10.6. So he entered Rome in an ovation only two months before his successor Quintus Minucius celebrated his triumph.
10.6. itaque duobus modo mensibus ante Helvius ovans urbem est ingressus, quam successor eius Q. Minucius triumpharet.
10.7. He too brought with him thirty-four thousand eight hundred pounds of silver and seventy-three thousand coined denarii and two hundred and seventy-eight thousand pieces of Oscan silver.
10.7. hic quoque tulit argenti pondo triginta quattuor milia octingenta et bigatorum septuaginta tria milia et Oscensis argenti ducenta septuaginta octo milia.
11.1. Meanwhile in Spain the consul was encamped not far from Emporiae.
11.1. in Hispania interim consul haud procul Emporiis castra habebat.
11.2. Thither came from Bilistages, chieftain of the Ilergetes, three ambassadors, one of whom was his son, complaining that their strongholds were being besieged and that there was no hope of offering resistance unless the Roman sent aid; three thousand soldiers were sufficient, and if so great a force arrived, the enemy would not await them.
11.2. eo legati tres ab Ilergetum regulo Bilistage, in quibus unus filius eius erat, venerunt, querentes castella sua oppugnari nec spem ullam esse resistendi, nisi praesidium Romanus misisset;
11.3. To this the consul replied that he was indeed moved both by their danger and their fear;
11.3. tria milia militum satis esse, nec hostis, si tanta manus venisset, mansuros. ad ea consul, moveri quidem se vel periculo eorum vel metu, dicere;
11.4. but he had by no means enough troops, since a great number of the enemy was close at hand and he expected every day to have to meet them in pitched battle (he had no idea how soon), to allow him safely to weaken himself by dividing his army.
11.4. sed sibi nequaquam tantum copiarum esse, ut, cum magna vis hostium haud procul absit, et, quam mox signis collatis dimicandum sit, in dies expectet, dividendo exercitum minuere tuto vires possit.
11.5. When the ambassadors heard this, they wept and threw themselves at the consul's feet, and begged him not to abandon them in such a crisis:
11.5. legati, ubi haec audierunt, flentes ad genua consulis provolvuntur, orant, ne se in rebus tam trepidis deserat:
11.6. where would they turn, rejected by the Romans? They had no allies, no other hope anywhere in the world.
11.6. quo enim se, repulsos ab Romanis, ituros?
11.7. They might have escaped the existing danger if they had been willing to violate their pledges and unite with the rest, but no threats and no prospects of danger had moved them, since they hoped to have a sufficient help and assistance in the Romans.
11.7. nullos se socios, nihil usquam in terris aliud spei habere. potuisse se extra id periculum esse, si decedere fide, si coniurare cum ceteris voluissent. nullis minis, nullis terriculis se motos, sperantis satis opis et auxilii sibi in Romanis esse.
11.8. If this were not the case, and they were refused by the consul, they called gods and men to witness that unwilling and under compulsion, to avoid the fate which the Saguntines suffered, they would join the rebellion and perish with the rest of the Spaniards rather than alone.
11.8. id si nullum sit, si sibi a consule negetur, deos hominesque se testis facere, invitos et coactos se, ne eadem, quae Saguntini passi sint, patiantur, defecturos et cum ceteris potius Hispanis quam solos perituros esse.
12.1. And on that day they were dismissed thus, unanswered. During the night which followed, a double care distressed the consul: he was unwilling to abandon his allies, unwilling to weaken his army, an action which might either delay his engaging or cause danger in the fight.
12.1. et illo quidem die sic sine responso dimissi. consulem nocte, quae insecuta est, anceps cura agitare; nolle deserere socios, nolle minuere exercitum, quod aut moram sibi ad dimicandum aut in dimicando periculum adferre posset.
12.3. His decision not to weaken his forces remained unchanged, lest he suffer the disgrace of defeat at the hands of the enemy; he determined to offer to the allies hope instead of actuality:
12.3. stat sententia non minuere copias, ne quid interim hostes inferant ignominiae;
12.4. often, and especially in war, appearances have had the effect of realities, and the man who believes that help is at hand acts as if he really had it, and by this very confidence, which inspires both hope and daring, is saved.
12.4. sociis spem pro re ostentandam censet; saepe vana pro veris, maxime in bello, valuisse, et credentem se aliquid auxilii habere, perinde atque haberet, ipsa fiducia et sperando atque audendo servatum.
12.5. On the following day he answered the ambassadors that, although he feared that he would diminish his own strength by lending part of it to them, yet he was paying regard to their emergency and peril rather than to himself.
12.5. postero die legatis respondet, quamquam vereatur, ne suas vires aliis eas commodando minuat, tamen se illorum temporis ac periculi magis quam sui rationem habere.
12.6. He ordered warning to be given to one-third of the soldiers of each cohort to cook food in good season and put it on board ship, and the ships to be made ready for sailing the third day.
12.6. denuntiari militum parti tertiae ex omnibus cohortibus iubet, ut cibum, quem in naves imponant, mature coquant, navesque in diem tertium expediri [iussit]. duos ex legatis Bilistagi atque Ilergetibus nuntiare ea iubet;
12.7. He directed two of the ambassadors to take this news to Bilistages and the Ilergetes; the chief's son he kept with him, persuading him with kindly treatment and with gifts. The ambassadors did not leave until they saw the soldiers marching on board the ships; reporting this as unquestioned fact, they filled not only their own people but also the enemy with the news of the approaching Roman aid.
12.7. filium reguli comiter habendo et muneribus apud se retinet. legati non ante profecti, quam impositos in naves milites viderunt; id pro haud dubio iam nuntiantes non suos modo sed etiam hostis fama Romani auxilii adventantis impleverunt.
13.1. The consul, when enough of a show had been given to keep up appearances, ordered the soldiers to disembark; and he himself, since now the time of the year was drawing near when active operations could be carried on, established a winter camp three miles from Emporiae. Thence as occasion offered, now in this direction and now in that, leaving small guards at the camp, he led the soldiers into the enemy's country to seek plunder.
13.1. consul, ubi satis, quod in speciem fuit, ostentatum est, revocari ex navibus milites iubet; ipse, cum iam id tempus anni appeteret, quo geri res possent, castra hiberna tria milia passuum ab Emporiis posuit. inde per occasiones nunc hac parte, nunc illa modico praesidio castris relicto praedatum milites in hostium agros ducebat.
13.3. They usually set out at night, so as to march as far as possible from the camp and to take the enemy off their guard. By this means he hardened his recruits and captured a great number of the enemy; no longer did they venture to go outside the fortifications of their stations.
13.3. nocte ferme proficiscebantur, ut et quam longissime a castris procederent et inopinantis opprimerent. et exercebat ea res novos milites, et hostium magna vis excipiebatur;
13.4. When he had in this way sufficiently tested the tempers of his own men and the enemy, he called into conference the tribunes and prefects and all the cavalry and centurions.
13.4. nec iam egredi extra munimenta castellorum audebant. ubi satis ad hunc modum et suorum et hostium animos est expertus, convocari tribunos praefectosque et equites omnis et centuriones iussit.
13.5. “The time,” he said, “which you have often longed for is at hand, when you will have the opportunity of making display of your courage. So far you have fought more like guerillas than like soldiers; now, foe facing foe, you will meet in regular battle.”
13.5. ‘tempus’ inquit, ‘quod saepe optastis, venit, quo vobis potestas fieret virtutem vestram ostendendi. adhuc praedonum magis quam bellantium militastis more;
13.6. “Henceforth you will be able, not to pillage country districts, but to drain the wealth of cities.”
13.6. nunc iusta pugna hostes cum hostibus conferetis manus; non agros inde populari, sed urbium opes exhaurire licebit.
13.7. “Our fathers, when the Carthaginians had both generals and armies in Spain, and they themselves had not a single soldier here, still demanded that it be stated in the treaty that the Ebro river should be the boundary of their empire;”
13.7. patres nostri, cum in Hispania Carthaginiensium et imperatores [ibi] et exercitus essent, ipsi nullum in ea militem haberent, tamen addi hoc in foedere voluerunt, ut imperii sui Hiberus fluvius esset finis;
13.8. “now, when there are two praetors, a consul, and three Roman armies stationed in Spain, and for nearly ten years no Carthaginian has been in these provinces, our empire on this side of the Ebro has been lost.” “This it is your task to recover with your arms and your daring, and to compel this nation, which is rather in rebellion rashly than warring with steadiness of purpose, to accept again the yoke which it has thrown off.”
13.8. nunc cum duo praetores, cum consul, cum tres exercitus Romani Hispaniam obtineant, Carthaginiensium decem iam prope annis nemo in his provinciis sit, imperium nobis citra Hiberum amissum est. hoc armis et virtute reciperetis oportet et nationem rebellantem magis temere quam constanter bellantem iugum, quo se exuit, accipere rursus cogatis.
13.10. After encouraging them in about this fashion, he announced that he would lead them against the enemy's camp that night, and so dismissed them to seek rest.
13.10. ’ in hunc modum maxime adhortatus pronuntiat se nocte ad castra hostium ducturum. ita ad corpora curanda dimissi.
14.1. At midnight, after taking the auspices in due form, he set out, that he might choose the place he wished before the enemy was aware of his coming, led his troops beyond the camp of the enemy, and at daybreak, drawing up his line of battle, he sent three cohorts close to the very rampart.
14.1. nocte media, cum auspicio operam dedisset, profectus, ut locum quem vellet, priusquam hostes sentirent, caperet, praeter castra hostium circumducit et prima luce acie instructa sub ipsum vallum tres cohortes mittit.
14.2. The barbarians, marvelling that the Romans had appeared in their rear, themselves ran to arms.
14.2. mirantes barbari ab tergo apparuisse Romanum discurrere et ipsi ad arma.
14.3. Meanwhile the consul harangued his troops: “Nowhere, soldiers, is there any hope except in your courage, and I have deliberately acted so that there should be none.”
14.3. interim consul apud suos ‘nusquam nisi in virtute spes est, milites’ inquit, ‘ et ego sedulo, ne esset, feci.
14.4. “Between us and our camp is the enemy, and in the rear is the enemy's country. What is most glorious is also the safest: to place our hopes in valour.” After this he ordered the cohorts recalled, to draw the enemy out of their camp by the pretence of flight.
14.4. inter castra nostra et nos medii hostes et ab tergo hostium ager est. quod pulcherrimum, idem tutissimum: in virtute spem positam habere. sub haec cohortes recipi iubet, ut barbaros simulatione fugae eliceret.
14.5. What he had anticipated occurred. Thinking that the Romans were retreating in terror, they rushed out of the gate and filled with soldiers all the space that was left between the camp and the enemy's battle-line.
14.5. id, quod crediderat, evenit. pertimuisse et cedere rati Romanos porta erumpunt et, quantum inter castra sua et aciem hostium relictum erat loci, armatis complent.
14.6. While they were in the confusion of forming their array, the consul, who had everything already prepared and in order, fell upon them in their disorder. The cavalry was the first to enter the battle on both flanks, but on the right they were at once repulsed, and retiring in fear they even caused a panic among the infantry.
14.6. dum trepidant acie instruenda, consul iam paratis ordinatisque omnibus incompositos adgreditur. equites primos ab utroque cornu in pugnam induxit. sed in dextro extemplo pulsi cedentesque trepidi etiam pediti terrorem intulere.
14.7. When the consul observed this, he ordered two picked cohorts to march around the right flank of the enemy and to show themselves in the rear before the infantry masses clashed.
14.7. quod ubi consul vidit, duas cohortes delectas ab dextro latere hostium circumduci iubet et ab tergo se ostendere, priusquam concurrerent peditum acies.
14.8. The alarm which thus confronted the enemy equalized the disadvantage caused by the flight of the Roman cavalry; but so greatly had the infantry and cavalry on the right flank been thrown into confusion that the consul himself seized with his hand some of them and turned them around to face the enemy.
14.8. is terror obiectus hosti rem metu Romanorum equitum inclinatam aequavit; tamen adeo turbati erant dextrae alae pedites equitesque, ut quosdam consul manu ipse reprenderit verteritque in hostem.
14.9. And so, as long as the fight was being carried on with missiles, the issue was uncertain; on the right, where the panic and flight had begun, the Roman resisted with difficulty, while on the left and in the centre the barbarians were hard pressed and looked back with dread at the cohorts which were coming up in their rear.
14.9. ita et quamdiu missilibus pugnatum est, anceps pugna erat, et iam ab dextra parte, unde terror et fuga coeperat, aegre Romanus restabat;
14.10. When they drew their swords after hurling their darts and javelins, then the battle, so to speak, took on new life.
14.10. ab sinistro cornu et a fronte urgebantur barbari et cohortes a tergo instantes pavidi respiciebant.
14.11. For they no longer received unexpected random wounds from a distance, but closing foot to foot put all their hope in courage and in strength.
14.11. ut emissis soliferreis phalaricisque gladios strinxerunt, tum velut redintegrata est pugna. non caecis ictibus procul ex improviso vulnerabantur, sed pede collato tota in virtute ac viribus spes erat.
15.1. As his men grew weary, the consul rekindled their spirits by bringing up reserve cohorts from the second line.
15.1. fessos iam suos consul ex secunda acie subsidiariis cohortibus in pugnam inductis accendit.
15.2. A new line was established; fresh troops with unused weapons attacked the exhausted enemy and first, with a furious attack in wedge formation, pushed them back, then scattered them and put them to flight; with headlong speed they made across the fields for camp.
15.2. nova acies facta; integri recentibus telis fatigatos adorti hostis primum acri impetu velut cuneo perculerunt, deinde dissipatos in fugam averterunt; effuso per agros cursu castra repetebantur.
15.3. When Cato saw everything filled with confusion, he rode back to the second legion, which was in reserve, and ordered it to advance at quickened pace to attack the enemy's camp.
15.3. ubi omnia fuga completa vidit Cato, ipse ad secundam legionem, quae in subsidio posita erat, revehitur et signa proferri plenoque gradu ad castra hostium oppugnanda succedere iubet.
15.4. If a soldier in too great eagerness got ahead of the rank, he himself rode up between the lines and struck him with his spear-shaft, and ordered the tribunes and centurions to punish him. By this time the camp was being attacked and the Romans driven back from the rampart with stones and poles and every sort of missile.
15.4. si quis extra ordinem avidius procurrit, et ipse interequitans sparo percutit et tribunos centurionesque castigare iubet.
15.5. But when the new legion came up, the vigour of the attackers increased, and the enemy fought with greater desperation in defence of their rampart.
15.5. iam castra oppugnabantur, saxisque et sudibus et omni genere telorum summovebantur a vallo Romani. ubi recens admota legio est, tum et oppugnantibus animus crevit, et infensius hostes pro vallo pugnabant.
15.6. The consul scanned everything with his gaze, that he might break through wherever the resistance was weakest. He saw that there were few defenders at the left gate, and there he led the principes and hastati of the second legion.
15.6. consul omnia oculis perlustrat, ut, qua minima vi resistatur, ea parte irrumpat. ad sinistram portam infrequentis videt;
15.7. The guard which was posted at the gate did not resist their onset; and the rest, seeing the enemy within the fortification, having lost their camp, likewise threw away their standards and arms. They were cut to pieces at the gates, where they were held fast in the narrow passages by their own numbers.
15.7. eo secundae legionis principes hastatosque inducit. non sustinuit impetum eorum statio, quae portae apposita erat; et ceteri, postquam intra vallum hostem vident, ipsi castris exuti signa armaque abiciunt.
15.8. The soldiers of the second legion attacked them in the rear, the rest plundered the camp.
15.8. caeduntur in portis, suomet ipsi agmine in arto haerentes. secundani terga hostium caedunt, ceteri castra diripiunt.
15.9. Valerius Antias relates that more than forty thousand of the enemy fell that day; Cato himself, a man not much inclined to be grudging in his own praise, says that many were killed, but does not give a definite number.
15.9. Valerius Antias supra quadraginta milia hostium caesa eo die scribit; Cato ipse, haud sane detrectator laudum suarum, multos caesos ait, numerum non adscribit.
16.1. Three praiseworthy acts he is credited with having performed that day; first, that he had led the army around far from his ships and camp and engaged in the midst of the enemy, where his men had no hope except in their own courage;
16.1. tria eo die laudabilia fecisse putatur, unum, quod circumducto exercitu procul navibus suis castrisque, ubi spem nusquam nisi in virtute haberent, inter medios hostes proelium commisit;
16.2. second, that he had thrown the cohorts against the enemy's rear; third, that he had ordered the second legion, when all the rest were disordered by their pursuit of the enemy, to march up to the gate of the camp at quickened pace but in orderly and disciplined formation under their standards.
16.2. alterum, quod cohortes ab tergo hostibus obiecit; tertium, quod secundam legionem ceteris omnibus effusis ad sequendos hostes pleno gradu sub signis compositam instructamque subire ad portam castrorum iussit.
16.3. Later on there was no resting idle after his victory. When, after giving the signal to retire, he had led his men back to camp laden with booty, he gave them a few hours for rest and led them out to plunder.
16.3. nihil deinde a victoria cessatum. cum receptui signo dato suos spoliis onustos in castra reduxisset, paucis horis noctis ad quietem datis ad praedandum in agros duxit.
16.4. They ravaged more widely, since the enemy was scattered in flight. This had no less influence than the defeat of the previous day in causing the Spaniards of Emporiae and their neighbours to submit.
16.4. effusius, ut sparsis hostibus fuga, praedati sunt, quae res non minus quam pugna pridie adversa Emporitanos Hispanos accolasque eorum in deditionem compulit.
16.5. Many citizens of other states as well, who had taken refuge in Emporiae, surrendered. All of these the consul treated kindly, and after refreshing them with wine and food sent them home.
16.5. multi et aliarum civitatium, qui Emporias perfugerant, dediderunt se. quos omnes appellatos benigne vinoque et cibo curatos domos dimisit.
16.6. He then speedily moved his camp, and wherever the column went ambassadors met him, surrendering their cities, and by the time he reached Tarraco, all Spain on this side of the Ebro had been subdued, while captives, both Romans and Latins of the confederacy, who had been overtaken by various misfortunes in Spain, were brought in and presented to the consul by the barbarians.
16.6. confestim inde castra movit, et, quacumque incedebat agmen, legati dedentium civitates suas occurrebant, et, cum Tarraconem venit, iam omnis cis Hiberum Hispania perdomita erat, captivique et Romani et socium ac Latini nominis, variis casibus in Hispania oppressi, donum consuli a barbaris reducebantur.
16.8. Then the story was circulated that the consul meant to lead the army into Turdetania, and it was falsely reported to the mountaineers of the outlying districts that he had already set out.
16.8. fama deinde vulgatur consulem in Turdetaniam exercitum ducturum, et ad devios montanos ‘profectum etiam’ falso perlatum est.
16.9. On this idle and unauthenticated rumour seven forts of the Bergistani revolted, but the consul led out his army and reduced them to submission without any battle worth mentioning.
16.9. ad hunc vanum et sine auctore ullo rumorem Bergistanorum civitatis septem castella defecerunt. eos educto exercitu consul sine memorando proelio in potestatem redegit.
16.10. A little later, when the consul had returned to Tarraco but before he moved from that place, the same peoples revolted and were again subdued, but the same indulgence was not granted to the conquered. They were all sold at auction, in order to prevent their disturbing the peace too frequently.
16.10. haud ita multo post eidem, regresso Tarraconem consule, priusquam inde quoquam procederet, defecerunt. iterum subacti; sed non eadem venia victis fuit. sub corona veniere omnes, ne saepius pacem sollicitarent.
17.1. Meanwhile Publius Manlius the praetor had taken over the veteran army from Quintus Minucius whom he had succeeded, and uniting with it the army, also made up of veterans, of Appius Claudius Nero from Farther Spain, set out for Turdetania.
17.1. interim P. Manlius praetor exercitu vetere a Q. Minucio, cui successerat, accepto, adiuncto et Ap. Claudi Neronis ex ulteriore Hispania vetere item exercitu, in Turdetaniam proficiscitur.
17.2. The Turdetani were considered the least warlike of all the Spaniards, yet, relying on their numbers, they went out to meet the Roman column.
17.2. omnium Hispanorum maxime imbelles habentur Turdetani; freti tamen multitudine sua obviam ierunt agmini Romano.
17.3. The cavalry, sent against them, at once broke their line, and the infantry engagement was almost no battle at all; the veteran soldiers, well acquainted with the enemy and his manner of fighting, rendered the result certain.
17.3. eques immissus turbavit extemplo aciem eorum. pedestre proelium nullius ferme certaminis fuit; milites veteres, periti hostium bellique, haud dubiam pugnam fecerunt.
17.4. Yet the war was not ended by that battle: the Turduli hired ten thousand Celtiberi and prepared to carry on the war with the weapons of strangers.
17.4. nec tamen ea pugna debellatum est; decem milia Celtiberum mercede Turduli conducunt alienisque armis parabant bellum.
17.5. The consul meanwhile, alarmed by the rebellion of the Bergistani, and thinking that other states as well would follow their example if occasion offered, disarmed all the Spaniards on this side of the Ebro.
17.5. consul interim rebellione Bergistanorum ictus, ceteras quoque civitates ratus per occasionem idem facturas, arma omnibus cis Hiberum Hispanis adimit.
17.6. This action they took so hard that many committed suicide, a high-spirited people, who thought that life without arms was not worth living.
17.6. quam rem adeo aegre passi, ut multi mortem sibimet ipsi consciscerent, ferox genus, nullam vitam rati sine armis esse.
17.7. When this was reported to the consul, he ordered the senators of all the states summoned to his presence and addressed them thus: “It is not more to our interest than to yours that you should not rebel, inasmuch as this has always happened with greater misfortune to the Spaniards than trouble to the Roman army.”
17.7. quod ubi consuli renuntiatum est, senatores omnium civitatium ad se vocari iussit atque iis ‘non nostra’ inquit ‘magis quam vestra refert vos non rebellare, si quidem id maiore Hispanorum malo quam exercitus Romani labore semper adhuc factum est.
17.8. “I think that there is only one way to prevent this — to arrange matters so that you will not be able to rebel. I wish to accomplish this in the gentlest possible manner.”
17.8. id ut ne fiat, uno modo arbitror caveri posse, si effectum erit, ne possitis rebellare.
17.9. “Do you, then, aid me with your advice on this matter. I shall follow no counsel more gladly than that which you yourselves shall give me.”
17.9. volo id quam mollissima via consequi. vos quoque in ea re consilio me adiuvate. nullum libentius sequar, quam quod vosmet ipsi attuleritis.
17.10. When they were silent, he said that he would give them a space of a few days for reflection.
17.10. ’ tacentibus spatium se ad deliberandum dierum paucorum dare dixit.
17.11. When they were recalled, and had kept silent at the second council also, on one day he destroyed the walls of all the towns and proceeded against those who were not yet submissive, and as he passed through region after region, he accepted the surrender of all the neighbouring states.
17.11. cum revocati secundo quoque concilio tacuissent, uno die muris omnium dirutis, ad eos, qui nondum parebant, profectus, ut in quamque regionem venerat, omnes, qui circa incolebant, populos in deditionem accepit.
17.12. Segestica alone, an important and rich city, he captured with sheds and mantlets.
17.12. Segesticam tantum, gravem atque opulentam civitatem, vineis et pluteis cepit.
18.1. He had the greater difficulty in reducing the enemy than those who had first gone to Spain, because the Spaniards transferred their allegiance to his predecessors through weariness of the authority of the Carthaginians, but in his case the task was, so to speak, to claim them as slaves after they had had a taste of liberty;
18.1. eo maiorem habebat difficultatem in subigendis hostibus, quam qui primi venerant in Hispaniam, quod ad illos taedio imperii Carthaginiensium Hispani deficiebant, huic ex usurpata libertate in servitutem velut adserendi erant;
18.2. and everything was in such commotion that some were in arms, some were being compelled by siege to join the uprising, and, unless prompt assistance were sent them, would not be able to hold out longer.
18.2. et ita mota omnia accepit, ut alii in armis essent, alii obsidione ad defectionem cogerentur nec, nisi in tempore subventum foret, ultra sustentaturi fuerint.
18.3. But in the consul there was such vigour of mind and character that he attended to and performed all business, great and small, and he not only planned and gave orders for what was advantageous, but himself executed most of them; he exercised sterner and severer discipline over no one in all the army than over himself, and in frugality and vigilance and exertion he vied with the lowest of his soldiers, and except for his rank and his authority he enjoyed no distinction as compared with the rest of the army.
18.3. sed in consule ea vis animi atque ingenii fuit, ut omnia maxima minimaque per se adiret atque ageret nec cogitaret modo imperaretque, quae in rem essent, sed pleraque ipse per se transigeret nec in quemquam omnium gravius severiusque quam in semet ipsum imperium exerceret, parsimonia et vigiliis et labore cum ultimis militum certaret nec quicquam in exercitu suo praecipui praeter honorem atque imperium haberet.
19.1. The Celtiberi who had been hired by the enemy, as has been said before, made the war in Turdetania more difficult for the praetor Publius Manlius. Therefore the consul, summoned by a message from the praetor, led his legions there.
19.1. difficilius bellum in Turdetania praetori P. Manlio Celtiberi mercede exciti ab hostibus, sicut ante dictum est, faciebant. itaque eo consul accersitus litteris praetoris legiones duxit.
19.2. When he arrived, the Celtiberi and the Turdetani were in separate camps. With the Turdetani the Romans immediately began to skirmish, attacking their outguards, and they always came off victorious, no matter how rashly they had attacked.
19.2. ubi eo venit, castra separatim Celtiberi et Turdetani habebant. cum Turdetanis extemplo levia proelia incursantes in stationes eorum Romani facere semperque victores ex quamvis temere coepto certamine abire.
19.3. The consul ordered some of the military tribunes to go to confer with the Celtiberi and to offer them their choice of three proposals: first, if they wished to come over to the Roman side and receive twice the pay they had agreed to accept from the Turdetani;
19.3. ad Celtiberos in colloquium tribunos militum ire consul atque iis trium condicionum electionem ferre iubet, priman, si transire ad Romanos velint et duplex stipendium accipere, quam quantum a Turdetanis pepigissent;
19.5. second, if they wished to go home after receiving a public pledge that the fact of their having joined the enemies of Rome should not cause them any damage;
19.5. alteram, si domos abire, publica fide accepta, nihil eam rem noxiae futuram, quod hostibus se Romanorum iunxissent;
19.6. third, if battle was their desire under any conditions, that they should name a time and place for an armed settlement with him. The Celtiberi asked for time to consider the proposals.
19.6. tertiam, si utique bellum placeat, diem locumque constituant, ubi secum armis decernant.
19.7. A council was held, at which the Turdetani crowded in, causing great excitement; for that reason a decision was impossible.
19.7. a Celtiberis dies ad consultandum petita. concilium immixtis Turdetanis habitum magno cum tumultu; eo minus decerni quicquam potuit.
19.8. Although it was uncertain whether their relation with the Celtiberi was one of war or peace, the Romans, nevertheless, just as if it were a time of peace, were bringing provisions from the farms and strongholds, often going in squads of ten into their fortifications under private truces, as if the right of trade had been officially recognized.
19.8. cum incerta bellum an pax cum Celtiberis essent, commeatus tamen haud secus quam in pace ex agris castellisque hostium Romani portabant, deni saepe munimenta eorum, velut communi pacto commercio, privatis indutiis ingredientes.
19.9. When the consul failed to draw the enemy out to battle, he first sent certain light-armed cohorts out to ravage the fields of a region hitherto unattacked, then, hearing that the baggage and equipment of the Celtiberi was all at Saguntla, he proceeded to attack that town.
19.9. consul ubi hostis ad pugnam elicere nequit, primum praedatum sub signis aliquot expeditas cohortis in agrum integrae regionis ducit, deinde audito, Saguntiae Celtiberum omnis sarcinas impedimentaque relicta, eo pergit ducere ad oppugnandum.
19.11. When he found that nothing would provoke them to battle, he paid not only his own soldiers but those of the praetor and with seven cohorts (the rest being left in the praetor's camp) returned to the Ebro.
19.11. postquam nulla moventur re, persoluto stipendio non suis modo sed etiam praetoris militibus relictoque omni exercitu in castris praetoris ipse cum septem cohortibus ad Hiberum est regressus.
20.1. With this small force he captured several towns. The Sedetani, the Ausetani, and the Suessetani came over to him.
20.1. ea tam exigua manu oppida aliquot cepit. defecere ad eum Sedetani, Ausetani, Suessetani.
20.2. The Lacetani, a remote and forest-dwelling race, were kept under arms, partly by their native savageness, partly by their consciousness of having pillaged the allies in sudden raids while the consul and the army were engaged in the campaign in Turdetania.
20.2. Lacetanos, deviam et silvestrem gentem, cum insita feritas continebat in armis, tum conscientia, dum consul exercitusque Turdulo bello esset occupatus, depopulatorum subitis incursionibus sociorum.
20.3. Therefore the consul led to the attack upon their citadel not only the Roman cohorts but the young men of the allies, who were justly incensed at them.
20.3. igitur ad oppidum eorum oppugnandum consul ducit non Romanas modo cohortes, sed iuventutem etiam merito infensorum iis sociorum.
20.4. Their town was long, but was not extensive in breadth in proportion. He halted at a distance of about four hundred paces from it.
20.4. oppidum longum, in latitudinem haudquaquam tantundem patens habebant. quadringentos inde ferme passus constituit signa.
20.5. There he left a guard of chosen cohorts, ordering them not to stir from that place until he came to them in person; the rest of the troops he led to the farther side of the town. The largest contingent among all his auxiliaries was furnished by the young men of the Suessetani; these he ordered to assault the wall.
20.5. ibi delectarum cohortium stationem relinquens praecepit iis, ne se ex eo loco ante moverent, quam ipse ad eos venisset; ceteras copias ad ulteriorem partem urbis circumducit. maximum ex omnibus auxiliis numerum Suessetanae iuventutis habebat; eos ad murum oppugnandum subire iubet.
20.6. When the Lacetani recognized their arms and standards, and recalled how often they had offered them insults with impunity in their own lands and how often they had routed them and put them to flight in pitched battle, they suddenly threw open the gate and attacked them in a body. The Suessetani scarcely waited for them to raise the shout, much less for them to charge.
20.6. quorum ubi arma signaque Lacetani cognovere, memores, quam saepe in agro eorum impune persultassent, quotiens ipsos signis collatis fudissent fugassentque, patefacta repente porta universi in eos erumpunt.
20.7. When the consul saw that this was turning out as he had expected it would, he put spurs to his horse and rode off under the enemy's wall to the cohorts, and bringing them into action, since the enemy had all
20.7. vix clamorem eorum nedum impetum Suessetani tulere. quod postquam, sicut futurum ratus erat, consul fieri etiam vidit, equo citato subter murum hostium ad cohortes avehitur atque eas arreptas, effusis omnibus ad sequendos Suessetanos, qua silentium ac solitudo erat, in urbem inducit priusque omnia cepit, quam se reciperent Lacetani.
20.9. scattered to pursue the Suessetani, he led them into the city on the side where all was silence and solitude and was in complete control before the Lacetani returned. Having nothing left to them but their arms, they presently surrendered. The conqueror then quickly led his troops to the fort of Bergium. This was now primarily a nest of robbers, and from it raids were being made on the pacified districts of this province.
20.9. mox ipsos nihil praeter arma habentis in deditionem accepit. confestim inde victor ad Bergium castrum ducit. receptaculum id maxime praedonum erat, et inde incursiones in agros pacatos provinciae eius fiebant.
21.2. A leader of the Bergistani escaped from it to the consul and began to apologize for himself and his fellow-citizens: their own state was not under their control, he said; the robbers, once admitted to the town, had brought it completely under their own dominion.
21.2. transfugit inde ad consulem princeps Bergistanus et purgare se ac popularis coepit: non esse in manu ipsis rem publicam; praedones receptos totum suae potestatis id castrum fecisse.
21.3. The consul directed him to go back home, having provided himself with a plausible explanation for his absence;
21.3. consul eum domum redire conficta aliqua probabili, cur afuisset, causa iussit;
21.4. when he should see the Romans approaching the walls and the robbers intent on defending the fortifications, he, with the men of his own party, would remember to seize the citadel.
21.4. cum se muros subisse cerneret intentosque praedones ad tuenda moenia esse, tum uti cum suae factionis hominibus meminisset arcem occupare.
21.5. This was done according to instructions; suddenly a double terror gripped the barbarians, as on one side the Romans were climbing the walls and on the other the citadel had been taken. The consul took possession of the place and ordered the men who had occupied the citadel and their relatives to be free, and to enjoy possession of their property, and, directing the quaestor to sell the other Bergistani, he put the robbers to death. Having restored order in the province, he arranged for the collection of large revenues from the iron and silver mines, and as a result of the regulations made at that time the wealth of the province increased every day.
21.5. id, uti praeceperat, factum; repente anceps terror hinc muros ascendentibus Romanis, illinc arce capta barbaros circumvasit. huius potitus loci consul eos, qui arcem tenuerant, liberos esse cum cognatis suaque habere iussit, Bergistanos ceteros quaestori ut venderet imperavit, de praedonibus supplicium sumpsit. pacata provincia vectigalia magna instituit ex ferrariis argentariisque, quibus tum institutis locupletior in dies provincia fuit.
21.8. By reason of these achievements in Spain the Fathers decreed a thanksgiving for three days.
21.8. ob has res gestas in Hispania supplicationem in triduum patres decreverunt.
22.1. During the same summer the other consul, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, engaged in pitched battle with a force of the Boi near the forest of Litana and defeated them.
22.1. eadem aestate alter consul L. Valerius Flaccus in Gallia cum Boiorum manu propter Litanam silvam signis collatis secundo proelio conflixit, octo milia Gallorum caesa traduntur;
22.2. Eight thousand of the Gauls are said to have fallen; the rest gave up the war and scattered to their villages and fields.
22.2. ceteri omisso bello in vicos suos atque agros dilapsi.
22.3. For the rest of the summer the consul kept his army at Placentia and Cremona, in the neighbourhood of the Po, and rebuilt the parts of those cities which had been destroyed in the war.
22.3. consul relicum aestatis circa Padum Placentiae et Cremonae exercitum habuit restituitque, quae in iis oppidis bello diruta fuerant.
22.4. While this was the state of affairs in Italy and Spain, Titus Quinctius had spent the winter in Greece in such a fashion that, with the exception of the Aetolians, who had neither gained rewards of victory in proportion to their hopes nor proved able to be long satisfied with quiet, all Greece, enjoying to the full the blessings of peace and liberty combined, was happy in its condition, and admired the Roman commander's bravery in war no more than his self-control, justice, and moderation after victory, and at this time the decree of the senate which declared war against Nabis the Lacedaemonian was delivered to him.
22.4. cum hic status rerum in Italia Hispaniaque esset, T. Quinctio in Graecia ita hibernis actis, ut exceptis Aetolis, quibus nec pro spe victoriae praemia contigerant, nec diu quies placere poterat, universa Graecia simul pacis libertatisque perfruens bonis egregie statu suo gauderet nec magis in bello virtutem Romani ducis quam in victoria temperantiam iustitiamque et moderationem miraretur, senatus consultum, quo bellum adversus Nabim Lacedaemonium decretum erat, adfertur.
22.6. When he had read this decree, Quinctius announced a council, to be held at Corinth on a designated day, and made up of delegations from all the allied states.
22.6. quo lecto Quinctius conventum Corinthum omnium sociarum civitatium legationibus in diem certam edicit. ad quam ubi frequentes undique principes convenerunt, ita uti ne Aetoli quidem abessent, tali oratione est usus:
22.7. When the prominent men in great numbers had come from all quarters to this meeting, not even the Aetolians being unrepresented, he addressed them as follows: “The war against Philip was waged by the Romans and Greeks with feelings and aims no less common than their several reasons for entering the war.”
22.7. ‘bellum adversus Philippum non magis communi animo consilioque Romani et Graeci gesserunt, quam utrique suas causas belli habuerunt.
22.8. “For he had violated his friendship with the Romans, now by aiding their enemies the Carthaginians, now by attacking our allies in this country, and towards you he conducted himself in such a way that your wrongs,” “even if we did not remember our own injuries, were a sufficiently good reason why we should take up the quarrel. To-day's decision depends entirely on you.”
22.8. nam et Romanorum amicitiam nunc Carthaginiensis hostis eorum iuvando, nunc hic sociis nostris oppugnandis violaverat et in vos talis fuit, ut nobis, etiam si nostrarum oblivisceremur iniuriarum, vestrae iniuriae satis digna causa belli fuerit.
22.10. “I lay before you the question whether you wish to permit Argos, which, as you know, has been seized by Nabis, to remain under his control, or whether you think it proper that this most famous and ancient ” “city, situated in the heart of Greece, should be restored to liberty and enjoy the same condition as the other cities of the Peloponnesus and Greece.”
22.10. hodierna consultatio tota ex vobis pendet. refero enim ad vos, utrum Argos, sicut scitis ipsi, ab Nabide occupatos pati velitis sub dicione eius esse, an aequum censeatis nobilissimam vetustissimamque civitatem, in media Graecia sitam, repeti in libertatem et eodem statu quo ceteras urbes Peloponnesi et Graeciae esse, haec consultatio, ut videtis, tota de re pertinente ad vos est;
22.12. “This question, as you see, is one-which is altogether your concern; it does not touch the Romans at all, except in so far as the slavery of one city of liberated Greece does not permit their fame to be perfect and complete.”
22.12. Romanos nihil contingit, nisi quatenus liberatae Graeciae unius civitatis servitus non plenam nec integram gloriam esse sinit.
22.13. “But if no concern for that city nor the example thus set nor the danger that the contagion of that evil may spread affects you, that is, so far as we are concerned, well and good. I ask your opinions on this matter, and shall abide by whatever decision the majority of you shall reach.”
22.13. ceterum, si vos nec cura eius civitatis nec exemplum nec periculum movet, ne serpat latius contagio eius mali, nos aequi bonique facimus. de hac re vos consulo, staturus eo, quod plures censueritis.’
23.1. After this speech from the Roman commander, they began to ascertain the views of the others.
23.1. post orationem Romani imperatoris percenseri aliorum sententiae coeptae sunt.
23.2. When the Athenian ambassador had, to the extent of his capacity, and with effusive thanks, extolled the Romans' services to Greece, saying that “when appealed to they had given aid against Philip, and were ” “of their own accord and without an appeal offering assistance against Nabis,” and had lamented that these services,
23.2. cum legatus Atheniensium, quantum poterat, gratiis agendis Romanorum in Graeciam merita extulisset, ‘ imploratos [auxilium] adversus Philippum tulisse opem, non rogatos ultro adversus tyrannum Nabim offerre auxilium’, indignatusque esset haec tanta merita sermonibus tamen aliquorum carpi futura calumniantium,
23.4. great as they were, - were nevertheless criticized in the talk of certain persons who threw out dark hints about the future, though they should rather be confessing their gratitude for the past, it was clear that he was attacking the Aetolians. Therefore Alexander, a leading man of that people, assailed first the Athenians, once the leaders and champions of liberty, now the betrayers of the common cause from their desire to win a place for themselves by adulation, then he complained that the Achaeans, the one-time soldiers of Philip, then finally deserters from him as his fortunes declined, had regained Corinth and in addition were trying to obtain Argos, while the Aetolians, foes to Philip from the beginning, allies to the Romans at all times, although they had agreed in the treaty that the cities and fields were to be theirs when Philip was defeated, were being cheated out of Echinus and Pharsalus;
23.4. cum fateri potius praeteritorum gratiam deberent, apparebat incessi Aetolos. igitur Alexander, princeps gentis, invectus primum in Atheniensis, libertatis quondam duces et auctores, adsentationis propriae gratia communem causam prodentis, questus deinde [est] Achaeos, Philippi quondam milites, ad postremum inclinata fortuna eius transfugas, et Corinthum recepisse et id agere, ut Argos habeant, Aetolos, primos hostis Philippi, semper socios Romanorum, pactos in foedere suas urbes agrosque fore devicto Philippo, fraudari Echino et Pharsalo,
23.8. he also charged the Romans with deceit, in that, while they held out the empty name of liberty, they were holding with their garrisons Chalcis and Demetrias, despite the fact that they had been wont to object, when Philip hesitated to withdraw his troops from these towns, that “while Demetrias and Chalcis and Corinth were ” “in his hands, Greece would never be free,” and finally, in that they were making Argos and Nabis an excuse for remaining in Greece and keeping their army there.
23.8. insimulavit fraudis Romanos, quod vano titulo libertatis ostentato Chalcidem et Demetriadem praesidiis tenerent, qui Philippo cunctanti deducere inde praesidia obicere semper soliti sint ‘ numquam, donec Demetrias Chalcisque et Corinthus tenerentur, liberam Graeciam fore’, postremo quia manendi in Graecia retinendique exercitus Argos et Nabim causam facerent.
23.10. Let them, he said, transport their legions to Italy;
23.10. deportarent legiones in Italiam;
23.11. adding that the Aetolians promised either that Nabis would withdraw his garrison from Argos voluntarily and under terms imposed by them, or that they would compel him by force of arms to yield to the will of united Greece.
23.11. Aetolos polliceri aut condicionibus et voluntate sua Nabim praesidium Argis deducturum, aut vi atque armis coacturos in potestate consentientis Graeciae esse.
24.1. This boastful speech first provoked Aristae nus, praetor of the Achaeans, to speak:
24.1. haec vaniloquentia primum Aristaenum, praetorem Achaeorum, excitavit.
24.2. “May Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Queen Juno, under whose protection Argos is, forbid that that city be the prize to be contended for by the Spartan tyrant and the Aetolian robbers, in such a critical moment that its recovery by you would be a greater misery than its possession by him.”
24.2. ‘ne istuc’ inquit ‘Iuppiter optimus maximus sirit Iunoque regina, cuius in tutela Argi sunt, ut illa civitas inter tyrannum Lacedaemonium et latrones Aetolos praemium sit posita in eo discrimine, ut miserius a vobis recipiatur, quam ab illo capta est.
24.3. “The sea that lies between does not protect us from those brigands, Titus Quinctius; what will become of us if they establish their citadel in the heart of the Peloponnesus? They have only the tongue of Greeks, as they have only the shape of men; they live under rules and practices more savage than any barbarians, yes, than any wild beasts.”
24.3. mare interiectum ab istis praedonibus non tuetur nos, T. Quincti; quid, si in media Peloponneso arcem sibi fecerint, futurum nobis est? linguam tantum Graecorum habent, sicut speciem hominum;
24.4. “Therefore we beg you, Romans, both to recover Argos from Nabis and to establish the affairs of Greece in such a way as to leave us well protected from the brigandage of the Aetolians as well.”
24.4. moribus ritibusque efferatioribus quam ulli barbari, immo quam immanes beluae vivunt. itaque vos rogamus, Romani, ut et ab Nabide Argos reciperetis et ita res Graeciae constituatis, ut ab latrocinio quoque Aetolorum satis pacata haec relinquatis.
24.5. When men from all sides were uniting in censuring the Aetolians, the Roman said that he would have answered them, did he not see that all men were so enraged at them that they required to be soothed rather than provoked.
24.5. ’ Romanus, cunctis undique increpantibus Aetolos, responsurum se fuisse iis dixit, nisi ita infensos omnis in eos videret, ut sedandi potius quam irritandi essent.
24.6. He said that he was content with the opinions expressed about the Romans and the Aetolians, and therefore put the question what they would do about a war against Nabis if he would not give Argos back to the Achaeans. When a unanimous decree for war had been passed, he urged them that each state should send auxiliaries in proportion to its strength.
24.6. contentum itaque opinione ea, quae de Romanis Aetolisque esset, referre se dixit, quid de Nabidis bello placeret, nisi redderet Achaeis Argos, cum omnes bellum decressent, auxilia ut pro viribus suis quaeque civitates mitterent, est hortatus.
24.7. He even sent an ambassador to the Aetolians, more for the purpose of laying bare their intentions (and in this he succeeded) than from the hope that he could gain their adherence.
24.7. ad Aetolos legatum etiam misit, magis ut nudaret animos, id quod evenit, quam spe impetrari posse.
25.1. He ordered the tribunes of the soldiers to summon the army from Elatia.
25.1. tribunis militum, ut exercitum ab Elatia arcesserent, imperavit.
25.2. About this time, - too, ambassadors from Antiochus arrived to discuss an alliance, but received the reply that he had nothing to say in the absence of the ten commissioners; it would be necessary for them to go to Rome and apply to the senate.
25.2. per eosdem dies et Antiochi legatis de societate agentibus respondit nihil se absentibus decem legatis sententiae habere;
25.3. He then proceeded to lead the assembled forces from Elatia towards Argos, and in the vicinity of Cleonae Aristaenus the praetor met him with ten thousand Achaean infantry and one thousand cavalry, and uniting their forces they encamped a short distance away.
25.3. Romam eundum ad senatum iis esse. ipse copias adductas ab Elatia ducere Argos pergit; atque ei circa Cleonas Aristaenus praetor cum decem milibus Achaeorum, equitibus mille occurrit, et haud procul inde iunctis exercitibus posuerunt castra.