maroneans and of such arrogant conduct towards the Roman people, that those men whose liberty the senate had declared was to be restored were murdered as if they were enemies, Philip in reply denied that any of this concerned himself or any one of his subjects;

> Latin: 34.3. inde apud legatos Romanos querentes tam crudeliter adversus innoxios Maronitas, tam superbe adversus populum Romanum factum, ut, quibus libertatem restituendam senatus censuisset, ii pro hostibus trucidarentur, abnuebat quicquam eorum ad se aut quemquam suorum pertinere:

[¶96] 34.4. there had been fighting as a consequence of internal strife, since some were for transferring the city to him, others to the Romans; this fact they could easily ascertain; let them, he said, question the Maroneans themselves —not doubting that when all were smitten with the terror of so recent a massacre no one would dare to open his mouth against him.

> Latin: 34.4. seditione inter ipsos dimicatum, cum alii ad se, alii ad Eumenem civitatem traherent; id facile scituros esse, si percunctarentur ipsos Maronitas, haud dubius perculsis omnibus terrore tam recentis caedis neminem hiscere adversus se ausurum.

## 39. Book XXXIX · chapters 34–44

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/39/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/39/#p-N

[¶0] 34.6. Appius replied that so clear a case needed no investigation as if it were not clear. If Philip wished to avert blame from himself he should send Onomastus and Casander, through whom it was said that the plan had been executed, to Rome, in order that the senate might question them.

> Latin: 34.6. negare Appius rem evidentem pro dubia quaerendam; si ab se culpam removere vellet, Onomastum et Casandrum, per quos acta res diceretur, mitteret Romam, ut eos senatus percunctari posset.

[¶1] 34.7. This speech at first so disconcerted the king that he could not control his colour or expression; then, at length collecting his wits, he said that he would send Casander, who had been at Maronea, if they really wished it;

> Latin: 34.7. primo adeo perturbavit ea vox regem, ut non color, non vultus ei constaret; deinde conlecto tandem animo Casandrum, qui Maroneae fuisset, si utique vellent, se missurum dixit;

[¶2] 34.8. but how did this affair concern Onomastus, who had not only not been at Maronea but had not even been in any district close to it?

> Latin: 34.8. ad Onomastum quidem quid eam rem pertinere, qui non modo Maroneae, sed ne in regione quidem propinqua fuisset?

[¶3] 34.9. And in fact he was both careful to spare Onomastus, as a more valued friend, and was likewise much more afraid of him as an informer, because he himself had exchanged views with him and used him as an agent and accomplice in many such affairs.

> Latin: 34.9. et parcebat magis Onomasto, honoratiori amico, et eundem indicem haud paulo plus timebat, quia et ipse sermonem contulerat cum eo et multorum talium ministrum et conscium habebat.

[¶4] 34.10. Casander, moreover, when men were sent to conduct him through Epirus to the sea, was believed to have been done away with by poison, lest in some way his evidence might get out.

> Latin: 34.10. Casander quoque missis, qui per Epirum ad mare prosequerentur eum, ne qua indicium emanaret, veneno creditur sublatus.

[¶5] 35.1. And the commissioners went away from the conference with Philip in such fashion as to advertise the fact that nothing in his conduct pleased them, and Philip had no doubt at all that he would have to resort to war. Yet, since his strength was still insufficient for that, in order to cause delay, he determined to send his younger son Demetrius to Rome, partly to explain away the charges against him, partly to turn aside the wrath of the senate, being well persuaded that he, even though a young man, because while he was a hostage at Rome he had shown signs of possessing a kingly nature, would have some influence.

> Latin: 35.1. et legati a Philippi conloquio ita digressi sunt, ut prae se ferrent, nihil eorum sibi placere, et Philippus minime, quin rebellandum esset, dubius. quia tamen inmaturae ad id vires erant, ad moram interponendam Demetrium minorem filium mittere Romam simul ad purganda crimina, simul ad deprecandam iram senatus statuit, satis credens ipsum etiam iuvenem, quod Romae obses specimen indolis regiae dedisset, aliquid momenti facturum.

[¶6] 35.4. Meanwhile, setting out under the pretence of bringing aid to the Byzantines, but in reality in order to inspire the chiefs of the Thracians with fear, having defeated them in one battle and captured their leader Amadocus, he returned to Macedonia, sending agents to stir up the barbarians living along the Hister river, to the end that they might invade Italy.

> Latin: 35.4. interim per speciem auxilii Byzantiis ferendi, re ipsa ad terrorem regulis Thracum iniciendum profectus, perculsis iis uno proelio et Amadoco duce capto in Macedoniam rediit missis ad adcolas Histri fluminis barbaros, ut in Italiam inrumperent, sollicitandos.

[¶7] 35.5. In the Peloponnesus also the coming of the Roman commissioners, who had been ordered to proceed from Macedonia to Achaia, was being awaited; and in order that they might have their arguments prepared in advance with which to confront the Romans, the praetor Lycortas called a council.

> Latin: 35.5. et in Peloponneso adventus legatorum Romanorum, qui ex Macedonia in Achaim ire iussi erant, expectabatur; adversus quos ut praeparata consilia haberent, Lycortas praetor concilium indixit. ibi de Lacedaemoniis actum:

[¶8] 35.6. There the question concerned the Lacedaemonians: from enemies they had turned accusers, and there was danger that in defeat they would prove more to be feared than they had been when at war. In the war, they reflected, the Achaeans had had the Romans as allies: now the same Romans were more favourably disposed towards the Lacedaemonians than towards the Achaeans, in a situation where even Areus and Alcibiades, both exiles, restored through Achaean influence, had undertaken an embassy to Rome against the Achaean people which had deserved so well of them, and had expressed sentiments so hostile that they seemed to have been driven from their country, not restored to it.

> Latin: 35.6. ex hostibus eos accusatores factos, et periculum esse, ne victi magis timendi forent, quam bellantes fuissent. quippe in bello sociis Romanis Achaeos usos; nunc eosdem Romanos aequiores Lacedaemoniis quam Achaeis esse, ubi Areus etiam et Alcibiades, ambo exules, suo beneficio restituti, legationem Romam adversus gentem Achaeorum ita de ipsis meritam suscepissent, adeoque infesta oratione usi essent, ut pulsi patria, non restituti in eam viderentur.

[¶9] 35.8. A cry went up from all sides that the praetor should offer a motion concerning them by name; and since everything was governed by passion, not deliberation, they were condemned to death. A few days later the Roman commissioners arrived. A council was called for them at Clitor in Arcadia.

> Latin: 35.8. clamor undique ortus, referret nominatim de iis; et cum omnia ira, non consilio gererentur, capitis damnati sunt. paucos post dies Romani legati venerunt. his Clitore in Arcadia datum est concilium.

[¶10] 36.1. Before they did anything, fear struck the Achaeans and the thought came to them on how unequal grounds the argument was likely to be conducted, because they saw Areus and Alcibiades, who had been condemned to death by them at the latest council, with the commissioners; nor did anyone dare to open his mouth.

> Latin: 36.1. priusquam agerent quicquam, terror Achaeis iniectus erat et cogitatio, quam non ex aequo disceptatio futura esset, quod Areum et Alcibiadem capitis ab se concilio proximo damnatos cum legatis videbant;

[¶11] 36.3. Appius stated that the conduct of which the Lacedaemonians had complained before the senate was displeasing to the senate: first, the slaughter which took place at Compasium of those Lacedaemonians who had come in response to the summons of Philopoemen to plead their cause;

> Latin: 36.3. nec hiscere quisquam audebat. Appius ea, quae apud senatum questi erant Lacedaemonii, displicere senatui ostendit, caedem primum ad Compasium factam eorum, qui a Philopoemene ad causam dicendam evocati venissent;

[¶12] 36.4. second, that after they had treated men with such violence, that they might overlook no form of cruelty, they had torn down the walls of a most illustrious city, had repealed their most ancient laws, and had done away with the discipline of Lycurgus, famed as it was throughout the world.

> Latin: 36.4. deinde cum in homines ita saevitum esset, ne ulla parte crudelitas eorum cessaret, muros dirutos urbis nobilissimae esse, leges vetustissimas abrogatas inclutamque per gentes disciplinam Lycurgi sublatam.

[¶13] 36.5. When Appius had said this, Lycortas, both because he was praetor and because he belonged to the party of Philopoemen, who was responsible for whatever had been done in Lacedaemon, replied thus: "It is more difficult for us, Appius Claudius, to speak in your presence than it was recently in Rome before the senate.

> Latin: 36.5. haec cum Appius dixisset, Lycortas, et quia praetor et quia Philopoemenis, auctoris omnium, quae Lacedaemone acta fuerant, factionis erat, ita respondit:

[¶14] 36.6. For then our task was to answer the accusations of the Lacedaemonians: now we have been accused by you, before whom we must plead our cause.

> Latin: 36.6. ”difficilior nobis, Ap. Claudi, apud vos oratio est, quam Romae nuper apud senatum fuit.

[¶15] 36.7. This disadvantage of situation we accept in the hope that you will listen in the spirit of a judge, laying aside the vehemence of a prosecutor with which you spoke a little while ago.

> Latin: 36.7. tunc enim Lacedaemoniis accusantibus respondendum erat; nunc a vobis ipsis accusati sumus, apud quos causa est dicenda.

[¶16] 36.8. I at any rate, when these complaints which were presented, both here previously before Quintus Caecilius and in Rome later by the Lacedaemonians, were repeated by you a little while ago, shall believe that I am replying, not to you, but to them in your presence. You bring up the murder of those men who were killed when they had been summoned by the praetor Philopoemen to plead their cause. This charge, in my opinion, should not only not have been made against us by you, Romans, but not even by them before you. Why so?

> Latin: 36.8. quam iniquitatem condicionis subimus illa spe, iudicis animo te auditurum esse posita contentione, qua paulo ante egisti. ego certe, cum ea, quae et hic antea apud Q. Caecilium et postea Romae questi sunt Lacedaemonii, a te paulo ante relata sint, non tibi, sed illis me apud te respondere credam.

[¶17] 36.9. Because it was stated in your treaty that the Lacedaemonians should keep their hands off the towns on the coast. At the time when they took up arms and seized, by a night attack, those cities which they had been ordered to let alone, if Titus Quinctius, if a Roman army, as before, had been in the Peloponnesus, the captured and oppressed would doubtless have fled to them. Since you were far away, where else could they flee except to us, whom they had previously seen bringing aid to Gytheum and besieging Lacedaemon in common cause with you? On your behalf, then, we undertook a legal and righteous war.

> Latin: 36.9. caedem obicitis eorum, qui a Philopoemene praetore evocati ad causam dicendam interfecti sunt. hoc ego crimen non modo a vobis, Romani, sed ne apud vos quidem nobis obiciendum fuisse arbitror. quid ita? quia in vestro foedere erat, ut maritimis urbibus abstinerent Lacedaemonii.

[¶18] 36.10. Since others applaud it, since not even the Lacedaemonians can criticize it, and since the very gods themselves, by giving us the victory, have approved it, how can those things which took place under the law of war come into dispute? Yet the greatest part of those things have nothing to do with us.

> Latin: 36.10. quo tempore armis captis urbes, a quibus abstinere iussi erant, nocturno impetu occupaverunt si T. Quinctius, si exercitus Romanus, sicut antea, in Peloponneso fuisset, eo nimirum capti et obpressi confugissent;

[¶19] 36.11. It is our affair that we summoned to plead their cause those who had called the multitude to arms, who had captured the coast towns, who had plundered them, who had caused the murder of the leading men. But as to the fact that they were killed while they were coming to our camp, that is your affair, Areus and Alcibiades —who now (heaven help us!) are accusing us —not ours.

> Latin: 36.11. cum vos procul essetis, quo alio, nisi ad nos, socios vestros, quos antea Gytheo opem ferentes, quos Lacedaemonem vobiscum simili de causa obpugnantes viderant, confugerent?

[¶20] 36.12. The exiles of the Lacedaemonians, to which number even these two belonged, were indeed at that time with us, and because they had chosen as their places of residence the towns on the coast believing that they were being sought out, they made an attack on those men thanks to whose efforts they saw with indignation that they, exiles from home, could not grow old even in a safe place of exile.

> Latin: 36.12. pro vobis igitur iustum piumque bellum suscepimus. quod cum alii laudent, reprehendere ne Lacedaemonii quidem possint, dii quoque ipsi comprobaverint, qui nobis victoriam dederunt, quonam modo ea, quae belli iure acta sunt, in disceptationem veniunt? quorum tamen maxima pars nihil pertinet ad nos.

[¶21] 36.13. Lacedaemonians, then, were killed by Lacedaemonians, not by Achaeans; whether they were killed justly or unjustly it is not important to inquire. "But, you say, those other actions were at any rate your acts, Achaeans —the abolition of the laws and the most ancient discipline of Lycurgus, and the destruction of the walls. But how can both these criticisms be made by the same persons, since the walls of Lacedaemon were not built by Lycurgus, but were constructed a few years ago to overthrow the system of Lycurgus? For the tyrants recently erected them, a citadel and protection for themselves, not for the city; and if Lycurgus should rise from the dead to-day he would rejoice in their destruction and would say that now he recognized his home and the ancient Sparta. You yourselves, Lacedaemonians, should not have waited for Philopoemen and the Achaeans, but should with your own hands have torn down and destroyed all traces of the tyranny. For they were yours —those disfiguring scars of servitude, if I may so call them, and while, without walls, you had been free for eight hundred years and for a considerable period even the first state in Greece, when the walls were thrown around you like shackles you were bound in slavery for a hundred years. As far as the abolition of the laws is concerned, I consider that the tyrants took away their ancient laws from the Lacedaemonians; that we did not take from them what they did not possess, but gave them our own laws; I believe, too, that the measures we took were not for the disadvantage of the Lacedaemonian state, since we made it part of our League and united it with us, so that there was one body and one council for the whole Peloponnesus. Then and then only, in my judgment, if we ourselves lived under one code and imposed another upon them, would they be able to complain and feel indignant that their status was unfair. “I know, Appius Claudius, that the speech that I have thus far delivered is neither that of allies in the presence of allies nor that of a free people, but in reality that of slaves arguing before their masters. For if those words of the herald, with which you Romans ordered the Achaeans first of all to be free, were not a mere sham, if the treaty was in fact valid, if the alliance and friendship are being impartially observed, why do I not ask what you Romans did when you took Capua, as you demand an explanation of what we Achaeans did when the Lacedaemonians were conquered in war?” “Some of them, let us assume, were killed by us: what of it? Did you not behead Campanian senators? But, you say, we tore down their walls: you destroyed, not the walls alone, but the city, the farm lands. The treaty, you say, looks as if it were between equals: in fact, among the Achaeans liberty is a thing bestowed as a favour, among the Romans it amounts even to sovereignty.” “I know this, Appius, and if I should not I do not object; but at any rate I beg you, no matter how great the difference may be between the Romans and the Achaeans, not to permit your enemies and ours to be on an equal footing before you with us, your allies, or rather on a better footing. For we brought it about that they were equal when we gave them our laws, when we made them members of the Achaean League. That is too little for the conquered which is sufficient for the conquerors; enemies demand more than allies possess!”

> Latin: 36.13. nostrum est, quod evocavimus ad causam dicendam eos, qui ad arma multitudinem exciverant, qui expugnaverant maritima oppida, qui diripuerant, qui caedem principum fecerant; quod vero illi venientes in castra interfecti sunt, vestrum est, Areu et Alcibiade, qui nunc nos, si diis placet, accusatis, non nostrum. exules Lacedaemoniorum, quo in numero hi quoque duo fuerunt, et tunc nobiscum erant, et, quod domicilio sibi delegerant maritima oppida, se petitos credentes, in eos, quorum opera patria extorres ne in tuto quidem exilio posse consenescere se indignabantur, impetum fecerunt. Lacedaemonii igitur Lacedaemonios, non Achaei interfecerunt; nec iure an iniuria caesi sint argumentari refert” ”at enim illa certe veste vestra sunt, Achaei, quod leges disciplinamque vetustissimam Lycurgi sustulistis, quod muros diruistis. quae utraque ab iisdem obici qui possunt, cum muri Lacedaemonis non ab Lycurgo, sed paucos ante annos ad dissolvendam Lycurgi disciplinam exstructi sint? tyranni enim nuper eos arcem et munimentum sibi, non civitati paraverunt; et si exsistat hodie ab inferis Lycurgus, gaudeat ruinis eorum et nunc se patriam et Spartam antiquam agnoscere dicat. non Philopoemenem expectare nec Achaeos, sed vos ipsi, Lacedaemonii, vestris manibus amoliri et diruere omnia vestigia tyrannidis debuistis. vestrae enim illae deformes veluti notae servitutis erant, et, cum sine muris per octingentos prope annos liberi, aliquando etiam principes Graeciae fuissetis, muris velut compedibus circumdatis vincti per centum annos servistis. quod ad leges ademptas adtinet, ego antiquas Lacedaemoniis leges tyrannos ademisse arbitror, nos non suas ademisse, quas non habebant, sed nostras leges dedisse, nec male consuluisse civitati, cum concilii nostri eam fecerimus et nobis miscuerimus, ut corpus unum et concilium totius Peloponnesi esset. tunc, ut opinor, si aliis ipsi legibus viveremus, alias istis iniunxissemus, queri se iniquo iure esse et indignari possent. scio ego, Ap. Claudi, hanc orationem, qua sum adhuc usus, neque sociorum apud socios neque liberae gentis esse, sed vere severum disceptantium apud dominos. nam si non vana illa vox praeconis fuit. qua liberos esse omnium primos Achaeos iussistis, si foedus ratum est, si societas et amicitia ex aequo observatur, cur ego quid Capua capta feceritis Romani non quaero, vos rationem reposcitis, quid Achaei Lacedaemoniis bello victis fecerimus? interfecti aliqui sunt; finge a nobis; quid? vos senatores Campanos securi non percussistis? muros diruimus; vos non muros tantum, sed urbem agrosque ademistis. specie, inquis, aequum est foedus; est. sentio, Appi, et, si non oportet, non indignor; sed oro vos, quantumlibet intersit inter Romanos et Achaeos, modo ne in aequo hostes vestri nostrique apud vos sint ac nos socii, immo ne meliore iure sint, nam, ut in aequo essent, nos fecimus, cum leges iis nostras dedimus, cum, ut, Achaici concilii essent, effecimus. parum est victis, quod victoribus satis est; plus postulant hostes, quam socii habent. quae iure iurando, quae monumentis litterarum in lapide insculptis in aeternam memoriam sancta atque sacrata sunt, ea cum periurio nostro tollere parant. veremur quidem vos, Romani, et, si ita vultis, etiam timemus; sed plus et veremur et timemus deos inmortales.’ cum adsensu maximae partis est auditus, et locutum omnes pro maiestate magistratus censebant, ut facile adpareret molliter agendo dignitatem suam tenere Romanos non posse. tum Appius suadere se magnopere Achaeis dixit, ut, dum liceret voluntate sua facere, gratiam inirent, ne mox inviti et coacti facerent. haec vox audita quidem cum omnium gemitu est, sed metum iniecit imperata recusandi, id modo petierunt, ut Romani, quae viderentur; de Lacedaemoniis mutarent nec Achaeos religione obstringerent irrita ea, quae iure iurando sanxissent, faciendi. damnatio tantum Arei et Alcibiadis, quae nuper facta erat, sublata est. Romae principio eius anni, cum de provinciis consulum et praetorum actum est, consulibus Ligures, quia bellum nusquam alibi erat, decreti. praetores C. Decimius Flavus urbanam, P. Cornelius Cethegus inter cives et peregrinos sortiti sunt, C. Sempronius Blaesus Siciliam, Q. Naevius Matho Sardiniam et ut idem quaereret de veneficiis, A. Terentius Varro Hispaniam citeriorem P. Sempronius Longus Hispaniam ulteriorem. de iis duabus provinciis legati per id fere tempus L. Iuventius Thalna et T. Quinctilius Varus venerunt, qui quantum bellum iam profligatum in Hispania esset senatu edocto postularunt simul, ut pro rebus tam prospere gestis diis inmortalibus haberetur honos et ut praetoribus exercitum deportare liceret.

[¶22] 38.6. “Those things which were made sanctified and sacred by oath, by written records carved on stone for eternal preservation, they are trying, by making us perjurers, to destroy. Indeed we respect you, Romans, and, if you wish it so, we even fear you; but still more do we both respect and fear the immortal gods.” Lycortas was heard with applause on the part of the majority, and all said that he had spoken in a manner consistent with the dignity of his office, so that it was readily apparent that by a soft answer the Romans could not maintain their position. Then Appius said that he earnestly advised the Achaeans to come to terms while it was still possible to do so of their own free will, lest presently they be forced to take the same action against their will and under compulsion. This speech was received with a general groan, but it made the Achaeans fear to refuse what was ordered. They requested only this, that the Romans should make such changes as seemed proper to them regarding the Lacedaemonians and should not involve the Achaeans in the religious difficulty of making void what they had ratified by oath. Only the vote of condemnation which had recently been passed on Areus and Alcibiades was repealed. XXXVIII. At Rome, in the beginning of this year, when the question of the provinces for the consuls and praetors came up, the Ligurians were decreed to the consuls, since there was war nowhere else. Of the praetors, Gaius Decimius Flavus received the civil jurisdiction, Publius Cornelius Cethegus that between citizens and aliens, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus Sicily, Quintus Naevius Matho Sardinia and the additional task of investigating cases of poisoning, Aulus Terentius Varro Nearer Spain, Publius Sempronius Longus Farther Spain. From these two provinces at about the same time came the lieutenants, Lucius Juventius Talna and Titus Quinctilius Varus, who, after informing the senate how great a war had now been finished in Spain, asked at the same time that by reason of such victories honour should be paid to the immortal gods and that the praetors should be permitted to bring home their armies. A thanksgiving for two days was decreed: as to bringing back the legions, they ordered that the question should be brought up anew when the matter of troops for the consuls and praetors was discussed. A few days later the consuls were assigned, for service against the Ligurians, two legions each, which had been under the command of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius. With respect to the Spanish armies, great strife arose between the new praetors and the friends of the absent, Calpurnius and Quinctius. Each side had tribunes of the people, each a consul. The one side threatened that they would veto a decree of the senate if they should vote that the armies should be brought home: the others, that if this veto should be used they would permit no other decree to be passed. In the end the influence of the absent praetors proved unavailing, and a decree of the senate was passed that the praetors should enlist four thousand Roman infantry, three hundred cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy five thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry, whom they should take with them to Spain. When they had assigned these four thousand to the legions, in proportion as they numbered more than five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry per legion, they should discharge the surplus; first, those who had completed their terms of service, second, those individuals whose conspicuous services Calpurnius and Quinctius had enjoyed in the battle. When this strife had calmed down, another straightway arose as a consequence of the death of Gaius Decimius the praetor. Gnaeus Sicinius and Lucius Pupius, who had been aediles the preceding year, and Gaius Valerius the flamen Dialis and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus —he, because he was curule aedile elect, did not wear the toga candida, but was canvassing more energetically than the rest —were the candidates.

> Latin: 38.6. supplicatio in biduum decreta est; de legionibus deportandis, cum de consulum praetorumque exercitibus ageretur, rem integram referri iusserunt. paucos post dies consulibus in Ligures binae legiones, quas Ap. Claudius et M. Sempronius habuerant, decretae sunt. de Hispaniensibus exercitibus magna contentio fuit inter novos praetores et amicos absentium, Calpurni Quinctique. utraque causa tribunos plebis, utraque consulem habebat. hi se intercessuros senatus consulto, si deportandos censerent exercitus, denuntiabant; illi, si haec intercessio fieret, nullam rem aliam se decerni passuros. victa postremo absentium gratia est, et senatus consultum factum, ut praetores quattuor milia peditum Romanorum scriberent, trecentos equites, et quinque milia peditum sociorum Latini nominis, quingentos equites, quos secum in Hispaniam portarent. cum eos in legiones quattuor discripsissent, quo plus quam quina milia peditum, treceni equites in singulis legionibus essent, dimitterent, eos primum, qui emerita stipendia haberent, deinde ut cuiusque fortissima opera Calpurnius et Quinctius in proelio uis essent. hac sedata contentione alia subinde C. Decimi praetoris morte exorta est. Cn. Sicinius et L. Pupius, qui aediles proximo anno fuerant, et C. Valerius flamen Dialis et Q. Fulvius Flaccus —is, quia aedilis curulis designatus erat, sine toga candida, sed maxima ex omnibus contentione—petebant; certamenque ei cum flamine erat.

[¶23] 39.3. The race was between Fulvius and the flamen. And when Fulvius seemed at first to be on equal terms with Valerius and then even to be passing him, part of the tribunes of the people declared that his candidacy ought not to be accepted because one man could not seek or hold two offices simultaneously, especially curule offices;

> Latin: 39.3. et postquam primo aequare, mox superare etiam est visus, pars tribunorum plebis negare rationem eius habendam esse, quod duos simul unus magistratus, praesertim curules, neque capere posset nec gerere;

[¶24] 39.4. part thought that he should be exempted from the operation of the laws, so that the people might have the opportunity of electing whomsoever they wished to the praetorship.

> Latin: 39.4. pars legibus eum solvi aequum censere, ut quem vellet praetorem creandi populo potestas fieret.

[¶25] 39.5. Lucius Porcius the consul was at first of the opinion that he should not accept his name; then, that he might take this action with the authorization of the senate, calling together the Fathers, he said that he was referring the matter to them because there was neither any law nor any precedent, acceptable in a free state, that a curule aedile elect might seek the praetorship; unless something else seemed best to them, it was his intention to hold the election in accordance with the law.

> Latin: 39.5. L. Porcius consul primo in ea sententia esse, ne nomen eius acciperet, deinde, ut ex auctoritate autoritate senatus idem faceret, convocatis patribus referre se ad eos dixit, quod nec iure ullo nec exemplo tolerabili liberae civitati aedilis curulis designatus praeturam peteret; sibi, nisi quid aliud iis videretur, in animo esse e lege comitia habere.

[¶26] 39.7. The Fathers voted that the consul Lucius Porcius should appeal to Quintus Fulvius not to stand in the way of the election of a praetor, as a successor to Gaius Decimius, being held in accordance with the law. When the consul made this appeal in accordance with the decree of the senate, Flaccus replied that he would do nothing which was unworthy of himself.

> Latin: 39.7. patres censuerunt, uti L. Porcius consul cum Q. Fulvio ageret, ne inpedimento esset, quo minus comitia praetoris in locum C. Decimi subrogandi e lege haberentur.

[¶27] 39.8. By this ambiguous answer he had created, in the minds of men who interpreted it to suit their own desires, the hope that he would yield to the authority of the Fathers.

> Latin: 39.8. agenti consuli ex senatus consulto respondit Flaccus, nihil, quod se indignum esset, facturum. medio responso ad voluntatem interpretantibus fecerat spem cessurum patrum auctoritati esse;

[¶28] 39.9. At the election he continued his canvassing even more actively than before, charging that the consul and the senate were wresting from him the gift of the Roman people and were arousing hostility to him by their talk of duplicated offices, as if it were not evident that when he should be elected praetor he would immediately resign the aedileship.

> Latin: 39.9. comitiis acrius etiam quam ante petebat criminando extorqueri sibi a consule et senatu populi Romani beneficium et invidiam fieri geminati honoris, tamquam non adpareret, ubi designatus praetor esset, extemplo aedilitate se abdicaturum.

[¶29] 39.10. When the consul saw both that the stubbornness of the candidate increased and that the favour of the people was turning more and more to him, he adjourned the assembly and summoned the senate. A full meeting declared that, since the authority of the Fathers had had no influence with Flaccus, the appeal to Flaccus should be made before the assembly.

> Latin: 39.10. consul cum et pertinaciam petentis crescere et favorem populi magis magisque in eum inclinari cerneret, dimissis comitiis senatum vocavit. censuerunt frequentes, quoniam Flaccum auctoritas patrum nihil movisset, ad populum cum Flacco agendum.

[¶30] 39.11. When the consul had called an informal meeting and presented his plea, Flaccus, not even then moved from his position, expressed his gratitude to the Roman people because with such enthusiasm, as often as the opportunity to declare their desires had been granted to them, they had wished to make him praetor: it was not his intention to disappoint these desires of his fellow-citizens.

> Latin: 39.11. contione advocata cum egisset consul, ne tum quidem de sententia motus gratias populo Romano egit, quod tanto studio, quotienscumque declarandae voluntatis potestas facta esset, praetorem se voluisset facere;

[¶31] 39.12. This speech, obstinate though it was, aroused so much enthusiasm for him that he would be praetor beyond a doubt if the consul would accept his candidacy.

> Latin: 39.12. ea sibi studia civium suorum destituere non esse in animo. haec vero tam obstinata vox tantum ei favorem accendit, ut haud dubius praetor esset, si consul accipere nomen vellet.

[¶32] 39.13. Then the tribunes had a great argument, both among themselves and with the consul, until the senate was convoked by the consul and passed this decree: that since the stubbornness of Quintus Flaccus and the base desires of men prevented the holding, in accordance with the laws, of the election to fill a vacancy among the praetors, the senate decreed that there were enough praetors; Publius Cornelius should hold both jurisdictions in the City and should preside at the games to Apollo.

> Latin: 39.13. ingens certamen tribunis et inter se ipsos et cum consule fuit, donec senatus a consule est habitus decretumque, quoniam praetoris subrogandi comitia ne legibus fierent, pertinacia Q. Flacci et prava studia hominum inpedirent, senatum censere satis praetorum esse; P. Cornelius utramque in urbe iurisdictionem haberet Apollinique ludos faceret.

[¶33] 40.1. When this election had been avoided by the wisdom and courage of the senate, another followed, involving a greater contest, as it was both for a more important prize and participated in by more and more powerful men.

> Latin: 40.1. his comitiis prudentia et virtute senatus sublatis alia maioris certaminis, quo et maiore de re et inter plures potentioresque viros, sunt exorta.

[¶34] 40.2. The censorship was sought with the most intense rivalry by Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Publius and Lucius Scipio, Gnaeus Manlius Volso and Lucius Furius Purpurio, patricians, as well as by the plebeians Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Tiberius Sempronius Longus and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus.

> Latin: 40.2. censuram summa contentione petebant L. Valerius Flaccus P. et L. Scipiones Cn. Manlius Vulso L. Furius Purpurio, patricii, plebeii autem, M.

[¶35] 40.3. But among all the patricians and plebeians of the most illustrious houses, Marcus Porcius Cato stood out most conspicuously. In this man there was such force of mind and character that in whatever station he had been born it seemed that he would have made his fortune for himself.

> Latin: 40.3. Porcius Cato M. Fulvius Nobilior Ti. et M. Sempronii, Longus et Tuditanus. sed omnes patricios plebeiosque nobilissimarum familiarum M. Porcius longe anteibat.

[¶36] 40.4. No art of conducting either private or public business was lacking to him; he was equally skilled in affairs of the city and of the farm. Some men were advanced to the highest offices by knowledge of the law, others by eloquence, others by military reputation: his comprehensive genius was so adapted to everything alike that you would say that whatever he was doing was the one thing for which he was born: in war he was the bravest of fighters and was famous for many remarkable battles, and after he attained to the highest offices, he was likewise a consummate commander; the same man in peace was, if you asked advice on law, most skilled therein, if there was a case to be pleaded, most eloquent, nor was he merely one whose tongue was potent while he lived but left no record of his

> Latin: 40.4. in hoc viro tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit, ut, quocumque loco natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuisse videretur. nulla ars neque privatae neque publicae rei gerendae ei defuit; urbanas rusticasque res pariter callebat. ad summos honores alios scientia iuris, alios eloquentia alios, gloria militaris provexit; huic versatile ingenium sic pariter ad omnia fuit, ut natum ad id unum diceres, quodcumque ageret:

[¶37] 40.6. eloquence: rather, he lives and flourishes by his eloquence, enshrined in books of every kind. There are many orations, both for himself and for and against others; for he wore down his enemies not only by accusing them but also by pleading his own cause.

> Latin: 40.6. in bello manu fortissimus multisque insignibus clarus pugnis; idem postquam ad magnos honores pervenit, summus imperator; idem in pace, si ius consuleres, peritissimus, si causa oranda esset, eloquentissimus;

[¶38] 40.7. Feuds in excessive numbers pursued him and he himself pursued them; nor could you easily say whether the nobility worked harder to suppress him or he to irritate the nobility. Without question he had a stern temper, a bitter tongue and one immoderately free, but he had a soul unconquerable by appetites, an unwavering integrity, and a contempt for influence and wealth.

> Latin: 40.7. nec is tantum, cuius lingua vivo eo viguerit, monumentum eloquentiae nullum exstet, vivit immo vigetque eloquentia eius sacrata scriptis omnis generis.

[¶39] 40.8. In his economy, in his endurance of toil and danger, he was of almost iron-like body and mind, and his mind not even old age, which weakens everything, could break down, since at the age of eighty-six he pleaded a case, spoke and wrote in his own defence, and in his ninetieth year brought Servius Galba to trial before the

> Latin: 40.8. orationes et pro se multae et pro aliis et in alios: nam non solum accusando, sed etiam causam dicendo fatigavit inimicos. simultates nimio plures et exercuerunt eum et ipse exercuit eas, nec facile dixeris, utrum magis presserit eum nobilitas an ille agitaverit nobilitatem.

[¶40] 40.10. assembly. Against him as a candidate on this occasion the nobility, as throughout his life, used their influence; and all the candidates except Lucius Flaccus, who had been his colleague in the consulship, had formed a combination to keep him from the office, not only that they themselves might rather win it nor because they objected to seeing a “new man” chosen censor, but also because they anticipated a stern censorship dangerous to the reputation of many, from a man who had both been injured by many and was eager to do injury.

> Latin: 40.10. asperi procul dubio animi et linguae acerbae et inmodice liberae fuit, sed invicti a cupiditatibus animi, rigidae innocentiae, contemptor gratiae, divitiarum. in parsimonia, in patientia laboris et periculi, ferrei prope corporis animique, quem ne senectus quidem, quae solvit omnia, fregerit, qui sextum et octogesimum annum agens causam dixerit, ipse pro se oraverit scripseritque, nonagesimo anno Ser. Galbam ad populi adduxerit iudicium. hunc, sicut omni vita, tum prensantem premebat nobilitas; coierantque praeter L. Flaccum, qui collega in consulatu fuerat, candidati omnes ad deiciendum honore, non solum ut ipsi potius adipiscerentur, nec quia indignabantur novum hominem censorem videre, sed etiam quod tristem censuram periculosamque multorum famae et ab laeso a plerisque et laedendi cupido expectabant.

[¶41] 41.3. For even then he was canvassing by means of threats, charging that he was being opposed by men who feared a free and courageous censorship.

> Latin: 41.3. etenim tum quoque minitabundus petebat, refragari sibi, qui liberam et fortem censuram timerent, criminando.

[¶42] 41.4. At the same time he canvassed for Lucius Valerius also: with him alone as his colleague could he chastise the new vices and revive the ancient character. Aroused by such arguments and against the opposition of the nobility, the citizens not only chose Marcus Porcius as censor, but also gave him Lucius Flaccus as his colleague.

> Latin: 41.4. et simul L. Valerio subfragabatur: illo uno collega castigare se nova flagitia et priscos revocare mores posse. his accensi homines adversa nobilitate non M. Porcium modo censorem fecerunt, sed collegam ei C. Valerium Flaccum adiecerunt.

[¶43] 41.5. After the election of the censors the consuls and praetors departed for their provinces, with the exception of Quintus Naevius, who was detained for not less than four months before he could set out for Sardinia by the investigation of poisonings, a great part of which he conducted outside the City, in the municipalities and rural communities, because this method seemed more convenient.

> Latin: 41.5. secundum comitia censorum consules praetoresque in provincias profecti praeter Q. Naevium, quem quattuor non minus menses, priusquam in Sardiniam iret, quaestiones veneficii, quarum magnam partem extra urbem per municipia conciliabulaque habuit, quia ita aptius visum erat, tenuerunt.

[¶44] 41.6. If one wishes to trust Valerius Antias, he condemned about two thousand persons. And Lucius Postumius the praetor, to whom the province of Tarentum had fallen, broke up large conspiracies of shepherds and diligently prosecuted what was left of the Bacchanalian investigation.

> Latin: 41.6. si Antiati Valerio credere libet, ad duo milia hominum damnavit. et L. Postumius praetor, cui Tarentum provincia evenerat, magnas pastorum coniurationes vindicavit et reliquias Bacchanalium quaestionis cum cura exsecutus est.

[¶45] 41.7. Many who either had not appeared when summoned or had abandoned their sureties, hiding in that part of Italy, he pronounced guilty in some cases, and in others he arrested them and sent them to the senate in Rome. All were thrown into prison by Publius Cornelius.

> Latin: 41.7. multos, qui aut citati non adfuerant aut vades deseruerant, in ea regione Italiae latentes partim noxios iudicavit, partim comprehensos Romam ad senatum misit. in carcerem omnes a P. Cornelio coniecti sunt.

[¶46] 42.1. In Farther Spain, the Lusitanians having been broken in the last campaign, things were quiet; in Nearer Spain Aulus Terentius among the Suessetani took the town of Corbio with sheds and siegeworks and sold the captives: after that the nearer province too had a quiet winter.

> Latin: 42.1. in Hispania ulteriore fractis proximo bello Lusitanis quietae res fuerant; in citeriore A. Terentius in Suessetanis oppidum Corbionem vineis et operibus expugnavit, captivos vendidit; quieta deinde hiberna et citerior provincia habuit.

[¶47] 42.2. The former praetors Gaius Calpurnius Piso and Lucius Quinctius returned to Rome. To each of them a triumph was decreed by the general consent of the Fathers.

> Latin: 42.2. veteres praetores C. Calpurnius Piso et L. Quinctius Romam redierunt. utrique magno patrum consensu triumphus est decretus.

[¶48] 42.3. First Gaius Calpurnius triumphed over the Lusitanians and Celtiberians: he displayed eighty-three golden crowns and twelve thousand pounds of silver. A few days later Lucius Quinctius Crispinus triumphed over the same Lusitanians and Celtiberians: the same amount of gold and silver was carried in this triumph.

> Latin: 42.3. prior C. Calpurnius de Lusitanis et Celtiberis triumphavit; coronas aureas tulit octoginta tres et duodecim milia pondo argenti.

[¶49] 42.4. The censors Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius chose the senate amid suspense mingled with fear; they expelled seven from the senate, one of whom was distinguished by both high birth and political success, Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, a man of consular rank.

> Latin: 42.4. paucos post dies L. Quinctius Crispinus ex iisdem Lusitanis Celtiberisque triumphavit; tantundem auri atque argenti in eo triumpho translatum. censores M. Porcius et L. Valerius metu mixta expectatione senatum legerunt; septem moverunt senatu, ex quibus unum insignem et nobilitate et honoribus, L. Quinctium Flamininum consularem.

[¶50] 42.6. Within the memory of our fathers the custom is said to have arisen that the censors should affix the nota to the names of those who are expelled from the senate. But in this case there are speeches of Cato and indeed other bitter orations. against those who were either expelled from the senate or whose horses were taken from them, by far the most vehement being that against Lucius Quinctius, and if he had made this speech as an accuser before the branding rather than as censor after the branding, Lucius Quinctius could not have been kept in the senate even by his brother Titus Quinctius, had he been censor at the time. Among other things he reproached him regarding Philippus, a Carthaginian, a notorius prostitute whom he loved and whom he had attracted from Rome to his province of Gaul by the promise of great gifts.

> Latin: 42.6. patrum memoria institutum fertur, ut censores motis [e] senatu adscriberent notas. Catonis et aliae quidem acerbae orationes exstant in eos, quos aut senatorio loco movit, aut quibus equos ademit; longe gravissima in L. Quinctium oratio est, qua si accusator ante notam, non censor post notam usus esset, retinere L. Quinctium in senatu ne frater quidem T. Quinctius, si tum censor esset, potuisset.

[¶51] 42.8. This boy, says Cato, in the course of his playful jesting, used frequently to reproach the consul because just on the eve of the gladiatorial games he had been carried off from Rome, that he might sell his favours to his lover.

> Latin: 42.8. inter cetera obiecit ei, Philippum Poenum, carum ac nobile scortum, ab Roma in Galliam provinciam spe ingentium donorum perductum. eum puerum, per lasciviam cum cavillaretur, exprobrare consuli persaepe solitum, quod sub ipsum spectaculum gladiatorium abductus ab Roma esset, ut obsequium amatori venditaret.

[¶52] 42.10. By chance, when they were dining and were by now heated with wine, it was announced in the dining-room that a noble Boian, accompanied by his sons, had come as a deserter; he wished, they said, to meet the consul, that he might obtain a safeguard from him personally. Having been introduced into the tent, Cato continued, he began to address the consul through an interpreter.

> Latin: 42.10. forte epulantibus iis, cum iam vino incaluissent, nuntiatum in convivio esse, nobilem Boium cum liberis transfugam venisse; convenire consulem velle, ut ab eo fidem praesens acciperet.

[¶53] 42.11. While he was speaking, Quinctius said to the boy, “Do you wish, since you missed the gladiatorial show, to see now this Gaul dying?”

> Latin: 42.11. introductum in tabernaculum per interpretem adloqui consulem coepisse. inter cuius sermonem Quinctius scorto “vis tu” inquit, “quoniam gladiatorium spectaculum reliquisti, iam hunc Gallum morientem videre?

[¶54] 42.12. And when he nodded, although not really in earnest, the consul, at the boy's nod, seized the sword that was hanging above his head and first struck the head of the Gaul while he was speaking, and then, as the Gaul was fleeing and calling for the protection of the Roman people and of those who were present, he stabbed him through the side.

> Latin: 42.12. ” et cum is vixdum serio adnuisset, ad nutum scorti consulem stricto gladio, qui super caput pendebat, loquenti Gallo caput primum percussisse, deinde fugienti fidemque populi Romani atque eorum, qui aderant, inploranti latus transfodisse.

[¶55] 43.1. Valerius Antias, as one who had never read the speech of Cato and had accepted the story as if it were nothing but a story anonymously circulated, gives another version, similar, however, in its lust and cruelty.

> Latin: 43.1. Valerius Antias, ut qui nec orationem Catonis legisset et fabulae tantum sine auctore editae credidisset, aliud argumentum, simile tamen et libidine et crudelitate, peragit.

[¶56] 43.2. He writes that at Placentia a notorious woman, with whom Flamininus was desperately in love, had been invited to dinner. There he was boasting to the courtesan, among other things, about his severity in the prosecution of cases and how many persons he had in chains, under sentence of death, whom he intended to behead.

> Latin: 43.2. Placentiae famosam mulierem, cuius amore deperiret, in convivium accersitam scribit. ibi iactantem sese scorto inter cetera rettulisse, quam acriter quaestiones exercuisset, et quam multos capitis damnatos in vinculis haberet, quos securi percussurus esset.

[¶57] 43.3. Then the woman, reclining below him, said that she had never seen a person beheaded and was very anxious to behold the sight. Hereupon, he says, the generous lover, ordering one of the wretches to be brought to him, cut off his head with his sword.

> Latin: 43.3. tum illam infra eum adcubantem negasse umquam vidisse quemquam securi ferientem, et pervelle id videre. hic indulgentem amatorem unum ex illis miseris adtrahi iussum securi percussisse.

[¶58] 43.4. This deed, whether it was performed in the manner for which the censor rebuked him, or as Valerius reports it, was savage and cruel: in the midst of drinking and feasting, where it is the custom to pour libations to the gods and to pray for blessings, as a spectacle for a shameless harlot, reclining in the bosom of a consul, a human victim sacrificed and bespattering the table with his blood!

> Latin: 43.4. facinus, sive eo modo, quo censor obiecit, sive, ut Valerius tradit, commissum est, saevum atque atrox, inter pocula atque epulas, ubi libare diis dapes, ubi bene precari mos esset, ad spectaculum scorti procacis, in sinu consulis recubantis, mactatam humanam victimam esse et cruore mensam respersam!

[¶59] 43.5. At the end of the speech a challenge of Cato to Quinctius is reported: if he would deny this act and the other things which Cato had charged, he should defend himself by legal methods, but if he confessed it, would he think that anyone would grieve at his disgrace, since he himself, mad with drink and desire, had played with a man's blood at a feast?

> Latin: 43.5. in extrema oratione Catonis condicio Quinctio fertur, ut, si id factum negaret ceteraque, quae obiecisset, sponsione defenderet sese; sin fateretur, ignominiane sua quemquam doliturum censeret, cum ipse vino et Venere amens sanguine hominis in convivio lusisset?

[¶60] 44.1. In reviewing the equites Cato deprived Lucius Scipio Asiaticus of his horse. Also in accepting assessments his censorship was stern and harsh towards all ranks.

> Latin: 44.1. in equitatu recognoscendo L. Scipioni Asiageni ademptus equus. in censibus quoque accipiendis tristis et aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit.

[¶61] 44.2. Jewels and women's dresses and vehicles which were worth more than fifteen thousand asses he directed the assessors to list at ten times more than their actual value; likewise slaves less than twenty years old, who had been bought since the previous lustrum for ten thousand asses or more, he directed to be assessed at ten times more than their actual cost, and he ordered that on all these articles a tax of three asses per thousand should be imposed. All public water flowing into a private dwelling or lot they shut off; and what private persons had built or erected on public property they tore down on thirty days' notice. Then they let contracts for the public works to be constructed from funds appropriated for that purpose, the paving of fountain basins with stone, the cleaning of sewers wherever that was necessary, and the construction of new sewers on the Aventine and elsewhere where none had yet been

> Latin: 44.2. ornamenta et vestem muliebrem et vehicula, quae pluris quam quindecim milium aeris essent, deciens pluris in censum referre iuratores iussi; item mancipia minora annis viginti, quae post proximum lustrum decem milibus aeris aut pluris eo venissent, uti ea quoque deciens tanto pluris, quam quanti essent, aestimarentur, et his rebus omnibus terni in milia aeris adtribuerentur. aquam publicam omnem in privatum aedificium aut agrum fluentem ademerunt et, quae in loca publica inaedificata inmolitave privati habebant, intra dies triginta demoliti sunt.

[¶62] 44.5. built. And Flaccus separately built a dike at the Neptunian waters that the people might have a footpath there, and a road over the hill at Formiae, and Cato built two markets, the Maenium and the Titium, in the region of the Lautumiae, and bought four shops for the state and erected there the basilica which is called Porcia.

> Latin: 44.5. opera deinde facienda ex decreta in eam rem pecunia, lacus sternendos lapide detergendasque, qua opus esset, cloacas, in Aventino et in aliis partibus, qua nondum erant, faciendas locaverunt.

[¶63] 44.6. The revenues also they farmed at the highest rates and contracted for voluntary services at the lowest. When the senate, moved by the prayers and tears of the publicani, had ordered these contracts to be cancelled and new ones made, the censors, removing by edict from the place of auction those bidders who had evaded the original contracts, let all the same contracts at slightly lowered figures.

> Latin: 44.6. et separatim Flaccus molem ad Neptunias aquas, ut iter populo esset, et viam per Formianum montem, Cato atria duo, Maenium et Titium, in lautumiis et quattor tabernas in publicum emit, basilicamque ibi fecit, quae Porcia adpellata est. et vectigalia summis pretiis, ultro tributa infimis locaverunt.

## 40. Book XXXIX · chapters 44–56

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/40/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/40/#p-N

[¶0] 44.8. It was a remarkable censorship and full of quarrels, which occupied Marcus Porcius, to whom the severity was attributed, through his whole life. In the same year two colonies, Potentia in the Picene territory, Pisaurum in the Gallic, were founded.

> Latin: 44.8. quas locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis victus publicanorum induci et de integro locari iussisset, censores edicto submotis ab hasta, qui ludificati priorem locationem erant, omnia eadem paululum inminutis pretiis locaverunt.

[¶1] 44.9. Six iugera were given to each colonist. The division of the land and the organization of the colonies were the work of the same commissioners, Quintus Fabius Labeo, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Quintus Fulvius Nobilior.

> Latin: 44.9. nobilis censura fuit simultatiumque plena, quae M. Porcium, cui acerbitas ea adsignabantur, per omnem vitam exercuerunt.

[¶2] 44.10. The consuls of this year did nothing noteworthy either at home or in the field. For the following year they announced the election of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Quintus Fabius Labeo as consuls. Marcus Claudius and Quintus Fabius, on the Ides of March, the day on which they were inaugurated, brought up the question of provinces for themselves and the praetors.

> Latin: 44.10. eodem anno coloniae duae, Potentia in Picenum, Pisaurum in Gallicum agrum, deductae sunt. sena iugera in singulos data. diviserunt agrum coloniasque deduxerunt iidem tres viri, Q. Fabius Labeo et M. et Q. Fulvii, Flaccus et Nobilior. consules eius anni nec domi nec militiae memorabile quicquam egerunt. in insequentem annum crearunt consules M. Claudium Marcellum Q. Fabium Labeonem. M. Claudius Q. Fabius idibus Martiis, quo die consulatum inierunt, de provinciis suis praetorumque rettulerunt.

[¶3] 45.2. The praetors who had been elected were Gaius Valerius, the flamen Dialis, who had been a candidate the preceding year also, and Spurius Postumius Albinus and Publius Cornelius Sisenna, Lucius Pupius, Lucius Julius, Gnaeus Sicinius.

> Latin: 45.2. praetores creati erant C. Valerius flamen Dialis, qui et priore anno petierat, et Sp. Postumius Albinus et P. Cornelius Sisenna L. Pupius L. Iulius Cn. Sicinius.

[¶4] 45.3. To the consuls the Ligurians were decreed as their province, with the same armies which Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius had had. The Spains, excluded from the lot, were reserved for the praetors of the previous year, along with their armies.

> Latin: 45.3. consulibus Ligures cum iisdem exercitibus, quos P. Claudius et L. Porcius habuerant, provincia decreta est.

[¶5] 45.4. The praetors were ordered to draw lots with the provision that the province of the flamen Dialis should be one of the jurisdictions in Rome: the praetorship which he drew dealt with cases between citizens and aliens.

> Latin: 45.4. Hispaniae extra sortem prioris anni praetoribus cum suis exercitibus servatae. praetores ita sortiri iussi, uti flamini Diali utique altera iuris dicendi Romae provincia esset; peregrinam est sortitus.

[¶6] 45.5. The civil jurisdiction fell to Cornelius Sisenna, Sicily to Spurius Postumius, Apulia to Lucius Pupius, Gaul to Lucius Julius, Sardinia to Gnaeus Sicinius. Lucius Julius was directed to hasten his departure.

> Latin: 45.5. Sisennae Cornelio urbana, Sp. Postumio Sicilia, L. Pupio Apulia, L. Iulio Gallia, Cn. Sicinio Sardinia evenit. L. Iulius maturare est iussus.

[¶7] 45.6. Transalpine Gauls, as has been said before, crossing into Italy by a pass hitherto unknown, were building a city in the territory which now belongs to Aquileia.

> Latin: 45.6. Galli Transalpini per saltus ignotae antea viae, ut ante dictum est, in Italiam transgressi oppidum in agro, qui nunc est Aquileiensis, aedificabant.

[¶8] 45.7. The praetor was instructed to prevent them from doing this, so far as it was possible for him to do so without war. If they had to be prevented by arms, he was to inform the consuls: it was the senate's desire that one of them should lead the legions against the Gauls.

> Latin: 45.7. id eos ut prohiberet, quod eius sine bello posset, praetori mandatum est; si armis prohibendi essent, consules certiores faceret; ex his placere alterum adversus Gallos ducere legiones.

[¶9] 45.8. At the end of the preceding year an election had been held to choose an augur in the place of Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus, who had died; Spurius Postumius Albinus had been elected.

> Latin: 45.8. extremo prioris anni comitia auguris creandi habita erant in demortui Cn. Corneli Lentuli locum; creatus erat Sp. Postumius Albinus.

[¶10] 46.1. In the beginning of this year Publius Licinius Crassus, the pontifex maximus, died, and in his stead Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus was co-opted as pontiff; Gaius Servilius Geminus was elected pontifex maximus.

> Latin: 46.1. huius principio anni P. Licinius Crassus pontifex maximus mortuus est, in cuius locum M. Sempronius Tuditanus pontifex est cooptatus; pontifex maximus est creatus C. Servilius Geminus.

[¶11] 46.2. On the occasion of the funeral of Publius Licinius a public distribution of meats took place, and one hundred and twenty gladiators fought and funeral games were given for three days, and after the games a banquet.

> Latin: 46.2. P. Licini funeris causa visceratio data et gladiatores centum viginti pugnarunt et ludi funebres per triduum facti, post ludos epulum.

[¶12] 46.3. During this, when the banqueting tables had been arranged through the whole Forum, a storm coming up with great gusts of wind drove most people to set up tents in the Forum: these, a little later, when it had cleared up all around, were taken down;

> Latin: 46.3. in quo cum toto foro triclinia strata essent, tempestas cum magnis procellis coorta coegit plerosque tabernacula statuere in foro;

[¶13] 46.4. and the general talk was that the omen had been fulfilled, because the soothsayers had declared that it was among the decrees of the fates that it was destined that tents should be set up in the Forum.

> Latin: 46.4. eadem paulo post, cum undique disserenasset, sublata, defunctosque vulgo ferebant, quod inter fatalia vates cecinissent, necesse esse tabernacula in foro statui.

[¶14] 46.5. When they were freed from this fear another came upon them, because for two days it had rained blood in the precinct of Vulcan; and a period of prayer was proclaimed by the decemvirs as expiation for this prodigy.

> Latin: 46.5. hac religione levatis altera iniecta, quod sanguine per biduum pluvisset in area Vulcani; et per decemviros supplicatio indicta erat eius prodigii expiandi causa.

[¶15] 46.6. Before the consuls set out for their provinces, they introduced the embassies from across the seas to the senate. Never before had there been so many people from this region in Rome.

> Latin: 46.6. priusquam consules in provincias proficiscerentur, legationes transmarinas in senatum introduxerunt. nec umquam ante tantum regionis eius hominum Romae fuerat.

[¶16] 46.7. For from the time that the news spread among the tribes that live near Macedonia that charges and complaints against Philip were listened to not inattentively by the Romans, and that many had found it profitable to make complaints, each city and tribe for itself and many individuals privately —for everyone found him a neighbour hard to get along with —came to Rome either in the hope of redressing their wrongs or for the consolation of lamenting them.

> Latin: 46.7. nam ex quo fama per gentes, quae Macedoniam adcolunt, vulgata est, crimina querimoniasque de Philippo non neglegenter ab Romanis audiri, multis operae pretium fuisse queri, pro se quaeque civitates gentesque, singuli etiam privatim—gravis enim adcola omnibus erat—Romam aut ad spem levandae iniuriae aut ad deflendae solacium venerunt.

[¶17] 46.9. From King Eumenes also came an embassy, including his brother Athenaeus, to complain both because the garrisons were not withdrawn from the cities in Thrace and because aid had been sent to Prusias in Bithynia, who was waging war against Eumenes.

> Latin: 46.9. et ab Eumene rege legatio cum fratre eius Athenaeo venit ad querendum, simul quod non deducerentur ex Thracia praesidia, simul quod in Bithyniam Prusiae bellum adversus Eumenem gerenti auxilia missa forent.

[¶18] 47.1. Demetrius, who was then quite a young man, had to answer all these complaints. Since it was not easy to remember either all the charges which were made or what was to be said in reply to them —for they were not only numerous but many of them also trivial in the extreme, dealing with boundary disputes, men abducted or animals driven off, justice either administered by caprice or not administered, decisions rendered as a result of violence or influence —when

> Latin: 47.1. respondendum ad omnia iuveni tum admodum Demetrio erat. cum haud facile esset aut ea, quae obicerentur, aut quae adversus ea dicenda erant, memoria complecti— nec enim multa solum, sed etiam pleraque oppido quam parva erant, de controversia finium, de hominibus raptis pecoribusque abactis, de iure aut dicto per libidinem aut non dicto, de rebus per vim aut per gratiam iudicatis—

[¶19] 47.3. the senate saw that Demetrius could give no intelligent information on any of these points and that they could learn nothing explicit from him, and when they were moved by both the inexperience and the embarrassment of the young man, they ordered that the question be asked of him whether he had received any notes from his father on these matters.

> Latin: 47.3. ,nihil horum neque Demetrium docere dilucide nec se satis liquido discere ab eo senatus cum cerneret posse, simul et tirocinio et perturbatione iuvenis moveretur, quaeri iussit ab eo, ecquem de his rebus commentarium a patre accepisset.

[¶20] 47.4. When he replied that he had received them, it was resolved that nothing should have preference or precedence over hearing the answers of the king himself to these several charges. They immediately demanded the book and then allowed him to read it.

> Latin: 47.4. cum respondisset accepisse se, nihil prius nec potius visum est quam regis ipsius de singulis responsa accipere. librum extemplo poposcerunt, deinde ut ipse recitaret permiserunt.

[¶21] 47.5. The arguments, however, on single items were given in a brief digest; for example, that he had done some things in accordance with the decrees of commissioners, other things he had been prevented from doing, not through his own fault, but that of the very persons who made the accusations.

> Latin: 47.5. erant autem de singulis rebus in breve coactae causae, ut alia fecisse se secundum decreta legatorum diceret, alia non per se stetisse, quo minus faceret, sed per eos ipsos, qui accusarent.

[¶22] 47.6. He had included also complaints about the injustice of the decrees and how unfair had been the discussion before Caecilius, and how he had been trampled upon by everyone unjustifiably and in no wise as he deserved.

> Latin: 47.6. interposuerat et querellas de iniquitate decretorum et quam non ex aequo disceptatum apud Caecilium foret indigneque sibi nec ullo suo merito insultatum ab omnibus esset.

[¶23] 47.7. The senate took these to be indications of his irritation; but when the young man apologized for some things and undertook that in the future other things should be done as the senate specifically desired, it was decided to reply that his father had done nothing more correctly or more in accordance with the senate's wishes than that, whatever his own conduct had been, he had wished to be justified in the eyes of the Romans through his son Demetrius. The senate, they said, could close its eyes to much and could forget and let the past be past and continue to trust to Demetrius.

> Latin: 47.7. has notas irritati eius animi conlegit senatus; ceterum alia excusanti iuveni, alia recipienti futura ita, ut maxime vellet senatus, responderi placuit, nihil patrem eius neque rectius nec magis quod ex voluntate senatus esset, fecisse, quam quod, utcumque ea gesta essent, per Demetrium filium satisfieri voluisset Romanis.

[¶24] 47.9. For they held his soul hostage, even though his body had been restored to his father, and they knew that, so far as his loyalty to his father would permit, he would be a friend to the Roman people, and for the sake of doing him honour they would send ambassadors to Macedonia, to say that if anything had not been done which should have been done, it might even then be done without any atonement being required for previous omissions.

> Latin: 47.9. multa et dissimulare et oblivisci et pati praeterita senatum posse, et credere etiam, Demetrio credendum esse: obsidem enim se animum eius habere, etsi corpus patri reddiderit, et scire, quantum salva in patrem pietate possit, amicum eum populi Romani esse, honorisque eius causa missuros in Macedoniam legatos, ut, si quid minus factum sit, quam debuerit, tum quoque sine piaculo rerum praetermissarum fiat.

[¶25] 47.11. They said that they wished Philip to know that all things were unchanged between him and the Roman people, thanks to his son Demetrius.

> Latin: 47.11. velle etiam sentire Philippum, integra omnia sibi cum populo Romano Demetri filii beneficio esse.

[¶26] 48.1. These things, which were done in order to enhance his distinction, were immediately turned into a cause of unpopularity and presently even of ruin to the young man. Then the Lacedaemonians were brought in.

> Latin: 48.1. haec, quae augendae amplitudinis eius causa facta erant, extemplo in invidiam, mox etiam in perniciem adulescenti verterunt.

[¶27] 48.2. Many and trivial subjects of dispute were talked about; but those which contained the real gist of the matter had to do with the question whether the men whom the Achaeans had condemned should be restored or not; whether those who had been killed had been killed justly or unjustly; and whether the Lacedaemonians should remain in the Achaean League or, as had been the case before, their state, alone in the Peloponnesus, should have a separate

> Latin: 48.2. Lacedaemonii deinde introducti sunt. multae et parvulae disceptationes iactabantur; sed, quae maxime rem continerent, erant, utrum restituerentur, quos Achaei damnaverant, necne, inique an iure occidissent, quos occiderant, vertebatur, et, utrum manerent in Achaico concilio Lacedaemonii, an, ut ante fuerat, secretum eius unius in Peloponneso civitatis ius esset.

[¶28] 48.4. constitution. It was decided that the exiles should be restored and the judgments passed against them reversed, and that Lacedaemon should remain in the Achaean League, and that this decree should be written down and signed by the Lacedaemonians and Achaeans.

> Latin: 48.4. restitui iudiciaque facta tolli placuit, Lacedaemonem manere in Achaico concilio, scribique id decretum et consignari a Lacedaemoniis et Achaeis.

[¶29] 48.5. Quintus Marcius was sent as a commissioner to Macedonia, and was likewise instructed to look into the affairs of the allies in the Peloponnesus. For there were also both the troubles that were survivals from ancient discords, and Messenê had seceded from the Achaean League.

> Latin: 48.5. legatus in Macedoniam Q. Marcius est missus, iussus idem in Peloponneso sociorum res aspicere. nam ibi quoque et ex veteribus discordiis residui motus erant, et Messene desciverat a concilio Achaico.

[¶30] 48.6. If I should wish to set forth both the causes and the events of this war, I should be unmindful of my purpose, according to which I have determined not to touch further upon foreign affairs except as they are inseparable from Roman history.

> Latin: 48.6. cuius belli et causas et ordinem si expromere velim, inmemor sim propositi, quo statui non ultra adtingere externa, nisi qua Romanis cohaererent rebus:

[¶31] 49.1. One event worthy of record occurred: although the Achaeans had the advantage in the war, their praetor Philopoemen was captured, who, in order to get the lead in occupying Coronê, for which the enemy was making, entered a dangerous valley, accompanied by a small guard of cavalry, and was surprised.

> Latin: 49.1. eventus memorabilis est, quod, cum bello superiores essent Achaei, Philopoemen praetor eorum capitur ad praeoccupandam Coronen, quam hostes petebant, profectus atque ibi in valle iniqua cum equitibus paucis obpressus.

[¶32] 49.2. They say that he himself could have escaped with the aid of the Thracians and Cretans; but the shame, if he should abandon the cavalry, the noblest of the people, and recently chosen by him personally, restrained him.

> Latin: 49.2. ipsum potuisse effugere Thracum Cretensiumque auxilio tradunt; sed pudor relinquendi equites, nobilissimos gentis, ab ipso nuper lectos, tenuit.

[¶33] 49.3. While he was offering them a way of escape from the narrow pass by holding the rear in person, sustaining the charge of the enemy, his horse fell and he himself was very near to perishing from the shock to himself and the weight of the horse which came down upon him, being now seventy years old and much weakened in strength as the result of a long illness from which he was then just recovering.

> Latin: 49.3. quibus dum locum ad evadendas angustias cogendo ipse agmen praebet, sustinens impetus hostium, prolapso equo et suo ipse casu et onere equi super eum ruentis haud multum afuit, quin exanimaretur, septuaginta annos iam natus et diutino morbo, ex quo tum primum reficiebatur, viribus admodum adtenuatis.

[¶34] 49.5. The enemy, rushing past, came upon him lying there; recognizing him at once, because of their veneration for him and their recollection of his past services, they raised him up as if he were their own leader, revived him and carried him out of the retired valley to the high-road, scarcely believing their own eyes for this unexpected joy; part of them sent messengers ahead to Messenê to say that the war was over and that they were bringing Philopoemen a prisoner.

> Latin: 49.5. iacentem hostes superfusi obpresserunt; cognitumque primum a verecundia memoriaque meritorum haud secus quam ducem suum adtollunt reficiuntque et ex valle devia in viam portant, vix sibimet ipsi prae necopinato gaudio credentes; pars nuntios Messenen praemittunt, debellatum esse, Philopoemenem captum adduci.

[¶35] 49.7. At first this seemed so incredible that his words were listened to, not merely as vain, but as the words of a messenger who was scarcely sane.

> Latin: 49.7. primum adeo incredibilis visa res, ut non pro vano modo, sed vix pro sano nuntius audiretur. deinde ut super alium alius idem omnes adfirmantes veniebant, tandem facta fides;

[¶36] 49.8. Then, as one after another came, all bringing the same tidings, at length they were convinced; and before they knew for certain that he was approaching the city, all alike, free and slave, children along with the women, rushed out. So the crowd had blocked the gate, while each for himself, if he had not seen it with his own eyes, would scarcely accept so great a thing as true.

> Latin: 49.8. et priusquam adpropinquare urbi satis scirent, ad spectaculum omnes simul liberi ac servi, pueri quoque cum feminis, effunduntur. itaque clauserat portam turba, dum pro se quisque, nisi ipse oculis suis credidisset, vix pro comperta tantam rem habiturus videretur.

[¶37] 49.9. The men who were bringing Philopoemen were hardly able to thrust aside the bystanders and enter the gate.

> Latin: 49.9. aegre submoventes obvios intrare portam, qui adducebant Philopoemenem, potuerunt. aeque conferta turba iter reliquum clauserat;

[¶38] 49.10. An equally crowded mass had blocked the rest of the way; and when the largest part had been excluded from the spectacle, they suddenly filled the theatre, which adjoined the street, and with one voice all demanded that he should be brought there to be seen by the people.

> Latin: 49.10. et cum pars maxima exclusa a spectaculo esset, theatrum repente, quod propinquum viae erat, compleverunt et, ut eo adduceretur in conspectum populi, una voce omnes exposcebant.

[¶39] 49.11. The magistrates and leading citizens, fearing that pity for so great a man, present before their eyes, might cause some disturbance, since regret at his former greatness compared with his present fortune would move some and recollection of his tremendous services others, placed him in sight but at a distance, and then speedily removed him from the eyes of men, the praetor Dinocrates saying that there were matters pertaining to the final issue of the war on which the magistrates wished to question him.

> Latin: 49.11. magistratus et principes veriti, ne quem motum misericordia praesentis tanti viri faceret, cum alios verecundia pristinae maiestatis conlatae praesenti fortunae, alios recordatio ingentium meritorum motura esset, procul in conspectu eum statuerunt, deinde raptim ex oculis hominum abstraxerunt dicente praetore Dinocrate, esse, quae pertinentia ad summam belli percunctari eum magistratus vellent.

[¶40] 49.12. Then, after taking him to the senate-house and calling the council, they began their deliberations.

> Latin: 49.12. inde abducto eo in curiam et senatu vocato consultari coeptum.

[¶41] 50.1. It was now growing dark, and not only were all other things uncertain, but even where they could guard him with sufficient safety even for the ensuing night.

> Latin: 50.1. iam invesperascebat, et non modo cetera, sed ne in proximam quidem noctem ubi satis tuto custodiretur, expediebant.

[¶42] 50.2. They had been awed by the greatness of his former success and courage, and neither did they dare to receive him into their own homes for guarding nor were they satisfied to entrust the guardianship of him to any one man.

> Latin: 50.2. obstupuerant ad magnitudinem pristinae eius fortunae virtutisque, et neque ipsi domum recipere custodiendum audebant nec cuiquam uni custodiam eius satis credebant.

[¶43] 50.3. Then someone reminded them that there was a public treasury underground, walled in by hewn stones. Bound, he was let down into it and a great stone by which it was closed placed by machinery over it.

> Latin: 50.3. admonent deinde quidam esse thesaurum publicum sub terra, saxo quadrato saeptum. eo vinctus demittitur, et saxum ingens, quo operitur, machina superinpositum est.

[¶44] 50.4. So, thinking that they should trust the place, rather than any man, to keep him safe, they waited for the coming morning.

> Latin: 50.4. ita loco potius quam homini cuiquam credendam custodiam rati lucem insequentem expectaverunt.

[¶45] 50.5. The next day the whole multitude, mindful of his former services to the state, considered that he should be spared and that through him remedies should be sought out for their present troubles:

> Latin: 50.5. postero die multitudo quidem integra, memor pristinorum eius in civitatem meritorum, parcendum ac per eum remedia quaerenda esse praesentium malorum censebant;

[¶46] 50.6. the authors of the revolt, who had the administration in' their hands, held a secret consultation, and all were agreed upon his death. But it was not agreed whether they should act at once or delay.

> Latin: 50.6. sed defectionis auctores, quorum in manu res publica erat, in secreto consultantes omnes ad necem eius consentiebant, sed, utrum maturarent an differrent, ambigebatur.

[¶47] 50.7. The faction that was more insistent on punishment prevailed, and a man was sent to take him the poison. Receiving the cup, he asked only if Lycortas —he was the other commander of the Achaeans —was safe and if the cavalry had escaped.

> Latin: 50.7. vicit pars avidior poenae; missusque qui venenum ferret. accepto poculo nihil aliud locutum ferunt quam quaesisse, si incolumis Lycortas—is alter imperator Achaeorum erat— equitesque evasissent.

[¶48] 50.8. When he was assured that they were safe, he said “it is well,” and courageously draining the cup perished no long time afterwards. The persons responsible for this act of cruelty had no great time in which to rejoice in his death.

> Latin: 50.8. postquam dictum est incolumes esse, “bene habet” inquit, et poculo inpavide exhausto haud ita multo post exspiravit.

[¶49] 50.9. For Messenê, being conquered in the war, at the demand of the Achaeans handed over the guilty persons, and the bones of Philopoemen were given back and he was buried by the whole Achaean League, all human distinctions being heaped upon him to such a degree that they did not even refrain from divine honours.

> Latin: 50.9. non diuturnum mortis eius gaudium auctoribus crudelitatis fuit. victa namque Messene bello exposcentibus Achaeis dedidit noxios, ossaque reddita Philopoemenis sunt et sepultus ab universo Achaico est concilio, adeo omnibus humanis congestis honoribus, ut ne divinis quidem abstineretur.

[¶50] 50.10. Greek and Latin historians pay such tribute to this man that some of them have put it on record, as if it were a conspicuous brand of infamy set against this year, that three famous generals died during this year —Philopoemen, Hannibal, Publius Scipio:

> Latin: 50.10. ab scriptoribus rerum Graecis Latinisque tantum huic viro tribuitur, ut a quibusdam eorum, velut ad insignem notam huius anni, memoriae mandatum sit, tres claros imperatores eo anno decessisse, Philopoemenem Hannibalem P. Scipionem.

[¶51] 50.11. on terms of such equality have they placed him with the greatest commanders of the two most. powerful nations.

> Latin: 50.11. adeo in aequo eum duarum potentissimarum gentium summis imperatoribus posuerunt.

[¶52] 51.1. Titus Quinctius Flamininus went as an ambassador to King Prusias, whom the Romans suspected both because he had given shelter to Hannibal after the flight of Antiochus and because he had begun and was carrying on war against Eumenes.

> Latin: 51.1. ad Prusiam regem legatus T. Quinctius Flamininus venit; quem suspectum Romanis et receptus post fugam Antiochi Hannibal et bellum adversus Eumenem motum faciebat.

[¶53] 51.2. There, whether Prusias was reproached by Flamininus on this ground among others, because of all living men the one who was most dangerous to the Roman people was at his court, the man who had first urged his own country and then, after its defeat, King Antiochus to war upon the Roman people, or whether Prusias himself, in order to do a favour to Flamininus when he came and to the Romans, formed the plan of killing him or giving him into custody; for whatever reason, immediately after the first conference with Flamininus he sent soldiers to put the house of Hannibal under guard.

> Latin: 51.2. ibi seu quia a Flaminino inter cetera obiectum Prusiae erat hominem omnium, qui viverent, infestissimum populo Romano apud eum esse, qui patriae suae primum, deinde fractis eius opibus Antiocho regi auctor belli adversus populum Romanum fuisset, seu quia ipse Prusias, ut gratificaretur praesenti Flaminino Romanisque, per se necandi aut tradendi eius in potestatem consilium cepit, a primo conloquio Flaminini milites extemplo ad domum Hannibalis custodiendam missi sunt.

[¶54] 51.4. Hannibal had always foreseen such an end to his life, both from his knowledge of the insatiable hatred of the Romans for him and from his lack of faith in the loyalty of kings: as for Prusias, he had in fact experienced his fickleness; then too the arrival of Flamininus had made him tremble as at the signal for his doom.

> Latin: 51.4. semper talem exitum vitae suae Hannibal prospexerat animo et Romanorum inexpiabile odium in se cernens et fidei regum nihil sane fretus, Prusiae vero levitatem etiam expertus erat; Flaminini quoque adventum velut fatalem sibi horruerat.

[¶55] 51.5. Having regard to the dangers which were all around him, in order that he might always have some way of escape in readiness, he had made seven exits from his house, and some of these were secret, lest he might be hemmed in by guards.

> Latin: 51.5. ad omnia undique infesta, ut iter semper aliquod praeparatum fugae haberet, septem exitus e domo fecerat, et ex iis quosdam occultos, ne custodia saepirentur.

[¶56] 51.6. But the dread power of kings leaves nothing unexplored when they want it traced down. They surrounded the whole area about the house with guards, so that no one could escape from it.

> Latin: 51.6. sed grave imperium regum nihil inexploratum, quod vestigari volunt, efficit. totius circuitum domus ita custodiis complexi sunt, ut nemo inde elabi posset.

[¶57] 51.7. When the word was brought to him that the king's troops were in the vestibule, Hannibal attempted to escape by a side door which was out of the way and especially adapted to a stealthy departure, and when he found that this too was blocked by guards stationed around it, he called for the poison which he had long kept ready for such emergencies.

> Latin: 51.7. Hannibal, postquam est nuntiatum milites regios in vestibulo esse, postico, quod devium maxime atque occultissimi exitus erat, fugere conatus, ut id quoque obcursu militum obsaeptum sensit et omnia circa clausa custodiis dispositis esse, venenum, quod multo ante praeparatum ad tales habebat casus, poposcit.

[¶58] 51.9. “Let us,” he said, “relieve the Roman people of their long anxiety, since they find it tedious to wait for the death of an old man.”

> Latin: 51.9. “liberemus” inquit “diuturna cura populum Romanum, quando mortem senis expectare longum censent.

[¶59] 51.10. “Neither magnificent nor memorable will be the victory which Flamininus will win over a man unarmed and betrayed. How much the manners of the Roman people have changed, this day in truth will ” “prove.

> Latin: 51.10. nec magnam nec memorabilem ex inermi proditoque Flamininus victoriam feret. mores quidem populi Romani quantum mutaverint, vel hic dies argumento erit.

[¶60] 51.11. Their fathers sent word to King Pyrrhus, an enemy in arms, commanding an army in Italy, warning him to beware of poison: these Romans have sent an ambassador of consular rank to urge upon Prusias the crime of murdering his ” “guest.”

> Latin: 51.11. horum patres Pyrrho regi, hosti armato, exercitum in Italia habenti, ut a veneno caveret, praedixerunt; hi legatum consularem, qui auctor esset Prusiae per scelus occidendi hospitis, miserunt.

[¶61] 51.12. Then, cursing the person and the kingdom of Prusias and calling upon the gods of hospitality to bear witness to his breach of faith, he drained the cup. This was the end of the life of Hannibal.

> Latin: 51.12. ” exsecratus deinde in caput regnumque Prusiae et hospitales deos violatae ab eo fidei testes invocans, poculum exhausit. hic vitae exitus fuit Hannibalis.

[¶62] 52.1. Scipio also, as both Polybius and Rutilius write, died this year. For my part, I agree neither with them nor with Valerius —not with them, because in the censorship of Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius I find that the princeps senatus chosen was the same Lucius Valerius who was censor, whereas in the two preceding lustra Africanus had held this distinction, and while he lived, unless he had been expelled from the senate, a disgrace which no one has recorded, another princeps would not have been chosen in his stead. The refutation of Antias as an authority is the tribune of the people Marcus Naevius, against whom was directed, according to the title, the speech of Publius Africanus. This Naevius, in the books of the magistrates, is named as tribune of the people in the consulship of Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius, but he entered upon the tribunate in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius, on the fourth day before the Ides of December.

> Latin: 52.1. Scipionem et Polybius et Rutilius hoc anno mortuum scribunt. ego neque his neque Valerio adsentior, his, quod censoribus M. Porcio L. Valerio L. Valerium principem senatus ipsum censorem lectum invenio, cum superioribus duobus lustris Africanus fuisset, quo vivo, nisi ut ille senatu moveretur, quam notam nemo memoriae prodidit, alius princeps in locum eius lectus non esset.

[¶63] 52.3. From that time it is three months to the Ides of March, when Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius were inaugurated.

> Latin: 52.3. Antiatem auctorem refellit tribunus plebis M. Naevius, adversus quem oratio inscripta P. Africani est.

[¶64] 52.4. Thus it seems that he lived in the tribunate of Naevius and that he might have been accused by him, but died before the censorship of Lucius Valerius and Marcus Porcius.

> Latin: 52.4. hic Naevius in magistratuum libris est tribunus plebis P. Claudio L. Porcio consulibus, sed iniit tribunatum Ap. Claudio M. Sempronio consulibus ante diem quartum idus Decembres.

[¶65] 52.5. It seems that the deaths of these three men, each the most famous among his own people, are comparable not so much because of the coincidence of their times, as because no one of them met an end worthy of the brilliance of his life. In the first place, none of them either died or was buried in his B.C. 183 native land. Hannibal and Philopoemen were carried off by poison; Hannibal was an exile, betrayed by his host, Philopoemen, a captive, died in prison and in chains; Scipio, although not an exile or condemned, yet, because he was absent when summoned, on the day he failed to stand trial, pronounced a sentence of voluntary exile not only upon himself but upon his funeral.

> Latin: 52.5. inde tres menses ad idus Martias sunt, quibus P. Claudius L. Porcius consulatum inierunt. ita [et] vixisse in tribunatu Naevi videtur diesque ei dici ab eo potuisse, decessisse autem ante L. Valeri et M. Porci censuram. trium clarissimorum suae cuiusque gentis virorum non tempore magis congruente comparabilis mors videtur esse, quam quod nemo eorum satis dignum splendore vitae exitum habuit. iam primum omnes non in patrio solo mortui nec sepulti sunt. veneno absumpti Hannibal et Philopoemen; exul Hannibal, proditus ab hospite, captus Philopoemen in carcere et in vinculis exspiravit; Scipio etsi non exul neque damnatus, die tamen dicta, ad quam non adfuerat reus, absens citatus, voluntarium non sibimet ipse solum, sed etiam funeri suo exilium indixit.

[¶66] 53.1. While these events, from which my narrative turned aside, were occurring in the Peloponnesus, the return of Demetrius and the other ambassadors to Macedonia had made different impressions upon different minds.

> Latin: 53.1. dum ea in Peloponneso, a quibus devertit oratio, geruntur, reditus in Macedoniam Demetri legatorumque aliter aliorum adfecerat animos.

[¶67] 53.2. The mass of the Macedonians, terrified by the fear of the war which threatened from the Romans, looked with very great favour upon Demetrius as the author of peace, and at the same time marked him with assured hope for the throne after the death of his father.

> Latin: 53.2. vulgus Macedonum, quos belli ab Romanis inminentis metus terruerat, Demetrium ut pacis auctorem cum ingenti favore conspiciebant, simul et spe haud dubia regnum ei post mortem patris destinabant.

[¶68] 53.3. For although he was younger in years than Perseus, men recalled that Demetrius was born of a legal wife, the other of a concubine; that the elder, the offspring of a body accessible to all, bore no sure mark of his father, while Demetrius displayed a notable resemblance to Philip.

> Latin: 53.3. nam etsi minor aetate quam Perseus esset, hunc iusta matre familiae, illum paelice ortum esse; illum ut ex vulgato corpore genitum nullam certi patris notam habere, hunc insignem Philippi similitudinem prae se ferre;

[¶69] 53.4. Besides, they said, the Romans would establish Demetrius upon his father's throne, while Perseus would have no influence with them. Such was the general talk.

> Latin: 53.4. ad hoc Romanos Demetrium in paterno solio locaturos, Persei nullam apud eos gratiam esse.

[¶70] 53.5. Accordingly Perseus, on the one hand, was anxiously afraid that his age by itself would not carry sufficient weight in his behalf, while his brother had the advantage in all other respects, and on the other, Philip himself, believing that it would hardly be in his power to decide which son, he should leave as heir to his throne, kept saying that his younger son was a greater burden to him than he wished.

> Latin: 53.5. haec vulgo loquebantur. itaque et Persea cura augebat, ne parum pro se una aetas valeret, cum aliis omnibus rebus frater superior esset; et Philippus ipse, vix sui arbitrii fore, quem heredem regni relinqueret credens, sibi quoque graviorem esse, quam vellet, minorem filium censebat.

[¶71] 53.7. He was displeased at times by the throngs of Macedonians who visited his son, and was indignant that while he lived there should be a second court.

> Latin: 53.7. offendebatur interdum concursu Macedonum ad eum, et alteram iam se vivo regiam esse indignabatur;

[¶72] 53.8. And there is no doubt that the young man had returned too much puffed up regarding himself, relying somewhat on the judgments of the senate about him, and on the concessions made to him of what had been refused to his father;

> Latin: 53.8. et ipse iuvenis haud dubie inflatior redierat, subnisus erga se iudiciis senatus concessisque sibi, quae patri negata essent;

[¶73] 53.9. and whatever importance every reference to the Romans brought to him with the rest of the Macedonians, it brought him also exactly as much ill-will, not only with his brother but even with his father, especially after other Roman commissioners came and Philip was compelled to evacuate Thrace and withdraw his garrisons and do other things in accordance with either the decisions of previous commissioners or the new arrangements of the senate. But, although it was with grief and lamentation, the more because he saw his son more frequently in the company of the commissioners than with himself, he nevertheless obeyed the Romans in everything, in order to give them no reason for immediately declaring war.

> Latin: 53.9. et omnis mentio Romanorum quantam dignitatem ei apud ceteros Macedonas, tantam invidiam non apud fratrem modo, sed etiam apud patrem conciliabat, utique postquam legati alii Romani venerunt, et cogebatur decedere Thracia praesidiaque deducere et alia aut ex decreto priorum legatorum aut ex nova constitutione senatus facere. sed omnia maerens quidem et gemens, eo magis quod filium frequentiorem prope cum illis quam secum cernebat, oboedienter tamen adversus Romanos faciebat, ne quam movendi extemplo belli causam praeberet.

[¶74] 53.12. Thinking also that their thoughts should be diverted from any suspicion of such designs, he led his army through the interior of Thrace against the Odrysae and Dentheleti and Bessi: he took the city of Philippopolis, deserted by the flight of its citizens, who with their families had fled to the nearest mountains, and received in surrender the barbarians of the plain, after plundering their farms.

> Latin: 53.12. avertendos etiam animos a suspicione talium consiliorum ratus, mediam in Thraciam exercitum in Odrysas et Dentheletos et Bessos duxit; Philippopolin urbem fuga desertam oppidanorum, qui in proxima montium iuga cum familiis receperant sese, cepit, campestresque barbaros, depopulatus agros eorum, in deditionem accepit.

[¶75] 53.14. Leaving a garrison in Philippopolis (it was expelled a little later by the Odrysae), he decided to found a city in Deuriopus —this is a district in Paeonia —near the Erigonus river, which flows from Illyricum through Pelagonia and empties into the Axius river not far from the ancient city of Stobi:

> Latin: 53.14. relicto inde ad Philippopolin praesidio, quod haud multo post ab Odrysis expulsum est, oppidum in Deuriopo condere instituit— Paeoniae ea regio est—prope Erigonum fluvium, qui ex Illyrico per Paeoniam fluens in Axium editur amnem, haud procul Stobis, vetere urbe;

[¶76] 53.15. to the new city he ordered the name of Perseis to be given, so as to show honour to his elder son.

> Latin: 53.15. novam urbem Perseida, ut is filio maiori haberetur honos, adpellari iussit.

[¶77] 54.1. While this was going on in Macedonia, the consuls departed for their provinces.

> Latin: 54.1. dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, consules in provincias profecti.

[¶78] 54.2. Marcellus sent a messenger ahead to the proconsul Lucius Porcius, ordering him to move the legions to the new town of the Gauls.

> Latin: 54.2. Marcellus nuntium praemisit ad L. Porcium proconsulem, ut ad novum Gallorum oppidum legiones admoveret.

[¶79] 54.3. On the arrival of the consul the Gauls surrendered. There were twelve thousand armed men: most of them had weapons picked up in the country;

> Latin: 54.3. advenienti consuli Galli sese dediderunt. duodecim milia armatorum erant, plerique arma ex agris rapta habebant;

[¶80] 54.4. these were taken from them, to their great displeasure, and whatever else they had either carried off while ravaging the fields or had brought with them. They sent ambassadors to Rome to complain of this treatment.

> Latin: 54.4. ea aegre patientibus iis adempta quaeque alia aut populantes agros rapuerant aut secum adtulerant. de his rebus qui quererentur legatos Romam miserunt.

[¶81] 54.5. Introduced to the senate by Gaius Valerius the praetor, they explained that since the population of Gaul was too great, compelled by poverty and the unproductiveness of the soil, they had crossed the Alps in search of a home, and when they found a region which was untilled for lack of settlers, there they established themselves without injuring anyone.

> Latin: 54.5. introducti in senatum a C. Valerio praetore exposuerunt se superante in Gallia multitudine inopia coactos agri et egestate ad quaerendam sedem Alpes transgressos, quae inculta per solitudines viderent, ibi sine ullius iniuria consedisse;

[¶82] 54.6. They had even, they said, begun to build a town, which was an indication that they had come with no design to harm either farm or city. Recently Marcus Claudius had sent a message to them that he would make war upon them if they did-not surrender.

> Latin: 54.6. oppidum quoque aedificare coepisse, quod indicium esset nec agro nec urbi ulli vim adlaturos venisse. nuper M. Claudium ad se nuntium misisse bellum se cum iis, ni dederentur, gesturum.

[¶83] 54.7. Preferring an assured though unattractive peace to the uncertainties of war, they had entrusted themselves to the good faith rather than to the power of the Roman people. When, a few days later, they were ordered to leave the town and the country as well, they had planned to go away in silence, wherever in the world they could. Then, they went on to say, their arms were taken from them, and finally everything else which they were carrying or driving. They begged the senate and the Roman people not to treat innocent persons who had surrendered more harshly than enemies.

> Latin: 54.7. se certam etsi non speciosam pacem quam incerta belli praeoptantes dedidisse se prius in fidem quam in potestatem populi Romani. post paucos dies iussos et urbe et agro decedere sese tacitos abire, quo terrarum possent, in animo habuisse. arma deinde sibi et postremo omnia alia, quae ferrent agerentque, adempta.

[¶84] 54.9. The senate ordered the reply to be given to this appeal, that neither had they acted properly when they came into Italy and attempted to build a town on others' land, without the permission of any Roman magistrate who was in charge of that province; nor did it please the senate to despoil men who had surrendered. Accordingly, the senate would send with them ambassadors to the consul who would direct him, on condition that they would return whence they had come, to give back all their property, and who would then cross the Alps and warn the Gallic tribes to keep their population at home: the Alps were an almost insuperable boundary between them: in any case they would fare no better than those who had first made them passable.

> Latin: 54.9. orare se senatum populumque Romanum, ne in se innoxios deditos acerbius quam in hostes saevirent. huic orationi senatus ita responderi iussit: neque illos recte fecisse, cum in Italiam venerint oppidumque in alieno agro nullius Romani magistratus, qui ei provinciae praeesset, permissu aedificare conati sint, neque senatui placere deditos spoliari.

[¶85] 54.11. The ambassadors who were sent were Lucius Furius Purpurio, Quintus Minucius, Lucius Manlius Acidinus. The Gauls, having recovered all the property which they acquired without injuring anyone, left Italy. The Roman ambassadors were graciously answered by the Transalpine peoples. Their elders reproved the Roman people for their excessive lenience, because those men who had set out without the permission of their state and had attempted to occupy land belonging to the Roman empire and to build a town on others' soil had been let go unpunished: they should have been made to pay a heavy toll for their rash action.

> Latin: 54.11. itaque se cum iis legatos ad consulem missuros, qui, si redeant, unde venerint, omnia iis sua reddi iubeant, quique protinus eant trans Alpes et denuntient Gallicis populis, multitudinem suam domi contineant: Alpes prope inexsuperabilem finem in medio esse; non utique iis melius fore, qui eas primi pervias fecissent. legati missi L. Furius Purpurio Q. Minucius L. Manlius Acidinus. Galli redditis omnibus, quae sine cuiusquam iniuria habebant, Italia excesserunt. legatis Romanis Transalpini populi benigne responderunt. seniores eorum nimiam lenitatem populi Romani castigarunt, quod eos homines, qui gentis iniussu profecti occupare agrum imperii Romani et in alieno solo aedificare oppidum conati sint, inpunitos dimiserint;

[¶86] 55.3. Moreover, as to the restoration of their property, the elders feared that such generosity might tempt more peoples to try the same venture.

> Latin: 55.3. debuisse gravem temeritatis mercedem statui; quod vero etiam sua reddiderint, vereri, ne tanta indulgentia plures ad talia audenda inpellantur.

[¶87] 55.4. The ambassadors were both received and sent on their way with gifts. Marcus Claudius the consul, having expelled the Gauls from the province, began to scheme for a war with the Histrians, sending letters to the senate for permission to lead the legions into Histria.

> Latin: 55.4. et exceperunt et prosecuti cum donis legatos sunt. M. Claudius consul Gallis ex provincia exactis Histricum bellum moliri coepit litteris ad senatum missis, ut sibi in Histriam traducere legiones liceret.

[¶88] 55.5. This did not please the senate. They were discussing the question of establishing a colony at Aquileia, but it was not generally agreed whether it should be a Latin colony or one of Roman citizens. Finally, the Fathers voted that a Latin colony rather should be founded.

> Latin: 55.5. id senatui placuit. illud agitabant, uti colonia Aquileia deduceretur, nec satis constabat, utrum Latinam an civium Romanorum deduci placeret. postremo Latinam potius coloniam deducendam patres censuerunt.

[¶89] 55.6. The three commissioners elected were Publius Scipio Nasica, Gaius Flaminius, Lucius Manlius Acidinus. In the same year Mutina and Parma, colonies of Roman citizens, were established.

> Latin: 55.6. triumviri creati sunt P. Scipio Nasica C. Flaminius L. Manlius Acidinus.

[¶90] 55.7. Two thousand men in each case were settled on the land that had recently belonged to the Boi and previously to the Etruscans, and the allotments at Parma were eight iugera each, at Mutina five.

> Latin: 55.7. eodem anno Mutina et Parma coloniae civium Romanorum sunt deductae. bina milia hominum in agro, qui proxime Boiorum, ante Tuscorum fuerat, octona iugera Parmae, quina Mutinae acceperunt.

[¶91] 55.8. The board of three which founded them consisted of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Titus Aebutius Parrus, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus.

> Latin: 55.8. deduxerunt triumviri M. Aemilius Lepidus T. Aebutirus Carus L. Quinctius Crispinus.

[¶92] 55.9. Also, a colony of Roman citizens was established at Saturnia in the ager Caletranus. The board of three which founded it consisted of Quintus Fabius Labeo, Gaius Afranius Stellio, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Ten iugera were given to each colonist.

> Latin: 55.9. et Saturnia colonia civium Romanorum in agrum Caletranum est deducta. deduxerunt triumviri Q. Fabius Labeo C. Afranius Stellio Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. in singulos iugera data decem.

[¶93] 56.1. In the same year the proconsul Aulus Terentius, not far from the river Ebro, in the country of the Ausetani, both fought successful battles with the Celtiberians and captured a number of towns which they had fortified.

> Latin: 56.1. eodem anno A. Terentius proconsul haud procul flumine Hibero in agro Ausetano et proelia secunda cum Celtiberis fecit et oppida quae ibi communierant aliquot expugnavit.

[¶94] 56.2. Farther Spain that year was at peace, partly because Publius Sempronius the proconsul was suffering from a long illness, and with no one to provoke them the Lusitanians very fortunately remained quiet.

> Latin: 56.2. ulterior Hispania eo anno in pace fuit, quia et P. Sempronius proconsul diutino morbo est inplicitus et nullo lacessente peropportune quieverunt Lusitani.

[¶95] 56.3. Nor was anything worth recording done by the consul Quintus Fabius among the Ligurians. Marcus Marcellus, recalled from Histria, disbanded his army and returned to Rome to hold the elections.

> Latin: 56.3. nec in Liguribus memorabile quicquam a Q. Fabio consule gestum. ex Histria revocatus M. Marcellus exercitu dimisso Romam comitiorum causa rediit.

[¶96] 56.4. He returned as consuls Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus and Lucius Aemilius Paulus. The latter had been curule aedile with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus; this was the fifth year after the consulship of Lepidus, although Lepidus himself became consul after two defeats.

> Latin: 56.4. creavit consules Cn. Baebium Tamphilum et L. Aemilium Paulum, cum M. Aemilio Lepido hic aedilis curulis fuerat, a quo consule quintus annus erat, cum is ipse Lepidus post duas repulsas consul factus esset.

[¶97] 56.5. Next the praetors were chosen, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Valerius Laevinus, Publius Manlius (for the second time), Marcus Ogulnius Gallus, Lucius Caecilius Denter, Gaius Terentius Istra. At the end of the year there was a period of prayer by reason of the prodigies, because the Romans were well persuaded that there had been a shower of blood, lasting two days, in the precinct of Concord, and because it was reported that not far from Sicily, a new island which had not been there before had risen from the sea.

> Latin: 56.5. praetores inde facti Q. Fulvius Flaccus M. Valerius Laevinus P. Manlius iterum M. Ogulnius Gallus L. Caecilius Denter C. Terentius Istra. supplicatio extremo anno fuit prodigiorum causa, quod sanguine per biduum pluvisse in area Concordiae satis credebant, nuntiatumque erat haud procul Sicilia insulam, quae non ante fuerat, novam editam e mari esse.

[¶98] 56.7. Valerius Antias says that Hannibal died this year, ambassadors having been sent to Prusias for this purpose, namely, Lucius Scipio Asiaticus and Publius Scipio Nasica, in addition to Titus Quinctius Flamininus, whose name is best known in this connection.

> Latin: 56.7. Hannibalem hoc anno Antias Valerius decessisse est auctor legatis, ad eam rem ad Prusiam missis praeter T Quinctium Flamininum, cuius in ea re celebre est nomen, L. Scipione Asiatico et P. Scipione Nasica.

## 41. Book XL · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. In the beginning of the following year the consuls and praetors drew lots for their provinces. For the consuls there was no province to be decreed except the Ligurians.

> Latin: 1.1. principio insequentis anni consules praetoresque sortiti provincias sunt. consulibus nulla praeter Ligures quae decerneretur erat. iuris dicto urbana M. Ogulnio Gallo, inter peregrinos M. Valerio evenit, Hispaniarum Q.

[¶1] 1.2. The civil jurisdiction fell to Marcus Ogulnius Gallus, that between citizens and aliens to Marcus Valerius, Nearer Spain to Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Farther Spain to Publius Manlius, Sicily to Lucius Caecilius Denter, Sardima to Gaius Terentius Istra.

> Latin: 1.2. Fulvio Flacco citerior, P. Manlio ulterior, L. Caecilio Dentri Sicilia, C. Terentio Istrae Sardinia.

[¶2] 1.3. The consuls were directed to conduct the levies. Quintus Fabius had written from the Ligurian country that the Apuani were meditating rebellion and that there was danger that they would invade the territory of Pisa.

> Latin: 1.3. dilectus habere consules iussi. Q. Fabius ex Liguribus scripserat Apuanos ad rebellionem spectare periculumque esse, ne impetum in agrum Pisanum facerent;

[¶3] 1.4. As to the Spains also, they knew that the nearer province was in arms and that there was war with the Celtiberians; in the farther province, because the praetor had long been sick, they knew that military discipline had grown slack from easy living and idleness.

> Latin: 1.4. et ex Hispaniis citeriorem in armis esse et cum Celtiberis bellari sciebant, in ulteriore, quia diu aeger esset praetor, luxuria et otio solutam disciplinam militarem esse.

[¶4] 1.5. For these reasons it was determined to enlist new armies, four legions for service against the Ligurians, each to consist of fifty-two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry, and, in addition thereto, fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy. These were to be the two consular armies.

> Latin: 1.5. ob ea novos exercitus conscribi placuit, quattuor legiones in Ligures, uti singulae quina milia et ducenos pedites, trecenos haberent equites; sociorum iisdem Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum addita et octingenti equites; hi duo consulares exercitus essent.

[¶5] 1.6. In addition, they were ordered to enlist seven thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy and to send them to Marcus Marcellus in Gaul, his imperium having been prolonged after his consulship.

> Latin: 1.6. scribere praeterea iussi septem milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et quadringentos equites et mittere ad M. Marcellum in Galliam, cui ex consulatu prorogatum imperium erat.

[¶6] 1.7. They were also directed to enroll troops which were to be conducted to the two Spains, four thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of Roman citizens and of the allies seven thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 1.7. in Hispaniam utramque quae ducerentur quattuor milia peditum civium Romanorum et ducenti equites et sociorum septem milia peditum cum trecentis equitibus scribi iussa.

[¶7] 1.8. Also the imperium of Quintus Fabius Labeo among the Ligurians, along with the army which he had, was extended for a year.

> Latin: 1.8. et Q. Fabio Labeoni cum exercitu, quem habebat, in Liguribus prorogatum in annum imperium esset.

[¶8] 2.1. The spring was stormy that year. The day before the Parilia, about noon, a heavy storm accompanied by wind came and caused damage to many places sacred and profane, overthrew bronze statues on the Capitoline, tore a door from the temple of Luna which is on the Aventine, carried it to the rear walls of the temple of Ceres and fastened it there, blew down other statues in the Circus Maximus, together with the columns on which they rested, and violently tore loose from their tops the roofs of a number of temples and scattered them.

> Latin: 2.1. Ver procellosum eo anno fuit. pridie Parilia, medio ferme die, atrox cum vento tempestas coorta multis sacris profanisque locis stragem fecit, signa aenea in Capitolio deiecit; forem ex aede Lunae, quae in Aventino est, raptam tulit et in posticis parietibus Cereris templi adfixit, signa alia in circo maximo cum columnis, quibus superstabant, evertit;

[¶9] 2.3. Therefore this storm was turned into a prodigy, and the haruspices ordered atonement to be made.

> Latin: 2.3. fastigia aliquot templorum a culminibus abrupta foede dissipavit. itaque in prodigium versa ea tempestas, procurarique haruspices iusserunt.

[¶10] 2.4. At the same time atonement was made because news had come from Reate that a mule with three feet had been born and from Formiae that the temple of Apollo at Caieta had been struck by lightning. By reason of these prodigies a sacrifice of twenty fullgrown victims was offered and one day of prayer celebrated.

> Latin: 2.4. simul procuratum est, quod tripedem mulum Reate natum nuntiatum erat et a Formiis aedem Apollinis Caietae de caelo tactam. ob ea prodigia viginti hostiis maioribus sacrificatum est et diem unum supplicatio fuit.

[¶11] 2.5. During this period it was learned from dispatches from Aulus Terentius the propraetor that Publius Sempronius had died in the farther province after an illness of more than a year. For this reason the praetors were directed to set out earlier for Spain.

> Latin: 2.5. per eos dies ex litteris A. Terenti propraetoris cognitum P. Sempronium in ulteriore provincia, cum plus annum aeger fuisset, mortuum esse. eo maturius in Hispaniam praetores iussi proficisci.

[¶12] 2.6. Then embassies from overseas were introduced into the senate, first those of the kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces, and of the Rhodians, who were complaining of the slaughter of the people of Sinopê.

> Latin: 2.6. legationes deinde transmarinae introductae sunt, primae Eumenis et Pharnacis regum et Rhodiorum querentium de Sinopensium clade.

[¶13] 2.7. Ambassadors from Philip also and from the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians arrived about the same time. After first hearing the report of Marcius, who had been sent to investigate conditions in Greece and Macedonia, answers were given them.

> Latin: 2.7. Philippi quoque legati et Achaeorum et Lacedaemoniorum sub idem tempus venerunt. iis prius Marcio audito, qui ad res Graeciae Macedoniaeque visendas missus erat, responsa data sunt.

[¶14] 2.8. The kings of Asia and the Rhodians received the reply that the senate would send commissioners to look into these matters.

> Latin: 2.8. Asiae regibus ac Rhodiis responsum est legatos ad eas res visendas senatum missurum.

[¶15] 3.1. With regard to Philip, Marcius had increased the senate's concern: for he admitted that Philip had done what it had demanded, but in such a way that it was clearly evident that he would not continue to do so longer than was necessary.

> Latin: 3.1. de Philippo auxerat curam Marcius: nam ita fecisse eum, quae senatui placuissent, fatebatur, ut facile adpareret, non diutius, quam necesse esset, facturum.

[¶16] 3.2. Nor was it a secret that he would resort to arms, and that everything that he did and said had this in view.

> Latin: 3.2. neque obscurum erat rebellaturum, omniaque, quae tunc ageret diceretque, eo spectare.

[¶17] 3.3. In the first place he moved almost the entire population of citizens, families and all, from the towns along the coast to what is now called Emathia and was formerly Paeonia, and the cities he gave as homes to Thracians and other barbarians, thinking B.C. 182 that these tribes would be more loyal in a Roman war.

> Latin: 3.3. iam primum omnem fere multitudinem civium ex maritimis civitatibus cum familiis suis in Emathiam quae nunc dicitur, quondam adpellata Paeonia est, traduxit, Thracibusque et aliis barbaris urbes tradidit habitandas, fidiora haec genera hominum fore ratus in Romano bello.

[¶18] 3.5. This act caused tremendous lamentation throughout all Macedonia, and few, as they left their ancestral homes with their wives and children, kept their grief concealed; and from the columns of migrants curses upon the king were heard, hatred getting the better of their fear.

> Latin: 3.5. ingentem ea res fremitum Macedonia tota fecit; relinquentesque penates suos cum coniugibus ac liberis pauci tacitum dolorem continebant, exsecrationesque in agminibus proficiscentium in regem vincente odio metum exaudiebantur.

[¶19] 3.6. The king's temper, made fierce by these things, held all men, all places and occasions in suspicion.

> Latin: 3.6. his ferox animus omnes homines, omnia loca temporaque suspecta habebat.

[¶20] 3.7. Finally he began to say publicly that he could not find any real security unless the children of those whom he had executed were arrested, kept under guard, and killed one by one, as occasion offered.

> Latin: 3.7. postremo negare propalam coepit satis tutum sibi quicquam esse, nisi liberos eorum, quos interfecisset, comprehensos in custodia haberet et tempore alium alio tolleret.

[¶21] 4.1. This cruelty, dreadful in itself, was made more dreadful by the destruction of one household.

> Latin: 4.1. eam crudelitatem, foedam per se, foediorem unius domus clades fecit.

[¶22] 4.2. Herodicus, a leading man among the Thessalians, had been put to death many years before; his sons-in-law also had been killed later. His daughters were left in widowhood, each having one small son.

> Latin: 4.2. Herodicum, principem Thessalorum, multis ante annis occiderat; generos quoque eius postea interfecit; in viduitate relictae filiae singulos filios parvos habentes, Theoxena et Archo nomina iis erant mulieribus.

[¶23] 4.3. Theoxena and Archo were the names of these women. Theoxena, though she had many suitors, disdained marriage: Archo married a certain Poris, by far the first citizen among the Aeneans, and after bearing several children, all left quite small, she died in his house.

> Latin: 4.3. Theoxena multis petentibus aspernata nuptias est, Archo Poridi cuidam, longe principi gentis Aenianum, nupsit et apud eum plures enisa partus, parvis admodum relictis omnibus, decessit.

[¶24] 4.5. Theoxena, in order that the children of her sister might be brought up in her hands, married Poris; and as if she were the mother of them all, she devoted the same care to her own child and her sister's children.

> Latin: 4.5. Theoxena, ut in suis manibus liber sororis educarentur, Poridi nupsit, et tamquam omnes ipsa enisa foret, suum sororisque filios in eadem habebat cura.

[¶25] 4.6. After she received the king's proclamation about the arrest of the children of the men who had been put to death, thinking that they would be exposed not only to the mockery of the king but even to the lust of the guards, she turned her thoughts to a deed of horror, and dared to say that she would rather kill them all with her own hand than let them fall into the power of Philip.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam regis edictum de comprehendendis liberis eorum, qui interfecti essent, accepit, ludibrio futuros non regis modo, sed custodum etiam libidini rata, ad rem atrocem animum adiecit ausaque est dicere se sua manu potius omnes interfecturam, quam in potestatem Philippi venirent.

[¶26] 4.8. Poris, hating even the thought of so dreadful a deed, said that he would take them to faithful friends in Athens and would himself be their companion in exile.

> Latin: 4.8. Poris abominatus mentionem tam foedi facinoris Athenas deportaturum eos ad fidos hospites dixit comitemque ipsum fugae futurum esse.

[¶27] 4.9. They set out from Thessalonica to Aenea to an appointed sacrifice which they make every year to Aeneas, their founder, with elaborate ceremony.

> Latin: 4.9. proficiscuntur ab Thessalonica Aeniam ad statum sacrificium, quod Aeneae conditori cum magna caerimonia quotannis faciunt.

[¶28] 4.10. Having spent a day there in the ritual feasts, when all were asleep, about the third watch they went aboard a ship made ready in advance by Poris, as if to return to Thessalonica; their plan, however, was to cross to Euboea. But strain as they might in vain against an opposing wind, day caught them near the shore, and the king's troops who were in charge of the guarding of the harbour sent an armed brig to bring back that ship, with strict orders not to return without it.

> Latin: 4.10. ibi die per sollemnes epulas consumpto navem praeparatam a Poride sopitis omnibus de tertia vigilia conscendunt tamquam redituri [in] Thessalonicam; sed traicere in Euboeam erat propositum, ceterum in adversum ventum nequiquam eos tendentes prope terram lux obpressit, et regii, qui praeerant custodiae portus, lembum armatum ad retrahendam eam navim miserunt cum gravi edicto, ne reverterentur sine ea.

[¶29] 4.12. When they were now close to shore, Poris was engaged in urging on the rowers and sailors; sometimes stretching out his hands to heaven, he would pray that the gods would send help.

> Latin: 4.12. cum iam adpropinquabant, Poris quidem ad hortationem remigum nautarumque intentus erat; interdum manus ad caelum tendens deos, ut ferrent opem, orabat.

[¶30] 4.13. Meanwhile the maddened woman, turning to the crime she had long been planning, mixed the poison and displayed the steel, and placing the cup in sight and drawing the swords, she said, “Death is the one way to freedom. These are the ways to death: by whichever your mind prefers, escape the tyranny of the king.”

> Latin: 4.13. ferox interim femina ad multo ante praecogitatum revoluta facinus venenum diluit ferrumque promit et posito in conspectu poculo strictisque gladiis “mors” inquit “una vindicta est.

[¶31] 4.14. “Come, my children, first you who are the elder, take the sword or drain the cup, if you like the slower death.” From the one side the enemy was approaching, from the other the author of death was urging them. One carried off by one death, another by another, still half-living they were thrown into the sea.

> Latin: 4.14. viae ad mortem hae sunt; qua quemque animus fert, effugite superbiam regiam. agite, iuvenes mei, primum, qui maiores estis, capite ferrum aut haurite poculum, si segnior mors iuvat.” et hostes aderant et auctor mortis instabat.

[¶32] 4.15. Then the woman herself, embracing her husband, the partner in her death, threw herself into the sea. The king's troops captured a ship empty of its masters.

> Latin: 4.15. alli alio leto absumpti semianimes e nave praecipitantur. ipsa deinde virum comitem mortis complexa in mare sese deiecit. nave vacua dominis regii potiti sunt.

[¶33] 5.1. The horror of this act added, as it were, a new spark to the resentment against the king, so that people generally were cursing him and his sons; and these curses, heard by all the gods, presently brought it to pass that he himself took violent measures against his own kin.

> Latin: 5.1. huius atrocitas facinoris novam velut flammam regis invidiae adiecit, ut vulgo ipsum liberosque exsecrarentur; quae dirae brevi ab omnibus diis exauditae, ut saeviret ipse in suum sanguinem, effecerunt.

[¶34] 5.2. For when Perseus saw that the popularity and honour of his brother Demetrius were, among the Macedonian people, growing every day, as well as his influence with the Romans, thinking that no hope for the throne was left to him except through crime, he turned all his thoughts in that one direction.

> Latin: 5.2. Perseus enim cum in dies magis cerneret favorem et dignitatem Demetrii fratris apud multitudinem Macedonum crescere et gratiam apud Romanos, sibi spem nullam regni superesse nisi in scelere ratus, ad id unum omnes cogitationes intendit.

[¶35] 5.3. But since he believed that by himself he was not strong enough even for what he was planning in his effeminate mind, he began to make trial of individuals among his father's friends with ambiguous remarks.

> Latin: 5.3. ceterum cum se ne ad id quidem, quod muliebri cogitabat animo, satis per se validum crederet, singulos amicorum patris temptare sermonibus perplexis institit.

[¶36] 5.4. And at first some of them gave the appearance of rejecting any such suggestion, since they placed more hope in Demetrius;

> Latin: 5.4. et primo quidam ex his aspernantium tale quicquam praebuerunt speciem, quia plus in Demetrio spei ponebant;

[¶37] 5.5. then, as Philip's hatred for the Romans increased daily, and Perseus nursed it and Demetrius tried with all his might to oppose it, foreseeing the destruction of the young man, off his guard against his brother's trickery, and, thinking that what was bound to happen should be helped along and that the aspirations of the stronger should be encouraged, they allied themselves with Perseus.

> Latin: 5.5. deinde crescente in dies Philippi odio in Romanos, cui Perseus indulgeret, Demetrius summa ope adversaretur, prospicientes animo exitum incauti a fraude fraterna iuvenis, adiuvandum, quod futurum erat, rati fovendamque spem potentioris, Perseo se adiungunt.

[¶38] 5.6. Everything else they put off until the proper time for action: for the present it was decided to enkindle the king in every way against the Romans and to turn him to thoughts of war, to which he had already spontaneously turned his mind.

> Latin: 5.6. cetera in suum quaeque tempus agenda differunt; in praesentia placet omni ope in Romanos accendi regem inpellique ad consilia belli, ad quae iam sua sponte animum inclinasset.

[¶39] 5.7. At the same time, that Demetrius might day by day become more an object of suspicion, they agreed that they would draw the conversation again and again to Roman topics. Then, when some would poke fun at their manners and customs, others at their achievements, others at the appearance of the city itself, which was not yet made beautiful in either its public or its private sections, others at individual leaders, the young man, being off his guard both because of his love for the Roman people and because of his rivalry with his brother, by defending the Romans in everything made himself suspicious in his father's eyes and a fair target for

> Latin: 5.7. simul ut Demetrius in dies suspectior esset, ex composito sermones ad rem Romanorum trahebant. ibi cum alii mores et instituta eorum, alii res gestas, alii speciem ipsius urbis nondum exornatae neque publicis neque privatis locis, alii singulos principum eluderent, iuvenis incautus et amore nominis Romani et certamine adversus fratrem omnia tuendo suspectum se patri et opportunum criminibus faciebat.

[¶40] 5.9. attack. And so his father kept him excluded from all his deliberations about Roman affairs: turning entirely to Perseus he considered with him all the plans for the war by day and night.

> Latin: 5.9. itaque expertem eum pater omnium de rebus Romanis consiliorum habebat, totus in Persea versus cum eo cogitationes eius rei dies ac noctes agitabat.

[¶41] 5.10. It happened that the agents had returned whom Philip had sent to the Bastarnae to summon aid and had brought from there noble young men and some of royal birth, one of whom promised his sister in marriage to a son of Philip; alliance with this tribe had cheered the spirits of the king. Then Perseus said: “What good do such things ” “do?

> Latin: 5.10. redierant forte, quos miserat in Bastarnas ad arcessenda auxilia, adduxerantque inde nobiles iuvenes et regii quosdam generis, quorum unus sororem suam in matrimonium Philippi filio pollicebatur; erexeratque consociatio gentis eius animum regis.

[¶42] 5.11. There is by no means as much protection in auxiliaries outside as there is danger in treachery at home. I do not want to say a traitor, but we have in our bosom at least a spy, whose body, after he was a hostage at Rome, the Romans gave back to us but keep his soul ” “themselves.

> Latin: 5.11. tum Perseus “quid ista prosunt?” inquit. “nequaquam tantum in externis auxiliis est praesidii quantum periculi in fraude domestica.

[¶43] 5.12. The eyes of almost all the Macedonians are turned towards him, and they say that they will have no other king than the one whom the Romans shall have given ” “them.”

> Latin: 5.12. proditorem nolo dicere, certe speculatorem habemus in sinu, cuius, ex quo obses Romae fuit, corpus nobis reddiderunt Romani, animum ipsi habent.

[¶44] 5.13. Sick as the old man's mind already was, anyhow, it was by these means roused to passion, and he retained these insinuations in his heart rather than in his looks.

> Latin: 5.13. omnium paene Macedonum in eum ora conversa sunt, nec regem se alium rentur habituros esse, quam quem Romani dedissent. ” his per se aegra mens senis stimulabatur et animo magis quam vultu ea crimina accipiebat.

[¶45] 6.1. It so happened that the time for purifying the army had come, for which there is a ritual of this sort: the fore part of a dog is cut off and placed on the right side of the road, the hind part, with the entrails, on the left; between the parts of the victim, thus divided, the troops are marched.

> Latin: 6.1. forte lustrandi exercitus advenit tempus, cuius sollemne est tale: caput mediae canis praecisae et pars ad dexteram, cum extis posterior ad laevam viae ponitur, inter hanc divisam hostiam copiae armatae traducuntur.

[¶46] 6.2. At the head of the column are carried the arms and standards of all the kings from the earliest beginnings of Macedonia, then the present king, accompanied by his children, follows, next is the royal cohort and the bodyguard, and the rest, the rank and file of the Macedonians brings up the rear.

> Latin: 6.2. praeferuntur primo agmini arma insignia omnium ab ultima origine Macedoniae regum, deinde rex ipse cum liberis sequitur, proxima est regia cohors custodesque corporis, postremum agmen Macedonum cetera multitudo claudit.

[¶47] 6.4. The two youthful sons of the king were riding at his sides, Perseus being now in his thirtieth year, Demetrius five years younger, the former in the full strength of young manhood, the latter in its flower, the mature offspring of a father blessed by fortune, had a sound mind but been his.

> Latin: 6.4. latera regis duo filii iuvenes cingebant, Perseus iam tricesimum annum agens, Demetrius quinquennio minor, medio iuven tae robore ille, hic flore, fortunati patris matura suboles, si mens sana esset.

[¶48] 6.5. It was the custom when the ceremony of purification was finished to manoeuvre the army and dividing it into battle-lines to clash in a sham battle.

> Latin: 6.5. mos erat lustrationis sacro peracto decurrere exercitum et divisas bifariam duas acies concurrere ad simulacrum pugnae.

[¶49] 6.6. The princes were assigned as commanders for this mock engagement: yet it was not the imitation of a battle, but they came together just as if it were a struggle for the throne, and many wounds were dealt by the pointless weapons, nor was anything but iron wanting to make it look like a regular battle.

> Latin: 6.6. regii iuvenes duces ei ludicro certamini dati; ceterum non imago fuit pugnae, sed tamquam de regno dimicaretur, ita concurrerunt, multaque vulnera rudibus facta, nec praeter ferrum quicquam defuit ad iustam belli speciem.

[¶50] 6.7. The division which was under Demetrius was far superior. When Perseus was angered at this, his shrewder friends rejoiced and said that this was just the thing that would give grounds for accusing the young man.

> Latin: 6.7. pars ea, quae sub Demetrio erat, longe superior fuit. id aegre patiente Perseo laetari prudentes amici eius, eamque rem ipsam dicere praebituram causam criminandi iuvenis.

[¶51] 7.1. Each of the two that day held a banquet for his companions who had taken part in the charge with him, after Perseus had refused when invited to dinner by Demetrius.

> Latin: 7.1. convivium eo die sodalium, qui simul decurrerant, uterque habuit, cum vocatus ad cenam ab Demetrio Perseus negasset.

[¶52] 7.2. On the holiday courteous invitations and youthful jollity encouraged both parties to drinking.

> Latin: 7.2. festo die invitatio benigna et hilaritas iuvenalis utrosque in vinum traxit.

[¶53] 7.3. There reminiscences of the sham battle and jokes at their opponents were bandied about, so that not even the leaders themselves were spared.

> Latin: 7.3. commemoratio ibi certaminis ludicri et iocosa dicta in adversarios, ita ut ne ipsis quidem ducibus abstineretur, iactabantur.

[¶54] 7.4. When a spy, sent from the party of Perseus to catch remarks, was hovering incautiously too close, he was captured and roughly handled by some young men who happened to be leaving the dining room.

> Latin: 7.4. ad has excipiendas voces speculator ex convivis Persei missus cum incautior obversaretur, exceptus a iuvenibus forte triclinio egressis male mulcatur.

[¶55] 7.5. Demetrius, knowing nothing of this occurrence, said, “Why don't we pursue our revels at my brother's, and by our openness and cheerfulness soothe his anger, if any is left from the battle?” All shouted out to go, except those who feared immediate vengeance for the spy whom they had beaten.

> Latin: 7.5. huius rei ignarus Demetrius ”quin comisatum “inquit” ad fratrem imus et iram eius, si qua ex certamine residet, simplicitate et hilaritate nostra lenimus?

[¶56] 7.6. When Demetrius was for taking them also with him, they concealed under their cloaks weapons wherewith to defend themselves if an attack should be made. There can be no secrets in internal strife. Each house was full of spies and traitors.

> Latin: 7.6. “omnes ire se conclamarunt praeter eos, qui speculatoris ab se pulsati praesentem ultionem metuebant. cum eos quoque Demetrius traheret, ferrum veste abdiderunt, quo se tutari, si qua vis fieret, possent.

[¶57] 7.7. An informer went ahead to Perseus, bearing the news that four young men armed with swords were coming with Demetrius. Although their reason was obvious —for he had heard that his companion had been beaten by them —he ordered the door to be bolted in order to make the affair look serious, and from the upper part of the house and the windows that faced the street he kept the revellers, as if they were coming to murder him, from approaching the door.

> Latin: 7.7. nihil occulti esse in intestina discordia potest. utraque domus speculatorum et proditorum plena erat. praecucurrit index ad Persea ferro subcinctos nuntians cum Demetrio quattuor adulescentes venire. etsi causa adparebat—nam ab iis pulsatum convivam suum audierat—,infamandae rei causa ianuam obserari iubet et ex parte superiore aedium versisque in viam fenestris comisatores, tamquam ad caedem suam venientes, aditu ianuae arcet.

[¶58] 7.9. Demetrius, under the influence of wine, after shouting for a while because he was shut out, returned to his banquet, ignorant of the significance of the whole affair.

> Latin: 7.9. Demetrius per vinum, quod excluderetur, paulisper vociferatus in convivium redit, totius rei ignarus.

[¶59] 8.1. The next day Perseus, as soon as he had the opportunity to see his father, entered the palace with a troubled look and stood in sight of his father, but at a distance, without speaking.

> Latin: 8.1. postero die Perseus, cum primum conveniendi potestas patris fuit, regiam ingressus perturbato vultu in conspectu patris tacitus procul constitit.

[¶60] 8.2. When his father said “Is it all right with you?” and asked what was the cause of his sadness, he replied, “You may count it as clear gain, I tell you, that I am alive. No longer are we being attacked by my brother with secret plots; he came last night with armed men to my house to kill me, and closing the doors I defended myself against his madness by the walls' protection.”

> Latin: 8.2. [cui] cum pater ” satin salve? “et quaenam ea maestitia esset interrogaret eum,” de lucro tibi “inquit” vivere me scito. iam non occultis a fratre petimur insidiis; nocte cum armatis domum ad interficiendum me venit, clausisque foribus parietum praesidio me a furore eius sum tutatus.

[¶61] 8.3. When he had inspired in his father fear mixed with wonder, he went on: “But if you can give this your attention, I shall cause you to grasp it clearly.”

> Latin: 8.3. “cum pavorem mixtum admiratione patri iniecisset,” atqui si aures praebere potes “ inquit,” manifestam rem teneas faciam.

[¶62] 8.4. Philip said that he would indeed listen, and immediately ordered Demetrius to be summoned; he also sent for two older men, his friends, who took no part in the youthful rivalries between the brothers and nowadays were rarely at the court, Lysimachus and Onomastus, to serve as his counsellors.

> Latin: 8.4. “enimvero se Philippus dicere auditurum, vocarique extemplo Demetrium iussit, et seniores amicos duos, expertes iuvenalium inter fratres certaminum, infrequentes iam in regia, Lysimachum et Onomastum, accersit, quos in consilio haberet.

[¶63] 8.5. While his friends were coming, he walked up and down alone, turning over many things in his mind, while his son stood apart.

> Latin: 8.5. dum veniunt amici, solus filio procul stante multa secum animo volutans inambulavit.

[¶64] 8.6. When it was announced that they had come he retired into the interior part of the palace with his two friends and as many bodyguards; he permitted his sons to bring in three unarmed men each.

> Latin: 8.6. postquam venisse eos nuntiatum est, secessit in partem interiorem cum duobus amicis, totidem custodibus corporis; filiis, ut ternos inermes secum introducerent, permisit.

[¶65] 8.7. When he had taken his seat there, he spoke as follows: “Here I sit, a most wretched father, as judge between my two sons, accuser and accused on a charge of parricide, doomed as I am to discover in my own household the dishonour of either the invention or the commission of a crime.”

> Latin: 8.7. ibi cum consedisset,” sedeo“inquit” miserrimus pater, iudex inter duos filios, accusatorem parricidii et reum, aut conficti aut admissi criminis labem apud meos inventurus.

[¶66] 8.8. “For a long time, indeed, I had been fearing this threatening storm, when I saw your looks at one another, looks in no wise brotherly, and when I heard certain words.”

> Latin: 8.8. iam pridem quidem hanc procellam inminentem timebam, cum vultus inter vos minime fraternos cernerem, cum voces quasdam exaudirem.

[¶67] 8.9. “But sometimes hope entered my mind that your passions might burn out, that your suspicions might be cleared away. I told myself that even hostile nations had laid down their arms and made treaties and that the private quarrels of many had been ended;”

> Latin: 8.9. sed interdum spes animum subibat deflagrare iras vestras, purgari suspiciones posse: etiam hostes armis positis foedus icisse et privatas multorum simultates finitas;

[¶68] 8.10. “I hoped that some day a recollection of your kinship would come to you, of your one-time boyish frankness and mutual intercourse, and finally of my teachings, which I fear that I have recited in vain to unhearing ears.”

> Latin: 8.10. subituram vobis aliquando germanitatis memoriam, puerilis quondam simplicitatis consuetudinisque inter vos, meorum denique praeceptorum, quae, vereor, ne vana surdis auribus cecinerim.

[¶69] 8.11. “How often in your presence, hating the examples of discord between brothers, I have reviewed the dreadful fates of those men who had utterly destroyed themselves, their houses, their homes, their kingdoms!”

> Latin: 8.11. quotiens ego audientibus vobis detestatus exempla discordiarum fraternarum horrendos eventus eorum rettuli, quibus se stirpemque suam, domos, regna funditus evertissent!

[¶70] 8.12. “On the other side also I set better examples: the harmonious compact between the pairs of Lacedaemonian kings, beneficial for many ages to themselves and to the state;”

> Latin: 8.12. meliora quoque exempla parte altera posui, sociabilem consortionem inter binos Lacedaemoniorum reges, salutarem per multa saecula ipsis patriaeque;

[¶71] 8.13. “the destruction of the same city after the custom had grown up that each should seize the tyranny for himself. Again I pointed out that the brothers Attalus ” “and Eumenes, from beginnings so small that one would almost be ashamed to use the name of king, have made their kingdom equal to me, to Antiochus, to any king whatever of this age, and for no other reason than brotherly harmony.”

> Latin: 8.13. eandem civitatem, postquam mos sibi cuique rapiendi tyrannidem exortus sit, eversam; iam hos Eumenem Attalumque fratres, a tam exiguis rebus, prope ut puderet regii nominis, mihi, Antiocho, cuilibet regum huius aetatis nulla re magis quam fraterna unanimitate regnum aequasse.

[¶72] 8.15. “I did not avoid even Roman examples which I had either seen or heard of, that of Titus and Lucius Quinctius, who carried on the war against me, that of Publius and Lucius Scipio, who overthrew Antiochus, or of their father and uncle, whose enduring companionship in life death also cemented fast. Neither has the guilt of the former cases and the result, which was as horrible as the guilt, been able to deter you from your mad quarrelling nor the good feeling and good fortune which attended the latter to urge you to sanity.”

> Latin: 8.15. ne Romanis quidem exemplis abstinui, quae aut visa aut audita habebam, T. et L. Quinctiorum, qui bellum mecum gesserunt, P. et L. Scipionum, qui Antiochum devicerunt, patris patruique eorum, quorum perpetuam vitae concordiam mors quoque miscuit.

[¶73] 8.16. “While I live and breathe, you, with wicked hopes and wicked desires as well, have both entered into my heritage.”

> Latin: 8.16. neque vos illorum scelus similisque sceleri eventus deterrere a vaecordi discordia potuit, neque horum bona mens, bona fortuna ad sanitatem flectere.

[¶74] 8.17. “You wish me to live only until the time when, by surviving one of you, I shall by my death make the other an unquestioned king.”

> Latin: 8.17. vivo et spirante me hereditatem meam ambo et spe et cupiditate inproba crevistis.

[¶75] 8.18. “You cannot brook either a brother or a father. Nothing dear, nothing sacred, exists for you. In place of everything else there has come an insatiable desire for one thing —the throne. Come, pollute your father's ears, reach by means of accusations the decision which you will presently reach with the sword, say openly whatever you can that is true or whatever you are pleased to invent:”

> Latin: 8.18. eo usque me vivere vultis, donec alterius vestrum superstes haud ambiguum regem alterum mea morte faciam. nec fratrem nec patrem potestis pati; nihil cari, nihil sancti est; in omnium vicem regni unius insatiabilis amor successit.

[¶76] 8.19. “my ears are open which hereafter will be closed to secret charges made by the one against the other.”

> Latin: 8.19. agite, conscelerate aures paternas, decernite criminibus, mox ferro decreturi; dicite palam, quidquid aut veri potestis aut libet comminisci;

[¶77] 8.20. When he had said this in a frenzy of rage, tears were shed by all, and for a long time a gloomy silence prevailed.

> Latin: 8.20. reseratae aures sunt, quae posthac secretis alterius ab altero criminibus claudentur. “haec furens ira cum dixisset, lacrimae omnibus obortae et diu maestum silentium tenuit.

[¶78] 9.1. Then Perseus spoke: "I should forsooth have opened my doors last night and admitted the armed revellers and offered my throat to their weapons, since a crime is not believed unless it has been committed, and I, after being attacked from ambush, hear the same reproaches as the brigand and the plotter.

> Latin: 9.1. tum Perseus” aperienda nimirum nocte ianua fuit et armati comisatores accipiendi praebendumque ferro iugulum, quoniam non creditur nisi perpetratum facinus, et eadem petitus insidiis audio, quae latro atque insidiator.

[¶79] 9.2. Not without reason do those people say that you have one son, Demetrius, and that I am illegitimate and born of a concubine.

> Latin: 9.2. non nequiquam isti unum Demetrium filium te habere, me subditum et paelice genitum adpellant.

[¶80] 9.3. For if I had any standing with you, or any of the affection due a son, you would not be enraged at me for complaining of detected plots, but at him who had contrived them, nor would my life be so cheap in your sight that you would be moved neither by my past nor by my future danger if the plotters go unpunished.

> Latin: 9.3. nam si gradum, si caritatem filii apud te haberem, non in me querentem deprehensas insidias, sed in eum, qui fecisset, saevires, nec adeo vilis tibi vita esset nostra, ut nec praeterito periculo meo movereris neque futuro, si insidiantibus sit inpune.

[¶81] 9.5. And so, if it is right that I should die in silence, let me be silent, praying only to the gods that the crime which began with me may have its end with me, and that the sword may not reach through my body to yours.

> Latin: 9.5. itaque si mori tacitum oportet, taceamus, precati tantum deos, ut a me coeptum scelus in me finem habeat, nec per meum latus tu petaris;

[¶82] 9.6. But if, however, as nature herself suggests when men are set upon in a lonely place, that they shall nevertheless implore the aid of men whom they have never seen, so, if I too, when I see the sword drawn against me, am permitted to cry out, by your life and by the name of father (and you have long since seen by which of us that name is more respected), I beg that you will listen to me as if you, aroused during the night by my cries and laments, had yourself responded to my appeal, and had caught Demetrius and his armed band in the dead of night at my vestibule.

> Latin: 9.6. sin autem, quod circumventis in solitudine natura ipsa subicit, ut hominum, quos numquam viderint, fidem tamen inplorent, mihi quoque ferrum in me strictum cernenti vocem mittere liceat, per te patriumque nomen, quod utri nostrum sanctius sit, iam pridem sentis, ita me audias, precor, tamquam si voce et comploratione nocturna excitus mihi quiritanti intervenisses, Demetrium cum armatis nocte intempesta in vestibulo meo deprehendisses.

[¶83] 9.7. My cry at that time, as I trembled at the presence of danger, is now, the next day, my complaint.

> Latin: 9.7. quod tum vociferarer in re praesenti pavidus, hoc nunc postero die queror.

[¶84] 9.8. My brother, we have long lived with one another in no spirit of boon companions. You wish of course to be king. In the way of this ambition of yours stand my age, the rule of nations, the ancient custom of Macedonia, and indeed also the decision of our father.

> Latin: 9.8. frater, non comisantium in vicem more iam diu vivimus inter nos. regnare utique vis. huic spei tuae obstat aetas mea, obstat gentium ius, obstat vetustus Macedoniae mos, obstat vero etiam patris iudicium.

[¶85] 9.9. You cannot surmount these obstacles except by killing me. You try and attempt everything. Thus far either my care or my good fortune has thwarted your murderous designs.

> Latin: 9.9. haec transcendere nisi per meum sanguinem non potes. omnia moliris et temptas. adhuc seu cura mea seu fortuna restitit parricidio tuo.

[¶86] 9.10. Yesterday, in the purification and the manoeuvres and the holiday's sham battle, you almost made the fight fatal, nor did anything else save me from death except that I permitted myself and my force to be defeated. From this warlike combat, as though it had been a game between brothers, you tried to entice me to your dinner.

> Latin: 9.10. hesterna die in lustratione et decursu et simulacro ludicro pugnae funestum prope proelium fecisti, nec me aliud a morte vindicavit, quam quod me ac meos vinci passus sum.

[¶87] 9.11. Do you think, father, that I should have dined among unarmed guests, when armed men came to my house to conduct their revels? Do you think that I should not have been in danger from swords at night when in the day-time, before your eyes, they had well-nigh killed me with headless spears? Why, Demetrius, do you come late at night, why in hostile mood to an angry man, why accompanied by young men equipped with swords?

> Latin: 9.11. ab hostili proelio tamquam fraterno lusu pertrahere me ad cenam voluisti. credis me, pater, inter inermes convivas cenaturum fuisse, ad quem armati comisatum venerunt? credis nihil mihi a gladiis nocte periculi fuisse, quem rudibus te inspectante prope occiderunt?

[¶88] 9.12. I did not dare to entrust myself to you as a dinner-guest: should I receive you when you came as a reveller with armed attendants?

> Latin: 9.12. quid hoc noctis, quid inimicus ad iratum, quid cum ferro subcinctis iuvenibus venis? convivam me tibi committere ausus non sum;

[¶89] 9.13. If my door had been open, father, you would be preparing my funeral at this very moment when you are hearing my complaint. I am not, like a prosecutor, pleading by innuendo nor deducing uncertain consequences from evidence. What now? Does he deny that he came to my door with a crowd or that there were armed men with him?

> Latin: 9.13. comisatorem te cum armatis venientem recipiam? si aperta ianua fuisset, funus meum parares hoc tempore, pater, quo querentem audis. nihil ego tamquam accusator criminose nec dubia argumentis colligendo ago.

[¶90] 9.14. Summon those men whom I shall name. They can indeed dare anything who have dared this: yet they will not dare to deny it.

> Latin: 9.14. quid enim? negat venisse se cum multitudine ad ianuam meam, an ferro subcinctos secum fuisse? quos nominavero, arcesse. possunt quidem omnia audere, qui hoc ausi sunt, non tamen audebunt negare.

[¶91] 9.15. If I should bring them before you, having arrested them with weapons within my threshold, you would consider the case as clear: pray consider them, since they admit their guilt, as men arrested.

> Latin: 9.15. si deprehensos intra limen meum cum ferro ad te deducerem, rem pro manifesto haberes;

[¶92] 10.1. "Curse now this lust for the throne, and awake the furies that avenge a brother's death. But, father, lest your curses be blind, sort out and distinguish between the plotter and the intended victim of the plot: let your wrath fall upon the guilty head.

> Latin: 10.1. fatentes pro deprehensis habe. exsecrare nunc cupiditatem regni et furias fraternas concita. sed ne sint caecae, pater, exsecrationes tuae; discerne, dispice insidiatorem et petitum insidiis;

[¶93] 10.2. Let him who planned to kill his brother find also his father's gods incensed; let him who was to perish by his brother's crime find refuge in the mercy and justice of his father.

> Latin: 10.2. noxium incesse caput. qui occisurus fratrem fuit, habeat etiam iratos paternos deos; qui periturus fraterno scelere fuit, perfugium in patris misericordia et iustitia habeat.

[¶94] 10.3. For whither else am I to flee, for whom the ritual purification of your army, the manoeuvres of the troops, my home, the feast, the night, which nature in her kindness gave as a time of rest for mortals, are not safe?

> Latin: 10.3. quo enim alio confugiam, cui non sollemne lustrale exercitus tui, non decursus militum, non domus, non epulae, non nox ad quietem data naturae beneficio mortalibus tuta est?

[¶95] 10.4. If I go to my brother on his invitation, I must die; if I receive my brother on his revels within my gates, I must die: neither by going nor by staying do I avoid the ambush.

> Latin: 10.4. si iero ad fratrem invitatus, moriendum est; si recepero intra ianuam comisatum fratrem, moriendum est: nec eundo nec manendo insidias evito. quo me conferam?

[¶96] 10.5. Whither shall I turn? To nought have I done reverence, father, save to the gods and you. It is not the Romans to whom I can flee: they wish my death because I grieve at the wrongs which have been done to you, because I am angry that so many cities, so many tribes, and now the coast of Thrace, have been taken from you.

> Latin: 10.5. nihil praeter deos, pater, et te colui. non Romanos habeo, ad quos confugiam: perisse expetunt, quia tuis iniuriis doleo, quia tibi ademptas tot urbes, tot gentes, modo Thraciae maritimam oram indignor. nec me nec te incolumi Macedoniam suam futuram sperant;

[¶97] 10.6. While either I or you survive, they have no hope that Macedonia will be theirs. If a brother's crime shall carry me off and old age you, or if they do not even wait for that, they know that the king and kingdom of Macedonia will be theirs. If the Romans had left you anything outside of Macedonia, I should believe that what was left would be a safe hiding-place for me also.

> Latin: 10.6. si me scelus fratris, te senectus absumpserit aut ne ea quidem expectata fuerit, regem regnumque Macedoniae sua futura sciunt. si quid extra Macedoniam tibi Romani reliquissent, mihi quoque id relictum crederem receptaculum.

[¶98] 10.7. But, some one may say, there is sufficient protection in the Macedonians. You saw yesterday the attack of the soldiers upon me. What was lacking to them except steel?

> Latin: 10.7. at in Macedonibus satis praesidii est. vidisti hesterno die inpetum militum in me. quid illis defuit nisi ferrum? quod illis defuit interdiu, convivae fratris noctu sumpserunt.

[¶99] 10.8. What was lacking to them by day my brother's guests took up at night. What shall I say about the great proportion of our leading men, who have placed in the Romans all hopes of advancement and power, and in him who is all-powerful with the Romans? Nor, by Hercules, is it merely that they prefer him to me, his elder brother, but it is not far from true that they prefer him even to you yourself, king and father though you are.

> Latin: 10.8. quid de magna parte principum loquar, qui in Romanis spem omnem dignitatis et fortunae posuerunt et in eo, qui omnia apud Romanos potest? neque hercule istum mihi tantum fratri maiori, sed prope est, ut tibi quoque ipsi, regi et patri, praeferant.

[¶100] 10.9. For he it is through whose generosity the senate remitted the penalty to you, who now safeguards you from Roman arms, who deems it right that your old age should be bound and beholden to his youth.

> Latin: 10.9. iste enim est, cuius beneficio poenam tibi senatus remisit, qui nunc te ab armis Romanis protegit, qui tuam senectutem obligatam et obnoxiam adulescentiae suae esse aequum censet.

[¶101] 10.10. For him stand the Romans, for him, all the cities liberated from your authority, for him the Macedonians who rejoice in the Roman peace. For me, father, what hope or support is there anywhere except in you?

> Latin: 10.10. pro isto Romani stant, pro isto omnes urbes tuo imperio liberatae, pro isto Macedones, qui pace Romana gaudent: mihi praeter te, pater, quid usquam aut spei aut praesidii est?

[¶102] 11.1. “What do you think is the purpose of that letter which has just been sent to you by Titus Quinctius, in which he says first that you took good care of your interests when you sent Demetrius to Rome, and then urges that you send him again, accompanied by a longer train of ambassadors and chieftains of the Macedonians?”

> Latin: 11.1. quo spectare illas litteras ad te nunc missas T. Quincti credis, quibus et bene te consuluisse rebus tuis ait, quod Demetrium Romam miseris, et hortatur, ut iterum et cum pluribus legatis et primoribus eum remittas Macedonum?

[¶103] 11.2. “Titus Quinctius is now his guide and teacher in all matters. You, his father, have been pushed aside, and he has chosen Quinctius to put in your place. There above all have secret plans been devised.”

> Latin: 11.2. T. Quinctius nunc est auctor omnium rerum isti et magister; eum sibi te abdicato patre in locum tuum substituit; illic ante omnia clandestina cocta sunt consilia.

[¶104] 11.3. “It is assistants in carrying out these plans that they are seeking, since he bids you send with him more Macedonians and chiefs of the state. Those who go to Rome from here sound and untainted, believing that they have Philip for their king, return from there stained and corrupted by Roman enchantments.”

> Latin: 11.3. quaeruntur adiutores consiliis, cum te plures et principes Macedonum cum isto mittere iubet. qui hinc integri et sinceri Romam eunt, Philippum regem se habere credentes, imbuti illinc et infecti Romanis delenimentis redeunt. Demetrius iis unus omnia est; eum iam regem vivo patre adpellant.

[¶105] 11.4. “Demetrius alone is everything to them, and even now, while his father is alive, they hail him as king. If I am indignant at these things, I must at once listen to the charge, not from others alone, but even from you, father, that I am coveting the throne! But for my part, if this charge is put forward openly, I do not admit its truth.” “For whom am I removing from his proper place, that I may step into his place? Only my father is before me, and I pray the gods that he may long be there.”

> Latin: 11.4. haec si indignor, audiendum est statim non ab aliis solum, sed etiam a te, pater, cupiditatis regni crimen. ego vero, si in medio ponitur, non agnosco. quem enim suo loco moveo, ut ipse in eius locum succedam? unus ante me pater est, et, ut diu sit, deos rogo.

[¶106] 11.6. “Should I survive —and may I so behave that he may himself wish me to survive, if I deserve it —I shall receive the inheritance of the kingship if my father will hand it on to me.”

> Latin: 11.6. superstes—et ita sim, si merebor, ut ipse me esse velit—hereditatem regni, si pater tradet, accipiam.

[¶107] 11.7. “He covets the throne and indeed covets it to the point of crime, since he hastens to leap over precedence in age, in nature, the usage of the Macedonians, the law of nations. ' My elder brother' says Demetrius, 'stands in my way, to whom the kingdom belongs by law and also by our father's wish.”

> Latin: 11.7. cupit regnum, et quidem scelerate cupit, qui transcendere festinat ordinem aetatis, naturae, moris Macedonum, iuris gentium. “obstat frater maior, ad quem iure, voluntate etiam patris, regnum pertinet;

[¶108] 11.8. “Let him be removed: I shall not have been the first to seek a kingdom by murdering a brother. Our father, an old man and lonely, bereaved of his son, will fear too much for himself to avenge the death of his son.” “The Romans will rejoice, will applaud, will defend my act.' ” “Such hopes, father, are uncertain but not groundless.

> Latin: 11.8. tollatur: non primus regnum fraterna caede petiero, pater senex et [filio] solus [orbatus] de se magis timebit, quam ut filii necem ulciscatur. Romani laetabuntur, probabunt, defendent factum, “ hae spes incertae, pater, sed non inanes sunt.

[¶109] 11.10. For such is the situation: you can avert the peril to my life by punishing those who have armed themselves against me; if success attends their crime, you yourself will be unable to avenge my death.”

> Latin: 11.10. ita enim se res habet: periculum vitae propellere a me potes puniendo eos, qui ad me interficiendum ferrum sumpserunt; si facinori eorum successerit, mortem mean idem tu persequi non poteris.”.

[¶110] 12.1. When Perseus had finished speaking, the eyes of all who were present were turned on Demetrius, as if he would instantly reply.

> Latin: 12.1. postquam dicendi finem Perseus fecit, coniecti eorum, qui aderant, oculi in Demetrium sunt, velut confestim responsurus esset.

[¶111] 12.2. Then a long silence followed, in which it was clear to all that, choked with tears, he could not speak. At length his grief was overcome by his real necessity, when they commanded him to speak, and he thus began: "All those devices, father, which used to be of assistance to the accused, my accuser has been beforehand in seizing.

> Latin: 12.2. deinde diu fuit silentium, cum perfusum fletu adpareret omnibus loqui non posse. tandem vicit dolorem ipsa necessitas, cum dicere iuberent, atque ita orsus est “ omnia, quae reorum antea fuerant auxilia, pater, praeoccupavit accusator.

## 42. Book XL · chapters 12–22

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42/#p-N

[¶0] 12.3. With tears forced for the ruin of his opponent he has made my genuine tears suspicious in your sight.

> Latin: 12.3. simulatis lacrimis in alterius perniciem veras meas lacrimas suspectas tibi fecit.

[¶1] 12.4. Although he himself, ever since I returned from Rome, has been plotting day and night in secret conferences with his friends, he has taken the lead and put upon me the appearance, not merely of a conspirator, but of a professed bandit and murderer.

> Latin: 12.4. cum ipse, ex quo ab Roma redii, per occulta cum suis conloquia dies noctesque insidietur, ultro mihi non insidiatoris modo, sed latronis manifesti et percussoris speciem induit.

[¶2] 12.5. He terrifies you with his own danger, in order that through your help he may hasten the ruin of his innocent brother. He claims that he has no place of refuge anywhere in the world, and so brings it to pass that I have no remnant of hope even in you.

> Latin: 12.5. periculo suo te exterret, ut innoxio fratri per eundem te maturet perniciem. perfugium sibi nusquam gentium esse ait, ut ego ne apud te quidem spei quicquam reliquae habeam, circumventum, solum, inopem, invidia gratiae externae, quae obest potius quam prodest, onerat.

[¶3] 12.6. Me, encompassed with foes, abandoned, poor, he loads with the reproach of having influence abroad, which is a hindrance rather than a help. Again, see how like an accuser he was in mingling last night's offence with an indictment of my general mode of life, with the result that this incident, whose nature you will soon understand, he made suspicious by the conduct of my life in other respects, and that he bolstered up that mass of innuendo about my hopes, desires, plans, by this invented and fictitious dramatization of last night's affair.

> Latin: 12.6. iam illud quam accusatorie, quod noctis huius crimen miscuit cum cetera insectatione vitae meae, ut et hoc, quod iam quale sit scies, suspectum alio vitae nostrae tenore faceret et illam vanam criminationem spei, voluntatis, consiliorum meorum nocturno hoc ficto et composito argumento fulciret?

[¶4] 12.8. At the same time the object that he sought was that his accusation might seem sudden and entirely uncalculated, arising forsooth out of the fear and sudden tumult of last night.

> Latin: 12.8. simul et illud quaesivit, ut repentina et minime praeparata accusatio videretur, quippe ex noctis huius metu et tumultu repentino exorta.

[¶5] 12.9. But, Perseus, if I was the betrayer of my father and the kingdom, if I had conspired with the Romans and other enemies of my father, you should not have waited for the drama of last night, but should long before have impeached me for treason:

> Latin: 12.9. oportuit autem, Perseu, si proditor ego patris regnique eram, si cum Romanis, si cum aliis inimicis patris inieram consilia, non expectatam fabulam esse noctis huius, sed proditionis [meae] ante me accusatum;

[¶6] 12.10. but if, when this recent episode was left out of account, that former accusation was baseless and was likely to prove your ill-will toward me rather than my guilt, you should either have omitted it to-day also or have postponed it to another occasion, so that the question might be investigated independently as to whether I had plotted against you or you against me, employing indeed a new and remarkable form of hatred. I, nevertheless, so far as I shall be able in this unexpected confusion, shall take apart those things which you have made into one and shall reveal last night's plot, whether yours or mine.

> Latin: 12.10. si illa, separata ab hac, vana accusatio erat invidiamque tuam adversus me magis quam crimen meum indicatura, hodie quoque eam aut praetermitti aut in aliud tempus differri, ut per se quaereretur, utrum ego tibi an tu mihi, novo quidem et singulari genere odii, insidias fecisses.

[¶7] 12.12. Perseus wishes it to appear that I had formed a conspiracy to kill him, with the apparent design that after removing my elder brother, to whom the throne was destined to come by the law of nations, by the custom of the Macedonians, and also (so he says) by your decision, I, the younger, might succeed to the place of him whom I had killed.

> Latin: 12.12. ego tamen, quantum in hac subita perturbatione potero, separabo ea, quae tu confudisti, et noctis huius insidias aut tuas aut meas detegam.

[¶8] 12.13. What, then, does that second part of his speech mean, in which he asserts that I have paid court to the Romans and have formed hopes for the throne through reliance on them?

> Latin: 12.13. occidendi sui consilium inisse me videri vult, ut scilicet maiore fratre sublato, cuius iure gentium, more Macedonum, tuo etiam, ut ait, iudicio regnum est futurum, ego minor in eius, quem occidissem, succederem locum.

[¶9] 12.14. For if I thought that the Romans possessed so much influence that they could make whomever they chose king of Macedonia, and if, moreover, I trusted that my influence with them was so strong, what need was there of murder?

> Latin: 12.14. quid ergo illa sibi vult pars altera orationis, qua Romanos a me cultos ait atque eorum fiducia in spem regni me venisse?

[¶10] 12.15. Was it in order that I might wear a crown besprinkled with a brother's blood? In order that to those very people among whom I have influence, if I have any, gained by an integrity which is either real or at least assumed, I might be the object of execration and hatred? Unless you think that Titus Quinctius, by whose nod and advice you now accuse me of being ruled, although he himself lives on such terms of devotion with his brother, has counselled me to murder my brother.

> Latin: 12.15. nam si et in Romanis tantum momenti credebam esse, ut quem vellent inponerent Macedoniae regem, et meae tantum apud eos gratiae confidebam, quid opus parricidio fuit? an ut cruentum diadema fraterna caede gererem? ut illis ipsis, apud quos aut vera aut certe simulata probitate partam gratiam habeo, si quam forte habeo, exsecrabilis et invisus essem?

[¶11] 12.17. This same brother of mine has adduced, not only my influence with the Romans, but also the opinions of the Macedonians and the agreement, almost, of all gods and men, and by reason of all these things he believed that he would not be equal to me in a contest:

> Latin: 12.17. nisi T. Quinctium credis, cuius virtute et consiliis me nunc arguis regi, cum et ipse tali pietate vivat cum fratre, mihi fraternae caedis fuisse auctorem.

[¶12] 12.18. at the same time, as if I were inferior in everything else, he charges that I have fled to the last refuge of crime.

> Latin: 12.18. idem non Romanorum gratiam solum, sed Macedonum iudicia ac paene omnium deorum hominumque consensum conlegit, per quae omnia se mihi parem in certamine non futurum crediderit;

[¶13] 12.19. Do you wish, Perseus, the rule to be applied to the investigation, that whichever of us fears that the other might seem more worthy of the kingship should be judged to have formed the plan of killing his brother?

> Latin: 12.19. idem, tamquam in aliis omnibus rebus inferior essem, ad sceleris ultimam spem confugisse me insimulat. vis hanc formulam cognitionis esse, ut uter timuerit, ne alter dignior videretur regno, is consilium obprimendi fratris iudicetur cepisse?”

[¶14] 13.1. "Let us, however, follow out the details of this charge, in whatever way it was concocted. His charge is that he was attacked in many ways, and he has brought together all these methods of attack into a single day.

> Latin: 13.1. ”exsequamur tamen quocumque modo conficti ordinem criminis. pluribus modis se petitum criminatus est et omnes insidiarum vias in unum diem contulit.

[¶15] 13.2. I wished to slay him by day, after the purification, when we clashed, and more than that (heaven help us!) on the day of purifications; I wished to kill him, I suppose by poison, when I invited him to dinner; I wished, when men armed with swords attended me on my revels, to kill him with the steel.

> Latin: 13.2. volui interdiu eum post lustrationem, cum concurrimus, et quidem, si diis placet, lustrationum die, occidere; volui, cum ad cenam invitavi, veneno scilicet tollere; volui, cum comisatum gladiis adcincti me secuti sunt, ferro interficere.

[¶16] 13.3. You see, indeed, what sorts of occasions are selected for this murder: times of sport, of feasting, of revelry. Well, what sort of day was it? The day when the army was purified, when between the parts of the divided victim, with the royal arms of all the kings who have ever ruled in Macedonia borne before us, we two alone, riding at your side, father, led the way and the host of the Macedonians followed: on this day, even if I had previously committed some act demanding atonement, was I, purified and with atonement made by the rite, at the very time when I could see the sacrificial victim lying on either side of our line of march, was I, I say, then revolving in my mind murder, poisons, swords made ready for the revels —that I might find in what other rites expiation for a conscience stained with every crime?

> Latin: 13.3. tempora quidem qualia sint ad parricidium electa vides, lusus, convivii, comisationis. quid? dies qualis? quo lustrans exercitus, quo inter divisam victimam, praelatis omnium, qui umquam fuere, Macedoniae regum armis regiis, duo soli tua tegentes latera, pater, praevecti sumus et secutum est Macedonum agmen— ,hoc ego, etiam si quid antea admisissem piaculo dignum, lustratus et expiatus sacro, tum cum maxime in hostiam itineri nostro circumdatam intuens, parricidium, venena, gladios in comisationem praeparatos volutabam in animo, ut quibus aliis deinde sacris contaminatam omni scelere mentem expiarem?

[¶17] 13.5. But a mind blinded by the desire to find grounds for accusation, while it tries to make everything seem suspicious, confuses one thing with another.

> Latin: 13.5. sed caecus criminandi cupiditate animus, dum omnia suspecta efficere vult, aliud alio confundit.

[¶18] 13.6. For, Perseus, if I wished to kill you with poison at the dinner, what was less suitable than by a stubborn contest and clash to make you angry, so that you would justly refuse, as you did, to come when I invited you to dinner? But when you had in your anger refused, which should I have done?

> Latin: 13.6. nam si veneno te inter cenam tollere volui, quid minus aptum fuit quam pertinaci certamine et concursu iratum te efficere, ut merito, sicut fecisti invitatus ad cenam abnueres?

[¶19] 13.7. Should I have tried every means to appease you, that I might find another opportunity, since I had the poison once made ready? Or should I leap, so to speak, from that plan straight to another, namely, to kill you with a sword, and on that very same day, under the pretence of a revel?

> Latin: 13.7. cum autem iratus negasses, utrum, ut placarem te, danda opera fuit, ut aliam quaererem occasionem, quoniam semel venenum paraveram, an ab illo consilio velut transiliendum ad aliud fuit, ut ferro te, et quidem eo die, per speciem comisationis occiderem?

[¶20] 13.9. Further, on what line of reasoning, if I believed that it was from fear of death that you avoided my dinner, could I think that after that you would not from the same fear avoid my revel also?

> Latin: 13.9. quo deinde modo, si te metu mortis credebam cenam evitasse meam, non ab eodem metu comisationem quoque evitaturum existimabam?”

[¶21] 14.1. "There is no reason, father, why I should blush if, on a day of feasting with companions of my own age I indulged too lavishly in wine.

> Latin: 14.1. “Non est res, qua erubescam, pater, si die festo inter aequales largiore vino sum usus.

[¶22] 14.2. Even you, brother, I should like to have you ask with what rejoicing, with what merriment last night's banquet was conducted at my house, heightened, too, by our delight —base, perhaps —in the fact that in the youthful contest of arms our side had not been inferior.

> Latin: 14.2. tu quoque velim inquiras, qua laetitia quo lusu apud me celebratum hesternum convivium sit illo etiam, pravo forsitan, gaudio provehente, quod in iuvenali armorum certamine pars nostra non inferior fuerat. miseria haec et metus crapulam facile excusserunt;

[¶23] 14.3. My present wretchedness and fear easily shook off my drunken stupor; had it not been for them, we 'plotters' would now be lying asleep.

> Latin: 14.3. quae si non intervenissent, insidiatores nos sopiti iaceremus.

[¶24] 14.4. If I had intended to take your house by storm and having taken it to put its owner to death, should I not have refrained from wine for one day and caused my soldiers to abstain?

> Latin: 14.4. si domum tuam expugnaturus, capta domo dominum interfecturus eram, non temperassem vino in unum diem, non milites meos abstinuissem?

[¶25] 14.5. And, that I may not be the only one to defend myself on the basis of too much simplicity, even that brother of mine, utterly innocent and unsuspecting, no doubt, says, 'I know nothing else, I make no charge, except that they came to their revels armed.'

> Latin: 14.5. et ne ego me solus nimia simplicitate tuear, ipse quoque minime malus ac suspicax frater “nihil aliud scio” inquit, “nihil arguo, nisi quod cum ferro comisatum venerunt.

[¶26] 14.6. If I should ask how you know even that, you must needs confess either that my house was full of your spies or that they took up their weapons so openly that all men saw them.

> Latin: 14.6. ” si quaeram, unde id ipsum scias, necesse erit te fateri, aut speculatorum tuorum plenam domum fuisse meam aut illos ita aperte sumpsisse ferrum, ut omnes viderent.

[¶27] 14.7. And, father, lest he himself might appear either to have made some previous inquiry or now to be making calumnious charges, he bade you ask of those whom he should name whether they had had weapons, in order that, as if it were a case admitting doubt, when you had asked about a thing they admit, they might be held as convicted.

> Latin: 14.7. et ne quid ipse aut prius inquisisse aut nunc criminose argumentari videretur, te quaerere ex iis, quos nominasset, iubebat, an ferrum habuissent, ut tamquam in re dubia, cum id quaesisses, quod ipsi fatentur, pro convictis haberentur.

[¶28] 14.8. Why do you not, Perseus, bid him to ask these questions also —whether they had armed themselves for the purpose of killing you, whether it was at my suggestion and with my knowledge? For you wish one thing to be supposed, while what they confess and what is manifest is another. They say that they armed themselves in self-defence.

> Latin: 14.8. quin tu illud quaeri iubes, num tui occidendi causa ferrum sumpserint, num me auctore et sciente? hoc enim videri vis, non illud, quod fatentur et palam est.

[¶29] 14.9. Whether they acted rightly or wrongly they will themselves give account of their own actions: do not confuse their case with mine, which has nothing to do with that affair. Or tell us, Perseus, whether we purposed to attack you openly or secretly. If openly, why were not all of us armed? Why was no one armed except those who had beaten your spy?

> Latin: 14.9. sed sui se tuendi causa sumpsisse dicunt. recte an perperam fecerint, ipsi sui facti rationem reddent; meam causam, quae nihil eo facto contingitur, ne miscueris, aut explica, utrum aperte an clam te adgressuri fuerimus.

[¶30] 14.10. If secretly, what was the plan of campaign? When the banquet was over and I had departed on my revels, would the four have stayed behind to fall upon you in your sleep?

> Latin: 14.10. si aperte, cur non omnes ferrum habuimus? cur nemo praeter eos, qui tuum speculatorem pulsaverunt?

[¶31] 14.11. How would they have passed unnoticed, being strangers and my friends, and under suspicion especially because a little while before they had been involved in the quarrel? How, again, had they planned to escape after killing you? Could your house have been taken and captured by four swords?

> Latin: 14.11. si clam, quis ordo consilii fuit? convivio soluto cum comisator ego discessissem, quattuor substitissent, ut sopitum te adgrederentur, quomodo fefellissent et alieni et mei et maxime suspecti, quia paulo ante in rixa fuerant? quomodo autem trucidato te ipsi evasuri fuerunt? quattuor gladiis domus tua capi et expugnari potuit?”

[¶32] 15.1. “Why do you not, dropping that fairy-tale of last night, come back to that which irks you and causes you to burn with jealousy?”

> Latin: 15.1. “Quin tu omissa ista nocturna fabula ad id, quod doles, quod invidia urit, reverteris?

[¶33] 15.2. 'Why in the world, Demetrius,' you ask, 'do people ever talk of your becoming king? Why do some regard you as a worthier successor to our father's fortune than I? Why do you cause my hopes, which would be sure if you were not here, to be uncertain and confused?

> Latin: 15.2. “cur usquam regni tui mentio fit, Demetri? cur dignior patris fortunae successor quibusdam videris quam ego? cur sur spem meam, quae, si tu non esses, certa erat, dubiam et sollicitam facis?

[¶34] 15.3. ' This is what Perseus thinks, even if he does not say it; these are the thoughts that make him my enemy and my accuser, and that fill your home and your kingdom with charges and suspicions.

> Latin: 15.3. ” haec sentit Perseus, etsi non dicit; haec istum inimicum, haec accusatorem faciunt; haec domum, haec regnum tuum criminibus et suspicionibus replent.

[¶35] 15.4. “But I, father, as it may perhaps be my duty neither now to hope for the kingship nor ever to raise the question of it, since I am the younger, since you wish me to make way for the elder, so it neither was nor is my duty to seem unworthy of you my father, unworthy of all men.”

> Latin: 15.4. ego autem, pater, quem ad modum nec nunc sperare regnum nec ambigere umquam de eo forsitan debeam, quia minor sum, quia tu me maiori cedere vis, sic illud nec debui facere nec debeo, ut indignus, te patre indignus, omnibus videar.

[¶36] 15.5. “For this position I should attain by vices, not by modesty in making way for one to whom it is right and just that I should yield. You cast the Romans in my face, and things which should be a source of pride you turn into charges against me.”

> Latin: 15.5. id enim vitiis meis, non cedendi cui ius fasque est modestia consequar. Romanos obicis mihi et ea, quae gloriae esse debent, in crimen vertis.

[¶37] 15.6. “I did not ask either that I be given as a hostage to the Romans or sent as an ambassador to Rome. When sent by you, father, I did not refuse to go. On both occasions I so conducted myself as to bring no shame to you, your kingdom, or the Macedonian people.”

> Latin: 15.6. ego nec obses Romanis ut traderer nec ut legatus mitterer Romam, petii; a te missus ire non recusavi. utroque tempore ita me gessi, ne tibi pudori, ne regno tuo, ne genti Macedonum essem.

[¶38] 15.7. “And so, father, you were the cause of my friendship with the Romans. So long as the peace shall endure between you and them, so long will the friendship between me and them endure: if war shall break out, I, who have not been without usefulness as a hostage and an ambassador for my father, shall likewise be their bitterest foe.”

> Latin: 15.7. itaque mihi cum Romanis, pater, causa amicitiae tu fuisti. quoad tecum illis pax manebit, mecum quoque gratia erit; si bellum esse coeperit, qui obses, qui legatus pro patre non inutilis fui, idem hostis illis acerrimus ero.

[¶39] 15.8. “I do not ask that my friendship with the Romans shall help me to-day: I beg merely that it shall not hinder me. It did not begin in war and is not reserved for war: I was a pledge of peace, I was sent as an envoy to maintain the peace: let neither bring me either praise or blame.”

> Latin: 15.8. nec hodie, ut prosit mihi Romanorum gratia, postulo, ne obsit tantum, deprecor. nec in bello coepit, nec ad bellum reservatur; pacis pignus fui, ad pacem retinendam legatus missus sum: neutra res mihi nec gloriae nec crimini sit.

[¶40] 15.9. “If I have done anything unfilial to you, father, or criminal to my brother, I object to no punishment: if I am innocent, I beg that jealousy may not consume me, since guilt cannot.”

> Latin: 15.9. ego si quid inpie in te, pater, si quid scelerate in fratrem admisi, nullam deprecor poenam; si innocens sum, ne invidia conflagrem, cum crimine non possim, deprecor.

[¶41] 15.10. “To-day is not the first time my brother has accused me, but to-day for the first time he accuses me openly, with no act of mine to justify him. If my father were angry at me, your duty, as my older brother, would be to intercede for the younger, to win forgiveness for my youth and my mistake. Where there should have been protection there is deadly peril. From the banquet and the revel, still half-asleep, I was hurried away to plead my defence on the charge of murder.”

> Latin: 15.10. non hodie me primum frater accusat, sed hodie primum aperte, nullo meo in se merito. si mihi pater succenseret, te maiorem fratrem pro minore deprecari oportebat, te adulescentiae, te errori veniam impetrare meo. ubi praesidium esse oportebat, ibi exitium est.

[¶42] 15.11. “Without advisors, without counsel, I am compelled to speak on my own behalf.” “If I had had to speak for another, I should have taken time to prepare and arrange my speech, and then what else would be at stake except my reputation for ability? While still in ignorance of the reason for my summons, I have listened to you in your anger ordering me to defend myself and my brother bringing charges against me.”

> Latin: 15.11. e convivio et comisatione prope semisomnus raptus sum ad causam parricidii dicendam. sine advocatis, sine patronis ipse pro me dicere cogor. si pro alio dicendum esset, tempus ad meditandum et componendam orationem sumpsissem, cum quid aliud quam ingenii fama periclitarer? ignarus, quid arcessitus essem, te iratum et iubentem dicere causam, fratrem accusantem audivi.

[¶43] 15.13. “He employed against me a speech arranged and rehearsed long in advance: I had only the time during which I was accused to find out what was at issue. Should I in that brief space of time have listened to my accuser or planned my defence?”

> Latin: 15.13. ille diu ante praeparata ac meditata in me oratione est usus; ego id tantum temporis, quo accusatus sum, ad cognoscendum, quid ageretur, habui.

[¶44] 15.14. “Stricken by this sudden and unexpected calamity, I could scarce understand what charges were brought against me, to say nothing of knowing how to defend myself. What hope should I have were my father not the judge?”

> Latin: 15.14. utrum momento illo horae accusatorem audirem, an defensionem meditarer? adtonitus repentino atque inopinato malo, vix quid obiceretur intellegere potui;

[¶45] 15.15. “If his love for me is less than for my elder brother, certainly his pity ought not to be less for me on my trial. For my prayer is that you will preserve me for myself and you; his demand is that you kill me for his security.”

> Latin: 15.15. nedum satis sciam, quo modo me tuear. quid mihi spei esset, nisi patrem iudicem haberem? apud quem etiam si caritate a fratre maiore vincor, misericordia certe reus vinci non debeo.

[¶46] 15.16. “What, father, do you think will become of me when you have turned the kingdom over to him, when even now he thinks it proper that he be gratified by my death?”

> Latin: 15.16. ego enim, ut me mihi tibique serves, precor; ille, ut me in securitatem suam occidas, postulat. quid eum, cum regnum ei tradideris, facturum credis in me esse, qui iam nunc sanguinem meum sibi indulgeri aequum censet?”

[¶47] 16.1. As he spoke thus, tears at once stopped his breath and choked his utterance. Philip, sending them away, after conferring for some time with his friends, gave judgment that he would not decide their case on the basis of words nor the discussion of a single hour, but, after inquiring into the life and manners of each and observing their words and actions in matters great and small, so that it was clear to all that the accusation regarding the preceding night had been easily refuted, but that Demetrius was suspected by reason of his excessive popularity with the Romans.

> Latin: 16.1. dicenti haec lacrimae simul spiritum et vocem intercluserunt. Philippus submotis iis paulisper conlocutus cum amicis pronuntiavit, non verbis se nec unius horae disceptatione causam eorum diiudicaturum, sed inquirendo in utriusque vitam ac mores, et dicta factaque in magnis parvisque rebus observando,

[¶48] 16.3. Such, in general, were the seeds, so to speak, of the Macedonian war which were sown while Philip was still alive, but the war for the most part was to be waged with Perseus.

> Latin: 16.3. ut omnibus adpareret, noctis proximae crimen facile revictum, suspectam nimiam cum Romanis Demetrii gratiam esse. haec vivo Philippo velut semina iacta sunt Macedonici belli, quod maxime cum Perseo gerendum erat.

[¶49] 16.4. Both consuls departed for the Ligurians, this being at the time the only consular province. And because their campaigns were successful there, a thanksgiving for one day was voted.

> Latin: 16.4. consules ambo in Ligures, quae tum una consularis provincia erat, proficiscuntur. et quia prospere ibi res gesserunt, supplicatio in unum diem decreta est.

[¶50] 16.5. About two thousand Ligurians came to the most remote boundary of the province of Gaul, where Marcellus was encamped, and asked that they be received under his protection. Marcellus, ordering the Ligurians to wait in the same place, consulted the senate by letter.

> Latin: 16.5. Ligurum duo milia fere ad extremum finem provinciae Galliae, ubi castra Marcellus habebat, venerunt, uti reciperentur orantes. Marcellus operiri eodem loco Liguribus iussis senatum per litteras consuluit.

[¶51] 16.6. The senate directed Marcus Ogulnius the praetor to reply to Marcellus that it was more correct for the consuls, whose province it was, than for them, to decide what was to the advantage of the state; on this occasion, also, that it was not their pleasure that the Ligurians should be received except in surrender, that the senate deemed it just that, if received, their arms should be taken from them, and that the Ligurians should be sent to the consuls.

> Latin: 16.6. senatus rescribere M. Ogulnium praetorem Marcello iussit, verius fuisse consules, quorum provincia esset, quam se, quid e re publica esset, decernere: tum quoque non placere, si per deditionem Ligures recipiat, receptis arma adimi; atque eos ad consules mitti senatum aequum censere.

[¶52] 16.7. At the same time the praetors Publius Manlius and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus arrived in their provinces, the former in Farther Spain, which province he had held in his first praetorship also, Spain as an assistant to the consul. This, however, gave him a sort of roving commission, and he operated in Farther Spain as well (XXXIV. xvii. 1 and the note).

> Latin: 16.7. praetores eodem tempore, P. Manlius in ulteriorem Hispaniam, quam et priore praetura provinciam obtinuerat, Q. Fulvius Flaccus in citeriorem pervenit exercitumque ab A. Terentio accepit; nam ulterior morte P. Semproni proconsulis sine imperio fuerat.

[¶53] 16.8. the latter in Nearer Spain, where he took over the army from Aulus Terentius: for the farther province had been without a governor since the death of Publius Sempronius the proconsul. The Celtiberians attacked Fulvius Flaccus while he was besieging a Spanish town, Urbicna by name. A number of hard battles were fought there, and many Roman soldiers suffered wounds and death. Fulvius prevailed by stubbornness, since by no attack could he be drawn away from the siege: the Celtiberians, worn out by the repeated battles, withdrew.

> Latin: 16.8. Fulvium Flaccum oppidum Hispanum Vrbicuam nomine obpugnantem Celtiberi adorti sunt. dura ibi proelia aliquot facta, multi Romani milites et vulnerati et interfecti sunt. vicit perseverantia Fulvius, quod nulla vi abstrahi ab obsidione potuit. Celtiberi fessi proeliis variis abscesserunt.

[¶54] 16.9. When their aid was lost, the city was within a few days captured and plundered; the praetor bestowed the booty upon the soldiers.

> Latin: 16.9. urbs amoto auxilio eorum intra paucos dies capta et direpta est; praedam militibus praetor concessit.

[¶55] 16.10. Fulvius, after taking this town, retired into winter-quarters, and Manlius did the same, having merely collected into one place the army which had been scattered and having done nothing else worth mentioning.

> Latin: 16.10. Fulvius hoc oppido capto, P. Manlius exercitu tantum in unum coacto, qui dissipatus fuerat, nulla alia memorabili gesta re exercitus in hiberna deduxerunt. haec ea aestate in Hispania gesta.

[¶56] 16.11. These were the events of this summer in Spain. Terentius, who had retired from that province, entered the City in ovation. In his procession he carried nine thousand three hundred and twenty pounds of silver, eighty-two pounds of gold and sixty-seven golden crowns.

> Latin: 16.11. Terentius, qui ex ea provincia decesserat, ovans urbem iniit. translatum argenti pondo novem milia trecenta viginti, auri octoginta pondo et duo, coronae aureae pondo sexaginta septem.

[¶57] 17.1. In the same year Roman arbitrators who were on the ground took part in a dispute about land-ownership between the Carthaginian people and King Masinissa.

> Latin: 17.1. eodem anno inter populum Carthaginiensem et regem Masinissam in re praesenti disceptatores Romani de agro fuerunt.

[¶58] 17.2. Gala, the father of Masinissa, had taken it from the Carthaginians; Syphax had driven Gala out of it and later, as a favour to his father-in-law Hasdrubal, had presented it as a gift to the Carthaginians; Masinissa had that year expelled the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 17.2. ceperat eum ab Carthaginiensibus pater Masinissae Gala; Galam Syphax inde expulerat, postea in gratiam soceri Hasdrubalis Carthaginiensibus dono dederat;

[¶59] 17.3. The case was argued before the Romans with no less ardour of temper than when they fought with arms in the line of battle.

> Latin: 17.3. Carthaginienses eo anno Masinissa expulerat. haud minore certamine animorum, quam cum ferro et acie dimicarunt, res acta apud Romanos.

[¶60] 17.4. The Carthaginians were reclaiming it because it had belonged to their forefathers and had then come again to them from Syphax. Masinissa maintained, first that he had recovered land belonging to his father's kingdom and second, that he was holding it under the law of nations;

> Latin: 17.4. Carthaginienses, quod maiorum suorum fuisset, deinde ab Syphace ad se pervenisset, repetebant. Masinissa paterni regni agrum se et recepisse et habere gentium iure aiebat; et causa et possessione superiorem esse;

[¶61] 17.5. he said that he had the advantage both of a good case and of actual possession; he was afraid of nothing else in the dispute except that a sense of shame on the part of the Romans, as they might be reluctant to give the appearance of having favoured an allied and friendly king as against the common enemy of themselves and him, might do him injury.

> Latin: 17.5. nihil aliud se in ea disceptatione metuere, quam ne pudor Romanorum, dum vereantur, ne quid socio atque amico regi adversus communes suos atque illius hostes indulsisse videantur, damno sit.

[¶62] 17.6. The commissioners did not change the right of possession, but referred the case without prejudice to the senate. Among the Ligurians nothing more happened. They had in the beginning retired into out-of-theway defiles, then disbanded their army and scattered everywhere to their own villages and strongholds.

> Latin: 17.6. legati possessionis ius non mutarunt, causam integram Romam ad senatum reiecerunt. in Liguribus nihil postea gestum. recesserant primum in devios saltus, deinde dimisso exercitu passim in vicos castellaque sua dilapsi sunt.

[¶63] 17.7. The consuls also wished to discharge their armies and consulted the senate on the matter. The Fathers directed that one of them should disband his army and come to Rome to conduct the election of magistrates for the coming year, and that the other with his legions should winter at Pisa.

> Latin: 17.7. consules quoque dimittere exercitum voluerunt, ac de ea re patres consuluerunt. alterum ex iis dimisso exercitu ad magistratus in annum creandos venire Romam iusserunt, alterum cum legionibus suis Pisis hiemare.

[¶64] 17.8. It was reported that the Transalpine Gauls were arming their young men and it was unknown into what part of Italy the multitude would pour. So the consuls arranged between themselves that Gnaeus Baebius should go to the elections because his brother Marcus Baebius was a candidate for the consulship.

> Latin: 17.8. fama erat Gallos Transalpinos iuventutem armare, nec, in quam regionem Italiae effusura se multitudo esset, sciebatur. ita inter se consules compararunt, ut Cn. Baebius ad comitia iret, quia M. Baebius frater eius consulatum petebat.

[¶65] 18.1. The election of consuls took place: the successful candidates were Publius Cornelius Lentulus and Marcus Baebius Tamphilus.

> Latin: 18.1. comitia consulibus rogandis fuere; creati P. Cornelius Lentulus M.

[¶66] 18.2. Next the praetors were chosen, two named Quintus Fabius, Maximus and Buteo, Tiberius Claudius Nero, Quintus Petilius Spurinus, Marcus Pinarius Rusca, Lucius Duronius. When they had been inaugurated, the provinces were assigned by lot.

> Latin: 18.2. Baebius Tamphilus. praetores inde facti duo Q. Fabii, Maximus et Buteo, Ti. Claudius Nero Q. Petilius Spurinus M. Pinarius Rusca L. Duronius.

[¶67] 18.3. Liguria was given to the consuls. Among the praetors, the civil jurisdiction was allotted to Quintus Petilius, that between citizens and aliens to Quintus Fabius Maximus, Gaul to Quintus Fabius Buteo, Sicily to Tiberius Claudius Nero, Sardinia to Marcus Pinarius, Apulia to Lucius Duronius;

> Latin: 18.3. his inito magistratu provinciae ita sorte evenerunt: Ligures consulibus, praetoribus Q. Petilio urbana, Q. Fabio Maximo peregrina, Q. Fabio Buteoni Gallia, Ti. Claudio Neroni Sicilia, M. Pinario Sardinia, L. Duronio Apulia;

[¶68] 18.4. the Histrians were also added because the news had come from Tarentum and Brundisium that the lands along the coasts were endangered by piracy on the part of the ships from across the sea. The Massilians made the same complaint about the ships of the Ligurians.

> Latin: 18.4. et Histri adiecti, quod Tarentini Brundisinique nuntiabant maritimos agros infestos transmarinarum navium latrociniis esse. eadem Massilienses de Ligurum navibus querebantur.

[¶69] 18.5. Then the armies were decreed —four legions for the consuls, each to consist of fifty-two hundred Roman infantry, and three hundred cavalry, and fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy.

> Latin: 18.5. exercitus inde decreti: quattuor legiones consulibus, quae quina milia ducenos Romanos pedites, trecenos haberent equites, et quindecim milia socium ac Latini nominis, octingenti equites.

[¶70] 18.6. In the Spains the imperium of the old praetors was extended, with the armies which they had, and they decreed as reinforcements three thousand Roman citizens and two hundred cavalry and of the allies of the Latin confederacy six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. Nor was care for the fleet omitted.

> Latin: 18.6. in Hispaniis prorogatum veteribus praetoribus imperium est cum exercitibus, quos haberent, et in supplementum decreta tria milia civium Romanorum, ducenti equites, et socium Latini nominis sex milia peditum, trecenti equites.

[¶71] 18.7. The consuls were directed to secure the election of a board of two for this purpose, by whom twenty ships, launched from the yards, would be manned by Roman citizens who had been slaves, serving as marines, employing free-born citizens only as commanders.

> Latin: 18.7. nec rei navalis cura omissa. duumviros in eam rem consules creare iussi, per quos naves viginti deductae navalibus sociis civibus Romanis, qui servitutem servissent, complerentur, ingenui tantum ut iis praeessent.

[¶72] 18.8. The defence of the coast was divided between the duumvirs, ten ships being assigned to each, in such a way that the promontory of Minerva was, so to speak, the joint between them; thence one should defend the right sector as far as Massilia, the other the left as far as Barium.

> Latin: 18.8. inter duumviros ita divisa tuenda denis navibus maritima ora, ut promunturium iis Minervae velut cardo in medio esset; alter inde dextram partem usque ad Massiliam, laevam alter usque ad Barium tueretur.

[¶73] 19.1. Many dreadful prodigies were both observed in Rome that year and reported from elsewhere.

> Latin: 19.1. prodigia multa foeda et Romae eo anno visa et nuntiata peregre.

[¶74] 19.2. In the precinct of Vulcan and Concord there was a shower of blood; and the pontiffs announced that the spears had been shaken, and the people of Lanuvium sent word that the image of Juno Sospita had shed tears.

> Latin: 19.2. in area Volcani et Concordiae sanguinem pluvit; et pontifices hastas motas nuntiavere et Lanuvii simulacrum Iunonis Sospitae lacrimasse.

[¶75] 19.3. The pestilence was so severe in the country and in the villages and rural communities and in the City that Libitina could scarce take care of so many funerals.

> Latin: 19.3. pestilentia in agris forisque et conciliabulis et in urbe tanta erat, ut Libitina ad funera vix sufficeret.

[¶76] 19.4. Being disturbed by these prodigies and deaths, the Fathers decreed, both that the consuls should sacrifice full-grown victims to whatever gods it seemed proper, and that the decemvirs should consult the Books.

> Latin: 19.4. his prodigiis cladibusque anxii patres decreverunt, ut et consules, quibus diis videretur, hostiis maioribus sacrificarent et decemviri libros adirent.

[¶77] 19.5. According to their decree one day of prayer was proclaimed at all the banquet-tables of the gods in Rome. On their suggestion also there was both a decree of the senate and an edict of the consuls that for three days throughout Italy there should be a supplication and festival.

> Latin: 19.5. eorum decreto supplicatio circa omnia pulvinaria Romae in diem unum indicta est. iisdem auctoribus et senatus censuit et consules edixerunt, ut per totam Italiam triduum supplicatio et feriae essent.

[¶78] 19.6. The violence of the plague was so great that when, on account of a rising of the Corsicans and a revolt begun by the Ilienses in Sardinia, it was decided to enlist eight thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry among the allies of the Latin confederacy, whom Marcus Pinarius the praetor should take with him to Sardinia, the consuls reported that so many deaths had occurred among the men and so great was the number of sick that this number of troops could not be raised.

> Latin: 19.6. pestilentiae tanta vis erat, ut, cum propter defectionem Corsorum bellumque ab Iliensibus concitatum in Sardinia octo milia peditum ex sociis Latini nominis placuisset scribi et trecentos equites, quos M. Pinarius praetor secum in Sardiniam traiceret, tantum hominum demortuum esse, tantum ubique aegrorum consules renuntiaverint, ut is numerus effici militum non potuerit.

[¶79] 19.8. The shortage in the number of troops the praetor was directed to make up from the army of Gnaeus Baebius the proconsul, who was wintering at Pisa, and thence to cross to Sardinia.

> Latin: 19.8. quod deerat militum, sumere a Cn. Baebio proconsule, qui Pisis hibernabat, iussus praetor atque inde in Sardiniam traicere.

[¶80] 19.9. To Lucius Duronius, the praetor to whom the province of Apulia had been allotted, has also been assigned an investigation to the Bacchanalia, from which some seeds, as it were, left over from the earlier troubles, had already begun to show themselves in the previous year; but the inquiries had been begun before the praetor Lucius Pupius rather than brought to any conclusion.

> Latin: 19.9. L, Duronio praetori, cui provincia Apulia evenerat, adiecta de Bacchanalibus quaestio est, cuius residua quaedam velut semina ex prioribus malis iam priore anno adparuerant;

[¶81] 19.10. The Fathers ordered the new praetor to extirpate the trouble, to prevent it from again secretly spreading furthur.

> Latin: 19.10. sed magis inchoatae apud L. Pupium praetorem quaestiones erant quam ad exitum ullum perductae. id persecare novum praetorem, ne serperet iterum latius, patres iusserunt.

[¶82] 19.11. Also the consuls, with the authority of the senate, brought before the people a law on bribery.

> Latin: 19.11. et legem de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt.

[¶83] 20.1. Then they introduced the embassies into the senate, first those of the kings, Eumenes, and Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Pharnaces of Pontus. No further reply was given to them than that the senate would send men to investigate their differences and give judgment.

> Latin: 20.1. legationes deinde in senatum introduxerunt, regum primas, Eumenis et Ariarathis Cappadocis et Pharnacis Pontici. nec ultra quicquam eis responsum est quam missuros, qui de controversiis eorum cognoscerent statuerentque.

[¶84] 20.2. Then the representatives of the Lacedaemonian exiles and of the Achaeans were brought in, and hope was held out to the exiles that the senate would write to the Achaeans directing that they be restored. The Achaeans explained to the satisfaction of the Fathers regarding the recovery of Messene and the solution of the problems there.

> Latin: 20.2. Lacedaemoniorum deinde exulum et Achaeorum legati introducti sunt; et spes data exulibus est scripturum senatum Achaeis, ut restituerentur; Achaei de Messene recepta compositisque ibi rebus cum adsensu patrum exposuerunt.

[¶85] 20.3. Philip, king of the Macedonians, also sent two envoys, Philocles and Apelles, with no particular request to make of the senate, but rather to collect information and make inquiry about those conversations which Perseus had accused Demetrius of holding with the Romans and specifically with Titus Quinctius about the kingship which were prejudicial to the interests of his brother.

> Latin: 20.3. et a Philippo rege Macedonum duo legati venerunt, Philocles et Apelles, nulla super re, quae petenda ab senatu esset; speculatum magis inquisitumque missi de iis quorum Perseus Demetrium insimulasset sermonum cum Romanis, maxime cum T. Quinctio adversus fratrem de regno habitorum.

[¶86] 20.4. These envoys the king had sent as neutral and not predisposed to favour either disputant: but as matters turned out they also were servants and helpers of Perseus in his treachery toward his brother.

> Latin: 20.4. hos tamquam medios nec in alterius favorem inclinatos miserat rex; erant autem et hi Persei fraudis in fratrem ministri et participes.

[¶87] 20.5. Demetrius, at first ignorant of everything, except what had been revealed by his brother's wickedness, had no great hope but was not altogether without hope that his father could be appeased; he trusted less every day to his father's intentions, since he perceived that his father's attention was engrossed by his brother.

> Latin: 20.5. Demetrius omnium praeterquam fraterno scelere, quod nuper eruperat, ignarus primo neque magnam neque nullam spem habebat patrem sibi placari posse; minus deinde in dies patris animo fidebat, cum obsideri aures a fratre cerneret.

[¶88] 20.6. And so, reflecting carefully on everything he said or did, lest he increase the suspicions of anyone, he refrained particularly from all reference to or contact with the Romans, to such a degree that he did not even want them to write to him, because he knew that his father's mind was especially irritated by charges of this kind.

> Latin: 20.6. itaque circumspiciens dicta factaque sua, ne cuius suspiciones augeret, maxime ab omni mentione et contagione Romanorum abstinebat, ut neque scribi sibi vellet, quia hoc praecipue criminum genere exasperari patris animum sentiebat.

[¶89] 21.1. Philip, in order partly to prevent his troops from growing slack through idleness, partly to avert suspicion that he was thinking at all about a war with Rome, summoned his army to Stobi in Paeonia and began to lead it into Maedica.

> Latin: 21.1. Philippus, simul ne otio miles deterior fieret, simul avertenda suspicionis causa quicquam a se agitari de Romano bello, Stobos Paeoniae exercitu indicto in Maedicam ducere pergit.

[¶90] 21.2. The desire had seized him of climbing to the top of the Haemus mountains, because he had accepted the common opinion that from there could be seen all at once the Pontic and Adriatic seas, the Hister river and the Alps. To have these spread out before his eyes would have, he thought, no small weight in determining his strategy in a war with Rome.

> Latin: 21.2. cupido eum ceperat in verticem Haemi montis ascendendi, quia vulgatae opinioni crediderat Ponticum simul et Hadriaticum mare et Histrum amnem et Alpes conspici posse: subiecta oculis ea haud parvi sibi momenti futura ad cogitationem Romani belli.

[¶91] 21.3. Having questioned men who knew the country about the ascent of the Haemus, since it was generally agreed by all that there was no way for an army, but that with a few light troops it could be climbed by a very difficult road, wishing to console his younger son by an intimate talk (he had decided not to take him with him), he first asked him whether, since the difficulty of the journey was so great, he should persist in the plan or abandon it.

> Latin: 21.3. percunctatus regionis peritos de ascensu Haemi, cum satis inter omnes constaret viam exercitui nullam esse, paucis et expeditis per difficillimum aditum, ut sermone familiari minorem filium permulceret, quem statuerat non ducere secum, primum quaerit ab eo, cum tanta difficultas itineris proponatur, utrum perseverandum sit in incepto an abstinendum;

[¶92] 21.5. If after all he should decide to go, he could not forget, in such a situation, Antigonus, who, when tossed about by a dreadful storm, at a time when he had all his family in the same ship with him, was said to have given his children the warning, which they should both remember for themselves and pass on to their children, that no man should venture to endanger himself and his whole house at once in a doubtful situation.

> Latin: 21.5. si pergat tamen ire, non posse oblivisci se in talibus rebus Antigoni, qui saeva tempestate iactatus, cum in eadem nave secum suos omnes habuisset, praecepisse liberis diceretur, ut et ipsi meminissent et ita posteris proderent, ne quis cum tota gente simul in rebus dubiis periclitari auderet.

[¶93] 21.6. Therefore, he said, remembering that precept, he would not expose both his sons at once to the chance of disaster which confronted them; and since he was taking his older son with him, he intended to send the younger back to Macedonia to furnish some support to his hopes and for the future to guard the kingdom.

> Latin: 21.6. memorem ergo se praecepti eius duos simul filios non commissurum in aleam eius, qui proponeretur, casus; et quoniam maiorem filium secum duceret, minorem ad subsidia spei et custodiam regni remissurum in Macedoniam esse.

[¶94] 21.7. Demetrius did not fail to perceive that he was being banished, in order that he might not be present at the council when the decision would be reached, in sight of the theatre of operations, what routes would lead most directly to the Adriatic sea and to Italy, and what would be the general strategy of the war.

> Latin: 21.7. non fallebat Demetrium ablegari se, ne adesset consilio, cum in conspectu locorum consultaret, qua proxime itinera ad mare Hadriaticum atque Italiam ducerent, quaeque ratio belli futura esset.

[¶95] 21.8. But he had not merely to obey his father but to agree with him, lest he should beget suspicion that he was obeying unwillingly.

> Latin: 21.8. sed non solum parendum patri [tutum], sed etiam adsentiendum erat, ne invitum parere suspicionem faceret.

[¶96] 21.9. Nevertheless, in order that he might have a safe journey into Macedonia, Didas, one of the king's generals, who was in charge of Paeonia, was ordered to escort him with a moderately large guard.

> Latin: 21.9. ut tamen iter ei tutum in Macedoniam esset, Didas ex praetoribus regiis unus, qui Paeoniae praeerat, iussus est prosequi eum cum modico praesidio.

[¶97] 21.10. Didas too, like most of the friends of the king, from the time when it began to be clear to everyone to whom, since the king's mind inclined that way, the inheritance of the kingdom would fall, Perseus had associated with the conspiracy for his brother's ruin.

> Latin: 21.10. hunc quoque Perseus, sicut plerosque patris amicorum, ex quo haud cuiquam dubium esse coeperat, ad quem regis animo ita inclinato hereditas regni pertineret, inter coniuratos in fratris perniciem habuit.

[¶98] 21.11. For the present, he instructed Didas to make for himself, by every form of attention, a place among the intimates of Demetrius, that he might be able to get from him all his secrets and to spy upon his inmost thoughts. Thus Demetrius departed, accompanied by guards whose presence was more dangerous than if he had been travelling alone.

> Latin: 21.11. in praesentia dat ei mandata, ut per omne obsequium insinuaret se in quam maxime familiarem usum, ut elicere omnia arcana specularique abditos eius sensus posset. ita digreditur Demetrius cum infestioribus, quam si solus iret, praesidiis.

[¶99] 22.1. Philip, crossing Maedica first and then the waste lands lying between Maedica and the Haemus, on the seventh march at last came to the foot of the mountain. There he delayed for a day to choose the men whom he should take with him and on the third day began his journey.

> Latin: 22.1. Philippus Maedicam primum, deinde solitudines interiacentes Maedicae atque Haemo transgressus septimis demum castris ad radices montis pervenit. ibi unum moratus diem ad deligendos, quos duceret secum, tertio die iter est ingressus.

[¶100] 22.2. At first there was moderate exertion in the foothills. The farther up they went, they found more and more ground that was wooded and often impassable:

> Latin: 22.2. modicus primo labor in imis collibus fuit, quantum in altitudinem egrediebantur, magis magisque silvestria et pleraque invia loca excipiebant.

[¶101] 22.3. at last they came to a trail so shaded that by reason of the thickness of the trees and the branches interlaced with one another it was barely possible to see the sky.

> Latin: 22.3. pervenere deinde in tam opacum iter, ut prae densitate arborum inmissorumque aliorum in alios ramorum perspici caelum vix posset.

[¶102] 22.4. But when they drew near the crest everything was so covered with fog, which is rare in high places, that they were retarded just as if they were marching by night. At last on the third day they came to the summit.

> Latin: 22.4. ut vero iugis adpropinquabant, quod rarum in altis locis est, adeo omnia contecta nebula, ut haud secus quam nocturno itinere inpedirentur. tertio demum die ad verticem perventum.

[¶103] 22.5. When they descended they did nothing to detract from the common opinion, rather, I suppose, to prevent the futility of the journey from becoming a subject of jest than because the different seas and mountains and rivers could be seen from one place.

> Latin: 22.5. nihil vulgatae opinioni degressi inde detraxerunt, magis credo, ne vanitas itineris ludibrio esset, quam quod diversa inter se maria montesque et amnes ex uno loco conspici potuerint.

[¶104] 22.6. All were in distress and most of all the king himself, because he was more heavily burdened by age, as a result of the difficulty of the way. When he had sacrificed at the two altars dedicated there to Jupiter and the Sun, he made in two days the descent which had required three for the ascent, fearing most the nightly colds, which, at the time of the rising of the dog-star, were like those of winter.

> Latin: 22.6. vexati omnes, et ante alios rex ipse, quo gravior aetate erat, difficultate viae est. duabus aris ibi Iovi et Soli sacratis cum inmolasset, qua triduo ascenderat, biduo est degressus, frigora nocturna maxime metuens, quae caniculae ortu similia brumalibus erant.

## 43. Book XL · chapters 22–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/43/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/43/#p-N

[¶0] 22.8. After struggling with many hardships during those days, he found things no easier in camp, where the need was very great, as was to be expected in a country surrounded by deserts on all sides.

> Latin: 22.8. multis per eos dies difficultatibus conflictatus nihilo laetiora in castris invenit, ubi summa penuria erat, ut in regione, quam ab omni parte solitudines clauderent.

[¶1] 22.9. And so, delaying only one day, in order to rest the men whom he had taken with him, he hurried, in a march that resembled a flight, into the country of the Dentheleti.

> Latin: 22.9. itaque unum tantum moratus diem, quietis eorum causa, quos habuerat secum, itinere inde simili fugae in Dentheletos transcurrit.

[¶2] 22.10. They were allies, but on account of their need the Macedonians pillaged them just as if theirs were hostile territory: in their plundering they first laid waste the farm-houses far and wide, then even certain villages, not without great shame on the king's part, when he heard the voices of his allies calling in vain upon the gods who protect alliances and upon his own name. Carrying off the grain from there and returning to Maedica, he began to attack a city which they call Petra.

> Latin: 22.10. socii erant, sed propter inopiam haud secus quam hostium fines Macedones populati sunt; rapiendo enim passim villas primum, dein quosdam etiam vicos evastarunt, non sine magno pudore regis, cum sociorum voces nequiquam deos sociales nomenque suum inplorantes audiret.

[¶3] 22.12. He himself encamped on the approach from the plain and sent his son Perseus around with a force of moderate size to attack the city from the higher ground.

> Latin: 22.12. frumento inde sublato in Maedicam regressus, urbem, quam Petram adpellant, obpugnare est adortus. ipse a campestri aditu castra posuit;

[¶4] 22.13. The citizens, since danger threatened them from every quarter, gave hostages and surrendered for the time being:

> Latin: 22.13. Perseum filium cum modica manu circummisit, ut a superioribus locis urbem adgrederetur.

[¶5] 22.14. but none the less, after the army retired, forgetting the hostages they abandoned the city and fled to the fortified places and the mountains.

> Latin: 22.14. oppidani, cum terror undique instaret, obsidibus datis in praesentia dediderunt sese; iidem postquam exercitus recessit, obliti obsidum relicta urbe in loca munita et montes refugerunt.

[¶6] 22.15. Philip, having wearied his troops with every sort of toil without having attained any result, and with his suspicions of his son increased because of the deceit of Didas, the general, returned to Macedonia.

> Latin: 22.15. Philippus omni genere laboris sine ullo effectu fatigatis militibus et fraude Didae praetoris auctis in filium suspicionibus in Macedoniam rediit.

[¶7] 23.1. Didas, as has been said before, had been sent as escort to Demetrius, and when he had entrapped the ingenuous young man, who was off his guard and not unjustly angry at his relatives, by flattering him and expressing indignation at his lot, volunteering his assistance in every respect, under pledge of loyalty Didas extracted all his secrets.

> Latin: 23.1. missus hic comes, ut ante dictum est, cum simplicitatem iuvenis incauti et suis haud inmerito succensentis adsentando indignandoque et ipse vicem eius captaret, in omnia ultro suam obferens operam, fide data arcana eius elicuit.

[¶8] 23.2. Demetrius was planning flight to the Romans; and it looked as if, by the grace of the gods, an assistant in this plan had been provided in the person of the governor of Paeonia, through whose province he had come to hope that he could safely escape.

> Latin: 23.2. fugam ad Romanos Demetrius meditabatur; cui consilio adiutor deum beneficio oblatus videbatur Paeoniae praetor, per cuius provinciam spem ceperat elabi tuto posse.

[¶9] 23.3. This plan was at once both revealed to his brother and reported to his father on his brother's authority.

> Latin: 23.3. hoc consilium extemplo et fratri proditur et auctore eo indicatur patri.

[¶10] 23.4. At first a letter was brought to him while he was besieging Petra. As a result Herodorus —he was the foremost of the friends of Demetrius —was placed under arrest and orders were issued that Demetrius was to be unobtrusively watched.

> Latin: 23.4. litterae primum ad obsidentem Petram adlatae sunt. inde Herodorus—princeps hic amicorum Demetrii erat—in custodiam est coniectus et Demetrius dissimulanter adservari iussus.

[¶11] 23.5. These things, added to everything else, saddened the king's return to Macedonia. He was indeed moved by these new charges; yet he thought that he ought to wait for the envoys whom he had sent to Rome to find out everything.

> Latin: 23.5. haec super cetera tristem adventum in Macedoniam regi fecerunt. movebant eum et praesentia crimina; expectandos tamen, quos ad exploranda omnia Romam miserat, censebat.

[¶12] 23.6. When he had passed some months in this anxiety and trouble, at length the ambassadors, who had long before, while still in Macedonia, planned what report they would bring back from Rome, arrived;

> Latin: 23.6. his anxius curis cum aliquot menses egisset, tandem legati, iam ante praemeditati in Macedonia, quae ab Roma renuntiarent, venerunt.

[¶13] 23.7. they, in addition to making other serious charges, delivered to the king a forged letter, sealed with a counterfeit signet of Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 23.7. qui super cetera scelera falsas etiam litteras, signo adulterino T. Quincti signatas, reddiderunt regi.

[¶14] 23.8. There was in the letter a warning against wrong inferences in case the young man, carried away by his desire for the throne, should have held any conversation with himself: Demetrius would do nothing to injure any of his relatives, nor was Quinctius himself one who could seem to sponsor any unfilial scheme. This letter furnished confirmation to the charges of Perseus.

> Latin: 23.8. deprecatio in litteris erat, si quid adulescens cupiditate regni prolapsus prolapus secum egisset: nihil eum adversus suorum quemquam facturum, neque eum se esse, qui ullius inpii consilii auctor futurus videri possit. hae litterae fidem Persei criminibus fecerunt.

[¶15] 23.9. As a result Herodorus was at once tortured for a long time without betraying anything and died on the rack.

> Latin: 23.9. itaque Herodorus extemplo diu excruciatus sine indicio rei ullius in tormentis moritur.

[¶16] 24.1. Demetrius was again accused by Perseus before his father. The intended flight through Paeonia was one charge, and the bribery of certain persons to be his companions on the journey; the forged letter of Titus Quinctius weighed especially heavily against him.

> Latin: 24.1. Demetrium iterum ad patrem accusavit Perseus. fuga per Paeoniam praeparata arguebatur et corrupti quidam, ut comites itineris essent; maxime falsae litterae T. Quincti urgebant.

[¶17] 24.2. Nevertheless no severe sentence was openly pronounced upon him, in order that he might rather be killed through guile, and this not out of any consideration for him personally, but in order that his punishment might not expose the plans against the Romans.

> Latin: 24.2. nihil tamen palam gravius pronuntiatum de eo est, ut dolo potius interficeretur, nec id cura ipsius, sed ne poena eius consilia adversus Romanos nudaret.

[¶18] 24.3. When Philip himself had a journey to make from Thessalonica to Demetrias, he sent Demetrius, accompanied by the same Didas, to Astraeum in Paeonia and Perseus to Amphipolis to receive the Thracian hostages.

> Latin: 24.3. ab Thessalonice Demetriadem ipsi cum iter esset, Astraeum Paeoniae Demetrium mittit cum eodem comite Dida, Perseum Amphipolim ad obsides Thracum accipiendos.

[¶19] 24.4. Instructions regarding the murder of his son are said to have been given by him to Didas as they separated.

> Latin: 24.4. digredienti ab se Didae mandata dedisse dicitur de filio occidendo.

[¶20] 24.5. Didas either held or pretended to hold a sacrifice, and being invited to its celebration Demetrius came from Astraeum to Heraclea, and it was during this dinner that it is said that the poison was administered.

> Latin: 24.5. sacrificium ab Dida seu institutum seu simulatum est, ad quod celebrandum invitatus Demetrius ab Astraeo Heracleam venit. in ea cena dicitur venenum datum.

[¶21] 24.6. Having drained the cup he immediately perceived it, and presently, when his sufferings began and he had retired to his bedroom from the dining-room, complaining of the cruelty of his father and inveighing against the murderous designs of his brother and the crime of Didas, he was being tortured by his agony.

> Latin: 24.6. poculo epoto extemplo sensit; et mox coortis doloribus, relicto convivio cum in cubiculum recepisset sese, crudelitatem patris conquerens, parricidium fratris ac Didae scelus incusans torquebatur.

[¶22] 24.7. Then a certain Thyrsis from Stuberra and Alexander from Beroea were admitted, and putting coverlets over his head and mouth they smothered him. Thus the innocent youth perished, his enemies being not even contented with a single kind of death for him.

> Latin: 24.7. intromissi deinde Thyrsis quidam Stuberaeus et Beroeaeus Alexander iniectis tapetibus in caput faucesque spiritum intercluserunt. ita innoxius adulescens, cum in eo ne simplici quidem genere mortis contenti inimici fuissent, interficitur.

[¶23] 25.1. While this was going on in Macedonia, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, whose imperium had been prolonged after his consulship, in the beginning of spring led the army against the Ligurian Ingauni.

> Latin: 25.1. dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, L. Aemilius, prorogato ex consulatu imperio, principio veris in Ligures Ingaunos duxit.

[¶24] 25.2. As soon as he had encamped in the enemy's country, ambassadors came to him to spy, although under the guise of seeking peace.

> Latin: 25.2. ubi primum in hostium finibus castra posuit, legati ad eum per speciem pacis petendae speculatum venerunt.

[¶25] 25.3. When Paulus said that he did not negotiate for peace except with people who had surrendered, they did not so much refuse to negotiate as say that they needed time to persuade a rude agricultural tribe.

> Latin: 25.3. neganti Paulo nisi cum deditis pacisci se pacem non tam id recusabant, quam tempore aiebant opus esse, ut generi agresti hominum persuaderetur.

[¶26] 25.4. When a truce for ten days was granted for this purpose, they then asked that the soldiers should not cross the mountains nearest the camp in quest of forage and wood: these, they said, were the cultivated parts of their territory.

> Latin: 25.4. ad hoc decem dierum indutiae cum darentur, petierunt deinde, ne trans montes proximos castris pabulatum lignatumque milites irent:

[¶27] 25.5. When they obtained this, they massed their whole army under cover of those very mountains from which they had kept the enemy, and suddenly with a vest host advanced to attack the Roman camp at all the gates at once.

> Latin: 25.5. culta ea loca suorum finium esse. id ubi impetravere, post eos ipsos montes, unde averterant hostem, exercitu omni coacto, repente multitudine ingenti castra Romanorum obpugnare simul omnibus portis adgressi sunt.

[¶28] 25.6. They continued the attack all day with the greatest violence, so that the Romans did not even have the opportunity to carry forth their standards nor any room to develop their line of battle.

> Latin: 25.6. summa vi totum diem obpugnarunt, ita ut ne efferendi quidem signa Romanis spatium nec ad explicandam aciem locus esset.

[¶29] 25.7. Having been packed in the gates, they defended the camp more by blocking the entrances than by fighting. When the enemy had retired at sunset, Paulus sent two troopers to Gnaeus Baebius the proconsul at Pisa, with dispatches to the effect that he had been besieged during a truce and that Baebius should come to his aid as soon as possible.

> Latin: 25.7. conferti in portis obstando magis quam pugnando castra tutabantur. sub occasum solis cum recessissent hostes, duos equites ad Cn. Baebium proconsulem cum litteris Pisas mittit, ut obsesso per indutias sibi quam primum veniret subsidio.

[¶30] 25.8. Baebius had turned his army over to Marcus Pinarius the praetor, who was going to Sardinia:

> Latin: 25.8. Baebius exercitum M. Pinario praetori eunti in Sardiniam tradiderat; ceterum et senatum litteris certiorem facit obsideri a Liguribus L. Aemilium, et M.

[¶31] 25.9. but he informed the senate by letter that Lucius Aemilius was besieged by the Ligurians, and he wrote to Marcus Claudius Marcellus, whose province was nearest to them, that if it seemed wise to him he should march his army from Gaul against the Ligurians and rescue Lucius Aemilius from siege.

> Latin: 25.9. Claudio Marcello, cuius proxima inde provincia erat, scripsit, ut, si videretur ei, exercitum e Gallia traduceret in Ligures et L. Aemilium liberaret obsidione. haec sera futura auxilia erant.

[¶32] 25.10. All these relief measures were destined to be late. The Ligurians returned the next day to the camp. Although Aemilius had known that they would come and could have drawn his forces out into battle-line, he held his men within the rampart, so as to drag things out until Baebius and his army could arrive from Pisa.

> Latin: 25.10. Ligures ad castra postero die redeunt. Aemilius cum et venturos scisset et educere in aciem potuisset, intra vallum suos tenuit, ut extraheret rem in id tempus, quo Baebius cum exercitu venire a Pissis posset.

[¶33] 26.1. At Rome the letter of Baebius caused great consternation, the greater because a few days later, when Marcellus reached Rome after turning his army over to Fabius, he took away the hope that the army which was in Gaul could be marched against the Ligurians, because the war was on with the Histrians, who were interfering with the establishment of the colony at Aquileia:

> Latin: 26.1. Romae magnam trepidationem litterae Baebi fecerunt, eo maiorem, quod paucos post dies Marcellus, tradito exercitu Fabio Romam cum venisset, spem ademit eum, quia in Gallia esset, exercitum in Ligures posse traduci, quia bellum cum Histris esset prohibentibus coloniam Aquileiam deduci:

[¶34] 26.3. Fabius, he said, had already set out for Histria and could not return now that the war had begun.

> Latin: 26.3. eo profectum Fabium, neque inde regredi bello inchoato posse.

[¶35] 26.4. There was only one hope of assistance, and that requiring more time than the critical situation permitted —the possibility that the consuls should make haste to go to their province. Each of the Fathers on his own account cried out that they should do so.

> Latin: 26.4. una, et ea ipsa tardior, quam tempus postulabat, subsidii spes erat, si consules maturassent in provinciam ire. id ut facerent, pro se quisque patrum vociferari.

[¶36] 26.5. The consuls refused to go unless the levy were complete, saying that it was due not to their sloth but to the violence of the epidemic that the levy was slow in being finished.

> Latin: 26.5. consules nisi confecto dilectu negare se ituros, nec suam segnitiam, sed vim morbi in causa esse, quo serius perficeretur.

[¶37] 26.6. Nevertheless they could not resist the general sentiment of the senate, and therefore set out in uniform and proclaimed to the soldiers whom they now had levied the day on which they were to muster at Pisa. Authority was granted them to enlist at once and take with them emergency troops wherever they went.

> Latin: 26.6. non tamen potuerunt sustinere consensum senatus, quin paludati exirent et militibus, quos conscriptos haberent, diem edicerent, quo Pisas convenirent. permissum, ut, qua irent, protinus subitarios milites scriberent ducerentque secum.

[¶38] 26.7. Orders were also issued to the praetors Quintus Petilius and Quintus Fabius that Petilius should enroll two emergency legions of Roman citizens and should administer the oath to all under the age of fifty years, and to Fabius to call upon the allies of the Latin confederacy for fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 26.7. et praetoribus Q. Petilio et Q. Fabio imperatum est, ut Petilius duas legiones civium Romanorum tumultuarias scriberet et omnes minores quinquaginta annis sacramento rogaret, Fabio, ut sociis Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum, octingentos equites imperaret.

[¶39] 26.8. They elected as duumviri navales Gaius Matienus and Gaius Lucretius and ships were equipped for them, and Matienus, whose district was along the Gallic gulf, was directed to conduct his fleet at the earliest possible moment to the coast of the Ligurians, to see if he could assist Lucius Aemilius and his army in any way.

> Latin: 26.8. duumviri navales creati C. Matienus et C. Lucretius, navesque iis ornatae sunt, Matienoque, cuius ad Gallicum sinum provincia erat, imperatum est, ut classem primo quoque tempore duceret in Ligurum oram, si quo usui esse L. Aemilio atque exercitui eius posset.

[¶40] 27.1. Aemilius, when no sign of relief was in sight anywhere, assuming that his troopers had been captured, decided that he should not wait longer before making trial of fortune for himself, and before the arrival of the enemy, who were conducting the siege rather slowly and half-heartedly, he formed his army at the four gates, so that when the signal was given they might sally forth in all directions at once.

> Latin: 27.1. Aemilius, postquam nihil usquam auxilii ostendebatur, interceptos credens equites, non ultra differendum ratus, quin per se fortunam temptaret, priusquam hostes venirent, qui segnius socordiusque obpugnabant, ad quattuor portas exercitum instruxit, ut signo dato simul ex omnibus partibus eruptionem facerent.

[¶41] 27.3. To the four attached cohorts he added two under the command of Marcus Valerius the lieutenant, and ordered them to attack from the porta praetoria.

> Latin: 27.3. quattuor extraordinariis cohortibus duas adiunxit praeposito M. Valerio legato, erumpere praetoria porta iussit.

[¶42] 27.4. At the dextra principalis he placed the hastati of the first legion; the principes of the same legion he posted in reserve. Marcus Servilius and Lucius Sulpicius, tribunes of the soldiers, were in command.

> Latin: 27.4. ad dexteram principalem hastatos legionis primae instruxit; principes ex eadem legione in subsidiis posuit; M. Servilius et L. Sulpicius tribuni militum his praepositi.

[¶43] 27.5. The third legion was similarly disposed at the sinistra principalis.

> Latin: 27.5. tertia legio adversus sinistram principalem portam instructa est;

[¶44] 27.6. This one change was made: the principes were placed in the front line and the hastati in reserve; Sextus Julius Caesar and Lucius Aurelius Cotta, tribunes of the soldiers, commanded this legion.

> Latin: 27.6. id tantum mutatum: principes primi et hastati in subsidiis locati; Sex. Julius Caesar et L. Aurelius Cotta tribuni militum huic legioni praepositi sunt.

[¶45] 27.7. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus his lieutenant was posted with the right squadron at the porta quaestoria; two cohorts and the triarii of the two legions were ordered to guard the camp.

> Latin: 27.7. Q. Fulvius Flaccus legatus cum dextera ala ad quaestoriam portam positus; duae cohortes et triarii duarum legionum in praesidio castrorum manere iussi.

[¶46] 27.8. The commander in person made the round of the gates to harangue the troops, and with whatever taunts he could find he worked the soldiers up to fighting pitch, now blaming the deceit of the enemy who, after seeking peace and being granted a truce, had come to besiege the camp while the truce was actually in effect, contrary to the law of nations, now showing how shameful it was for a Roman army to be besieged by Ligurians, brigands rather than regular soldiers.

> Latin: 27.8. omnes portas contionabundus ipse imperator circumiit, et quibuscumque irritamentis poterat, iras militum acuebat, nunc fraudem hostium incusans, qui pace petita, indutiis datis, per ipsum indutiarum tempus contra ius gentium ad castra obpugnanda venissent,

[¶47] 27.10. “With what face will any of you,” he went on, “if you escape from here under the ” “protection of anyone else and not by your own valour, meet, I shall not say those soldiers who conquered Hannibal, Philip, Antiochus, the greatest kings and commanders of our time, but those by whom these same Ligurians have so often, as they fled like sheep through pathless glades, been pursued and slaughtered?” “A thing that Spaniards, Gauls, Macedonians or Carthaginians did not dare to do a Ligurian enemy now does —advances against a Roman rampart, of their own accord besets and besieges it:”

> Latin: 27.10. nunc, quantus pudor esset, edocens, ab Liguribus, latronibus verius quam hostibus iustis, Romanum exercitum obsideri. “quo ore quisquam vestrum, si hinc alieno praesidio, non vestra virtute evaseritis, occurret, non dico eis militibus, qui Hannibalem, qui Philippum, qui Antiochum, maximos aetatis nostrae reges ducesque, vicerunt, sed iis, qui hos ipsos Ligures aliquotiens pecorum modo fugientes per saltus invios consectati ceciderunt?

[¶48] 27.13. “an enemy whom, before this, we could scarcely discover, as they lurked and skulked, while we searched hidden defiles.”

> Latin: 27.13. quod Hispani, quod Galli, quod Macedones Poenive non audeant, Ligustinus hostis vallum Romanum subit, obsidet ultro et obpugnat, quem scrutantes ante devios saltus abditum et latentem vix inveniebamus.

[¶49] 27.14. The answer to this was a general shout from the troops, that the soldiers were not to blame since no one had given them the order to sally forth: let him give the signal and he would soon learn that both Romans and Ligurians were the same as they had been before.

> Latin: 27.14. ” ad haec consentiens reddebatur [militum] clamor, nullam militum culpam esse, quibus nemo ad erumpendum signum dedisset: daret signum; intellecturum eosdem, qui antea fuerint, et Romanos et Ligures esse.

[¶50] 28.1. The Ligurians had two camps on this side of the mountains. Formerly, all alike used to come forth from them at sunrise, formed and arrayed for battle;

> Latin: 28.1. bina cis montes castra Ligurum erant. ex iis primis diebus sole orto pariter omnes compositi et instructi procedebant;

[¶51] 28.2. but later on they did not take up arms until they had their fill of food and wine, and then they went out scattered and disorganized, like men who were practically certain that the enemy would not bring out their standards before the rampart.

> Latin: 28.2. tum nisi exsatiati cibo vinoque arma non capiebant; dispersi, inordinati exibant, ut quibus prope certum esset hostes extra vallum non elaturos signa.

[¶52] 28.3. Against an enemy advancing in such disorder, a shout being raised at one time by all who were in the camp, attendants and sutlers alike, the Roman soldiers burst from all the gates at once.

> Latin: 28.3. adversus ita incompositos eos venientes clamore pariter omnium, qui in castris erant, calonum quoque et lixarum, sublato simul omnibus portis Romani eruperunt.

[¶53] 28.4. The attack was so complete a surprise to the Ligurians that they were as frightened as if they had fallen into an ambush.

> Latin: 28.4. Liguribus adeo inprovisa res fuit, ut perinde, ac si insidiis circumventi forent, trepidarent. exiguum temporis aliqua forma pugnae fuit; fuga deinde effusa et fugientium passim caedes erat.

[¶54] 28.5. For a brief period there was something resembling a battle: then there was headlong flight and the slaughter of fugitives all around, the signal having been given to the cavalry that they should mount, their horses and permit no one to escape. All were driven in terrified rout into the camps and then stripped of their camps as well.

> Latin: 28.5. equitibus dato signo, ut conscenderent equos nec effugere quemquam sinerent, in castra omnes trepida fuga compulsi sunt, deinde ipsis exuti castris.

[¶55] 28.6. More than fifteen thousand of the Ligurians were killed that day and two thousand three hundred captured. Three days later the whole people of the Ligurian Ingauni gave hostages and surrendered. The pilots and sailors who had been on their pirate ships were sought out and all put in confinement.

> Latin: 28.6. supra quindecim milia Ligurum eo die occisa, capti duo milia et quingenti. triduo post Ligurum Ingaunorum nomen omne obsidibus datis in dicionem venit.

[¶56] 28.7. And Gaius Matienus the duumvir captured thirty-two ships of this kind on the Ligurian coast. To take this news and carry dispatches to the senate, Lucius Aurelius Cotta and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus were sent to Rome, with instructions also to ask that Lucius Aemilius, having accomplished the task assigned him as his province, should be permitted to leave it and to bring his soldiers back with him and discharge them.

> Latin: 28.7. gubernatores nautaeque conquisiti, qui in praedatoriis fuissent navibus, atque omnes in custodiam coniecti. et a C. Matieno duumviro naves eius generis in Ligustina ora triginta duae captae sunt. haec qui nuntiarent litterasque ad senatum ferrent, L. Aurelius Cotta C. Sulpicius Gallus Romam missi, simulque peterent, ut L. Aemilio confecta provincia decedere et deducere secum milites liceret atque dimittere.

[¶57] 28.9. Both requests were granted by the senate, and a three-day period of thanksgiving was decreed at all the banquet-tables of the gods, and the praetor Petilius was instructed to discharge the reserve legions, the praetor Fabius to discontinue the levy among the allies of the Latin confederacy; and it was ordered that the praetor urbanus should write to the consuls that the senate deemed it proper that they should discharge the temporary troops, which had been drafted because of the emergency, at the earliest possible moment.

> Latin: 28.9. utrumque permissum ab senatu, et supplicatio ad omnia pulvinaria per triduum decreta, iussique praetores Petilius urbanas dimittere legiones, Fabius sociis atque nomini Latino remittere dilectum, et uti praetor urbanus consulibus scriberet senatum aequum censere subitarios milites tumultus causa conscriptos primo quoque tempore dimitti.

[¶58] 29.1. A colony at Gravisca was founded this year in Etruscan territory, which had once been taken from the people of Tarquinii.

> Latin: 29.1. colonia Graviscae eo anno deducta est in agrum Etruscum, de Tarquiniensibus quondam captum.

[¶59] 29.2. Five iugera of land were given each colonist; the board of three who founded it consisted of Gaius Calpurnius Piso, Publius Claudius Pulcher, Gaius Terentius Istra. Drought and crop failures made the year remarkable. For six months, as the story goes, it did not rain at all.

> Latin: 29.2. quina iugera agri data; tresviri deduxerunt C. Calpurnius Piso P. Claudius Pulcher C. Terentius Istra. siccitate et inopia frugum insignis annus fuit; sex menses numquam pluvisse memoriae proditum.

[¶60] 29.3. The same year, on the land of Lucius Petilius, a public clerk, at the foot of the Janiculan, while husbandmen were digging up the ground to a greater depth than usual, two stone chests were found, each about eight feet long and four broad, with the lids fastened with lead.

> Latin: 29.3. eodem anno in agro L. Petili scribae sub Ianiculo, dum cultores [agri] altius moliuntur terram, duae lapideae arcae, octonos ferme pedes longae, quaternos latae. inventae sunt, operculis plumbo devinctis.

[¶61] 29.4. Each chest had an inscription, in Latin and Greek letters: one to the effect that Numa Pompilius, the son of Pompo, king of the Romans, was buried there, the other, that the books of Numa Pompilius were inside.

> Latin: 29.4. litteris Latinis Graecisque utraque arca scripta erat, in altera Numam Pompilium Pomponis filium regem Romanorum rum sepultum esse, in altera libros Numae Pompili inesse.

[¶62] 29.5. When, on the advice of his friends, the owner had opened the chests, the one which carried the inscription about the buried king was found empty, with no trace of a human body or anything else, everything having been destroyed by the wasting action of so many years.

> Latin: 29.5. eas arcas cum ex amicorum sententia dominus aperuisset, quae titulum sepulti regis habuerat, inanis inventa, sine vestigio ullo corporis humani aut ullius rei, per tabem tot annorum omnibus absumptis.

[¶63] 29.6. In the other were two bundles, tied with waxed rope, containing seven books each, not merely whole, but looking absolutely fresh. The seven Latin books dealt with pontifical law, the seven Greek with a system of philosophy which might have been current at that time.

> Latin: 29.6. in altera duo fasces candelis involuti septenos habuere libros, non integros modo, sed recentissima specie.

[¶64] 29.7. Valerius Antias adds that they were Pythagorean, confirmation of the common belief, which says that Numa was a pupil of Pythagoras, being arranged by a plausible invention.

> Latin: 29.7. septem Latini de iure pontificio erant, septem Graeci de disciplina sapientiae, quae illius aetatis esse potuit. adicit Antias Valerius Pythagoricos fuisse, vulgatae opinioni, qua creditur Pythagorae auditorem fuisse Numam, mendacio probabili adcommodata fide.

[¶65] 29.9. The books were at first read by the friends who were present; soon, after others had read them and they were becoming generally known, Quintus Petilius, the praetor urbanus, desiring to read the books, borrowed them from Lucius Petilius; and there was an acquaintance between them because Quintus Petilius when quaestor had chosen the other as a clerk on his staff.

> Latin: 29.9. primo ab amicis, qui in re praesenti fuerunt, libri lecti; mox pluribus legentibus cum vulgarentur, Q. Petilius praetor urbanus studiosus legendi eos libros a L. Petilio sumpsit;

[¶66] 29.10. When, on reading the important contents, he had observed that much of it was subversive of religion, he told Lucius Petilius that he intended to throw those books into the fire;

> Latin: 29.10. et erat familiaris usus, quod scribam eum quaestor Q. Petilius in decuriam legerat.

[¶67] 29.11. before he did this he gave the scribe permission to try to see if he thought that he had any legal right or possibility of assistance, if he preferred, to recover those books: he himself would take no offence at such action. The scribe went to the tribunes of the people and by them the case was referred to the senate.

> Latin: 29.11. lectis rerum summis cum animadvertisset pleraque dissolvendarum religionum esse, L. Petilio dixit sese libros eos in ignem coniecturum esse; priusquam id faceret, se ei permittere, uti, si quod seu ius seu auxilium se habere ad eos libros repentendos existimaret, experiretur;

[¶68] 29.12. The praetor said that he was prepared to give his oath that the books ought not to be read or preserved. The senate voted that it seemed sufficient that the praetor promised the oath; that the books should be burned as soon as possible in the comitium; that compensation for the books, whatever seemed proper to Quintus Petilius the praetor and the majority of the tribunes of the people, should be paid to their owner. This the scribe did not accept.

> Latin: 29.12. id integra sua gratia eum facturum. scriba tribunos plebis adit; ab tribunis ad senatum res est reiecta. praetor se ius iurandum dare paratum esse aiebat libros eos legi servarique non oportere. senatus censuit satis habendum, quod praetor ius iurandum polliceretur; libros primo quoque tempore in comitio cremandos esse; pretium pro libris quantum Q. Petilio praetori maiorique parti tribunorum plebis videretur domino solvendum esse.

[¶69] 29.14. The books were burned in the comitium in sight of the people, the fire having been supplied by the victimarii.

> Latin: 29.14. id scriba non accepit. libri in comitio igne a victimariis facto in conspectu populi cremati sunt.

[¶70] 30.1. A great war broke out that summer in Nearer Spain. The Celtiberians had mobilized about thirty-five thousand men, a greater number, almost, than ever before. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was governor of this province.

> Latin: 30.1. magnum bellum ea aestate coortum in Hispania citeriore. ad quinque et triginta milia hominum, quantum numquam ferme antea, Celtiberi comparaverant. Q. Fulvius Flaccus eam obtinebat provinciam.

[¶71] 30.2. Because he had heard that the Celtiberians were arming their young men, he too had brought in from the allies as many auxiliaries as possible, but by no means equalled the enemy in number of men.

> Latin: 30.2. is, quia armare iuventutem Celtiberos audierat, et ipse quanta poterat a sociis auxilia contraxerat, sed nequaquam numero militum hostem aequabat.

[¶72] 30.3. In the beginning of spring he led the army into Carpetania and fixed his camp near the town of Aebura, leaving a small garrison in the town.

> Latin: 30.3. principio veris exercitum in Carpetaniam duxit et castra locavit ad oppidum Aeburam, modico praesidio in urbe posito.

[¶73] 30.4. A few days later the Celtiberians encamped about two miles away, at the foot of a hill. When the Roman praetor became aware of their arrival, he sent his brother Marcus Fulvius with two troops of allied cavalry to reconnoitre toward the camp of the enemy, with orders to approach as closely as possible to the rampart so as to ascertain how large the camp was; he was to avoid a battle and to withdraw if he saw the hostile cavalry coming out.

> Latin: 30.4. paucis post diebus Celtiberi milia duo fere inde sub colle posuerunt castra. quos ubi adesse praetor Romanus sensit, M. Fulvium fratrem cum duabus turmis sociorum equitum ad castra hostium speculatum misit, quam proxime succedere ad vallum iussum, ut viseret, quanta essent;

[¶74] 30.5. He acted just as he was ordered. For several days there was no movement beyond the fact that these two troops showed themselves and were then withdrawn when the enemy's cavalry had rushed out of the camp.

> Latin: 30.5. pugna abstineret, reciperetque sese, si hostium equitatum exeuntem vidisset. ita, ut praeceptum erat, fecit. per dies aliquot nihil ultra motum, quam ut hae duae turmae ostenderentur, deinde subducerentur, ubi equitatus hostium castris procucurrisset.

[¶75] 30.6. Finally the Celtiberians, leaving the camp with their entire force of infantry and cavalry, took their position in a straight line about half-way across the plain which was between the two camps. The plain was entirely flat and suitable for fighting.

> Latin: 30.6. postremo Celtiberi, simul omnibus copiis peditum equitumque castris egressi, acie derecta medio fere spatio inter bina castra constiterunt.

[¶76] 30.7. There the Spaniards stood waiting for the enemy. The Roman kept his men within the rampart. For four days in succession they on their side held their line in formation on the same ground; the Romans, on their side, made no move.

> Latin: 30.7. campus erat planus omnis et aptus pugnae. ibi stetere Hispani hostes expectantes; Romanus suos intra vallum continuit. per quadriduum continuum et illi eodem loco aciem instructam tenuerunt, et ab Romanis nihil motum.

[¶77] 30.8. Then the Celtiberians rested in camp, because they had no opportunity to fight: only the cavalry rode out to the out-guards, so as to be ready if any move should be made by the enemy.

> Latin: 30.8. inde quievere in castris Celtiberi, quia pugnae copia non fiebat; equites tantum in stationem egrediebantur, ut parati essent, si quid ab hoste moveretur.

[¶78] 30.9. Both armies went to the rear of their camps for forage and wood, neither interfering with the other.

> Latin: 30.9. pone castra utrique pabulatum et lignatum ibant neutri alteros inpedientes.

[¶79] 31.1. The Roman praetor, when he was well assured that the inaction of so many days had created in the enemy the expectation that the Romans would not take the initiative, ordered Lucius Acilius with the left squadron and six thousand auxiliaries from the province to march around the hill which was in the rear of the enemy;

> Latin: 31.1. praetor Romanus ubi satis tot dierum quiete credidit spem factam hosti nihil se priorem moturum, L, Acilium cum ala sinistra et sex milibus provincialium auxiliorum circumire montem iubet, qui ab tergo hostibus erat; inde, ubi clamorem audisset, decurrere ad castra eorum.

[¶80] 31.2. thence, when he should have heard the shout, he was to rush down on the camp. They set out at night that they might not be seen. At daybreak Flaccus sent Gaius Scribonius, a commander of allies, with the attached cavalry of the left squadron, up to the rampart of the enemy;

> Latin: 31.2. nocte profecti sunt, ne possent conspici. Flaccus luce prima C. Scribonium praefectum socium ad vallum hostium cum equitibus extraordinariis sinistrae alae mittit.

[¶81] 31.4. when the Celtiberians saw both that they came nearer and that they were more numerous than usual, all their cavalry poured out of the camp, and at the same time the signal was given to the infantry also to march out.

> Latin: 31.4. quos ubi et propius accedere et plures quam soliti erant Celtiberi conspexerunt, omnis equitatus effunditur castris, simul et peditibus signum ad exeundum datur.

[¶82] 31.5. Scribonius, as he had been ordered, as soon as he heard the first din 6f the cavalry, turned his horses and retired to the camp.

> Latin: 31.5. Scribonius, uti praeceptum erat, ubi primum fremitum equestrem audivit, avertit equos et castra repetit.

[¶83] 31.6. The more headlong was the pursuit of the enemy. At first the cavalry and soon after the line of the infantry was at hand, possessed by the assured hope that they would capture the camp that day.

> Latin: 31.6. eo effusius sequi hostes. primo equites, mox et peditum acies aderat, haud dubia spe castra eo die se expugnaturos.

[¶84] 31.7. They were not more than five hundred paces from the rampart. And so Flaccus, when he saw that they had been drawn far enough away from the protection of their camp, having formed his army inside the rampart, sallied out in three columns at once, raising a shout not only to increase their own ardour for fighting, but also that the detachment which was in the mountains might hear it.

> Latin: 31.7. quingentos passus non plus a vallo aberant. itaque Flaccus ubi satis abstractos eos a praesidio castrorum suorum ratus est, intra vallum exercitu instructo tribus partibus simul erumpit, clamore non tantum ad ardorem excitandum pugnae sublato sed etiam, ut qui in montibus erant exaudirent.

[¶85] 31.8. Nor did they delay to rush down upon the camp as they had been ordered; not more than five thousand men had been left there as a guard.

> Latin: 31.8. nec morati sunt, quin decurrerent, sicut imperatum erat, ad castra, ubi quinque milium armatorum non amplius relictum erat praesidium.

[¶86] 31.9. Since their own small number and the great number of the enemy and the unexpectedness of the attack had thrown them into a panic, the camp was taken almost without a struggle. When it was captured, Acilius ordered fire to be set to it in the place which could be best seen by the fighters.

> Latin: 31.9. quos cum et paucitas sua et multitudo hostium et inprovisa res terruisset, prope sine certamine capiuntur castra. captis, quae pars maxime pugnantibus conspici poterat, iniecit Acilius ignem.

[¶87] 32.1. The rear ranks of the Celtiberians who were in the line of battle were the first to see the flames, and then the word spread through the whole line that the camp was lost and was at that very moment in flames.

> Latin: 32.1. postremi Celtiberorum, qui in acie erant, primi flammam conspexere; deinde per totam aciem vulgatum est castra amissa esse et tum cum maxime ardere.

[¶88] 32.2. What inspired terror in them increased the courage of the Romans. Now the shouts of their victorious comrades were falling upon their ears, now the blazing camp of the enemy was in sight.

> Latin: 32.2. unde illis terror, inde Romanis animus crevit. iam clamor suorum vincentium accidebat, iam ardentia hostium castra adparebant.

[¶89] 32.3. The Celtiberians for a while wavered in uncertainty of mind: but since there was no retreat if they were defeated nor any hope anywhere except in battle, they renewed the contest with greater stubbornness.

> Latin: 32.3. Celtiberi parumper incertis animis fluctuati sunt; ceterum, postquam receptus pulsis nullus crat nec usquam nisi in certamine spes, pertinacius de integro capessunt pugnam.

[¶90] 32.4. In the centre of the line they were hard pressed by the fifth legion; against the left flank, on which they saw that the Romans had posted the provincial auxiliaries of their own race, they advanced with greater confidence.

> Latin: 32.4. acie media urgebantur acriter a quinta legione; adversus laevum cornu, in quo sui generis provincialia auxilia instruxisse Romanos cernebant, cum maiore fiducia intulerunt signa.

[¶91] 32.5. And now the Roman left was almost being driven back, and would have been had not the seventh legion come to its assistance. At the same time those who had been left on guard in the town of Aebura came up in the very heat of the fight, and Acilius from the rear was drawing near.

> Latin: 32.5. iam prope erat, ut sinistrum cornu pelleretur Romanis, ni septima legio successisset. simul ab oppido Aebura qui in praesidio relicti erant in medio ardore pugnae advenerunt, et Acilius ab tergo erat.

[¶92] 32.6. For a long time the Celtiberians were cut down between them; those who survived sought flight in every direction. The cavalry, sent out in two columns to pursue them, caused great slaughter. About twenty-three thousand of the enemy were killed that day, four thousand seven hundred captured, with more than five hundred horses and eighty-eight military standards.

> Latin: 32.6. diu in medio caesi Celtiberi; qui supererant in omnes passim partes capessunt fugam. equites bipartito in eos emissi magnam caedem edidere. ad viginti tria milia hostium eo die occisa, capta quattuor milia septingenti cum equis plus quingentis et signa militaria octoginta octo.

[¶93] 32.7. The victory was great but yet not bloodless: of Roman soldiers of the two legions, a little more than two hundred, of the allies of the Latin confederacy, eight hundred and thirty, of the auxiliaries from the province, about twenty-four hundred fell.

> Latin: 32.7. magna victoria, non tamen incruenta fuit; Romani milites de duabus legionibus paulo plus ducenti, socium Latini nominis octingenti triginta, externorum auxiliarium ferme duo milia et quadringenti ceciderunt.

[¶94] 32.8. The praetor led the victorious army back into camp, ordering Acilius to remain in the camp of the enemy. On the following day the spoils of the enemy were collected and before an assembly those whose valour had been conspicuous were rewarded.

> Latin: 32.8. praetor in castra victorem exercitum reduxit, Acilius manere in captis ab se castris iussus. postero die spolia de hostibus lecta et pro contione donati, quorum insignis virtus fuerat.

[¶95] 33.1. Having transported the wounded to the town of Aebura, he led the legions through Carpetania toward Contrebia.

> Latin: 33.1. sauciis deinde in oppidum Aeburam devectis per Carpetaniam ad Contrebiam ductae legiones.

[¶96] 33.2. When this town, on being besieged, had asked aid from the Celtiberians and they were slow in coming, not because they dawdled, but because after they had left home they were held up by roads made impassable by continuous rains and by swollen rivers, despairing of assistance from its friends, it surrendered.

> Latin: 33.2. ea urbs circumsessa cum a Celtiberis auxilia arcessisset, morantibus iis, non quia ipsi cunctati sunt, sed quia profectos domo inexplicabiles continuis imbribus viae et inflati amnes tenebant, desperato auxilio suorum in deditionem venit.

[¶97] 33.3. Flaccus, too, having been driven to do so by dire storms, led his whole army into the city.

> Latin: 33.3. Flaccus quoque tempestatibus foedis coactus exercitum omnem in urbem introduxit.

[¶98] 33.4. The Celtiberians, who had set out from home in ignorance of the surrender, when they had at last arrived at Contrebia after crossing the rivers as soon as the rains ceased, seeing no camp outside the walls and concluding that the enemy had either gone around to the other side or retired, carelessly approached the town in scattered bodies.

> Latin: 33.4. Celtiberi, qui profecti erant a domo deditionis ignari, cum tandem superatis, ubi primum remiserunt imbres, amnibus Contrebiam venissent, postquam nulla castra extra moenia viderunt, aut in alteram partem translata rati aut recessisse hostes, per neglegentiam effusi ad oppidum accesserunt.

[¶99] 33.5. The Romans made a sally against them from two gates and attacking them while they were in disorder put them to flight.

> Latin: 33.5. in eos duabus portis Romani eruptionem fecerunt et incompositos adorti fuderunt.

[¶100] 33.6. The circumstance which hampered their resisting and standing up to the fight, namely, that they were not advancing in one column or with large numbers grouped in formation around the standards, was itself the cause of safety for the majority in the flight:

> Latin: 33.6. quae res ad resistendum eos et ad capessendam pugnam inpediit, quod non uno agmine nec ad signa frequentes veniebant, eadem magnae parti ad fugam saluti fuit:

[¶101] 33.7. for scattered as they were anyhow over the whole plain, they broke up into groups and fled, and nowhere did the enemy surround a compact mass. Nevertheless about twelve thousand were killed, more than five thousand men captured, with four hundred horses and sixty-two military standards.

> Latin: 33.7. sparsi enim toto passim campo se diffuderunt, nec usquam confertos eos hostis circumvenit. tamen ad duodecim milia sunt caesa, capta plus quinque milia hominum, equi quadringenti, signa militaria sexaginta duo.

[¶102] 33.8. Those who came straggling home after their rout, by describing the surrender of Contrebia and their own disaster, prevented the departure of another force of Celtiberians who were coming.

> Latin: 33.8. qui palati e fuga domum se recipiebant alterum agmen Celtiberorum venientium deditionem Contrebiae et suam cladem narrando averterunt. extemplo in vicos castellaque sua omnes dilapsi.

[¶103] 33.9. All immediately dispersed to their villages and strongholds. Flaccus, setting out from Contrebia on a raid, led the legions through Celtiberia, capturing many forts, until the greatest part of the Celtiberians had surrendered.

> Latin: 33.9. Flaccus a Contrebia profectus per Celtiberiam populabundus ducit legiones multa castella obpugnando, donec maxima pars Celtiberorum in deditionem venit.

[¶104] 34.1. These were the events of this year in Nearer Spain. In the farther province the praetor Manlius won several victories over the Lusitanians. The Latin colony of Aquileia was founded the same year in the territory of the Gauls. Three thousand infantry received fifty iugera each, centurions one hundred, cavalry one hundred and forty. The commissioners who founded the colony were Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Gaius Flaminius, Lucius Manlius Acidinus. Two temples were dedicated that year, the first to Venus Erycina, near the Porta Collina; Lucius Porcius Licinus, the son of Lucius, as duumvir dedicated it, and it had been vowed by Lucius Porcius the consul in the Ligurian war; the second to Pietas in the Forum Olitorium. This temple was dedicated by Manius Acilius Glabrio as duumvir; a gilded statue, which was the first of all gilded statues in Italy, he set up there to his father Glabrio. It was the latter who had vowed this temple on the day he had fought decisively with King Antiochus at Thermopylae, and he had also let the contract under the authority of the senate. About the same time that these temples were dedicated, Lucius Aemilius Paulus the proconsul triumphed over the Ligurian Ingauni. He carried in his triumph twenty-five golden crowns, but no other gold or silver was displayed. Many chiefs of the Ligurians as prisoners walked before his car. His donatives to his troops amounted to three hundred asses each. The glamour of the triumph was increased by the arrival of envoys from the Ligurians who asked for perpetual peace; the Ligurian people, they said, had made up their minds never to take up arms except at the command of the Roman people.

> Latin: 34.1. haec in citeriore Hispania eo anno gesta. in ulteriore Manlius praetor secunda aliquot proelia cum Lusitanis fecit. Aquileia colonia Latina eodem anno in agrum Gallorum est deducta. tria milia peditum quinquagena iugera, centuriones centena, centena quadragena equites acceperunt. tresviri deduxerunt P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica C. Flaminius L. Manlius Acidinus. aedes duae eo anno dedicatae sunt, una Veneris Erucinae ad portam Collinam—dedicavit L. Porcius L. f. Licinus duumvir, vota erat a consule L. Porcio Ligustino bello—, altera in foro olitorio Pietatis. eam aedem dedicavit M'. Acilius Glabrio duumvir, statuamque auratam, quae prima omnium in Italia est statua aurata, patris Glabrionis posuit. is erat, qui ipse eam aedem voverat, quo die cum rege Antiocho ad Thermopylas depugnasset, locaveratque idem ex senatus consulto. per eosdem dies, quibus aedes hae dedicatae sunt, L. Aemilius Paulus proconsul ex Liguribus Ingaunis triumphavit. transtulit coronas aureas quinque et viginti, nec praeterea quicquam auri argentique in eo triumpho latum. captivi multi principes Ligurum ante currum ducti. aeris trecenos militibus divisit. auxerunt eius triumphi famam legati Ligurum pacem perpetuam orantes: ita in animum induxisse Ligurum gentem nulla umquam arma nisi imperata a populo Romano sumere. responsum a Q. Fabio praetore est Liguribus iussu senatus orationem eam non novam Liguribus esse; mens vero ut nova et orationi conveniens esset, ipsorum id plurimum referre: ad consules irent et, quae ab iis imperata essent, facerent; nulli alii quam consulibus senatum crediturum esse sincera fide in pace Ligures esse. pax in Liguribus fuit. in Corsica pugnatum cum Corsis; ad duo milia eorum M. Pinarius praetor in acie occidit. qua clade compulsi obsides dederunt et cerae centum milia pondo. inde in Sardiniam exercitus ductus et cum Iliensibus, gente ne nunc quidem omni parte pacata, secunda proelia facta. Carthaginiensibus eodem anno centum obsides redditi, pacemque [cum] iis populus Romanus non ab se tantum, sed ab rege etiam Masinissa praestitit, qui cum praesidio armato agrum, qui in controversia erat, obtinebat. otiosam provinciam consules habuerunt. M. Baebius comitiorum causa Romam revocatus consules creavit A. Postumium Albinum Luscum et C. Calpurnium Pisonem. praetores exinde facti Ti. Sempronius Gracchus L. Postumius Albinus P. Cornelius Mammula Ti. Minucius Molliculus A. Hostilius Mancinus C. Maenius. ii omnes magistratum idibus Martiis inierunt. principio eius anni, quo A. Postumius Albinus et C. Calpurnius Piso consules fuerunt, ab A. Postumio consule in senatum introducti qui ex Hispania citeriore venerant a Q. Fulvio Flacco, L. Minucius legatus et duo tribuni militum, T. Maenius et L. Terentius Massiliota.

## 44. Book XL · chapters 35–45

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/44/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/44/#p-N

[¶0] 35.4. Quintus Fabius the praetor, by order of the senate, answered the Ligurians to the effect that this declaration on the part of the Ligurians was nothing new; but it was of the greatest importance to themselves that they should acquire a new disposition, consistent with their words. They should go to the consuls and do whatever was ordered by them. The senate, he said, would believe a statement from no one except the consuls that the Ligurians were at peace in genuine good faith. There was peace among the Ligurians. In Corsica there was a battle with the Corsicans: the praetor Marcus Pinarius killed about two thousand of them in pitched battle.

> Latin: 35.4. hi cum duo secunda proelia, deditionem Celtiberiae, confectam provinciam nuntiassent nec stipendio, quod mitti soleret, nec frumento portato ad exercitum in eum annum opus esse, petierunt ab senatu primum, ob res prospere gestas ut diis inmortalibus honos haberetur,

[¶1] 35.6. Under the compulsion of this disaster, they gave hostages and a hundred thousand pounds of wax. Thence Pinarius crossed to Sardinia and fought successfully with the Ilienses, a tribe not even to-day entirely pacified. One hundred hostages the same year were returned to the Carthaginians, and the Roman people kept the peace for them with regard to not only to themselves but also to King Masinissa, who was holding with an armed guard the land which was in dispute. XXXV. The consuls had a quiet province.

> Latin: 35.6. deinde ut Q. Fulvio decedenti de provincia deportare inde exercitum, cuius forti opera et ipse et multi ante eum praetores usi essent, liceret; quod fieri, praeterquam quod ita deberet, etiam prope necessarium esse:

[¶2] 35.7. Marcus Baebius, who had been recalled to Rome to hold the elections, announced the choice as consuls of Aulus Postumius Albinus Luscus and Gaius Calpurnius Piso. Next the praetors were elected, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Cornelius Mammula, Tiberius Minucius Molliculus, Aulus Hostilius Mancinus, Gaius Maenius. All these magistrates were inaugurated on the Ides of March.

> Latin: 35.7. ita enim obstinatos esse milites, ut non ultra retineri posse in provincia viderentur, iniussuque abituri inde essent, si non dimitterentur, aut in perniciosam, si quis inpense retineret, seditionem exarsuri.

[¶3] 35.8. In the beginning of this year, the consular year of Aulus Postumius Albinus and Gaius Calpurnius Piso, the consul Aulus Postumius presented to the senate Lucius Minucius, a lieutenant, and two tribunes of the soldiers, Titus Maenius and Lucius Terentius Massiliota, who had come from Quintus Fulvius Flaccus in Nearer Spain. When they had reported the two victories, the submission of Celtiberia, and the accomplishment of the task assigned as his province, and had added that there was no need of the pay which was customarily sent or of the transportation of grain for the army for that year, they asked the senate, first, that honour should be paid to the immortal gods by reason of these successes and, second, that Quintus Fulvius, on his retirement from the province, should be authorized to bring away the army whose valiant services both he and many praetors before him had enjoyed. In addition to the fact that this was right, it was, they said, even almost necessary that this be done: for the soldiers were so set upon it that it seemed impossible to keep them in the province any longer, and it was probable that they would leave there without orders, if they were not discharged, or, if anyone tried to retain them too strictly, that they would flare up in a dangerous mutiny.

> Latin: 35.8. consulibus ambobus provinciam Ligures esse senatus iussit. praetores inde sortiti sunt: A. Hostilio urbana, Ti. Minucio peregrina obvenit, P. Cornelio Sicilia, C. Maenio Sardinia; Hispanias sortiti L. Postumius ulteriorem, Ti. Sempronius citeriorem. is quia successurus Q. Fulvio erat, ne vetere exercitu provincia spoliaretur, “quaero” inquit “de te, L. Minuci, cum confectam provinciam nunties, existimesne Celtiberos perpetuo in fide mansuros, ita ut sine exercitu ea provincia obtineri possit?

[¶4] 35.11. The senate decreed to both consuls the Ligurians as their province. Then the praetors cast lots: Aulus Hostilius received the civil jurisdiction, Tiberius Minucius that between citizens and aliens, Publius Cornelius Sicily, Gaius Maenius Sardinia. Lucius Postumius drew the lot for Farther Spain and Tiberius Sempronius for Nearer Spain. Since he was to succeed Quintus Fulvius, in order that his province might not be deprived of the veteran army, “I ask of you, Lucius Minucius,” he said, “since you report that the province is subjugated, whether you think that the Celtiberians will keep forever their pledge of loyalty, so that this province can be held without an army. If you can neither undertake nor assert anything to us about the loyalty of the barbarians, and think that under any conditions we must keep an army there, I ask whether you urge the senate to send replacements to Spain, so that only those troops who have completed their terms of service may be discharged and the recruits mingled with the veteran soldiers, or to withdraw the veteran legions from the province and enroll and send over new legions, although an army of recruits, being looked down upon by the enemy, can rouse to rebellion barbarians even more fully tamed than these?”

> Latin: 35.11. si neque de fide barbarorum quicquam recipere aut adfirmare nobis potes, et habendum illic utique exercitum censes, utrum tandem auctor senatui sis supplementum in Hispaniam mittendi, ut ii modo, quibus emerita stipendia sint, milites dimittantur, veteribus militibus tirones inmisceantur, an deductis de provincia veteribus legionibus novas conscribendi et mittendi, cum contemptum tirocinium etiam mitiores barbaros excitare ad rebellandum possit?

[¶5] 35.13. “It is easier to talk about than to accomplish-this subjugation of a province fierce by nature and rebellious. A few cities, as at least I hear, which the neighbourhood of the winter-quarters kept most completely under control, have come under our rule and sway; the more remote are in arms.”

> Latin: 35.13. dictu quam re facilius sit provinciam ingenio ferocem, rebellatricem confecisse. paucae civitates, ut quidem ego audio, quas vicina maxime hiberna premebant, in ius dicionemque venerunt, ulteriores in armis sunt.

[¶6] 35.14. “Since this is so, conscript Fathers, I declare to you here and now that I shall administer my office with the army that is now there; if Flaccus brings back with him his legions, I shall lead the troops into winter-quarters in pacified districts and shall expose no raw troops to a most warlike enemy.”

> Latin: 35.14. quae cum ita sint, ego iam hinc praedico, patres conscripti, me exercitu eo, qui nunc est, rem publicam administraturum; si deducat secum Flaccus legiones, loca pacata me ad hibernacula lecturum neque novum militem ferocissimo hosti obiecturum.”

[¶7] 36.1. To the question that had been put to him the lieutenant replied that neither he nor anyone else could predict what the Celtiberians had or would have in mind. Therefore he could not deny that it was entirely proper that an army should be sent to barbarians who, even though pacified, were not yet well accustomed to authority.

> Latin: 36.1. legatus ad ea, quae interrogatus erat, respondit neque se neque quemquam alium divinare posse, quid in animo Celtiberi haberent aut porro habituri essent.

[¶8] 36.2. But whether it was necessary to employ a new or an old army was for him to say who could know how loyally the Celtiberians would abide by the peace and who at the same time could assure himself that the soldiers would remain quiet if they were held longer in the province.

> Latin: 36.2. itaque negare non posse, quin rectius sit etiam ad pacatos barbaros, nondum satis adsuetos imperio, exercitum mitti.

[¶9] 36.3. If inferences could be drawn as to their views either from what they said to one another or from their exclamations while the commander was addressing them, he said that they had openly proclaimed that they would either keep the commander in the province or go to Italy with him.

> Latin: 36.3. novo autem an vetere exercitu opus sit, eius esse dicere, qui scire possit, qua fide Celtiberi in pace mansuri sint, simul et qui illud exploratum habeat, quieturos milites, si diutius in provincia retineantur.

[¶10] 36.4. This colloquy between the praetor and the lieutenant was interrupted by a motion by the consuls, who judged it proper that their provinces should be provided for before the question of an army for a praetor was raised.

> Latin: 36.4. si ex eo, quod aut inter se loquantur aut succlamationibus apud contionantem imperatorem significent, quid sentiant, coniectandum sit, palam vociferatos esse aut imperatorem in provincia retenturos aut cum eo in Italiam venturos esse.

[¶11] 36.5. An entire new army was decreed to the consuls, two Roman legions for each, with the appropriate cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy, as great a number as always, fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 36.5. disceptationem inter praetorem legatumque consulum relatio interrupit, qui suas ornari provincias, priusquam de praetoris exercitu ageretur, aequum censebant.

[¶12] 36.6. With this army they were directed to make war upon the Ligurian Apuani. The imperium of Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius was prolonged, and they were ordered to hold the province until the arrival of the consuls; then it was directed that they discharge the armies which they had and return to Rome.

> Latin: 36.6. novus omnis exercitus consulibus est decretus, binae legiones Romanae cum suo equitatu et socium Latini nominis quantus semper numerus, quindecim milia peditum, octingenti equites.

[¶13] 36.7. Then the question of an army for Tiberius Sempronius was taken up. The consuls were directed to enlist for him a new legion of fifty-two hundred infantry and four hundred cavalry and in addition a thousand Roman infantry and fifty cavalry, and to levy upon the allies of the Latin confederacy for seven thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. With this army it was the senate's pleasure that Tiberius Sempronius should go to Nearer Spain.

> Latin: 36.7. cum hoc exercitu Apuanis Liguribus ut bellum inferrent mandatum est. P. Cornelio et M. Baebio prorogatum imperium, iussique provincias obtinere, donec consules venissent; tum imperatum, ut dimisso, quem haberent, exercitu reverterentur Romam.

[¶14] 36.8. Permission was granted to Quintus Fulvius that those, whether Roman citizens or allies, who had been taken to Spain before the consulship of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Marcius, and, moreover, when the new drafts were added, in consequence of which addition there were in the two legions more than ten thousand four hundred infantry and six hundred cavalry and of the allies of the Latin confederacy more than twelve thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry, and specifically those whose valiant services Quintus Fulvius had enjoyed in the two battles with the Celtiberians, that all these,

> Latin: 36.8. de Ti. Semproni deinde exercitu actum est. novam legionem ei quinque milium et ducentorum peditum cum equitibus quadringentis consules scribere iussi, et mille praeterea peditum Romanorum, quinquaginta equites, et sociis nominis Latini imperare septem milia peditum, trecentos equites. cum hoc exercitu Ti. Sempronium ire in Hispaniam placuit citeriorem.

[¶15] 36.10. if he saw fit, he should bring back with him. Thanksgivings were also decreed because he had conducted the business of the state successfully. The other praetors too were sent to their provinces. The imperium of Quintus Fabius Buteo in Gaul was prolonged. It was decided that there should be only eight legions that year in addition to the veteran army which was among the Ligurians in the hope of an early discharge. And even this army was with difficulty raised on account of the pestilence which was now for the third year devastating the city of Rome and Italy.

> Latin: 36.10. Q. Fulvio permissum, ut, qui milites ante Sp. Postumium Q. Marcium consules cives Romani sociive in Hispaniam transportati essent, et praeterea supplemento adducto, quo amplius in duabus legionibus quam decem milia et quadringenti pedites, sexcenti equites essent, et socium Latini nominis duodecim milia, sexcenti equites, quorum forti opera duobus adversus Celtiberos proeliis usus Q. Fulvius esset, eos, si videretur, secum deportaret. et supplicationes decretae, quod is prospere rem publicam gessisset, et ceteri praetores in provincias missi. Q. Fabio Buteoni prorogatum in Gallia imperium est. octo legiones praeter exercitum veterem, qui in Liguribus in spe propinqua missionis erat, eo anno esse placuit. et is ipse exercitus aegre explebatur propter pestilentiam, quae tertium iam annum urbem Romanam atque Italiam vastabat.

[¶16] 37.1. The praetor Tiberius Minucius died and not much later the consul Gaius Calpurnius, and many other distinguished men of all ranks. Finally the disaster came to be regarded as a portent.

> Latin: 37.1. praetor Ti. Minucius et haud ita multo post consul C. Calpurnius moritur multique alii omnium ordinum inlustres viri.

[¶17] 37.2. Gaius Servilius the pontifex maximus was directed to inquire into the manner of averting the wrath of the gods and the decemvirs to look into the Books; the consul was ordered to vow gifts and to give gilded statues to Apollo, Aesculapius and Salus; these he vowed and gave.

> Latin: 37.2. postremo prodigii loco ea clades haberi coepta est. C. Servilius pontifex maximus piacula irae deum conquirere iussus, decemviri libros inspicere, consul Apollini Aesculapio Saluti dona vovere et dare signa inaurata;

[¶18] 37.3. The decemvirs proclaimed a two day period of prayer for health, not only in the City but in all the rural settlements and communities; all people above the age of twelve, wearing garlands and carrying laurel branches in their hands, made the supplication.

> Latin: 37.3. quae vovit deditque. decemviri supplicationem in biduum valetudinis causa in urbe et per omnia fora conciliabulaque edixerunt; maiores duodecim annis omnes coronati et lauream in manu tenentes supplicaverunt.

[¶19] 37.4. Moreover, the suspicion that human guilt was to blame had entered men's minds; and the investigation of the poisonings which had taken place in the City or nearer to it than ten miles was, by decree of the senate, entrusted to the praetor Gaius Claudius, who had been chosen to succeed Tiberius Minuicius, and beyond the tenth milestone throughout the rural settlements and communities, to Gaius Maenius before he departed for Sardinia. The death of the consul was especially suspicious.

> Latin: 37.4. fraudis quoque humanae insinuaverat suspicio animis; et veneficii quaestio ex senatus consulto, quod in urbe propiusve urbem decem milibus passuum esset commissum, C. Claudio praetori, qui in locum Ti. Minuci erat suffectus, ultra decimum lapidem per fora conciliabulaque C. Maenio, priusquam in Sardiniam provinciam traiceret, decreta.

[¶20] 37.5. He was said to have been killed by his wife Quarta Hostilia.

> Latin: 37.5. suspecta consulis erat mors maxime. necatus a Quarta Hostilia uxore dicebatur.

[¶21] 37.6. When indeed her son Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was proclaimed consul in place of his stepfather, the death of Piso began to cause many more ugly rumours; and witnesses came forth who said that after Albinus and Piso had been declared consuls at an election in which Flaccus had suffered defeat, Flaccus had been upbraided by his mother because this was now the third time that his candidacy for the consulship had been refused; let him, she had added, prepare to apply again: within two months she would bring it to pass that he should become consul.

> Latin: 37.6. ut quidem filius eius Q. Fulvius Flaccus in locum vitrici consul est declaratus, aliquanto magis infamis mors Pisonis coepit esse; et testes exsistebant, qui post declaratos consules Albinum et Pisonem, quibus comitiis Flaccus tulerat repulsam, et exprobratum ei a matre dicerent, quod iam ei tertium negatus consulatus petenti esset, et adiecisse, pararet se ad petendum;

[¶22] 37.7. Among much other testimony bearing on the case, this one speech, being all too well confirmed by the actual result, availed to bring about the conviction of Hostilia.

> Latin: 37.7. intra duos menses effecturam, ut consul fieret. inter multa alia testimonia ad causam pertinentia haec quoque vox, nimis vero eventu comprobata, valuit, cur Hostilia damnaretur.

[¶23] 37.8. In the beginning of this spring, while the levy was detaining the new consuls in Rome and then the death of one and the election to choose a new consul in his place had caused delay in all business of state, in the interval Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius, who had in their consulship done nothing worth recording, led the army against the Ligurian Apuani.

> Latin: 37.8. Veris principio huius, dum consules novos dilectus Romae tenet, mors deinde alterius et creandi comitia consulis in locum eius omnia tardiora fecerunt, interim P. Cornelius et M. Baebius, qui in consulatu nihil memorabile gesserant, in Apuanos Ligures exercitum induxerunt.

[¶24] 38.1. The Ligurians, who had not anticipated a war before the arrival of the consuls in the province, were taken off their guard and surrendered, to the number of about twelve thousand men.

> Latin: 38.1. Ligures, qui ante adventum in provinciam consulum non expectassent bellum, inproviso obpressi ad duodecim milia hominum dediderunt se.

[¶25] 38.2. First consulting the senate by letter, Cornelius and Baebius determined to move them down from the mountains to lands on the plains, far from home, that there might be no hope of return, thinking that there would be no end to the Ligurian war until this was done. There was public land belonging to the Roman people among the Samnites, which had belonged to the Taurasini.

> Latin: 38.2. eos consulto per litteras prius senatu deducere ex montibus in agros campestres procul ab domo, ne reditus spes esset, Cornelius et Baebius statuerunt, nullum alium ante finem rati fore Ligustini belli.

[¶26] 38.3. Since they wished to transfer the Ligurian Apuani there, they issued an edict that the Ligurian Apuani should come down from the mountains, bringing their wives and children, and should transport all their property with them.

> Latin: 38.3. ager publicus populi Romani erat in Samnitibus; Taurasinorum fuerat. eo cum traducere Ligures Apuanos vellent, edixerunt, Ligures ab Anido … montibus descenderent cum liberis coniugibusque, sua omnia secum portarent.

[¶27] 38.4. The Ligurians made frequent entreaties through ambassadors that they might not be compelled to leave their household gods, the land in which they had been born, the tombs of their ancestors, and also promised arms and hostages.

> Latin: 38.4. Ligures saepe per legatos deprecati, ne penates, sedem, in qua geniti essent, sepulcra maiorum cogerentur relinquere, arma, obsides pollicebantur.

[¶28] 38.5. When they met with no success and lacked the strength to fight, they obeyed the edict.

> Latin: 38.5. postquam nihil impetrabant neque vires ad bellandum erant, edicto paruerunt.

[¶29] 38.6. There were transferred at public expense about forty thousand freemen with their women and children. One hundred and fifty thousand sesterces of silver were appropriated, with which they could buy what was necessary for their new homes.

> Latin: 38.6. traducti sunt publico sumptu ad quadraginta milia liberorum capitum cum feminis puerisque. argenti data centum et quinquaginta milia, unde in novas sedes compararent, quae opus essent.

[¶30] 38.7. For the apportionment of the land and the division of the money, the same Cornelius and Baebius who had made the transfer were appointed. Nevertheless, at their request, a commission of five was named, on whose advice they might act.

> Latin: 38.7. agro dividendo dandoque iidem, qui traduxerant, Cornelius et Baebius, praepositi. postulantibus tamen ipsis quinqueviri ab senatu dati, quorum ex consilio agerent.

[¶31] 38.8. When, after completing this task, they had brought back the veteran army, a triumph was voted by the senate.

> Latin: 38.8. transacta re cum veterem exercitum Romam deduxissent, triumphus ab senatu est decretus.

[¶32] 38.9. They were the first of all to triumph without waging a war. Only the victims were led before the car, since there had been nothing in their triumphs which could be carried, could be led, or could be given to the soldiers.

> Latin: 38.9. hi omnium primi nullo bello gesto triumpharunt. tantum hostiae ductae ante currum, quia nec quod ferretur neque quod duceretur captum neque quod militibus daretur quicquam in triumphis eorum fuerat.

[¶33] 39.1. The same year, in Spain, Fulvius Flaccus the proconsul, because his successor was slow in arriving in the province, led the army out of winter-quarters and began to devastate the remoter regions of Celtiberia whence the inhabitants had not come to surrender.

> Latin: 39.1. eodem anno in Hispania Fulvius Flaccus proconsul, quia successor in provinciam tardius veniebat, educto exercitu ex hibernis ulteriorem Celtiberiae agrum, unde ad deditionem non venerant, institit vastare.

[¶34] 39.2. By this act he stirred up rather than terrified the spirits of the barbarians; and secretly massing their forces they blocked the Manlian pass, through which they well knew that the Roman army would march.

> Latin: 39.2. qua re irritavit magis quam conterruit animos barbarorum, et clam comparatis copiis saltum Manlianum, per quem transiturum exercitum Romanum satis sciebant, obsederunt.

[¶35] 39.3. Gracchus had entrusted to his colleague Lucius Postumius Albinus, who was going to Farther Spain, a message for Quintus Fulvius, instructing him to conduct the army to Tarraco; there he planned to discharge the veterans and assign the replacements and organize the entire army.

> Latin: 39.3. in Hispaniam ulteriorem eunti L. Postumio Albino collegae Gracchus mandaverat, ut Q. Fulvium certiorem faceret, Tarraconem exercitum adduceret:

[¶36] 39.4. Also the day, and that quite near, was announced to Flaccus, on which his successor would arrive. The arrival of this news compelled Flaccus, abandoning the plan which he had begun to follow, hastily to lead the army out of Celtiberia, and the barbarians, ignorant of the reason and thinking that he had heard of their revolt and their secret mobilization and was frightened away, on that account occupied the pass more eagerly. When the Roman column at daybreak entered the pass the enemy, suddenly showing themselves on two sides, attacked the Romans. When Flaccus saw this he quelled the first excitement in the column by issuing through the centurions orders that all should halt, each in his own place, and should make ready their arms, and having collected the trains and the pack-animals in one place, partly by himself, partly through the lieutenants and tribunes of the soldiers, he formed all the forces in line of battle as the time and the place demanded, without any confusion, reminding them that they had to deal with men who had twice surrendered, that an access of villainy and treachery, not of courage and stoutness of heart, had come to them, and that they furnished the Romans an opportunity to make an ignoble return home glorious and memorable: for they would carry to Rome for the triumph swords bloody with fresh slaughter of the enemy and spoils dripping with gore.

> Latin: 39.4. ibi dimitti veteranos, supplementaque distribuere et ordinare omnem exercitum sese velle. dies quoque, et ea propinqua, edita Flacco est, qua successor esset venturus. haec nova adlata res omissis, quae agere instituerat, Flaccum raptim deducere exercitum ex Celtiberia cum coegisset, barbari causae ignari, suam defectionem et clam comparata arma sensisse eum et pertimuisse rati, eo ferocius saltum insederunt. ubi eum saltum prima luce agmen Romanum intravit, repente ex duabus partibus simul exorti hostes Romanos invaserunt. quod ubi vidit Flaccus, primos tumultus in agmine per centuriones stare omnes suo quemque loco et arma expedire iubendo sedavit, et sarcinis iumentisque in unum locum coactis copias omnes partim ipse partim per legatos tribunosque militum, ut tempus, ut locus postulabat, sine ulla trepidatione instruxit, cum bis deditis rem esse admonens; scelus et perfidiam illis, non virtutem nec animum accessisse; reditum ignobilem in patriam clarum ac memorabilem eos sibi fecisse; cruentos ex recenti caede hostium gladios et manantia sanguine spolia Romam ad triumphum delaturos.

[¶37] 39.10. The time did not permit him to say more: the enemy was charging and on the extreme flanks the battle was already in progress. Then the battle-lines clashed.

> Latin: 39.10. plura dici tempus non patiebatur; invehebant se hostes et in partibus extremis iam pugnabatur. deinde acies concurrerunt.

[¶38] 40.1. There was a fierce fight on every side, but the results varied. The legions fought nobly and not less effectively the two squadrons; the auxiliaries from the province were hard pressed by men armed in the same way but consisting of a much better class of soldiers, and could not hold their ground.

> Latin: 40.1. atrox ubique proelium, sed varia fortuna erat. egregie legiones nec segnius duae alae pugnabant; externa auxilia ab simili armatura, meliore aliquantum militum genere urgebantur, nec locum tueri poterant.

[¶39] 40.2. When the Celtiberians saw that with battle-lines arrayed and in pitched battle they were not a match for the legions, they made a thrust with the wedge, in which manner of fighting they are so powerful that against whatever troops they drive their charge they cannot be checked.

> Latin: 40.2. Celtiberi ubi ordinata acie et signis conlatis se non esse pares legionibus senserunt, cuneo inpressionem fecerunt, quo tantum valent genere pugnae, ut quacumque parte pertulere impetus suos, sustinere nequeant.

[¶40] 40.3. Then even the legions were thrown into disorder and the line was almost broken.

> Latin: 40.3. tunc quoque turbatae legiones sunt, prope interrupta acies.

[¶41] 40.4. When Flaccus saw this disorganization, he rode on his horse to the legionary cavalry and shouted, “Unless there is some hope of aid in you, now all will be over with this army.” When from all sides a shout was raised asking him why he did not say what he wanted done, and they would execute his orders without delay, “double the squadrons,” he said, “you cavalry of the two legions, and turn your horses loose against the wedge of the enemy, with which they are forcing back our men.” “You will do this with the greater weight if you will give your horses loose rein against them; and this the records say that Roman cavalry have often done and won great glory for themselves.”

> Latin: 40.4. quam trepidationem trupidationem ubi Flaccus conspexit, equo advehitur ad legionarios equites, et “ni quid auxilii in vobis est, actum iam de hoc exercitu erit.” cum undique adclamassent, quin ederet, quid fieri velit: non segniter imperium exsecuturos, “ duplicate turmas” inquit, “duarum legionum equites, et permittite equos in cuneum hostium, quo nostros urgent. id cum maiore vi equorum facietis, si effrenatos in eos equos inmittitis, quod saepe Romanos equites cum magna laude fecisse sua memoriae proditum est.

[¶42] 40.7. They obeyed his order and, dropping their reins, twice, from this side and from that, drove through, causing great slaughter to the enemy and breaking every one of their spears.

> Latin: 40.7. ” dicto paruerunt detractisque frenis bis ultro citroque cum magna strage hostium, infractis omnibus hastis, transcurrerunt.

[¶43] 40.8. The wedge having been scattered, in which all their hope had rested, the Celtiberians were in panic, and almost giving up the fight were looking for a place for flight.

> Latin: 40.8. dissipato cuneo, in quo omnis spes fuerat, Celtiberi trepidare et prope omissa pugna locum fugae circumspicere.

[¶44] 40.9. And when the cavalry of the allies saw that the Roman cavalry had performed so memorable an exploit, they too, inspired by the valour of the others, without waiting for an order let their horses loose upon the broken enemy.

> Latin: 40.9. et alarii equites postquam Romanorum equitum tam memorabile facinus videre, et ipsi virtute eorum accensi sine ullius imperio in perturbatos iam hostes equos inmittunt.

[¶45] 40.10. Then indeed all the Celtiberians were turned to flight, and the Roman commander, seeing the backs of the enemy, vowed a temple to Fortuna Equestris and games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus.

> Latin: 40.10. tunc vero Celtiberi omnes in fugam effunduntur, et imperator Romanus aversos hostes contemplatus aedem Fortunae equestri Iovique optimo maximo ludos vovit.

[¶46] 40.11. The Celtiberians were slaughtered as they scattered in flight through the whole defile. Seventeen thousand of the enemy are reported to have been killed that day, more than three thousand seven hundred taken alive, and there were captured seventy-seven military standards and about six hundred horses.

> Latin: 40.11. caeduntur Celtiberi per totum saltum dissipati fuga. decem et septem milia hostium caesa eo die traduntur, vivi capti plus quattuor milia cum signis militaribus ducentis septuaginta septem, equis prope DC. in illis castris eo die victor exercitus mansit.

[¶47] 40.12. The victorious army remained that day in its own camp. The victory was not without loss of soldiers: four hundred and seventy-two Roman soldiers fell, of the allies of the Latin confederacy one thousand and nineteen, and in addition three thousand of the auxiliary troops. So the victorious army, having won once more its former glory, was conducted to Tarraco.

> Latin: 40.12. victoria non sine iactura militum fuit: quadringenti septuaginta duo milites Romani, socium ac Latini nominis mille decem et novem, cum his tria milia militum auxiliariorum perierunt. ita victor exercitus renovata priore gloria Tarraconem est perductus.

[¶48] 40.14. Tiberius Sempronius the praetor, who had arrived two days earlier, went out to meet Fulvius on his arrival and congratulated him on his conspicuous success in defence of the state. In perfect harmony they arranged which soldiers they should discharge and which they should hold in service.

> Latin: 40.14. venienti Fulvio Ti. Sempronius praetor, qui biduo ante venerat, obviam processit gratulatusque est, quod rem publicam egregie gessisset. cum summa concordia, quos dimitterent quosque retinerent milites, composuerunt.

[¶49] 40.15. Then Fulvius embarked the discharged troops on ships and set out for Rome and Sempronius led the legions into Celtiberia.

> Latin: 40.15. inde Fulvius exauctoratis militibus in naves inpositis Romam est profectus; Sempronius in Celtiberam legiones duxit.

[¶50] 41.1. The two consuls led their armies against the Ligurians from different directions.

> Latin: 41.1. consules ambo in Ligures exercitus induxerunt diversis partibus.

[¶51] 41.2. Postumius, with the first and third legions, attacked the mountains of Ballista and Letum, and by blocking with guards their narrow passes cut the enemy off from supplies and subdued them because of their complete lack of everything.

> Latin: 41.2. Postumius prima et tertia legione Ballistam Suismontiumque montes obsedit et premendo praesidiis angustos saltus eorum commeatus interclusit inopiaque omnium rerum eos perdomuit.

[¶52] 41.3. Fulvius, with the second and fourth legions, attacking from the side of Pisa the Ligurian Apuani (those of that people who lived along the Macra river), after receiving the surrender of about seven thousand men, loaded them on boats and sent them along the shore of the Tuscan sea to Naples.

> Latin: 41.3. Fulvius secunda et quarta legione adortus a Pisis Apuanos Ligures, qui eorum circa Macram fluvium incolebant, in deditionem acceptos, ad septem milia hominum, in naves inpositos praeter oram Etrusci maris Neapolim transmisit.

[¶53] 41.4. Thence they were transferred to Samnium and given land among their countrymen.

> Latin: 41.4. inde in Samnium traducti, agerque iis inter populares datus est.

[¶54] 41.5. Aulus Postumius destroyed the vineyards and burned the crops of the Ligurians of the mountains until, compelled by the disasters of war, they submitted and gave up their weapons.

> Latin: 41.5. montanorum Ligurum ab A. Postumio vineae caesae frumentaque deusta, donec cladibus omnibus belli coacti in deditionem venerunt armaque tradiderunt.

[¶55] 41.6. Then Postumius proceeded by boat to explore the coast of the Ligurian Ingauni and Intemelii.

> Latin: 41.6. navibus inde Postumius ad visendam oram Ingaunorum Intemeliorumque Ligurum processit.

[¶56] 41.7. Before these consuls came to the army which was mobilized at Pisa, Aulus Postumius was incommand. The brother of Quintus Fulvius, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior —this Fulvius was tribune of the soldiers of the second legion —during his months dismissed the legion, binding the centurions by an oath that they would turn the money in to the quaestors for the treasury. When this was announced to Aulus at Placentia —for he had happened to go there —following with the light cavalry the men who had been released, he punished and brought back to Pisa those of them whom he could overtake; as to the rest, he notified the consul.

> Latin: 41.7. priusquam hi consules venirent ad exercitum, qui Pisas indictus erat, praeerant A. Postumius * frater Q. Fulvi M. Fulvius Nobilior — secundae legionis [Fulvius] tribunos militum is erat.—mensibus suis dimisit legionem, iure iurando adactis centurionibus, aes in aerarium ad quaestores esse delaturos.

[¶57] 41.9. On his motion the senate passed a decree that Marcus Fulvius should be banished to Spain beyond New Carthage; and a letter was given to him by the consul for delivery to Publius Manlius in Farther Spain; the soldiers were ordered to return to the standards.

> Latin: 41.9. hoc ubi Placentiam—nam eo forte erat profectus—Aulo nuntiatum est, cum equitibus expeditis secutus dimissos, quos eorum potuit adsequi, reduxit castigatos Pisas, de ceteris consulem certiorem fecit.

[¶58] 41.10. As a mark of disgrace it was voted that the legion should receive only six months' pay for that year: the consul was directed to sell the person and property of any soldier who had not returned to the army. The same year Lucius Duronius, who had been praetor the year before, returned from Illyricum to Brundisium with ten ships. Thence, leaving the ships in port, he went to Rome, and in the course of his narrative of what he had done there he pointed in no uncertain manner at Gentius, king of the Illyrians, as the cause of all the brigandage by sea:

> Latin: 41.10. eo referente senatus consultum factum est, ut M. Fulvius in Hispaniam relegaretur ultra novam Carthaginem, litteraeque ei datae sunt a consule ad P. Manlium in Hispaniam ulteriorem deferendae; milites iussi ad signa redire. ignominiae causa uti semestre stipendium in eum annum esset ei legioni decretum; qui miles ad exercitum non redisset, eum ipsum bonaque eius vendere consul iussus. eodem anno L. Duronius, qui praetor anno superiore … ex Illyrico cum decem navibus Brundisium redierat. inde in portu relictis navibus cum venisset Romam, inter exponendas res, quas ibi gessisset, haud dubie in regem Illyriorum Gentium latrocinii omnis maritimi causam avertit:

[¶59] 42.2. from his kingdom, he said, came all the ships which had ravaged the coast of the upper sea; he had sent ambassadors about these matters, but there had been no opportunity to meet the king.

> Latin: 42.2. ex regno eius omnes naves esse, quae superi maris oram depopulatae essent; de his rebus legatos misisse, nec conveniendi regis potestatem factam.

[¶60] 42.3. Envoys had come to Rome from Gentius, who said that at the time the Romans had come to interview the king he had happened to be ill in the farthest part of the kingdom: Gentius asked the senate not to believe the spurious charges which his enemies had made against him.

> Latin: 42.3. venerant Romam legati a Gentio, qui quo tempore Romani conveniendi regis causa venissent, aegrum forte eum in ultimis partibus fuisse regni dicerent:

[¶61] 42.4. Duronius added to this a statement that many Roman citizens and allies of the Latin confederacy had suffered injury in his kingdom, and that Roman citizens were said to be detained at Corcyra.

> Latin: 42.4. petere Gentium ab senatu, ne crederent confictis criminibus in se, quae inimici detulissent. ad ea Duronius adiecit, multis civibus Romanis et sociis Latini nominis iniurias factas in regno eius et cives Romanos dici Corcyrae retineri.

[¶62] 42.5. It was decided that all these should be brought to Rome, that the praetor Gaius Claudius should investigate, and that until this was done a reply should not be given to King Gentius or his ambassadors.

> Latin: 42.5. eos omnes Romam adduci placuit, C. Claudium praetorem cognoscere, neque ante Gentio regi legatisve eius responsum reddi.

[¶63] 42.6. Among many others whom the pestilence of that year carried off a number of priests also died. Lucius Valerius Flaccus the pontiff died: also Quintus Fabius Labeo was chosen in his place.

> Latin: 42.6. inter multos alios, quos pestilentia eius anni absumpsit, sacerdotes quoque aliquot mortui sunt. L. Valerius Flaccus pontifex mortuus est; in eius locum subfectus est Q. Fabius Labeo.

[¶64] 42.7. Publius Manlius, who had only recently returned from Farther Spain, the triumvir epulo, died, and in his stead Quintus Fulvius the son of Marcus, who still wore the dress of boyhood, was coöpted triumvir.

> Latin: 42.7. P. Manlius, qui nuper ex ulteriore Hispania redierat, triumvir epulo; Q. Fulvius M. f. in locum eius triumvir cooptatus, tum praetextatus erat.

[¶65] 42.8. In the matter of choosing a rex sacrificulus to replace Gnaeus Cornelius Dolabella, there was a dispute between Gaius Servilius the pontifex maximus and Lucius Cornelius Dolabella the duumvir navalis, whom the pontifex ordered to resign his office that he might install him in the priesthood.

> Latin: 42.8. de rege sacrifico subficiendo in locum Cn. Corneli Dolabellae contentio inter C. Servilium pontificem maximum fuit et L. Cornelium Dolabellam duumvirum navalem, quem ut inauguraret pontifex magistratu sese abdicare iubebat;

[¶66] 42.9. When he refused to do this, the pontifex assessed a fine against the duumvir and about this act there was a contest before the assembly after he had appealed. When several tribes had already been called in to vote, were now ordering the duumvir to be obedient to the pontifex and the fine to be remitted if he should have resigned his magistracy, an unfavourable sign from heaven intervened and adjourned the assembly. Therefore the priests felt a scruple against inaugurating Dolabella. They installed as priest Publius Cloelius Siculus, who had been second on the list of nominees for the office.

> Latin: 42.9. recusantique id facere ob eam rem multa duumviro dicta a pontifice, deque ea, cum provocasset, certatum ad populum. cum plures iam tribus intro vocatae dicto esse audientem pontifici duumvirum iuberent multamque remitti, si magistratu se abdicasset, ultimum de caelo quod comitia turbaret intervenit. religio inde fuit pontificibus inaugurandi Dolabellae.

[¶67] 42.11. At the end of the year the pontifex maximus Gaius Servilius Geminus also died; he had also been a decemvir in charge of sacrifices.

> Latin: 42.11. P. Cloelium Siculum inaugurarunt, qui secundo loco nominatus erat. exitu anni et C. Servilius Geminus pontifex maximus decessit; idem decemvir sacrorum fuit. pontifex in locum eius a collegio cooptatus Q. Fulvius Flaccus;

[¶68] 42.12. As a pontiff in his place the college coöpted Quintus Fulvius Flaccus: then Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was elected pontifex maximus, although many distinguished men were candidates; and as decemvir in charge of sacrifices, in place of the same Servilius, Quintus Marcius Philippus was coöpted. Also the augur Spurius Postumius Albinus died; to replace him the augurs coöpted Publius Scipio the son of Africanus.

> Latin: 42.12. inde pontifex maximus M. Aemilius Lepidus creatus, cum multi clari viri petissent; et decemvir sacrorum Q. Marcius Philippus in eiusdem locum est cooptatus.

[¶69] 42.13. The Cumaeans that year asked and were granted the privilege of using the Latin language officially, and the auctioneers that of conducting their sales in Latin.

> Latin: 42.13. et augur Sp. Postumius Albinus decessit; in locum eius P. Scipionem, filium Africani, augures cooptarunt. Cumanis eo anno petentibus permissum, ut publice Latine loquerentur et praeconibus Latine vendendi ius esset.

[¶70] 43.1. When the people of Pisa offered land to which a Latin colony should be led, they received the thanks of the senate; for this purpose Quintus Fabius Buteo and Marcus and Publius Popilius Laenas were elected members of a board of three.

> Latin: 43.1. Pisanis agrum pollicentibus, quo Luna colonia deduceretur, gratiae ab senatu actae; triumviri creati ad eam rem Q. Fabius Buteo M. et P. Popillii Laenates.

[¶71] 43.2. From the praetor Gaius Maenius, to whom, although the province of Sardinia had fallen to his lot, had been assigned the additional task of investigating cases of poisoning beyond ten miles from the City, a letter was received which said that he had already condemned three thousand persons, and that the investigation was assuming larger proportions by reason of the evidence received: he said that he would be compelled either to discontinue the investigation or give up his province.

> Latin: 43.2. a C. Maenio praetore, cui provincia Sardinia cum evenisset additum erat, ut quaereret de veneficiis longius ab urbe decem milibus passuum, litterae adlatae se iam tria milia hominum damnasse et crescere sibi quaestionem indiciis; aut eam sibi esse deserendam aut provinciam dimittendam.

[¶72] 43.4. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus returned from Spain to Rome, having earned great acclaim by his exploits; while he was waiting outside the City for the sake of a triumph, he was elected consul with Lucius Manlius Acidinus, and a few days later rode into the City in triumph, accompanied by the soldiers whom he had brought back with him.

> Latin: 43.4. Q. Fulvius Flaccus ex Hispania rediit Romam cum magna fama gestarum rerum; qui cum extra urbem triumphi causa esset, consul est creatus cum L. Manlio Acidino, et post paucos dies cum militibus, quos secum deduxerat, triumphans urbem est invectus.

[¶73] 43.6. He displayed in his triumph one hundred and twenty-four golden crowns and in addition thirty-one pounds of gold, of unwrought silver... of minted coins of Osca one hundred and seventy-three thousand two hundred.

> Latin: 43.6. tulit in triumpho coronas aureas centum viginti quattuor, praeterea auri pondo triginta unum, … et signati Oscensis nummum centum septuaginta tria milia ducentos.

[¶74] 43.7. To each of the infantry he gave out of the booty fifty denarii, twice that sum to the centurions and thrice to each of the cavalry, and the same amounts to the allies of the Latin confederacy, and to all double pay.

> Latin: 43.7. militibus de praeda quinquagenos denarios dedit, duplex centurionibus, triplex equiti, tantundem sociis Latini nominis, et stipendium omnibus duplex.

[¶75] 44.1. In that year for the first time a motion was proposed by Lucius Villius, tribune of the people, fixing the ages at which each magistracy might be sought and held. From this fact a cognomen was given to his family, so that its members were called Annales.

> Latin: 44.1. eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab L. Vilio tribuno plebis quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque. inde cognomen familiae inditum, ut Annales adpellarentur.

[¶76] 44.2. After many years four praetors were chosen under the Baebian law, which provided that four should be chosen in alternate years. The praetors so elected were Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, Gaius Valerius Laevinus and Quintus and Publius Mucius Scaevola, the sons of Quintus.

> Latin: 44.2. praetores quattuor post multos annos lege Baebia creati, quae alternis quaternos iubebat creari. hi facti: Cn. Cornelius Scipio C. Valerius Laevinus Q. et P. Mucii Q. filii Scaevolae.

[¶77] 44.3. To Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius the consuls the same province which their predecessors had held was decreed with the same numbers of troops, infantry and cavalry, citizens and allies.

> Latin: 44.3. Q. Fulvio et L. Manlio consulibus eadem provincia, quae superioribus, pari numero copiae peditum equitum, civium sociorum decretae.

[¶78] 44.4. In the two Spains the imperium of Tiberius Sempronius and Lucius Postumius was prolonged, and they were to keep the same armies which they had; and as replacements the consuls were ordered to enroll three thousand Roman infantry, three hundred cavalry, five thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy.

> Latin: 44.4. in Hispaniis duabus Ti. Sempronio et L. Postumio cum iisdem exercitibus, quos haberent, prorogatum imperium est, et in supplementum consules scribere iussi ad tria milia peditum Romanorum, trecentos equites, quinque milia sociorum Latini nominis et quadringentos equites.

[¶79] 44.6. Publius Mucius Scaevola received by lot the civil jurisdiction and also the duty of enquiring into cases of poisoning in the city and within a distance of ten miles from the city, Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio that between citizens and aliens, Quintus Mucius Scaevola Sicily, Gaius Valerius Laevinus Sardinia.

> Latin: 44.6. P. Mucius Scaevola urbanam sortitus provinciam est, et ut idem quaereret de veneficiis in urbe et propius urbem decem milia passuum, Cn.

[¶80] 44.7. Quintus Fulvius the consul said that before he brought up any matter of public business he wished to free himself and the state of an obligation to the gods by fulfilling his vows.

> Latin: 44.7. Cornelius Scipio peregrinam, Q. Mucius Scaevola Siciliam, C. Valerius Laevinus Sardiniam.

[¶81] 44.8. He had vowed, he said, on the day when he had last fought with the Celtiberians, to give games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and a temple to Fortuna Equestris:

> Latin: 44.8. Q. Fulvius consul, priusquam ullam rem publicam ageret, liberare et se et rem publicam religione votis solvendis dixit velle:

[¶82] 44.9. for this purpose money had been collected for him by the Spaniards. It was decreed that the games should be held and that two commissioners should be chosen to contract for the temple.

> Latin: 44.9. vovisse, quo die postremum cum Celtiberis pugnasset, ludos Iovi optimo maximo et aedem equestri Fortunae sese facturum; in eam rem sibi pecuniam conlatam esse ab Hispanis.

[¶83] 44.10. As to the cost, the limit was set that a greater sum might not be spent for the games than the amount that had been decreed to Fulvius Nobilior when he gave his games after the Aetolian war, and it was voted too that he should not invite, compel or accept contributions for these or do anything contrary to that decree of the senate which had been passed regarding games in the consulship of Lucius Aemilius and Gnaeus Baebius.

> Latin: 44.10. ludi decreti et ut duumviri ad aedem locandam crearentur. de pecunia finitur, ne maior ludorum causa consumeretur, quam quanta Fulvio Nobiliori post Aetolicum bellum ludos facienti decreta esset, neve quid ad eos ludos arcesseret cogeret acciperet faceret adversus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio consulibus de ludis factum esset.

[¶84] 44.12. The senate had passed this decree because of the lavish expenditures made on games by Tiberius Sempronius the aedile, which had been a burden, not only on Italy and the allies of the Latin confederacy, but on outside provinces as well.

> Latin: 44.12. decreverat id senatus propter effusos sumptus, factos in ludos Ti. Semproni aedilis, qui graves non modo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis, sed etiam provinciis externis fuerant.

[¶85] 45.1. The winter that year was cruel on account of snow and every kind of storm: it had completely blasted the trees which are affected by cold; and it lasted much longer than in other years.

> Latin: 45.1. hiems eo anno nive saeva et omni tempestatum genere fuit; arbores, quae obnoxiae frigoribus sunt, deusserat cunctas; et ea tum aliquanto quam alias longior fuit.

[¶86] 45.2. And so a darkness which came on suddenly and a violent tempest broke up the Latin festival on the mountain, and the festival was repeated by decree of the pontiff.

> Latin: 45.2. itaque Latinas atrox subito coorta et intolerabilis tempestas in monte turbavit, instaurataeque sunt ex decreto pontificum.

[¶87] 45.3. The same storm also overthrew a number of statues on the Capitoline and disfigured many places with strokes of lightning —the temple of Jupiter at Tarracina, the “White Temple” and the Porta Romana at Capua, where the parapets of the wall were thrown down in many places.

> Latin: 45.3. eadem tempestas et in Capitolio aliquot signa prostravit, fulminibusque complura loca deformavit, aedem Iovis Terracinae, aedem Albam Capuae portamque Romanam;

[¶88] 45.4. Along with the other prodigies it was reported from Reate that a mule with three feet had been born.

> Latin: 45.4. muri pinnae aliquot locis decussae erant. haec inter prodigia nuntiatum et ab Reate tripedem natum mulum.

[¶89] 45.5. On account of them the decemvirs, when ordered to consult the Books, issued a proclamation stating to which gods and with how many victims sacrifice should be offered, and directing that supplication should be offered for one day.

> Latin: 45.5. ob ea decemviri iussi adire libros edidere. quibus diis et quot hostiis sacrificaretur, et [fulminibus complura loca deformaret aedem Iovis] ut supplicatio diem unum esset.

[¶90] 45.6. Then the games which had been vowed by the consul Quintus Fulvius were held through ten days with great splendour. Next the election of censors was held: the successful candidates were Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the pontifex maximus, and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, who had triumphed over the Aetolians.

> Latin: 45.6. ludi deinde votivi Q. Fulvi consulis per dies decem magno adparatu facti. censorum inde comitia habita; creati M. Aemilius Lepidus pontifex maximus et M. Fulvius Nobilior, qui ex Aetolis triumphaverat. inter hos viros nobiles inimicitiae erant, saepe multis et in senatu et ad populum atrocibus celebratae certaminibus.

[¶91] 45.8. Between these distinguished men there was a feud, exhibited on many occasions, both in the senate and before the assembly, by numerous bitter quarrels. When the election was over the censors, as the custom was from olden times, took their seats on curule chairs by the altar of Mars in the Campus; thither suddenly came the chiefs of the senators, accompanied by a throng of citizens, and one of them, Quintus Caecilius Metellus, spoke thus:

> Latin: 45.8. comitiis confectis, ut traditum antiquitus est, censores in Campo ad aram Martis sellis curulibus consederunt; quo repente principes senatorum cum agmine venerunt civitatis, inter quos Q. Caecilius Metellus verba fecit:

## 45. Book XL · chapters 46–59

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45/#p-N

[¶0] 46.1. “We have not forgotten, censors, that a little while ago you were placed, by the entire Roman people, in control of our manners, and that we should be both admonished and governed by you, not you by us.”

> Latin: 46.1. “Non obliti sumus, censores, vos paulo ante ab universo populo Romano moribus nostris praepositos esse. et nos a vobis et admoneri et regi, non vos a nobis debere;

[¶1] 46.2. “Nevertheless, it should be pointed out what it is in you two that offends all good men or at least what they would prefer to see modified.”

> Latin: 46.2. indicandum tamen est, quid omnes bonos in vobis aut obfendat aut certe mutatum malint.

[¶2] 46.3. “When we look at you singly, Marcus Aemilius and Marcus Fulvius, we find no one in the state to-day whom, if we should be recalled to vote, we should wish to have preferred to you.”

> Latin: 46.3. singulos cum intuemur, M. Aemili, M. Fulvi, neminem hodie in civitate habemus, quem, si revocemur in suffragium, velimus vobis praelatum esse;

[¶3] 46.4. “When we look at both of you together, we cannot but fear that you may prove to have been badly mated and that less good may come to the state because you are so eminently pleasing to all of us than harm because each of you displeases the other.”

> Latin: 46.4. ambo cum simul adspicimus, non possumus non vereri, ne male comparati sitis, nec tantum rei publicae prosit, quod omnibus nobis egregie placetis, quam, quod alter alteri displicetis, noceat.

[¶4] 46.5. “For many years you have been keeping alive a feud, a serious and dreadful thing for you yourselves, and there is danger that from this day it may become more harmful to us and to the state than to you. As to the reasons why we fear this, many occur to me which might be mentioned were it not that passions perhaps not to be appeased beset your minds.”

> Latin: 46.5. inimicitias per annos multos vobis ipsis graves et atroces geritis, quae periculum est ne ex hac die nobis et rei publicae quam vobis graviores fiant.

[¶5] 46.6. “We one and all beg you to-day that in this consecrated spot you will end this quarrel,” “and that you will permit those men whom the Roman people by their votes has associated together, to be associated by us in this restoration of good feeling also; that with one mind and one policy you may choose the senate, review the equites, hold the census and close the lustrum;”

> Latin: 46.6. de quibus causis hoc timeamus, multa subcurrunt, quae dicerentur, nisi forte inplacabiles fueritis … inplicaverint animos vestros. has ut hodie, ut in isto templo finiatis simultates, quaesumus vos universi, et quos coniunxit suffragiis suis populus Romanus, hos etiam reconciliatione gratiae coniungi a nobis sinatis;

[¶6] 46.8. “that what you will say in almost every prayer you make, 'that this ” “may turn out well and successfully for me and for my colleague in office,' you will truly and with all your hearts desire to be fulfilled, and that you will so act that we men may believe that you also desire that for which you have prayed to the gods. Titus Tatius and Romulus, in whose city they had clashed as enemies in battle in the middle of the Forum, reigned there in harmony.”

> Latin: 46.8. uno animo, uno consilio legatis senatum, equites recenseatis, agatis censum, lustrum condatis; quod in omnibus fere precationibus nuncupabitis verbis “ut ea res mihi collegaeque meo bene et feliciter eveniat,” id ita ut vere, ut ex animo velitis evenire efficiatisque, ut, quod deos precati eritis, id vos velle etiam homines credamus.

[¶7] 46.10. “Not merely feuds but even wars draw to an end; many times from bitter foes men become faithful allies, sometimes even fellow citizens.”

> Latin: 46.10. T. Tatius et Romulus, in cuius urbis medio foro acie hostes concurrerant, ibi concordes regnarunt.

[¶8] 46.11. “The Albans when Alba was destroyed were transferred to Rome, the Latins and the Sabines were received into citizenship. There was a common saying which had passed into a proverb because it was true, that our friendships should be immortal, but mortal our enmities.”

> Latin: 46.11. non modo simultates, sed bella quoque finiuntur; ex infestis hostibus plerumque socii fideles, interdum etiam cives fiunt.

[¶9] 46.12. A roar of applause burst out, and then the speech was broken off by the voices of the whole crowd, demanding the same thing and merging into one sound.

> Latin: 46.12. Albani diruta Alba Romam traducti sunt; Latini, Sabini in civitatem accepti. vulgatum illud, quia verum erat, in proverbium venit, amicitias inmortales, mortales inimicitias debere esse.

[¶10] 46.13. Then Aemilius complained both of other things and particularly because he had twice been kept by Marcus Fulvius from the consulship which was assured him; Fulvius on his side complained that he had always been harassed by Aemilius and that the sponsio had been proposed to his shame.

> Latin: 46.13. “fremitus ortus cum adsensu, deinde universorum voces idem petentium confusae in unum orationem interpellarunt.

[¶11] 46.14. Nevertheless each stated that if the other was willing he was ready to put himself in the hands of all the leading men of the state. At the instance of all who were present, they sincerely exchanged hand-clasps and pledges, forgave one another, and ended their feud.

> Latin: 46.14. inde Aemilius questus cum alia, tum bis a M. Fulvio se certo consulatu deiectum; Fulvius contra queri se ab eo semper lacessitum et in probrum suum sponsionem factam; tamen ambo significare, si alter vellet, se in potestate tot principum civitatis futuros.

[¶12] 46.15. After that, followed by the applause of all, they were escorted to the Capitoline. Both the interest of the leaders in such a situation and the readiness of the censors to yield were notably approved and lauded by the senate.

> Latin: 46.15. omnibus instantibus qui aderant dextras fidemque dedere mittere vere ac finire odium. deinde conlaudantibus cunctis deducti sunt in Capitolium; et cura super tali re principum et facilitas censorum egregie comprobata ab senatu et laudata est.

[¶13] 46.16. Then, on the demand of the censors that the sum of money which they were to use on public works be assigned them, one year's revenue was decreed to them.

> Latin: 46.16. censoribus deinde postulantibus, ut pecuniae summa sibi, qua in opera publica uterentur, adtribueretur, vectigal annuum decretum est.

[¶14] 47.1. The same year the propraetors in Spain, Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Sempronius, arranged between them that Albinus should proceed through Lusitania against the Vaccaei and then return to Celtiberia; that Gracchus, if there were a greater war there, should make his way into the furthermost part of Celtiberia.

> Latin: 47.1. eodem anno in Hispania L. Postumius et Ti. Sempronius propraetores comparaverunt ita inter se, ut in Vaccaeos per Lusitaniam iret Albinus; in Celtiberam inde reverteretur, si maius ibi bellum esset;

[¶15] 47.2. ... He first took by storm the city of Munda, attacking it unexpectedly by night. Then, accepting hostages and leaving a garrison, he captured fortresses and burned the countryside until he came to another very powerful town which the Celtiberians call Certima.

> Latin: 47.2. Gracchus in ultima Celtiberiae penetraret. is Mundam urbem primo vi cepit, nocte ex inproviso adgressus. acceptis deinde obsidibus praesidioque inposito castella obpugnare, agros urere, donec ad praevalidam aliam urbem—Certimam adpellant Celtiberi— pervenit.

[¶16] 47.3. There, just as he was moving up his siege-engines, ambassadors came from the town, whose speech had the ring of old-fashioned frankness, and they did not disguise the fact that they would fight to the end if they had the strength.

> Latin: 47.3. ubi cum iam opera admoveret, veniunt legati ex oppido, quorum sermo antiquae simplicitatis fuit, non dissimulantium bellaturos, si vires essent.

[¶17] 47.4. For they asked that they might be permitted to go to the camp of the Celtiberians to summon aid; if they did not obtain it then they would consult by themselves and apart from the Celtiberians. When Gracchus granted this they departed and a few days later brought with them ten other ambassadors.

> Latin: 47.4. petierunt enim, ut sibi in castra Celtiberorum ire liceret ad auxilia accienda: si non impetrassent, tum separatim [eos] ab illis se consulturos. permittente Graccho ierunt et post paucis diebus alios decem legatos secum adduxerunt.

[¶18] 47.5. It was the hour of noon. They asked nothing from the praetor at first, except that he should order that they be given something to drink. Having quaffed the first cups they asked for a second drink, to the accompaniment of great laughter on the part of the bystanders at such uncultured natures, ignorant of all etiquette.

> Latin: 47.5. meridianum tempus erat. nihil prius petierunt a praetore, quam ut bibere sibi iuberet dari. epotis primis poculis iterum poposcerunt, magno risu circumstantium in tam rudibus et moris omnis ignaris ingeniis.

[¶19] 47.6. Then the eldest of them said: “We have been sent by our people to ascertain on what in the world it is that you rely in attacking us.”

> Latin: 47.6. tum maximus natu ex iis ”missi sumus“inquit” a gente nostra, qui sciscitaremur, qua tandem re fretus arma nobis inferres.

[¶20] 47.7. To this question Gracchus replied that he came relying on an excellent army; if they wished to see it, in order to make a more trustworthy report to their people, he would give them the opportunity.

> Latin: 47.7. “ad hanc percunctationem Gracchus exercitu se egregio fidentem venisse respondit; quem si ipsi visere velint, quo certiora ad suos referant, potestatem se eis facturum esse;

[¶21] 47.8. He ordered the tribunes of the soldiers to command all the forces of infantry and cavalry to equip themselves and to march in review under arms.

> Latin: 47.8. tribunisque militum imperat, ut ornari omnes copias peditum equitumque et decurrere iubeant armatas. ab hoc spectaculo legati dimissi deterruerunt suos ab auxilio circumsessae urbi ferendo.

[¶22] 47.9. After this spectacle the ambassadors were sent away and discouraged their people from sending aid to the besieged city. The townspeople, after vainly building fires on their towers at night, which had been the signal agreed upon, finding themselves destitute of their one hope of assistance, surrendered.

> Latin: 47.9. oppidani cum ignes nocte e turribus nequiquam, quod signum convenerat, sustulissent, destituti ab unica spe auxilii in deditionem venerunt.

[¶23] 47.10. Twenty-four thousand nummi were demanded of them, and forty of their noblest knights, not expressly as hostages —for they were ordered to do military duty —yet in the very nature of the situation as a guarantee of loyalty.

> Latin: 47.10. nummum quater et viciens ab iis est exactum, quadraginta nobilissimi equites, nec obsidum nomine—nam militare iussi sunt—, et tamen re ipsa, ut pignus fidei essent.

[¶24] 48.1. From there he next led his troops to the town of Alce, where the camp of the Celtiberians lay from which the ambassadors had recently come.

> Latin: 48.1. inde iam duxit ad Alcen urbem, ubi castra Celtiberorum erant, a quibus venerant nuper legati.

[¶25] 48.2. When he had harried them with skirmishes for some time, sending his light troops against their outposts, he was daily engaging in battle on a larger scale, that he might draw them all outside their defences.

> Latin: 48.2. eos cum per aliquot dies armaturam levem inmittendo in stationes lacessisset parvis proeliis, in dies maiora certamina serebat, ut omnes extra munitiones eliceret.

[¶26] 48.3. When he saw that what he was seeking had been sufficiently achieved, he ordered the commanders of the auxiliaries that, letting the conflict flag as if they were overcome by superior numbers, they should suddenly turn their backs and flee headlong to the camp; he himself formed his troops inside the rampart at all the gates.

> Latin: 48.3. ubi quod petebat sensit effectum, auxiliorum praefectis imperat, ut contracto certamine, tamquam multitudine superarentur, repente tergis datis ad castra effuse fugerent, ipse intra vallum ad omnes portas instruxit copias.

[¶27] 48.4. No long time passed when, as agreed, he saw the column of his own fugitives and behind them, pursuing in loose order, the barbarians.

> Latin: 48.4. haud multum temporis intercessit, cum ex composito refugientium suorum agmen, post effuse sequentes barbaros conspexit.

[¶28] 48.5. He had formed his line within the rampart for just this purpose. And so, waiting only long enough to allow his troops to escape into the camp through an open entrance, raising a shout he burst out from all the gates at once. The enemy did not withstand the unexpected attack.

> Latin: 48.5. instructam ad hoc ipsum intra vallum habebat aciem. itaque tantum moratus, ut suos refugere in castra libero introitu sineret, clamore sublato simul omnibus portis erupit.

[¶29] 48.6. Those who had come to capture the camp could not even defend their own: for at once they were repulsed and routed, presently driven in terror within the rampart, and finally stripped of their camp.

> Latin: 48.6. non sustinuere inpetum necopinatum hostes. qui ad castra obpugnanda venerant, ne sua quidem tueri potuerunt: nam extemplo fusi, fugati, mox intra vallum paventes compulsi, postremo exuuntur castris.

[¶30] 48.7. That day nine thousand of the enemy were killed; three hundred and twenty were taken alive, and a hundred and twelve horses and thirty-seven military standards were captured. Of the Roman army one hundred and nine fell.

> Latin: 48.7. eo die novem milia hostium caesa; capti vivi trecenti viginti, equi centum duodecim, signa militaria triginta septem. de exercitu Romano centum novem ceciderunt.

[¶31] 49.1. After this battle Gracchus led the legions to ravage Celtiberia. And while he was carrying and driving off everything everywhere and the tribes were submitting to the yoke, some voluntarily and others in fear, he received the surrender of a hundred and three towns within a few days and gained an immense amount of booty.

> Latin: 49.1. ab hoc proelio Gracchus duxit ad depopulandam Celtiberiam legiones, et cum ferret passim cuncta atque ageret populique alii voluntate, alii metu iugum acciperent, centum tria oppida intra paucos dies in deditionem accepit; praeda potitus ingenti est.

[¶32] 49.2. Then he turned the column back toward Alce whence he had come, and began to invest that town.

> Latin: 49.2. convertit inde agmen retro, unde venerat, ad Alcen, atque eam urbem obpugnare institit.

[¶33] 49.3. The citizens sustained the first assault of the enemy; then, when they were now being attacked, not by arms alone, but also by siege-works, despairing of protecting the town they all retired to the citadel; finally even from there they sent ambassadors out to plead for them and entrusted themselves and all their possessions to the dominion of the Romans.

> Latin: 49.3. oppidani primum inpetum hostium sustinuerunt; deinde, cum iam non armis modo sed etiam operibus obpugnarentur, diffisi praesidio urbis in arcem universi concesserunt;

[¶34] 49.4. Much booty was taken there. Many noble prisoners came into Roman hands, among them two sons and a daughter of Thurrus. He was the chieftain of these tribes and by far the most powerful man of all the Spaniards.

> Latin: 49.4. postremo et inde praemissis oratoribus in dicionem se suaque omnia Romanis permiserunt. magna inde praeda facta est. multi captivi nobiles in potestatem venerunt, inter quos et Thurri filii duo et filia.

[¶35] 49.5. After he had heard of the loss of his people he sent to ask for a safeguard if he came to the camp to see Gracchus, and then came. And first he asked whether it was permitted to him and his children to live.

> Latin: 49.5. regulus hic earum gentium erat, longe potentissimus omnium Hispanorum. audita suorum clade missis, qui fidem venienti in castra ad Gracchum peterent, venit.

[¶36] 49.6. When the praetor had replied that he should live, he next asked whether it was permitted to serve with the Romans.

> Latin: 49.6. et primum quaesivit ab eo, sibine liceret ac suis vivere. cum praetor victurum respondisset, quaesivit iterum, si cum Romanis militare liceret.

[¶37] 49.7. When Gracchus granted this too, “I shall follow you, then,” he said, “against my old allies, since they have disdained to take up arms for me.” Thenceforth he followed the Romans, and with courageous and constant help aided the Roman cause in many places.

> Latin: 49.7. id quoque Graccho permittente ”sequar“inquit ” vos adversus veteres socios meos, quoniam illos ad me … suspicere.“secutus est inde Romanos fortique ac fideli opera multis locis rem Romanam adiuvit.

[¶38] 50.1. Ergavica next, a renowned and powerful city, having been terrified by the fall of other peoples around them, opened its gates to the Romans.

> Latin: 50.1. Ergavica inde, nobilis et potens civitas, aliorum circa populorum cladibus territa, portas aperuit Romanis.

[¶39] 50.2. Some writers say that these surrenders of towns were not made in good faith: that there was immediate rebellion in every region from which Gracchus had withdrawn his legions, and that later, in a great battle in the Chaunus mountains, he fought with the Celtiberians from daybreak to the sixth hour of the day in pitched battle with heavy losses on both sides;

> Latin: 50.2. eam deditionem oppidorum haud cum fide factam quidam auctores sunt: e qua regione abduxisset legiones, extemplo inde rebellatum, magnoque eum postea proelio ad montem Chaunum cum Celtiberis a prima luce ad sextam horam diei signis conlatis pugnasse, multos utrimque cecidisse, nec aliud magnopere, … crederes, fecisse Romanos, nisi quod postero die lacessierint proelio manentes intra vallum;

[¶40] 50.3. that the Romans gave no conspicuous indication which would lead one to believe that they were victorious except that the next day they harried the enemy, who remained within the rampart; that all through that day they collected spoils; that on the third day another and greater battle was fought and this time at length the Celtiberians were undoubtedly beaten and their camp taken and plundered.

> Latin: 50.3. spolia per totum diem legisse; tertio die proelio maiore iterum pugnatum et tum demum haud dubie victos Celtiberos castraque eorum capta et direpta esse.

[¶41] 50.5. Twenty-two thousand of the enemy, these writers report, were killed that day and more than three hundred captured, together with an equal number of horses and seventy-two military standards. From that time, they say, the war was over and the Celtiberians kept true peace, not with wavering loyalty as before.

> Latin: 50.5. viginti duo milia hostium eo die esse caesa, plus trecentos captos, parem fere equorum numerum et signa militaria septuaginta duo. inde debellatum, veramque pacem, non fluxa, ut ante, fide Celtiberos fecisse.

[¶42] 50.6. They write that in the same summer Lucius Postumius also, in Farther Spain, twice fought successfully with the Vaccaei; that he had slain about thirty-five thousand of the enemy and taken their camp.

> Latin: 50.6. eadem aestate et L. Postumium in Hispania ulteriore bis cum Vaccaeis egregie pugnasse scribunt; ad triginta et quinque milia hostium occidisse et castra expugnasse.

[¶43] 50.7. It is nearer the truth to say that he came to the province too late to have been able to accomplish anything that summer.

> Latin: 50.7. propius vero est, serius in provinciam pervenisse, quam ut ea aestate potuerit res gerere.

[¶44] 51.1. The censors chose the senate faithfully and harmoniously. The princeps senatus selected was Marcus Aemilius Lepidus himself, a censor and the pontifix maximus; three were expelled from the senate; Lepidus retained some who had been passed over by his colleague.

> Latin: 51.1. censores fideli concordia senatum legerunt. princeps lectus est ipse censor M. Aemilius Lepidus pontifex maximus; tres eiecti de senatu;

[¶45] 51.2. Public works, out of the money assigned and divided between them, they carried out as follows. Lepidus built a mole at Tarracina, a work which brought him censure because he owned property there and had included with expenditures chargeable to the state some private expenses; he contracted for a theatre and proscenium-building at the temple of Apollo, and for the cleaning and whitening of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline and of the columns around it; and from these columns he removed the statues which seemed to be so placed as to obstruct the view, and he took down the shields from the columns and the military standards of every sort which were affixed to them.

> Latin: 51.2. retinuit quosdam Lepidus a collega praeteritos. opera ex pecunia adtributa divisaque inter se haec confecerunt: Lepidus molem ad Tarracinam, ingratum opus, quod praedia habebat ibi, privatamque publicae rei inpensam inseruerat; theatrum et proscenium ad Apollinis, aedem Iovis in Capitolio columnasque circa poliendas albo locavit, et ab his columnis, quae incommode obposita videbantur, signa amovit clipeaque de columnis et signa militaria adfixa omnis generis dempsit.

[¶46] 51.4. Marcus Fulvius contracted for additional works and of greater utility: a harbour and the piles for a bridge over the Tiber, the piles on which many years later Publius Scipio Africanus and Lucius Mummius in their censorship contracted for the construction of arches, a basilica behind the new shops of the silver-smiths and a fish-market with shops about it which he sold for private

> Latin: 51.4. M. Fulvius plura et maioris locavit usus: portum et pilas pontis in Tiberi, quibus pilis fornices post aliquot annos P. Scipio Africanus et L. Mummius censores locaverunt inponendos, basilicam post argentarias novas et forum piscatorium circumdatis tabernis, quas vendidit in privatum,

[¶47] 51.6. use; also a portico outside the Porta Trigemina, and another behind the dock-yards, and near the shrine of Hercules, and behind the temple of Spes on the Tiber, and near the shrine of Apollo Medicus.

> Latin: 51.6. et forum et porticum extra portam Trigeminam et aliam post navalia et ad fanum Herculis et post Spei ad Tiberim et ad aedem Apollinis medici.

[¶48] 51.7. They had, besides, money in common: from this they let contracts in the names of both for the construction of an aqueduct and the erection of arches. This undertaking was blocked by Marcus Licinius Crassus, who would not permit the aqueduct to run across his property. The same censors established many port-dues and taxes.

> Latin: 51.7. habuere et in promiscuo praeterea pecuniam; ex ea communiter locarunt aquam adducendam fornicesque faciendos. inpedimento operi fuit M. Licinius Crassus, qui per fundum suum duci non est passus.

[¶49] 51.8. Many shrines and public places, occupied by private persons, they caused to be public and sacred and open to the people.

> Latin: 51.8. portoria quoque et vectigalia iidem multa instituerunt. complura sacella publicaque [sua], occupata a privatis, publica sacraque ut essent paterentque populo curarunt.

[¶50] 51.9. They changed the method of voting and constituted the tribes according to districts and to the classes and situations and occupations of the members.

> Latin: 51.9. mutarunt suffragia regionatimque et alter ex censoribus M.

[¶51] 52.1. Moreover, one of the censors, Marcus Aemilius, asked the senate that money should be assigned to him for the games in connection with the dedication of the temples which he had vowed to Queen Juno and Diana eight years before in the Ligurian war. They voted twenty thousand asses.

> Latin: 52.1. Aemilius petiit ab senatu, ut sibi dedicationis templorum reginae Iunonis et Dianae, quae bello Ligustino ante annis octo vovisset, pecunia ad ludos decerneretur.

[¶52] 52.2. He dedicated these temples, both in the circus Flaminius, and gave scenic games for three days after the dedication of the temple to Juno, two days in the case of Diana, and games in the circus for one day for each. He also dedicated a temple to the Lares of the Sea in the Campus.

> Latin: 52.2. viginti milia aeris decreverunt. dedicavit eas aedes, utramque in circo Flaminio, ludosque scenicos triduum post dedicationem templi Iunonis, biduum post Dianae, et singulos dies fecit in circo.

[¶53] 52.4. Lucius Aemilius Regillus had vowed this eleven years before during the naval battle against the prefects of King Antiochus. Above the doors of the temple a tablet was fixed bearing this inscription: “For finishing a great war, for subduing kings, this battle, fought for the purpose of winning peace, (gave victory) to Lucius Aemilius, the son of Marcus Aemilius, as he left the ” “field.

> Latin: 52.4. idem dedicavit aedem Larium permarinum in Campo. voverat eam annis undecim ante L. Aemilius Regillus navali proelio adversus praefectos regis Antiochi.

[¶54] 52.5. Under his auspices and command, with his good fortune and generalship, in the area bounded by Ephesus, Samos and Chios, under the eyes of Antiochus himself, of all his army, his cavalry and his elephants, the fleet of King Antiochus, hitherto undefeated, was routed, shattered and put to flight, and there on that day forty-two ships were taken with all their ” “crews.

> Latin: 52.5. supra valvas templi tabula cum titulo hoc fixa est “duello magno dirimendo, regibus subigendis * caput patrandae pacis ad pugnam exeunti L. Aemilio M. Aemili filio … auspicio, imperio, felicitate ductuque eius inter Ephesum, Samum Chiumque inspectante eopse Antiocho cum exercitu omni, equitatu elephantisque, classis regis Antiochi antea invicta fusa, contusa, fugataque est, ibique eo die naves longae cum omnibus sociis captae quadraginta duae.

[¶55] 52.6. As a result of the finishing of this battle King Antiochus was defeated and his naval empire (overthrown). By reason of this victory he vowed a temple to the Lares of the ” “Sea.”

> Latin: 52.6. ea pugna pugnata rex Antiochus regnumque … eius rei ergo aedem Laribus permarinis vovit.

[¶56] 52.7. A tablet to the same effect was set up in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline above the doors.

> Latin: 52.7. ” eodem exemplo tabula in aede Iovis in Capitolio supra valvas fixa est.

[¶57] 53.1. Two days after the censors chose the senate, Quintus Fulvius the consul set out against the Ligurians, making his way with his army across the pathless mountains and crossing the pass of Ballista, and fought a pitched battle with the enemy;

> Latin: 53.1. biduo, quo senatum legerunt censores, Q. Fulvius consul profectus in Ligures, per invios montes vallesque et saltus cum exercitu transgressus, signis conlatis cum hoste pugnavit, neque tantum acie vicit, sed castra quoque eodem die cepit.

[¶58] 53.2. he not only conquered them on the field but captured their camp the same day. Three thousand two hundred of the enemy and all this region of the Ligurians surrendered.

> Latin: 53.2. tria milia ducenti hostium omnisque ea regio Ligurum in deditionem venit.

[¶59] 53.3. The consul transferred the surrendered to lands in the plains and set garrisons over the mountains. Quickly, too, dispatches from the province came to Rome; a thanksgiving for three days was decreed because of these successes, and the praetors sacrificed forty full-grown victims in the course of the thanksgiving.

> Latin: 53.3. consul deditos in campestres agros deduxit praesidiaque montibus inposuit. celeriter … et ex provincia litterae Romam venerunt. supplicationes ob eas res gestas in triduum decretae sunt;

[¶60] 53.4. The other consul, Lucius Manlius, did nothing worth recording among the Ligurians. The transalpine Gauls, three thousand in number, crossing into Italy and harrying no one in war, asked land from the consuls and the senate, that they might live in peace under the rule of the Roman people.

> Latin: 53.4. praetores quadraginta hostiis maioribus per supplicationes rem divinam fecerunt. ab altero consule L. Manlio nihil memoria dignum in Liguribus est gestum. Galli Transalpini, tria milia hominum, in Italiam transgressi, neminem bello lacessentes agrum a consulibus et senatu petebant, ut pacati sub imperio populi Romani essent.

[¶61] 53.6. The senate ordered them to leave Italy, and instructed the consul Quintus Fulvius to search out and punish the leaders and proposers of the plan to cross the Alps.

> Latin: 53.6. eos senatus excedere Italia iussit et consulem Q. Fulvium quaerere et animadvertere in eos, qui principes et auctores transcendendi Alpes fuissent.

[¶62] 54.1. The same year Philip, king of the Macedonians, died, broken down by age and grief at the death of his son.

> Latin: 54.1. eodem anno Philippus rex Macedonum, senio et maerore consumptus post mortem filii, decessit.

[¶63] 54.2. He was wintering at Demetrias, distressed both by longing for his son and by repentance of his own cruelty.

> Latin: 54.2. Demetriade hibernabat, cum desiderio anxius filii tum paenitentia crudelitatis suae.

[¶64] 54.3. His mind was further disturbed, firstly by his other son, who was already and beyond doubt the king, both in his own opinion and that of others, the eyes of all being turned upon him, secondly, by the loneliness of his own old age, since some were waiting for his death and others not even waiting for it.

> Latin: 54.3. stimulabat animum et alter filius haud dubie et sua et aliorum opinione rex conversique in eum omnium oculi et destituta senectus aliis expectantibus suam mortem, aliis ne expectantibus quidem.

[¶65] 54.4. All this caused him the more distress, as it did to Antigonus the son of Echecrates, who bore the name of his uncle Antigonus, the guardian of Philip, a man of regal dignity, and renowned also for the famous battle against Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian.

> Latin: 54.4. quo magis angebatur, et cum eo Antigonus Echecratis filius, nomen patrui Antigoni ferens, qui tutor Philippi fuerat, regiae vir maiestatis, nobili etiam pugna adversus Cleomenem Lacedaemonium clarus.

[¶66] 54.5. The surname “the guardian” was given him by the Greeks to distinguish him from the other of that name.

> Latin: 54.5. tutorem eum Graeci, ut cognomine a ceteris regibus distinguerent, adpellarunt.

[¶67] 54.6. The younger Antigonus, the son of his brother Echecrates, of all the friends whom Philip had honoured, alone remained uncorrupted, and this loyalty to Philip had made Perseus, under no circumstances a friend, a most deadly foe.

> Latin: 54.6. huius fratris filius Antigonus ex honoratis Philippi amicis unus incorruptus permanserat, eique ea fide nequaquam amicum Persea inimicissimum fecerat.

[¶68] 54.7. Foreseeing in his mind with how great danger to himself the inheritance of the kingdom would fall to Perseus, as soon as he saw that the mind of the king was wavering and that he sometimes grieved at the loss of his son Demetrius, now by listening to him, now by even provoking him to talk of that rash act, with laments of his own he echoed the laments of Philip.

> Latin: 54.7. is prospiciens animo, quanto cum periculo suo hereditas regni ventura esset ad Persea, ut primum labare animum regis et ingemiscere interdum filii desiderio sensit, nunc praebendo aures, nunc lacessendo etiam mentionem rei temere actae saepe querenti querens et ipse aderat;

[¶69] 54.8. And while the truth, as usually happens, was offering many foretokens of itself, he aided with all his might in bringing everything to light with greater speed.

> Latin: 54.8. et cum multa, ut adsolet, veritas praeberet vestigia sui, omni ope adiuvabat, quo maturius omnia emanarent.

[¶70] 54.9. Suspicion had fallen particularly upon Apelles and Philocles as the instigators of the crime, since they had been the ambassadors to Rome and had brought the letter, fatal to Demetrius, which bore the name of Flamininus.

> Latin: 54.9. suspecti ut ministri facinoris Apelles maxime et Philocles erant, qui Romam legati fuerant litterasque exitiales Demetrio sub nomine Flaminini adtulerant.

[¶71] 55.1. That the letter was a forgery, the falsification of a scribe, and the seal a counterfeit, was the muttering of all the palace.

> Latin: 55.1. falsas esse et a scriba vitiatas signumque adulterinum vulgo in regia fremebant.

[¶72] 55.2. But while the facts were suspected rather than established by proof, Xychus by chance encountered Antigonus and was arrested by him and taken to the palace.

> Latin: 55.2. ceterum cum suspecta magis quam manifesta esset res, forte Xychus obvius fit Antigono, comprehensusque ab eo in regiam est perductus. relicto eo custodibus Antigonus ad Philippum processit.

[¶73] 55.3. Leaving him in the care of guards, Antigonus went to Philip and addressed him thus: “I seem to have understood from many conversations that you will value it highly if you can learn the whole truth about your sons, which of the two was attacked by the other with treachery and ambush. There is one man in all the world who can untie the knot of this uncertainty, and this man, Xychus, is in your hands.”

> Latin: 55.3. “multis” inquit “sermonibus intellexisse videor, magno te aestimaturum, si scire vera omnia possis de filiis tuis, uter ab utro petitus fraude et insidiis esset.

[¶74] 55.4. “Since he happened to come in my way and has been by me brought to the palace, order him to be summoned.”

> Latin: 55.4. homo unus omnium, qui nodum huius erroris exsolvere possit, in potestate tua est Xychus.” forte oblatum perductumque in regiam vocari iube.

[¶75] 55.5. When Xychus was brought before the king, he at first denied everything so irresolutely that it was clear that he would be a ready witness under the stimulus of a little terror. He did not endure even the sight of the torturer and the lash, but set forth the whole sequence of events in the crime of the ambassadors and his own service in connection with it.

> Latin: 55.5. adductus primo ita negare inconstanter, ut parvo metu admoto paratum indicem esse adpareret. conspectum tortoris verberumque non sustinuit ordinemque omnem facinoris legatorum ministeriique sui exposuit.

[¶76] 55.6. At once men were sent out to arrest the ambassadors, and Philocles, who was at hand, was seized: Apelles, who had been sent in pursuit of a certain Chaereas, hearing of the testimony of Xychus, crossed to Italy.

> Latin: 55.6. extemplo missi, qui legatos comprehenderent. Philoclem, qui praesens erat, obpresserunt; Apelles missus ad Chaeream quendam persequendum indicio Xychi audito in Italiam traiecit.

[¶77] 55.7. With regard to Philocles there is no certain information: some say that after boldly denying his guilt at first, when he was confronted with Xychus he did not hold out longer, others assert that he even suffered torture while still making denial.

> Latin: 55.7. de Philocle nihil certi vulgatum est; alii primo audaciter negantem, postquam in conspectum adductus sit Xychus, non ultra tetendisse, alii tormenta etiam infitiantem perpessum adfirmant.

[¶78] 55.8. Philip's grief was renewed and doubled; and he believed that his unhappiness in his children was the greater because the second remained.

> Latin: 55.8. Philippo redintegratus est luctus geminatusque, et infelicitatem suam in liberis graviorem, quod alter superesset, quam quod alter perisset, censebat.

[¶79] 56.1. When Perseus was informed that everything had been discovered he was indeed too strong to consider that flight was necessary: he arranged only to remain far away, being prepared to defend himself against the flames of burning anger while Philip lived.

> Latin: 56.1. Perseus certior factus omnia detecta esse, potentior quidem erat, quam ut fugam necessariam duceret;

[¶80] 56.2. Philip, although disappointed in the hope of seizing his person for punishment, turned his attention to the course which was still open to him — of seeing to it that Perseus might not, in addition to impunity, also enjoy the profit of his crime.

> Latin: 56.2. tantum, ut procul abesset, curabat, interim velut ab incendio flagrantis irae, dum Philippus viveret, se defensurus. is spe potiundi ad poenam corporis eius amissa, quod reliquum erat, id studere, ne super inpunitatem etiam praemio sceleris frueretur.

[¶81] 56.3. He therefore summoned Antigonus, to whom he was indebted in return for his having exposed the murder, and who, he believed, would be a king about whom the Macedonians need by no means be ashamed or abashed, on account of the recent fame of his uncle Antigonus.

> Latin: 56.3. Antigonum igitur adpellat, cui et palam facti parricidii gratia obnoxius erat, neque pudendum aut paenitendum eum regem Macedonibus propter recentem patrui Antigoni gloriam fore censebat.

[¶82] 56.4. “Since I have come to such a state, Antigonus,” he said, “that the bereavement which other parents try to avert cannot but seem to be a blessing, the kingdom which I received from your uncle, held in safe-keeping and even made still greater by his courageous and not merely loyal guardianship, it is in my mind to bequeath to you. I have you alone whom I judge to be worthy of the throne.”

> Latin: 56.4. “quando in eam fortunam veni” inquit, “Antigone, ut orbitas mihi, quam alii detestantur parentes, optabilis esse debeat, regnum, quod a patruo tuo forti, non solum fideli tutela eius custoditum et auctum etiam accepi, id tibi tradere in animo est.

[¶83] 56.5. “If I had no one, I should prefer to have it perish and be destroyed to seeing it become for Perseus the reward of his criminal treachery.”

> Latin: 56.5. te unum habeo, quem dignum regno iudicem; si neminem haberem, perire et exstingui id mallem quam Perseo scelestae fraudis praemium esse.

[¶84] 56.6. “I shall believe that Demetrius is raised from the dead and restored to me if I shall leave you, who alone have wept at the death of an innocent man and for my unfortunate mistake, as a substitute for him.” After saying this he did not cease to distinguish him with every mark of honour.

> Latin: 56.6. Demetrium excitatum ab inferis restitutumque credam mihi, si te, qui morti innocentis, qui meo infelici errori unus inlacrimasti, in locum eius substitutum relinquam.

[¶85] 56.7. While Perseus was absent in Thrace, Philip canvassed the cities of Macedonia and recommended Antigonus to the chiefs; and if longer life had been his lot there is no question that he would have left Antigonus in possession of the throne. Setting out from Demetrias, he had been delayed for a very long time at Thessalonica.

> Latin: 56.7. ” ab hoc sermone omni genere honoris producere eum non destitit. cum in Thracia Perseus abesset, circumire Macedoniae urbes principibusque Antigonum commendare; et, si vita longior subpetisset, haud dubium fuit, quin eum in possessione regni relicturus fuerit.

[¶86] 56.8. When he had come from there to Amphipolis he was seized with a severe illness. But it is evident that his sickness was one of the mind rather than of the body;

> Latin: 56.8. ab Demetriade profectus Thessalonicae plurimum temporis moratus fuerat. inde cum Amphipolim venisset, gravi morbo est inplicitus.

[¶87] 56.9. and that anxiety and loss of sleep, while again and again the shade and ghost of the innocent son whom he had killed pursued him, brought about his death while calling down dreadful curses upon his other son.

> Latin: 56.9. sed animo tamen aegrum magis fuisse quam corpore constat, curisque et vigiliis, cum identidem species et umbrae insontis interempti filii agitarent, cum diris exstinctum esse exsecrationibus alterius.

[¶88] 56.10. Nevertheless Antigonus could possibly have been advanced to the throne if he had been present or even if the death of the king had been made public at once.

> Latin: 56.10. tamen admoneri potuisset Antigonus, si aut adfuisset aut statim palam facta esset mors regis.

[¶89] 56.11. The physician Calligenes, who was in charge of his treatment, without waiting for the death of the king, at the first signs that the case was hopeless sent messengers to Perseus, as he had arranged to do, on relays of horses, and until his arrival concealed the death of the king from all who were outside the palace.

> Latin: 56.11. medicus Calligenes, qui curationi praeerat, non expectata morte regis a primis desperationis notis nuntios per dispositos …, ita ut convenerat, misit ad Perseum et mortem regis in adventum eius omnes, qui extra regiam erant, celavit.

[¶90] 57.1. Thus Perseus caught everyone unprepared and ignorant, and grasped the sceptre which he had won by crime. The death of Philip came at a fortunate time for delaying and for diverting strength from the war.

> Latin: 57.1. obpressit igitur necopinantes ignarosque omnes Perseus et regnum scelere partum invasit.

[¶91] 57.2. For a few days later the tribe of the Bastarnae, after long solicitation, left their homes and with a great number of infantry and cavalry crossed the Hister.

> Latin: 57.2. peropportuna mors Philippi fuit ad dilationem et ad vires bello contrahendas. nam post paucis diebus gens Bastarnarum, diu sollicitata, ab suis sedibus magna peditum equitumque manu Histrum traiecit.

[¶92] 57.3. Thence Antigonus and Cotto came on in advance to bring the word to the king: Cotto was a nobleman among the Bastarnae, Antigonus one of Philip's courtiers who had often been sent with Cotto himself to stir up the Bastarnae. When they were not far from Amphipolis, first the rumour and then the authenticated tidings of the death of the king reached them. This event wholly upset the ordered plan of Philip.

> Latin: 57.3. inde praegressi, qui nuntiarent regi, Antigonus et Cotto; Cotto nobilis erat Bastarna, [ea res] Antigonus iam prius cum ipso Cottone legatus ad concitandos Bastarnas missus. haud procul Amphipoli fama, inde certi nuntii obcurrerunt mortuum esse regem;

[¶93] 57.4. But it had been so arranged that Philip was to guarantee to the Bastarnae a safe passage through Thrace and also supplies. In order that he might be able to accomplish this, he had cultivated the chiefs of these districts with gifts, pledging his word that the Bastarnae would cross their territories peaceably.

> Latin: 57.4. quae res omnem ordinem consilii turbavit. compositum autem sic fuerat, transitum per Thraciam tutum et commeatus Bastarnis ut Philippus praestaret. id ut facere posset, regionum principes donis coluerat fide sua obligata pacato agmine transituros Bastarnas.

[¶94] 57.5. It had been his intention to destroy the race of the Dardanians and to give the Bastarnae homes on their lands.

> Latin: 57.5. Dardanorum gentem delere propositum erat inque eorum agro sedes fundare Bastarnis.

[¶95] 57.6. From this policy there was a double advantage if, in the first place, the Dardanians, a people always most hostile to Macedonia and watchful for occasions unfavourable to the kings, should be destroyed, and, secondly, if the Bastarnae, leaving their wives and children in Dardania, could be sent to plunder Italy.

> Latin: 57.6. duplex inde erat commodum futurum, si et Dardani, gens semper infestissima Macedoniae temporibusque iniquis regum inminens, tolleretur, et Bastarnae relictis in Dardania coniugibus liberisque ad populandam Italiam possent mitti:

[¶96] 57.7. There was a road, he knew, through the country of the Scordisci to the Adriatic sea and Italy; an army could not be led by any other way. The Scordisci would readily give a passage to the Bastarnae: for they were not very different in either language or manners; and they themselves would join forces with them when they saw the Bastarnae going to plunder a most wealthy people.

> Latin: 57.7. per Scordiscos iter esse ad mare Hadriaticum Italiamque, alia via traduci exercitum non posse. facile Bastarnis Scordiscos iter daturos—nec enim aut lingua aut moribus [aequales] abhorrere—et ipsos adiuncturos se, cum ad praedam opulentissimae gentis ire vidissent.

[¶97] 57.8. From that point his plans were adapted to any issue: if the Bastarnae were cut to pieces by the Romans, yet the removal of the Dardani and the booty from the remnants of the Bastarnae and the unhindered occupancy of Dardania would be his consolation;

> Latin: 57.8. inde in omnem eventum consilia adcommodabantur: sive caesi ab Romanis forent Bastarnae, Dardanos tamen sublatos praedamque ex reliquiis Bastarnarum et possessionem liberam Dardaniae solacio fore, sive prospere rem gessissent, Romanis aversis in Bastarnarum bellum recuperaturum se in Graecia quae amisisset.

[¶98] 57.9. if on the other hand success attended their venture, while the attention of the Romans was distracted to the war with the Bastarnae Philip would recover his lost possessions in Greece. This was the plan of Philip. At first the Bastarnae marched with their column peacefully inclined. Then, after the departure of Cotto and Antigonus and, not much later, after the receipt of the news of the death of Philip, neither were the Thracians easy to negotiate with nor could the Bastarnae be satisfied with what they could buy nor could they be kept in column without leaving the line of march.

> Latin: 57.9. haec Philippi consilia fuerant. … ingressi sunt pacato agmine; digressu deinde Cottonis et Antigoni et haud multo post ad famam mortis Philippi neque Thraces commercio faciles erant neque Bastarnae empto contenti esse poterant aut in agmine contineri, ne decederent via.

[¶99] 58.2. In consequence injuries were inflicted on both sides, and as these increased day by day war flared up. Finally, when the Thracians were unable to withstand the strength and numbers of the enemy, leaving the villages in the plains they fell back to a mountain of great height —they call it Donuca.

> Latin: 58.2. inde iniuriae ultro citroque fieri, quarum in dies incremento bellum exarsit. postremo Thraces cum vim ac multitudinem sustinere hostium non possent, relictis campestribus vicis in montem ingentis altitudinis— Donucam vocant—concesserunt.

[¶100] 58.3. When the Bastarnae tried to climb it, they were caught, as they attempted in vain to scale the heights of the mountains, by such a storm as that which, as the story goes, destroyed the Gauls as they pillaged Delphi.

> Latin: 58.3. quo cum subire Bastarnae vellent, quali tempestate Gallos spoliantes Delphos fama est peremptos esse, talis tum Bastarnas nequiquam ad iuga montium adpropinquantes obpressit.

[¶101] 58.4. For not merely were they assailed with a deluge of rain and then masses of hail, along with tremendous crashes in the sky and thunders and lightning-flashes blinding their eyes, but also the bolts flashed all about them so that their own bodies seemed to be the targets, and not only the common soldiers but even the chieftains fell stricken on the ground.

> Latin: 58.4. neque enim imbre tantum effuso, dein creberrima grandine obruti sunt cum ingenti fragore caeli tonitribusque et fulguribus praestringentibus aciem oculorum, sed fulmina etiam sic undique micabant, ut peti viderentur corpora, nec solum milites, sed etiam principes icti caderent.

[¶102] 58.6. So when in headlong flight in their blindness they were rushing about and falling over lofty cliffs, the Thracians too came upon them in their panic, but they themselves said that the gods were the causes of their flight and that the skies were falling upon them Scattered by the tempest, as if after a shipwreck, when many of them, half-armed, had returned to the camp whence they had set out, they began to consider what they should do.

> Latin: 58.6. itaque cum praecipiti fuga per rupes praealtas inprovidi sternerentur ruerentque, instabant quidem perculsis Thraces, sed ipsi deos auctores fugae esse caelumque in se ruere aiebant.

[¶103] 58.7. Then a disagreement arose, some thinking that they should return home, others that they should make their way into Dardania; about thirty thousand men, under the command of Clondicus, arrived at the place for which they had set out, the rest of the population returned to Apollonia and Mesembria by the way they had come.

> Latin: 58.7. dissipati procella cum tamquam ex naufragio plerique semermes in castra, unde profecti erant, redissent, consultari, quid agerent, coeptum. inde orta dissensio, aliis redeundum, aliis penetrandum in Dardaniam censentibus. triginta ferme milia hominum in Dardaniam, quo Clondico duce profecti erant, pervenerunt; cetera multitudo retro, qua venerat, Apolloniam mediterraneam regionem repetit.

[¶104] 58.9. Perseus, having gained the throne, ordered Antigonus to be put to death; and until he could strengthen his position he sent ambassadors to Rome to renew his father's friendship and to ask that he be called king by the senate. Such were the events of the year in Macedonia.

> Latin: 58.9. Perseus potitus regno interfici Antigonum iussit; et dum firmaret res, legatos Romam ad amicitiam paternam renovandam petendumque, ut rex ab senatu adpellaretur, misit. haec eo anno in Macedonia gesta.

[¶105] 59.1. One of the consuls, Quintus Fulvius, triumphed over the Ligurians; this triumph was clearly due to influence rather than to the greatness of his achievements.

> Latin: 59.1. alter consulum Q. Fulvius ex Liguribus triumphavit, quem triumphum magis gratiae quam rerum gestarum magnitudini datum constabat.

[¶106] 59.2. He carried in the triumph a great quantity of arms taken from the enemy, but practically no money. Still he distributed to the soldiers three hundred asses each to the infantry, twice that sum to the centurions and thrice to the cavalry.

> Latin: 59.2. armorum hostilium magnam vim transtulit, nullam pecuniam admodum. divisit tamen in singulos milites trecenos aeris, duplex centurionibus, triplex equiti.

[¶107] 59.3. Nothing in the triumph was more noteworthy than that it happened to occur on the same day on which, in the previous year, he had triumphed after his praetorship.

> Latin: 59.3. nihil in eo triumpho magis insigne fuit, quam quod forte evenit, ut eodem die triumpharet, quo priore anno ex praetura triumphaverat.

[¶108] 59.4. After the triumph he announced the elections, at which Marcus Junius Brutus and Aulus Manlius Volso were chosen consuls.

> Latin: 59.4. secundum triumphum comitia edixit, quibus creati consules sunt M. Iunius Brutus A. Manlius Vulso.

[¶109] 59.5. The election of praetors, after three had been chosen, was broken up by a storm. The following day, this being the fourth day before the Ides of March, the other three were elected, Marcus Titinius Curvus, Tiberius Claudius Nero, Titus Fonteius Capito.

> Latin: 59.5. praetorum inde tribus creatis comitia tempestas diremit. postero die reliqui tres facti, ante diem quartum idus Martias, M. Titinius Curvus Ti. Claudius Nero T. Fonteius Capito.

[¶110] 59.6. The ludi Romani were repeated by the curule aediles, Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Appius Claudius Cento, by reason of the prodigies which had occurred.

> Latin: 59.6. ludi Romani instaurati ab aedilibus curulibus Cn. Servilio Caepione Ap. Claudio Centone propter prodigia, quae evenerant.

[¶111] 59.7. The earth shook; in the shrines of the gods, when the lectisternium was being held, the heads of the gods who were on the couches turned away, and the platter with its lids which had been set before Jupiter fell from the table.

> Latin: 59.7. terra movit; in fanis publicis, ubi lectisternium erat, deorum capita, qui in lectis erant, averterunt se, lanxque cum integumentis, quae Iovi adposita fuit, decidit de mensa.

[¶112] 59.8. It was also interpreted as a portent that the mice tasted the olives. To make atonement for them, nothing else was done than to repeat the Games.

> Latin: 59.8. oleas quoque praegustasse mures in prodigium versum est. ad ea expianda nihil ultra, quam ut ludi instaurarentur, actum est.