---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 1 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 1. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 1. Book XXXI · chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. I also am relieved, just as if I myself had shared the labour and the peril, that I have come to the end of the Punic War.

> Latin: 1.1. me quoque iuvat, velut ipse in parte laboris ac periculi fuerim, ad finem belli Punici pervenisse.

[¶1] 1.2. For while it is not at all fitting that one who has ventured to promise to write the whole history of Rome should grow wearied in dealing with the single portions of so great a task, nevertheless, when I reflect that sixty-three years — the space between the outbreak of the First and the end of the Second Punic War — have filled as many books for me as were required for the four hundred and

> Latin: 1.2. nam etsi profiteri ausum perscripturum res omnis Romanas in partibus singulis tanti operis fatigari minime conveniat, tamen, cum in mentem venit tris et sexaginta annos— tot enim sunt a primo Punico ad secundum bellum finitum—

[¶2] 1.4. eighty-seven years from the founding of the city to the consulship of Appius Claudius (who began the first war with the Carthaginians), already I see in my mind's eye that, like men who, attracted by the shallow water near the shore, wade out into the sea, I am being carried on, whatever progress I make, into depths more vast and, as it were, into the abyss, and that the task almost waxes greater which, as I finished each of the earlier portions, seemed to be growing smaller.

> Latin: 1.4. aeque multa volumina occupasse mihi, quam occupaverint quadringenti octoginta septem anni a condita urbe ad Ap. Claudium consulem, qui primum bellum Carthaginiensibus intulit, iam provideo animo, velut qui proximis litori vadis inducti mare pedibus ingrediuntur, quidquid progredior, in vastiorem me altitudinem ac velut profundum invehi, et crescere paene opus, quod prima quaeque perficiendo minui videbatur.

[¶3] 1.6. The Punic peace was followed by the Macedonian war, which, although in no wise comparable as regards its danger, or the prowess of the leader, or the strength of the military forces employed, yet, because of the fame of Macedonia's ancient kings and the ancient glory of the nation and the vast extent of its empire, in which it had at one time gained by its arms dominion over large portions of Europe and the greater part of Asia, was almost more celebrated.

> Latin: 1.6. pacem Punicam bellum Macedonicum excepit, periculo haudquaquam comparandum aut virtute ducis aut militum robore, claritate regum antiquorum vetustaque fama gentis et magnitudine imperii, quo multa quondam Europae, maiorem partem Asiae obtinuerant armis, prope nobilius.

[¶4] 1.8. Now the war with Philip, begun about ten years before this time, had some time before been laid aside for a period of three years, the Aetolians being the cause of the truce as they had been of the beginning of hostilities.

> Latin: 1.8. ceterum coeptum bellum adversus Philippum decem ferme ante annis triennio prius depositum erat, cum Aetoli et belli et pacis fuissent causa.

[¶5] 1.9. Then later the Romans, being at last unoccupied by any war, as a result of the peace with Carthage, and being indignant with Philip both because of the treacherous peace which he had concluded with the Aetolians and the other allies in that region, and because of the military assistance and money which he had recently sent to Hannibal and the Carthaginians in Africa, were aroused by the prayers of the Athenians, whom Philip had driven into the city by the ravaging of their fields, into renewing the war.

> Latin: 1.9. vacuos deinde pace Punica iam Romanos et infensos Philippo cum ob infidam adversus Aetolos aliosque regionis eiusdem socios pacem, tum ob auxilia cum pecunia nuper in Africam missa Hannibali Poenisque preces Atheniensium, quos agro pervastato in urbem compulerat, excitaverunt ad renovandum bellum.

[¶6] 2.1. At about the same time, ambassadors both from King Attalus of Pergamum and from the Rhodians arrived in Rome and brought word that the cities of Asia also were being stirred up to discontent.

> Latin: 2.1. sub idem fere tempus et ab Attalo rege et Rhodiis legati venerunt nuntiantes Asiae quoque civitates sollicitari.

[¶7] 2.2. To these embassies the senate replied that they would look into the matter, and the whole question of the Macedonian war was referred to the consuls who were then in the provinces.

> Latin: 2.2. his legationibus responsum est curae eam rem senatui fore; consultatio de Macedonico bello integra ad consules, qui tunc in provinciis erant, reiecta est.

[¶8] 2.3. Meanwhile three ambassadors, Gaius Claudius Nero, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, were sent to King Ptolemy of Egypt, to announce the defeat of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, to thank the king because, in a critical time, when even allies nearer home had revolted, he had remained loyal, and to ask that if the Romans, compelled by their wrongs, should declare war on Philip, he should preserve his ancient attitude toward the Roman people.

> Latin: 2.3. interim ad Ptolomaeum, Aegypti regem, legati tres missi, C. Claudius Nero, M. Aemilius Lepidus, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, ut nuntiarent victum Hannibalem Poenosque et gratias agerent regi, quod in rebus dubiis, cum finitimi etiam socii Romanos desererent, in fide mansisset, et peterent, ut, si coacti iniuriis bellum adversus Philippum suscepissent, pristinum animum erga populum Romanum conservaret.

[¶9] 2.5. At about the same time the consul, Publius Aelius, who was in Gaul, having learned that before his arrival the Boi had been raiding the fields of the allies, enrolled an emergency force of two legions, to deal with this uprising, and adding to them four cohorts from his own army, he ordered Gaius Ampius, the commander of the allied forces, to take this improvised force and with it to invade the territory of the Boi, marching by way of Umbria, through the district known as the tribus Sapinia.

> Latin: 2.5. eodem fere tempore P. Aelius consul in Gallia, cum audisset a Boiis ante suum adventum incursiones in agros sociorum factas, duabus legionibus subitariis tumultus eius causa scriptis additisque ad eas quattuor cohortibus de exercitu suo C.

[¶10] 2.6. Aelius himself led his forces thither by the open road over the mountains. Ampius, after entering the enemy's country, at first conducted raids with considerable success and without losses; then, choosing, near the fortified town of Mutilum, a camp-site suitable for reaping the crops — for the grain was now ripe — he set out without reconnoitring the neighbourhood or establishing sufficiently strong posts of armed men to protect the unarmed parties who were intent upon the work, and, when the Gauls made an unexpected attack, he and his foragers were surrounded.

> Latin: 2.6. Ampium. praefectum socium, hac tumultuaria manu per Umbriam, qua tribum Sapiniam vocant, agrum Boiorum invadere iussit; ipse eodem aperto itinere per montes duxit. Ampius ingressus hostium fines primo populationes satis prospere ac tuto fecit; delecto deinde ad castrum Mutilum satis idoneo loco ad demetenda frumenta—iam enim maturae erant segetes—profectus neque explorato circa nec stationibus satis firmis, quae armatae inermis atque operi intentos tutarentur, positis improviso impetu Gallorum cum frumentatoribus est circumventus.

[¶11] 2.8. Thereupon terror and panic laid hold even of those who were under arms.

> Latin: 2.8. inde pavor fugaque etiam armatos cepit.

[¶12] 2.9. About seven thousand men, scattered through the grain-fields, were killed, among them Gaius Ampius himself, the officer in command; the rest were driven by terror into the camp.

> Latin: 2.9. ad septem milia hominum palata per segetes sunt caesa, inter quos ipse C. Ampius praefectus;

[¶13] 2.10. Thence, on the next night, there being no one definitely in command, the soldiers by general consent abandoned most of their possessions, and travelling through well-nigh impassable forests rejoined the consul.

> Latin: 2.10. ceteri in castra metu compulsi. inde sine certo duce consensu militari proxima nocte relicta magna parte rerum suarum ad consulem per saltus prope invios pervenere.

[¶14] 2.11. He, having in his province accomplished nothing worth mentioning, except that he had ravaged the fields of the Boi and had made a treaty with the Ingauni Ligures, returned to Rome.

> Latin: 2.11. qui, nisi quod populatus est Boiorum finis et cum Ingaunis Liguribus foedus icit, nihil quod esset memorabile aliud in provincia cum gessisset, Romam rediit.

[¶15] 3.1. At the first meeting of the senate, when all the members insisted that no business should have precedence over the question of Philip and the allies' complaints, the matter was at once taken up for consideration and a motion passed in a full session, that Publius Aelius the consul should send a suitable person of his own selection, vested with military authority, to take over the fleet which Gnaeus Octavius was bringing from Sicily, and then cross over to Macedonia.

> Latin: 3.1. cum primum senatum habuit, universis postulantibus, ne quam prius rem quam de Philippo ac sociorum querellis ageret, relatum extemplo est; decrevitque frequens senatus, ut P. Aelius consul quem videretur ei cum imperio mitteret, qui classe accepta, quam ex Sicilia Cn. Octavius reduceret, in Macedoniam traiceret.

[¶16] 3.3. Marcus Valerius Laevinus was sent with the rank of propraetor, and receiving thirty-eight ships from Gnaeus Octavius in the neighbourhood of Vibo, he took them across to Macedonia.

> Latin: 3.3. M. Valerius Laevinus propraetor missus circa Vibonem duodequadraginta navibus ab Cn. Octavio acceptis in Macedoniam transmisit.

[¶17] 3.4. There Marcus Aurelius the commissioner met him and informed him what mighty armies, what a great number of ships the king had assembled, and in what fashion he was rousing men to armed revolt, not only in all the cities of the mainland but in the islands as well, partly by visiting them in person, partly through his agents;

> Latin: 3.4. ad quem cum M. Aurelius legatus venisset edocuissetque eum, quantos exercitus, quantum navium numerum comparasset rex, quem ad modum circa omnis non continentis modo urbes sed etiam insulas partim ipse adeundo, partim per legatos conciret homines ad arma:

[¶18] 3.6. and the two agreed that the Romans must undertake the war with greater vigour, lest while they delayed Philip should venture to do what Pyrrhus before him had done, with a considerably less powerful empire, and that Aurelius should forward this information in writing to the consuls and senate.

> Latin: 3.6. maiore conatu Romanis id capessendum bellum esse, ne cunctantibus iis auderet Philippus, quod Pyrrhus prius ausus ex aliquanto minore regno esset, haec scribere eadem Aurelium consulibus senatuique placuit.

[¶19] 4.1. At the end of this year, when a proposal was made for a distribution of land to the veterans who had brought to an end the war in Africa under the leadership and auspices of Publius Scipio, the Fathers voted that Marcus Junius, the praetor of the city, should, if it seemed advisable to him, appoint a board of ten to survey and assign such lands in Samnium and Apulia as were the public property of this the Roman people.

> Latin: 4.1. exitu huius anni cum de agris veterum militum relatum esset, qui ductu atque auspicio P. Scipionis in Africa bellum perfecissent, decreverunt patres, ut M. Iunius praetor urbanus, si ei videretur, decemviros agro Samniti Apuloque, quod eius publicum populi Romani esset, metiendo dividendoque crearet.

[¶20] 4.3. The board selected consisted of Publius Servilius, Quintus Caecilius Metellus, Gaius and Marcus Servilius (both having the surname Geminus), Lucius and Aulus Hostilius Cato, Publius Villius Tappulus, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, Publius Aelius Paetus, and Titus Quinctius Flamininus.

> Latin: 4.3. creati P. Servilius, Q. Caecilius Metellus, C. et M. Servilii —Geminis ambobus cognomen erat—, L. et A. Hostilii Catones, P. Villius Tappulus, M. Fulvius Flaccus, P. Aelius Paetus, T. Quinctius Flamininus.

[¶21] 4.4. At this time, the consul Publius Aelius holding the elections, Publius Sulpicius Galba and Gaius Aurelius Cotta were chosen consuls, and later Quintus Minucius Rufus, Lucius Furius Purpurio, Quintus Fulvius Gillo, and Gaius Sergius Plautus were elected praetors.

> Latin: 4.4. per eos dies P. Aelio consule comitia habente creati consules P. Sulpicius Galba, C. Aurelius Cotta. praetores exinde facti Q. Minucius Rufus, L. Furius Purpurio, Q. Fulvius Gillo, C. Sergius Plautus.

[¶22] 4.5. Dramatic performances at the Roman Games in that year were given with splendour and magnificence by the curule aediles, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Lucius Quinctius Flamininus; the performance of two days was renewed;

> Latin: 4.5. ludi Romani scaenici eo anno magnifice apparateque facti ab aedilibus curulibus L. Valerio Flacco et L. Quinctio Flaminino;

[¶23] 4.6. a huge quantity of grain, sent from Africa by Publius Scipio, they sold to the populace at four asses a measure, with the most scrupulous fairness and to the great satisfaction of the people.

> Latin: 4.6. biduum instauratum est; frumentique vim ingentem, quod ex Africa P. Scipio miserat, quaternis aeris populo cum summa fide et gratia diviserunt.

[¶24] 4.7. Also the Plebeian Games, entire, were thrice repeated by the plebeian aediles, Lucius Apustius Fullo and Quintus Minucius Rufus; the latter was chosen praetor at the close of his term as aedile. A banquet to Jupiter was likewise held in connection with the games.

> Latin: 4.7. et plebeii ludi ter toti instaurati ab aedilibus plebi L. Apustio Fullone et Q. Minucio Rufo, qui ex aedilitate praetor creatus erat. et Iovis epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[¶25] 5.1. In the five hundred and fifty-first year from B.. 200 the founding of the city, in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius Galba and Gaius Aurelius, war was declared against King Philip, a few months after peace had been granted to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 5.1. anno quingentesimo quinquagesimo primo ab urbe condita, P. Sulpicio Galba C. Aurelio consulibus, bellum cum rege Philippo initum est, paucis mensibus post pacem Carthaginiensibus datam.

[¶26] 5.2. On the Ides of March, the day on which the new magistrates were inaugurated at that period, the consul Publius Sulpicius first of all offered a motion, which the senate passed, that the consuls should perform a sacrifice of full-grown victims to whatever gods should seem best to them, and should at the same time make this prayer:

> Latin: 5.2. omnium primum eam rem idibus Martiis, quo die tum consulatus inibatur, P. Sulpicius consul rettulit, senatusque decrevit, uti consules maioribus hostiis rem divinam facerent quibus diis ipsis videretur cum precatione ea:

[¶27] 5.4. “Whatever the senate and the Roman people shall resolve for the common good and with reference to beginning a new war, may this decision turn out well and happily for the Roman people, the allies, and the Latin name;” that after the sacrifice and prayer they should lay before the senate the question of the public weal and of the provinces.

> Latin: 5.4. ‘quod senatus populusque Romanus de re publica deque ineundo novo bello in animo haberet, ea res uti populo Romano sociisque ac nomini Latino bene ac feliciter eveniret’; secundum rem divinam precationemque ut de re publica deque provinciis senatum consulerent.

[¶28] 5.5. In these days two things occurred opportunely for arousing popular sentiment in favour of the war: the arrival of the dispatches from the commissioner Marcus Aurelius and Marcus Laevinus the propraetor, and the coming of a new embassy from the Athenians, which brought word that the king was approaching their borders and that in a short time not only their farms but Athens itself would be in his power unless there should be some assistance from the Romans.

> Latin: 5.5. per eos dies opportune irritandis ad bellum animis et litterae ab M. Aurelio legato et M. Valerio Laevino propraetore adlatae et Atheniensium nova legatio venit, quae regem appropinquare finibus suis nuntiaret, brevique non agros modo, sed urbem etiam in dicione eius futuram, nisi quid in Romanis auxilii foret.

[¶29] 5.7. When the consuls had reported that the sacrifices had been duly performed and that the gods had given approval to their prayers, that the soothsayers had given answer that the entrails were propitious and portended an extension of territory, victory, and a triumph, then the letters of Valerius and Aurelius were read and the Athenian embassy given audience.

> Latin: 5.7. cum renuntiassent consules rem divinam rite peractam esse et precationi annuisse deos haruspices respondere laetaque exta fuisse et prolationem finium victoriamque et triumphum portendi, tum litterae Valerii Aureliique lectae et legati Atheniensium auditi.

[¶30] 5.8. The senate next decreed that the allies should be thanked because, though long harassed, they had not been led even by fear of siege to break their faith;

> Latin: 5.8. senatus inde consultum factum est, ut sociis gratiae agerentur, quo diu sollicitati ne obsidionis quidem metu fide decessissent;

[¶31] 5.9. with regard to sending aid, it was the senate's intention to answer their appeal when the consuls had been allotted their provinces and that consul to whom the province of Macedonia had fallen had proposed to the people a declaration of war upon Philip, King of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 5.9. de auxilio mittendo tum responderi placere, cum consules provincias sortiti essent atque is consul, cui Macedonia provincia evenisset, ad populum tulisset, ut Philippo, regi Macedonum, indiceretur bellum. P. Sulpicio provincia Macedonia sorti evenit, isque rogationem promulgavit, vellent iuberent Philippo regi Macedonibusque, qui sub regno eius essent, ob iniurias armaque illata sociis populi Romani bellum indici.

[¶32] 6.1. Macedonia was assigned by lot to Publius Sulpicius as his province, and he submitted to the popular assembly the question whether they wished and ordered that war be declared upon King Philip and the Macedonians over whom he ruled, on account of the injuries he had inflicted and the war he had made on the allies of the Roman people. To the other consul, Aurelius, the province of Italy was assigned.

> Latin: 6.1. alteri consulum Aurelio Italia provincia obtigit. praetores exinde sortiti sunt C. Sergius Plautus urbanam, Q. Fulvius Gillo Siciliam, Q. Minucius Rufus Bruttios, L. Furius Purpurio Galliam.

[¶33] 6.3. Next the praetors received their assignments, Gaius Sergius Plautus the praetorship of the city, Quintus Fulvius Gillo the governorship of Sicily, while Bruttium fell to Quintus Minucius Rufus and Gaul to Lucius Furius Purpurio. The motion regarding the Macedonian war was defeated at the first meeting of the assembly by the votes of almost all the centuries.

> Latin: 6.3. rogatio de bello Macedonico primis comitiis ab omnibus ferme centuriis antiquata est. id cum fessi diuturnitate et gravitate belli sua sponte homines taedio periculorum laborumque fecerant, tum Q.

[¶34] 6.4. This action was taken spontaneously by men who were worn out by a war of long duration and great severity, so weary were they of hardships and perils; furthermore, Quintus Baebius, the tribune of the plebs, pursuing the once-usual course of attacking the Fathers, had taunted them with sowing the seeds of war upon war, that the common people might never enjoy peace.

> Latin: 6.4. Baebius tribunus plebis, viam antiquam criminandi patres ingressus, incusaverat bella ex bellis seri, ne pace umquam frui plebs posset.

[¶35] 6.5. The senate was annoyed at this; the tribune was assailed with abuse in the senate, and each member independently urged the consul to summon the assembly again to consider the motion, to upbraid the people for its supineness, and to make clear what danger and disgrace such postponement of the war would cause.

> Latin: 6.5. aegre eam rem passi patres, laceratusque probris in senatu tribunus plebis, et consulem pro se quisque hortari, ut de integro comitia rogationi ferendae ediceret castigaretque segnitiam populi atque edoceret, quanto damno dedecorique dilatio ea belli futura esset.

[¶36] 7.1. The consul therefore, at the meeting in the Campus Martius, calling an informal meeting before he put the question to the centuries, spoke thus: “It seems to me, citizens, that you do not realize that the question before you is not whether you will have peace or war — for Philip will not leave that matter open for your decision, seeing that he is preparing a mighty war on land and sea — but whether you are to send your legions across to Macedonia or meet the enemy ”

> Latin: 7.1. consul in campo Martio comitiis, priusquam centurias in suffragium mitteret, contione advocata ‘ ignorare’ inquit ‘mihi videmini, Quirites, non, utrum bellum an pacem habeatis, vos consuli—neque enim liberum id vobis Philippus permittet, qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur—, sed, utrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis, an hostes in Italiam accipiatis.

[¶37] 7.3. “in Italy. What a difference that makes, if you never knew before, you found out at least in the recent Punic war. For who doubts that if, when the Saguntines were besieged and were invoking our protection, we had promptly sent aid to them, as our fathers did to the Mamertines, we should have diverted the whole war to Spain, whereas by our delay we admitted it to Italy, with infinite losses ” “to ourselves?

> Latin: 7.3. hoc quantum intersit, si numquam alias, [Punico] proximo certe bello experti estis. quis enim dubitat, quin, si Saguntinis obsessis fidemque nostram inplorantibus inpigre tulissemus opem, sicut patres nostri Mamertinis tulerant, totum in Hispaniam aversuri bellum fuerimus, quod cunctando cum summa clade nostra in Italiam accepimus?

[¶38] 7.4. Nor is there any doubt in the case of this same Philip, when he had already bargained with Hannibal, through ambassadors and by means of letters, to invade Italy, that when we sent Laevinus with a fleet to begin an offensive campaign against him, we kept him ” “in Macedonia.

> Latin: 7.4. ne illud quidem dubium est, quin hunc ipsum Philippum, pactum iam per legatos litterasque cum Hannibale, ut in Italiam traiceret, misso cum classe Laevino, qui ultro ei bellum inferret, in Macedonia continuerimus.

[¶39] 7.5. And that which we did then, when we had Hannibal fighting in Italy, do we hesitate to do now, when Hannibal has been driven out and the ” “Carthaginians conquered?

> Latin: 7.5. et quod tunc fecimus, cum hostem Hannibalem in Italia haberemus, id nunc pulso Italia Hannibale, devictis Carthaginiensibus cunctamur facere?

[¶40] 7.6. Let us permit the king by the capture of Athens, as we permitted Hannibal by the capture of Saguntum, to see how slow we are ” “to act: not in five months, as when Hannibal came from Saguntum, but in five days after he sets sail from Corinth, Philip will arrive ”

> Latin: 7.6. patiamur expugnandis Athenis, sicut Sagunto expugnando Hannibalem passi sumus, segnitiam nostram experiri regem: non quinto inde mense, quem ad modum ab Sagunto Hannibal, sed quinto [inde] die, quam ab Corintho solverit naves, in Italiam perveniet.

[¶41] 7.8. “in Italy! You need not compare Philip with Hannibal nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians; you will compare him at least with Pyrrhus. Compare, did I say? How great is the superiority, man to man or nation ” “to nation!

> Latin: 7.8. ne aequaveritis Hannibali Philippum nec Carthaginiensibus Macedonas; Pyrrho certe aequabitis. aequabitis dico? quantum vel vir viro vel gens genti praestat! minima accessio semper Epirus regno Macedoniae fuit et hodie est.

[¶42] 7.9. Epirus has always been and is to-day a mere appendage to the Macedonian empire. Philip has under his control the whole of the Peloponnesus and Argos itself, famed not so much in ancient story as for the death ” “of Pyrrhus.

> Latin: 7.9. Peloponnesum totam in dicione Philippus habet Argosque ipsos, non vetere fama magis quam morte Pyrrhi nobilitatos.

[¶43] 7.10. Now compare our situation: How much more prosperous was Italy, how much greater her resources; her leaders alive, so many armies intact, which the Punic war later destroyed. Yet when Pyrrhus attacked he shattered her at a blow and came a conqueror almost to the gates ” “of Rome!

> Latin: 7.10. nostra nunc compara. quanto magis florentem Italiam, quanto magis integras res, salvis ducibus, salvis tot exercitibus, quos Punicum postea bellum absumpsit, adgressus Pyrrhus tamen concussit et victor prope ad ipsam urbem Romanam venit!

[¶44] 7.11. Not only the Tarentines and that part of the Italian coast which men call' Greater Greece,' so that one would expect them to have followed the Greek language and name, but the Lucanian, the Bruttian, the Samnite revolted ” “from us.

> Latin: 7.11. nec Tarentini modo oraque illa Italiae, quam maiorem Graeciam vocant, ut linguam, ut nomen secutos crederes, sed Lucanus et Bruttius et Samnis ab nobis defecerunt.

[¶45] 7.12. Do you think that these peoples will remain quiet and steadfast if Philip invades Italy? 'Yes,' you say, ' for they did in the later Punic war.' Never will these peoples fail to revolt unless there is no enemy at hand for them ” “to join.

> Latin: 7.12. haec vos, si Philippus in Italiam transmiserit, quietura aut mansura in fide creditis? manserunt enim Punico postea bello. numquam isti populi, nisi cum deerit, ad quem desciscant, ab nobis non deficient.

[¶46] 7.13. If you had been reluctant to invade Africa, you would have Hannibal and the Carthaginians fighting in Italy to-day. Let Macedonia, not Italy, have war; let it be the enemy's farms and cities that are laid waste with fire and sword. We have already learned from experience that our arms are more fortunate and powerful abroad than ” “at home.

> Latin: 7.13. si piguisset vos in Africam traicere, hodie in Italia Hannibalem et Carthaginiensis hostis haberetis. Macedonia potius quam Italia bellum habeat;

[¶47] 7.14. Go to vote, then, with the blessing of the gods, and ratify what the senate ” “has proposed. It is not the consul alone who supports this opinion before you: the immortal gods themselves favour it, for when I offered sacrifice and prayer that this war should turn out successfully for me, the senate and for you, for the allies and the Latin confederacy, and for our fleets and armies, they gave all favourable and propitious signs.”

> Latin: 7.14. hostium urbes agrique ferro atque igni vastentur; experti iam sumus foris nobis quam domi feliciora potentioraque arma esse. ite in suffragium bene iuvantibus divis et, quae patres censuerunt, sed etiam dii immortales, qui mihi sacrificanti precantique, ut hoc bellum mihi, senatui vobisque, sociis ac nomini Latino, classibus exercitibusque nostris bene ac feliciter eveniret, laeta omnia prosperaque portendere.

[¶48] 8.1. After this speech they were dismissed to vote and ordered the war.

> Latin: 8.1. ’ ab hac oratione in suffragium missi, uti rogaret, bellum iusserunt.

[¶49] 8.2. A three-day period of supplication was then declared by the consuls on the authorization of the senate, and the gods were implored at all their seats, that this war which the people had declared upon Philip might succeed and prosper.

> Latin: 8.2. supplicatio inde a consulibus in triduum ex senatus consulto indicta est, obsecratique circa omnia pulvinaria dii, ut, quod bellum cum Philippo populus iussisset, id bene ac feliciter eveniret, consultique fetiales ab consule Sulpicio, bellum, quod indiceretur regi Philippo, utrum ipsi utique nuntiari iuberent, an satis esset, in finibus regni quod proximum praesidium esset, eo nuntiari.

[¶50] 8.3. The fetials were consulted by the consul whether they would direct that the declaration of war against King Philip be delivered to him in person, or whether it was sufficient to announce it at the first fortified post in his territory. The fetials replied that in whichever way he acted he would act correctly. The consul was permitted by the Fathers to send anyone he chose, other than a senator, to declare war upon the king. They then took up the question of armies for the consuls and praetors.

> Latin: 8.3. fetiales decreverunt, utrum eorum fecisset, recte facturum. consuli a patribus permissum, ut, quem videretur ex iis, qui extra senatum essent, legatum mitteret ad bellum regi indicendum.

[¶51] 8.5. The consuls were authorized to enrol two legions each and to discharge the veterans.

> Latin: 8.5. tum de exercitibus consulum praetorumque actum. consules binas legiones scribere iussi, veteres dimittere exercitus.

[¶52] 8.6. Sulpicius, to whom had been assigned the command in a new and important war, was allowed to enlist volunteers, as he could, from the army brought back from Africa by Publius Scipio, but was permitted to enrol no veteran against his will.

> Latin: 8.6. Sulpicio, cui novum ac magni nominis bellum decretum erat, permissum, ut de exercitu, quem P. Scipio ex Africa deportasset, voluntarios, quos posset, duceret; invitum ne quem militem veterem ducendi ius esset.

[¶53] 8.7. To each of the praetors, Lucius Furius Purpurio and Quintus Minucius Rufus, the consuls were to give five thousand allies of the Latin confederacy, and with these garrisons they were to guard their provinces of Gaul and Bruttium respectively.

> Latin: 8.7. praetoribus L. Furio Purpurioni et Q. Minucio Rufo quina milia socium Latini nominis consules darent, quibus praesidiis alter Galliam, alter Bruttios provinciam obtineret.

[¶54] 8.8. Quintus Fulvius Gillo likewise was authorized to draft soldiers from the army which Publius Aelius had commanded as consul, choosing those who had been in the ranks for the shortest periods, until he too had made up the number of five thousand of the allies and the Latin confederacy; this force was to garrison the province of Sicily.

> Latin: 8.8. Q. Fulvius Gillo ipse iussus ex eo exercitu, quem P. Aelius consul habuisset, ut quisque minime multa stipendia haberet, legere, donec et ipse quinque milia socium ac nominis Latini effecisset:

[¶55] 8.9. The command of Marcus Valerius Falto, who, as praetor, had held the province of Campania the year before, was extended for a year, so that, as propraetor, he should cross to Sardinia;

> Latin: 8.9. id praesidii Siciliae provinciae esset. M. Valerio Faltoni, qui praetor priore anno Campaniam provinciam habuerat, prorogatum in annum imperium est, uti propraetor in Sardiniam traiceret:

[¶56] 8.10. he too was to enlist, from the army there, five thousand of the allies and the Latin confederacy, choosing those who had served for the shortest periods.

> Latin: 8.10. is quoque de exercitu, qui ibi esset, quinque milia socium nominis Latini, qui eorum minime multa stipendia haberent, legeret.

[¶57] 8.11. The consuls were authorized to enrol two city legions as well, to be sent wherever need arose, since many tribes of Italy had been affected by the contagion of the Punic war and were in a restless state. Thus Rome proposed to use six legions that year.

> Latin: 8.11. et consules duas urbanas legiones scribere iussi, quae, si quo res posceret, multis in Italia contactis gentibus Punici belli societate iraque inde tumentibus, mitterentur. sex legionibus Romanis eo anno usura res publica erat.

[¶58] 9.1. In the midst of the preparations for the war, ambassadors arrived from King Ptolemy, to say that the Athenians had asked the king's aid against Philip, but that, although they were allies in common, the king would send no fleet or army to Greece to defend or attack anyone without the authorization of the Roman people;

> Latin: 9.1. in ipso adparatu belli legati a rege Ptolomaeo venerunt, qui nuntiarent Athenienses adversus Philippum petisse ab rege auxilium; ceterum, etsi communes socii sint, tamen nisi ex auctoritate populi Romani neque classem neque exercitum defendendi aut oppugnandi cuiusquam causa regem in Graeciam missurum esse;

[¶59] 9.3. he would either remain quiet at home, if the Romans planned to defend their allies, or permit the Romans to stay at home, if they preferred, and himself send such forces as could easily defend Athens against Philip.

> Latin: 9.3. vel quieturum eum in regno, si populo Romano socios defendere libeat, vel Romanos quiescere, si malint, passurum atque ipsum auxilia, quae facile adversus Philippum tueri Athenas possent, missurum.

[¶60] 9.4. The senate thanked the king, saying that it was the intention of the Roman people to defend its allies; if need of anything for this war arose, they would inform the king, knowing that the resources of his kingdom were firm and trustworthy supports of the republic. Gifts of five thousand asses each were then presented to the ambassadors by order of the senate.

> Latin: 9.4. gratiae regi ab senatu actae responsumque tutari socios populo Romano in animo esse; si qua re ad id bellum opus sit, indicaturos regi regnique eius opes scire subsidia firma ac fidelia suae rei publicae esse.

[¶61] 9.5. While the consuls were levying troops and preparing what was needful for the war, the state, ever concerned with religion, especially at the outset of new wars, having held thanksgivings and offered prayers at all the seats of the gods, that nothing might be left undone which had ever been done before, ordered the consul to whom the province of Macedonia had been assigned to vow games and a gift to Jupiter.

> Latin: 9.5. munera deinde legatis in singulos quinum milium aeris ex senatus consulto missa. cum dilectum consules haberent pararentque, quae ad bellum opus essent, civitas religiosa, in principiis maxime novorum bellorum, supplicationibus habitis iam et obsecratione circa omnia pulvinaria facta, ne quid praetermitteretur, quod aliquando factum esset, ludos Iovi donumque vovere consulem, cui provincia Macedonia evenisset, iussit.

[¶62] 9.7. A delay in the matter of this public vow was caused by Licinius the pontifex maximus, who said that a vow for an indefinite sum was not allowable; that a specific sum should be vowed, because this money could not be used for war, but should be set aside at once and not mixed with other moneys; if this happened, he said, the vow could not be fulfilled in strict conformity to its terms. Although the consul was moved both by the argument and its author, he was nevertheless directed to appeal to the college of priests, to learn whether a vow for an indeterminate sum could properly be undertaken.

> Latin: 9.7. moram voto publico Licinius pontifex maximus attulit, qui negavit ex incerta pecunia vovere licere; ex certa voveri debere, quia ea pecunia non posset in bellum usui esse seponique statim deberet nec cum alia pecunia misceri; quod si factum esset, votum rite solvi non posse.

[¶63] 9.8. The pontiffs replied that it was possible and even more correct. The consul, at the dictation of the pontifex maximus, recited his vow in the language formerly used in connection with the quinquennial games, with the exception that he promised games and a gift of an amount to be determined by the senate at the time the vow was paid.

> Latin: 9.8. quamquam et res et auctor movebat, tamen ad collegium pontificum referre consul iussus, si posset recte votum incertae pecuniae suscipi. posse rectiusque etiam esse pontifices decreverunt. vovit in eadem verba consul praeeunte maximo pontifice, quibus antea quinquennalia vota suscipi solita erant, praeterquam quod tanta pecunia, quantam tum, cum solveretur, senatus censuisset, ludos donaque facturum vovit.

[¶64] 9.10. The great games had been vowed eight times before for definite sums; this was the first vow for an indefinite amount.

> Latin: 9.10. octiens ante ludi magni de certa pecunia voti erant; hi primi de incerta.

[¶65] 10.1. While the thoughts of all were concentrated on the Macedonian war and fearful of nothing less at the moment, news came of an uprising in Gaul.

> Latin: 10.1. omnium animis in bellum Macedonicum versis repente, nihil minus eo tempore timentibus, Gallici tumultus fama exorta.

[¶66] 10.2. The Insubres, the Cenomani, and the Boi had roused the Celines, the Ilvates and the other Ligustini, and these tribes, under the leadership of Hamilcar the Carthaginian, who had remained in that region, a survivor of Hasdrubal's army, had attacked Placentia.

> Latin: 10.2. Insubres Cenomanique et Boii excitis Celinibus Ilvatibusque et ceteris Ligustinis populis Hamilcare Poeno duce, qui in iis locis de Hasdrubalis exercitu substiterat, Placentiam invaserant;

[¶67] 10.3. After plundering the city and burning most of it in their fury, they had left barely two thousand men alive among the flames and ruins, and then had crossed the Po and gone to destroy Cremona.

> Latin: 10.3. et direpta urbe ac per iram magna ex parte incensa, vix duobus milibus hominum inter incendia ruinasque relictis, traiecto Pado ad Cremonam diripiendam pergunt.

[¶68] 10.4. The news of the disaster to the neighbouring city gave the colonists time to close the gates and man the walls, so that, in spite of these measures, a siege began before the town was assaulted and before they could send messengers to the Roman praetor.

> Latin: 10.4. vicinae urbis audita clades spatium colonis dedit ad claudendas portas praesidiaque per muros disponenda, ut obsiderentur tamen prius quam expugnarentur nuntiosque mitterent ad praetorem Romanum.

[¶69] 10.5. Lucius Furius Purpurio was then governor of the province, and had discharged the rest of his army by order of the senate, retaining only five thousand of the allies and the Latin confederacy; with these troops he was encamped in the vicinity of Ariminum, in the part of the province nearest Rome.

> Latin: 10.5. L. Furius Purpurio tum provinciae praeerat cetero ex senatus consulto exercitu dimisso praeter quinque milia socium ac Latini nominis; cum iis copiis in proxima regione provinciae circa Ariminum substiterat. is tum senatui scripsit, quo in tumultu provincia esset:

[¶70] 10.6. He thereupon sent a message to the senate, telling in what confusion the province was: one of the two colonies which had escaped the mighty storm of the Punic war had been captured and sacked by the enemy, the other was besieged;

> Latin: 10.6. duarum coloniarum, quae ingentem illam tempestatem Punici belli subterfugissent, alteram captam ac direptam ab hostibus, alteram oppugnari;

[¶71] 10.7. his own army would be too weak to assist the colonists in their need, unless the senate wishes to deliver five thousand allies to be butchered by forty thousand enemies — for so many were in arms — and the minds of the enemy, already puffed up by the destruction of a Roman colony, to be further encouraged by the slaughter of so many of his own men.

> Latin: 10.7. nec in exercitu suo satis praesidii colonis laborantibus fore, nisi quinque milia socium quadraginta milibus hostium—tot enim in armis esse—trucidanda obicere velit, et tanta sua clade iam inflatos excidio coloniae Romanae augeri hostium animos.

[¶72] 11.1. When this news came, the senate voted that Gaius Aurelius the consul should order that the army, for which he had designated a date on which to assemble in Etruria, should come together the same day at Ariminum, and that either Aurelius himself, if the interests of the state permitted, should set out to suppress the Gallic revolt, or else he should notify the praetor that when the legions from Etruria joined him he should send in their stead five thousand of the allies, to serve as a temporary garrison for Etruria, and that he himself should march to raise the siege of the colony.

> Latin: 11.1. his litteris recitatis decreverunt, ut C. Aurelius consul exercitum, cui in Etruriam ad conveniendum diem edixerat, Arimini eadem die adesse iuberet et aut ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, ad opprimendum Gallicum tumultum proficisceretur aut Q. Minucio praetori scriberet, ut, cum ad eum legiones ex Etruria venissent, missis in vicem earum quinque milibus sociorum, quae interim Etruriae praesidio essent, proficisceretur ipse ad coloniam liberandam obsidione.

[¶73] 11.4. The senate also voted that ambassadors be sent to Africa on a mission to Carthage and likewise to Masinissa in Numidia.

> Latin: 11.4. legatos item mittendos in Africam censuerunt, eosdem Carthaginem, eosdem in Numidiam ad Masinissam:

[¶74] 11.5. Their message to the Carthaginians was that their fellow-citizen Hamilcar, left in Gaul — it was not certainly known whether he was from Hasdrubal's earlier army or the later expedition of Mago — was making war contrary to the treaty and had raised armies of Gauls and Ligures against the Roman people; if they wanted peace they should recall him and surrender him to the Roman people.

> Latin: 11.5. Carthaginem, ut nuntiarent civem eorum Hamilcarem relictum in Gallia—haud satis scire ex Hasdrubalis prius, an ex Magonis postea exercitu—bellum contra foedus facere, exercitus Gallorum Ligurumque excivisse ad arma contra populum Romanum; eum, si pax placeret, revocandum illis et dedendum populo Romano esse.

[¶75] 11.7. At the same time they were ordered to give notice that the Roman deserters had not all been restored to them, but that, according to report, many of them were openly living at Carthage; these were to be sought out and arrested, for return to Rome according to the treaty. Such was their mission to Carthage.

> Latin: 11.7. simul nuntiare iussi perfugas sibi non omnis redditos esse, ac magnam partem eorum palam Carthagini obversari dici; quos comprehendi conquirique debere, ut sibi ex foedere restituantur. haec ad Carthaginienses mandata.

[¶76] 11.8. As to Masinissa, they were ordered to congratulate him because he had not only recovered his ancestral possessions but had also enlarged them by the addition of the most prosperous part of the territory of Syphax.

> Latin: 11.8. Masinissae gratulari iussi, quod non patrium modo recuperasset regnum, sed parte florentissima Syphacis finium adiecta etiam auxisset.

[¶77] 11.9. They were also to say that war with King Philip had been begun, because he had sent aid to Carthage; because he had, by attacking the allies of the Roman people when Italy was being consumed by the flames of war, compelled the dispatch of fleets and armies to Greece, and, by dividing their forces, had been a chief cause of postponing the invasion of Africa. They were to ask that Masinissa send assistance in the form of Numidian cavalry.

> Latin: 11.9. nuntiare praeterea iussi bellum cum rege Philippo susceptum, quod Carthaginienses auxiliis iuvisset iniuriasque inferendo sociis populi Romani flagrante bello Italia coegisset classes exercitusque in Graeciam mitti et distinendo copias causa in primis fuisset serius in Africam traiciendi; peterentque, ut ad id bellum mitteret auxilia Numidarum equitum.

[¶78] 11.11. Ample gifts — vases of gold and silver, a purple toga, a tunic adorned with palms, an ivory sceptre, a robe of state and a curule chair — were given them to be presented to the king.

> Latin: 11.11. dona ampla data, quae ferrent regi, vasa aurea argenteaque, toga purpurea et palmata tunica cum eburneo scipione et toga praetexta cum curuli sella;

[¶79] 11.12. The ambassadors were directed to promise him that if he pointed out anything he needed to strengthen and enlarge his kingdom, the Roman people would make every effort to secure it for him, in recognition of his services to them.

> Latin: 11.12. iussique polliceri, si quid eis ad firmandum augendumque regnum opus esse indicasset, enixe id populum Romanum merito eius praestaturum.

[¶80] 11.13. At this time ambassadors to the senate came also from Vermina, the son of Syphax, who sought to make excuses for his mistakes, which were due to his youth, and placing all the blame for them on the bad faith of the Carthaginians:

> Latin: 11.13. Verminae quoque, Syphacis filii, legati per eos dies senatum adierunt excusantes errorem adulescentiamque et culpam omnem in fraudem Carthaginiensium avertentes:

[¶81] 11.14. Masinissa, they said, had become a friend to the Roman people after having been their enemy; so Vermina too would strive earnestly not to be outdone by Masinissa or anyone else in services to the Roman people; they asked that he be named king and ally and friend by the senate.

> Latin: 11.14. et Masinissam Romanis ex hoste amicum factum; Verminam quoque adnisurum, ne officiis in populum Romanum aut a Masinissa aut ab ullo alio vincatur; petere, ut rex sociusque et amicus ab senatu appellaretur.

[¶82] 11.15. The senators replied to the ambassadors that his father Syphax, once an ally and friend, had suddenly and without cause become an enemy of the Roman people; that Vermina himself had spent the beginnings of his youth in harassing the Romans in war.

> Latin: 11.15. responsum legatis est, et patrem eius Syphacem sine causa ex socio et amico hostem repente populi Romani factum, et eum ipsum rudimentum adulescentiae bello lacessentem Romanos posuisse.

[¶83] 11.16. Therefore he should seek peace from the Roman people before asking for recognition as king and ally and friend, the honour of which titles the Roman people usually conferred in return for conspicuous services towards themselves on the part of kings.

> Latin: 11.16. itaque pacem illi prius petendam ab populo Romano esse, quam ut rex sociusque et amicus appelletur; nominis eius honorem pro magnis erga se regum meritis dare populum Romanum consuesse.

[¶84] 11.17. Roman ambassadors, they said, would soon be in Africa, whom the senate would instruct to offer terms of peace to Vermina, who was to leave full discretion thereon to the Roman people; if he wished anything added to, taken from, or modified in, these terms, he should make a new request to the senate. The ambassadors sent to Africa with these instructions were Gaius Terentius Varro, Spurius Lucretius and Gnaeus Octavius.

> Latin: 11.17. legatos Romanos in Africa fore, quibus mandaturum senatum, ut Verminae pacis dent leges, liberum arbitrium eius populo Romano permittenti; si quid ad eas addi, demi mutarive vellet, rursus ab senatu ei postulandum fore.

[¶85] 11.18. One quinquereme was assigned to each. A letter from Quintus Minucius, the praetor in charge of the province of Bruttium, was then read in the senate: money had been stealthily removed at night from the treasure-house of Persephone at Locri, nor were there any clues as to the perpetrators of the crime.

> Latin: 11.18. legati cum iis mandatis in Africam missi C. Terentius Varro, Sp. Lucretius, Cn. Octavius. quinqueremes singulis datae. litterae deinde in senatu recitatae sunt Q. Minucii praetoris, cui Bruttii provincia erat: pecuniam Locris ex Proserpinae thensauris nocte clam sublatam, nec, ad quos pertineat facinus, vestigia ulla extare.

[¶86] 12.2. The senate was indignant that such sacrileges should continue to be committed, and that even the case of Pleminius, so recent an example of crime and its punishment, did not deter criminals.

> Latin: 12.2. indigne passus senatus non cessari ab sacrilegiis, et ne Pleminium quidem, tam clarum recensque noxae simul ac poenae exemplum, homines deterrere.

[¶87] 12.3. The consul Gaius Aurelius was directed to communicate to the praetor in Bruttium the senate's desire that the plundering of the treasury should be investigated in the manner adopted by the praetor Marcus Pomponius three years before; that any money discovered be restored; that if there was any shortage, it should be made up, and that, if he saw fit, expiatory sacrifices should be performed as the priests had prescribed in the previous case.

> Latin: 12.3. C. Aurelio consuli negotium datum, ut ad praetorem in Bruttios scriberet senatui placere, quaestionem de expilatis thensauris eodem exemplo haberi, quo M. Pomponius praetor triennio ante habuisset;

[¶88] 12.4. The concern to atone for the violation of this temple was increased by the prodigies which were reported in numerous parts of the country at the same time.

> Latin: 12.4. quae inventa pecunia esset, reponi; si quo minus inventum foret, expleri, ac piacularia, si videretur, sicut ante pontifices censuissent, fieri.

[¶89] 12.5. In Lucania, flames in the sky were reported; at Privernum, the sun shone red throughout the day in clear weather; at Lanuvium, in the temple of Juno Sospita, a mighty noise was heard during the night.

> Latin: 12.5. curam expiandae violationis eius templi prodigia etiam sub idem tempus pluribus locis nuntiata accenderunt. in Lucanis caelum arsisse adferebant, Priverni sereno per diem totum rubrum solem fuisse, Lanuvi in templo Sospitae Iunonis nocte strepitum ingentem exortum.

[¶90] 12.6. Further, dread forms of animals were reported in several places: among the Sabines, a child of uncertain sex was born, while another was found whose sex, at the age of sixteen, could not be determined. At Frusino there was born a lamb with a pig's head, at Sinuessa a pig with a man's head, on the public land in Lucania, a colt with five feet.

> Latin: 12.6. iam animalium obsceni fetus pluribus locis nuntiabantur: in Sabinis incertus infans natus, masculus an femina esset, alter sedecim iam annorum item ambiguo sexu inventus;

[¶91] 12.7. All these disgusting and monstrous creatures seemed to be signs that nature was confusing species; but beyond all else the hermaphrodites caused terror, and they were ordered to be carried out to sea, as had been done with a similar monstrosity not long before in the consulship of Gaius Claudius and Marcus Livius.

> Latin: 12.7. Frusinone agnus cum suillo capite, Sinuessae porcus cum capite humano natus, in Lucanis in agro publico eculeus cum quinque pedibus.

[¶92] 12.8. Nevertheless, the decemvirs were ordered to consult the Books regarding the portent. They, as a result of the investigation, ordered the same rites that had been performed when such a prodigy had appeared before. In addition, they directed that a hymn be sung throughout the city by thrice nine maidens, and that an offering be made to Queen Juno.

> Latin: 12.8. foeda omnia et deformia errantisque in alienos fetus naturae visa; ante omnia abominati semimares iussique in mare extemplo deportari, sicut proxime C. Claudio M. Livio consulibus deportatus similis prodigii fetus erat.

[¶93] 12.9. Gaius Aurelius the consul saw to the performance of these rites in accordance with the answer of the decemvirs. The hymn, composed in the memory of our fathers by Livius, was on this occasion written by Publius Licinius Tegula. XIII. When all these scruples had been allayed — for the sacrilege at Locri had been investigated by Quintus Minucius and the money replaced in the treasury out of the property of the guilty — and the consuls were on the point of leaving for their provinces, many private citizens, to whom was due this year the third payment on the loans made in the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Marcus Claudius, appealed to the senate because the consuls had declared that, since the treasury hardly sufficed for the new war, which was to be waged with a great fleet and large armies, there was no money at their command with which to make the payment.

> Latin: 12.9. nihilo minus decemviros adire libros de portento eo iusserunt. decemviri ex libris res divinas easdem, quae proxime secundum id prodigium factae essent, imperarunt. carmen praeterea ab ter novenis virginibus cani per urbem iusserunt donumque Iunoni reginae ferri. ea uti fierent, C. Aurelius consul ex decemvirorum responso curavit. carmen, sicut patrum memoria Livius, ita tum condidit P. Licinius Tegula. expiatis omnibus religionibus—nam etiam Locris sacrilegium pervestigatum ab Q. Minucio erat, pecuniaque ex bonis noxiorum in thensauros reposita—cum consules in provincias proficisci vellent, privati frequentes, quibus ex pecunia, quam M. Valerio M. Claudio consulibus mutuam dederant, tertia pensio debebatur eo anno, adierunt senatum, quia consules, cum ad novum bellum, quod magna classe magnisque exercitibus gerendum esset, vix aerarium sufficeret, negaverant esse, unde iis in praesentia solveretur.

[¶94] 13.4. The senate could not resist their complaints: If the state wished to use for the Macedonian war, the petitioners argued, the money loaned for the Punic war, since one conflict followed hard upon another, what else would be the result than the confiscation of their property in return for an act of generosity, as if it had been a crime?

> Latin: 13.4. senatus querentes eos non sustinuit: si in Punicum bellum pecunia data in Macedonicum quoque bellum uti res publica vellet, aliis ex aliis orientibus bellis quid aliud quam publicatam pro beneficio tamquam noxia suam pecuniam fore?

[¶95] 13.5. Since the request of these citizens was reasonable, and since nevertheless the state could not repay the loan, the senate took an action which was midway between justice and expediency, namely, that, since many of the creditors said that there was much land for sale, to purchase which cash was needed, the opportunity should be given them to receive public land lying within the fiftieth milestone;

> Latin: 13.5. cum et privati aecum postularent, nec tamen solvendo aere alieno res publica esset, quod medium inter aecum et utile erat decreverunt, ut, quoniam magna pars eorum agros volgo venales esse diceret et sibimet emptis opus esse, agri publici, qui intra quinquagesimum lapidem esset, copia iis fieret:

[¶96] 13.7. the consuls were to appraise this land and to impose an annual rental of one as per iugerum by way of attesting that this was public land; consequently, if anyone, when the state should be in funds, should prefer money to the land, he could restore the land to the people.

> Latin: 13.7. consules agrum aestimaturos et in iugera asses vectigal testandi causa publicum agrum esse imposituros, ut, si quis, cum solvere posset populus, pecuniam habere quam agrum mallet, restitueret agrum populo.

[¶97] 13.9. The creditors gladly accepted this offer, and the land was called “trientabulum” because it was allotted in discharge of one-third of the debts.

> Latin: 13.9. laeti eam condicionem privati accepere; trientabulumque is ager, quia pro tertia parte pecuniae datus erat, appellatus.

[¶98] 14.1. Thereupon Publius Sulpicius, after the announcement of the vows on the Capitoline, left the city with his lictors in uniform, arrived at Brundisium and there, enrolling in the legions veteran volunteers from the African army and selecting ships from the fleet of Gnaeus Cornelius, he arrived in Macedonia the second day after he set sail from Brundisium.

> Latin: 14.1. tum P. Sulpicius secundum vota in Capitolio nuncupata paludatis lictoribus profectus ab urbe Brundisium venit et veteribus militibus voluntariis ex Africano exercitu in legiones discriptis navibusque ex classe Cn. Cornelii electis altero die, quam a Brundisio solvit, in Macedoniam traiecit.

[¶99] 14.3. There Athenian ambassadors met him, begging that he release them from siege. He at once sent to Athens Gaius Claudius Cento with twenty warships and a thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 14.3. ibi ei praesto fuere Atheniensium legati orantes, ut se obsidione eximeret. missus extemplo Athenas est C. Claudius Cento cum viginti longis navibus et mille militum.

[¶100] 14.4. For the king himself was not conducting the siege of Athens, but was principally occupied with the attack on Abydus, and was now trying his strength in naval battles with the Rhodians and Attalus, in neither case with conspicuous success;

> Latin: 14.4. neque enim ipse rex Athenas obsidebat; eo maxime tempore Abydum oppugnabat, iam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro feliciter proelio, vires expertus;