---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 15 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 15. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 15. Book XXXIV · chapters 25–35

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/15/#p-N

[¶0] 25.4. The next, day they marched down into the plain of the Argives and selected for their camp a position about four miles from Argos.

> Latin: 25.4. postero die in campum Argivorum descenderunt et quattuor ferme milia ab Argis locum castris capiunt.

[¶1] 25.5. The commander of the Spartan garrison was Pythagoras, at once the son-in-law and brother-in-law of the tyrant, and at the approach of the Roman she posted strong guards on both citadels (for Argos has two citadels) and likewise on other places that were favourably situated or open to attack;

> Latin: 25.5. praefectus praesidii Laconum erat Pythagoras, gener idem tyranni et uxoris eius frater, qui sub adventum Romanorum et utrasque arces — nam duas habent Argi — loca alia, quae aut opportuna aut suspecta erant, validis praesidiis firmavit;

[¶2] 25.6. but while he was taking this action he could not conceal the fear which the coming of the Romans caused, and on top of the danger from outside there was also a mutiny within.

> Latin: 25.6. sed inter haec agenda pavorem iniectum adventu Romanorum dissimulare haudquaquam poterat; et ad externum terrorem intestina etiam seditio accessit.

[¶3] 25.7. There was an Argive named Damocles, a young man of greater spirit than discretion, who, after exchanging oaths, began conferring with suitable persons regarding expelling the garrison, and, in his desire to add strength to his conspiracy, proved to be too careless in his estimation of fidelity.

> Latin: 25.7. Damocles erat Argius, adulescens maioris animi quam consilii, qui primo, iureiurando interposito, de praesidio expellendo cum idoneis conlocutus, dum vires adicere coniurationi studet, incautior fidei aestimator fuit.

[¶4] 25.8. When an agent sent by the prefect summoned him as he was talking to one of his party, he perceived that the plot had been betrayed and urged the conspirators who were with him to join him in armed resistance rather than perish under torture.

> Latin: 25.8. conloquentem eum cum suis satelles a praefecto missus cum accerseret, sensit proditum consilium esse hortatusque est coniuratos, qui aderant, ut potius, quam extorti morerentur, arma secum caperent.

[¶5] 25.9. And so with a few of his friends he rushed into the forum, crying out that all who wished the safety of the state should follow him as the sponsor and leader of freedom. He roused almost no one, since they saw no immediate prospect of success anywhere, and not even any considerable material strength.

> Latin: 25.9. atque ita cum paucis in forum pergit ire clamitans, ut, qui salvam rem publicam vellent, auctorem et ducem se libertatis sequerentur.

[¶6] 25.10. As he was uttering such appeals, the Lacedaemonians surrounded him and his party and put them to death.

> Latin: 25.10. haud sane movit quemquam, quia nihil usquam spei propinquae, nedum satis firmi praesidii cernebant.

[¶7] 25.11. Then some of the others were arrested, and most of these were executed, a few imprisoned.

> Latin: 25.11. haec vociferantem eum Lacedaemonii circumventum cum suis interfecerunt. comprensi deinde quidam et alii.

[¶8] 25.12. During the following night many let themselves down over the wall by means of ropes and took refuge with the Romans.

> Latin: 25.12. ex iis occisi plures, pauci in custodiam coniecti; multi proxima nocte funibus per murum demissi ad Romanos perfugerunt.

[¶9] 26.1. When these men assured him that if the Roman army had been at the gates the uprising would not have been so futile, and that the Argives would not remain quiet if he moved his camp nearer the city, Quinctius sent the light infantry and cavalry, who engaged with a party of Lacedaemonians who rushed out of the gate near Cylarabis — a

> Latin: 26.1. Quinctius adfirmantibus iis, si ad portas exercitus Romanus fuisset, non sine effectu motum eum futurum fuisse, et, si propius castra admoverentur, non quieturos Argivos, misit expeditos pedites equitesque, qui circa Cylarabim— gymnasium id est minus trecentos passus ab urbe —

[¶10] 26.3. gymnasium less than three hundred paces from the city — and without great effort drove them back into the town. Then the Roman general placed his camp on the spot where the battle had occurred.

> Latin: 26.3. cum erumpentibus a porta Lacedaemoniis proelium commiserunt atque eos haud magno certamine compulerunt in urbem. et castra eo ipso loco, ubi pugnatum erat, imperator Romanus posuit.

[¶11] 26.4. He spent the next day watching to see if any new disturbance would arise; when he saw that the state had been overawed he called a council to consider laying siege to Argos.

> Latin: 26.4. diem inde unum in speculis fuit, si quid novi motus oreretur; postquam oppressam metu civitatem vidit, advocat consilium de oppugnandis Argis.

[¶12] 26.5. The opinion of all the Greek chieftains except Aristaenus was the same, that since there was no other cause for the war than that city, the war should by preference begin there.

> Latin: 26.5. omnium principum Graeciae praeter Aristaenum eadem sententia erat, cum causa belli non alia esset, inde potissimum ordiendum bellum.

[¶13] 26.6. Quinctius was by no means of the same opinion, and he listened with unmistakable -approval to the argument of Aristaenus, which was opposed to this generally held view;

> Latin: 26.6. Quinctio id nequaquam placebat, et Aristaenum contra omnium consensum disserentem cum haud dubia approbatione audivit;

[¶14] 26.7. and he even asked what, since the war had been undertaken for the sake of the Argives and against the tyrant, was less consistent than to let the enemy alone and attack Argos?

> Latin: 26.7. et ipse adiecit, cum pro Argivis adversus tyrannum bellum susceptum sit, quid minus conveniens esse, quam omisso hoste Argos oppugnari?

[¶15] 26.8. For his part, he would seek the main objective of the war, Sparta and the tyrant. Accordingly he dismissed the council and sent light cohorts out to forage. The ripe grain was harvested and brought into camp; the unripe was trampled down and destroyed, to prevent the enemy from enjoying it later.

> Latin: 26.8. se vero caput belli Lacedaemonem et tyrannum petiturum. et dimisso consilio frumentatum expeditas cohortes misit. quod maturi erat circa, demessum et convectum est; viride, ne hostes mox haberent, protritum et corruptum.

[¶16] 26.9. Then he moved his camp and crossing Mount Parthenius and passing Tegea he encamped on the third day near Caryae. There, before he entered the enemy's country he waited for the auxiliaries of the allies.

> Latin: 26.9. castra deinde movit et Parthenio superato monte praeter Tegeam tertio die ad Caryas posuit castra. ibi, priusquam hostium intraret agrum, sociorum auxilia expectavit.

[¶17] 26.10. Fifteen hundred Macedonians came from Philip and four hundred Thessalian cavalry. It was no longer auxiliaries, of whom there were plenty, that delayed the Roman commander, but the supplies that the neighbouring states had been ordered to contribute.

> Latin: 26.10. venerunt Macedones a Philippo mille et quingenti et Thessalorum equites quadringenti. nec iam auxilia, quorum adfatim erat, sed commeatus finitumis urbibus imperati morabantur Romanum.

[¶18] 26.11. Also, great fleets were assembling: Lucius Quinctius had now arrived from Leucas with forty ships, together with eighteen warships of the Rhodians, and King Eumenes was off the Cyclades islands with ten warships, thirty cruisers and with them other vessels of smaller size. Many exiles of the Lacedaemonians, driven out by the misdeeds of the tyrants, also came to the Roman camp in the hope of being restored to their homes.

> Latin: 26.11. navales quoque magnae copiae conveniebant; iam ab Leucade L. Quinctius quadraginta navibus venerat, iam Rhodiae duodeviginti tectae naves, iam Eumenes rex circa Cycladas insulas erat cum decem tectis navibus, triginta lembis mixtisque aliis minoris formae navigiis.

[¶19] 26.12. There were many who had been driven out by one tyrant or another, through the several generations which had elapsed since tyrants first got control of Sparta.

> Latin: 26.12. ipsorum quoque Lacedaemoniorum exules permulti, tyrannorum iniuria pulsi, spe reciperandae patriae in castra Romana convenerunt.

[¶20] 26.13. The chief of the exiles was Agesipolis, to whom the throne of Lacedaemon belonged by right of birth, who had been exiled in his childhood by the tyrant Lycurgus after the death of Cleomenes, who had been the first to hold the tyranny in Sparta.

> Latin: 26.13. multi autem erant, iam per aliquot aetates, ex quo tyranni tenebant Lacedaemonem, alii ab aliis expulsi. princeps erat exulum Agesipolis, cuius iure gentis regnum Lacedaemone erat, pulsus infans ab Lycurgo tyranno post mortem Cleomenis, qui primus tyrannus Lacedaemone fuit.

[¶21] 27.1. When so great a war on land and sea was threatening the tyrant, though on a true estimate of his own strength and that of the enemy he could see almost no hope of success, he nevertheless did not neglect his preparations for war, but summoned from Crete a thousand of their chosen youths, in addition to a thousand who were already with him; he had also in his force three thousand mercenaries and ten thousand of his own countrymen along with the rural guards, and he fortified the city with a moat and rampart.

> Latin: 27.1. cum terra marique tantum belli circumstaret tyrannum, et prope nulla spes esset vere vires suas hostiumque aestimanti, non tamen omisit bellum, sed et a Creta mille delectos iuventutis eorum excivit, cum mille iam haberet, et tria milia mercennariorum militum, decem milia popularium cum castellanis agrestibus in armis habuit et fossa valloque urbem communivit;

[¶22] 27.3. To prevent any internal disorder, he held the people in check with terror and severe punishments, since he could not hope that they would wish well to a tyrant.

> Latin: 27.3. et, ne quid intestini motus oreretur, metu et acerbitate poenarum tenebat animos, quoniam, ut salvum vellent tyrannum, sperare non poterat.

[¶23] 27.4. Since he entertained suspicions regarding certain citizens, he led out his entire force into a plain — they call it Dromos — and stacking arms bade the Spartans to be summoned to a meeting and surrounded the gathering with armed guards.

> Latin: 27.4. cum suspectos quosdam civium haberet, eductis in campum omnibus copiis — Dromon ipsi vocant — positis armis ad contionem vocari iubet Lacedaemonios atque eorum contioni satellites armatos circumdedit;

[¶24] 27.6. Then he made some brief opening remarks, showing why he should be pardoned in such an emergency, when he feared everything and guarded against everything, and that it was to their own interest, if the present state of affairs made him suspect certain citizens, that these persons should be prevented from making any attempt upon him rather than punished for making the attempt;

> Latin: 27.6. et pauca praefatus, cur sibi omnia timenti caventique ignoscendum in tali tempore foret, et ipsorum referre, si quos suspectos status praesens rerum faceret, prohiberi potius, ne quid moliri possint, quam puniri molientis;

[¶25] 27.7. he would accordingly hold certain persons under guard until the storm which was threatening should pass; when the enemy was driven off — and there was less danger from them if only internal treachery could be prevented — he would at once release them; after this he ordered the names of about eighty of the most prominent young men to be read, and each one, as he answered to his name, was turned over to the guards; during the next night he put them all to death.

> Latin: 27.7. itaque quosdam se in custodia habiturum, donec ea, quae instet, tempestas praetereat; hostibus repulsis, a quibus, si modo proditio intestina satis caveatur, minus periculi esse, extemplo eos emissurum — : sub haec citari nomina octoginta ferme principum iuventutis iussit atque eos, ut quisque ad nomen responderat, in custodiam tradidit;

[¶26] 27.9. Then some of the Ilotae, a rural people, who had been country-dwellers from remote antiquity, were charged with trying to desert, driven with whips through all the streets, and put to death. By thus inspiring fear he stunned the minds of the crowd and prevented any attempt at revolution.

> Latin: 27.9. nocte insequenti omnes interfecti. Ilotarum deinde quidam — hi sunt iam inde antiquitus castellani, agreste genus —, transfugere voluisse insimulati per omnis vicos sub verberibus acti necantur. hoc terrore obstipuerant multitudinis animi ab omni conatu novorum consiliorum.

[¶27] 27.10. He kept his troops within the walls, thinking himself unequal to the enemy, if he should dare to risk a battle, and fearing to leave the city while all men's minds were in such suspense and uncertainty.

> Latin: 27.10. intra munitiones copias continebat, nec parem se ratus, si dimicare acie vellet, et urbem relinquere tam suspensis et incertis omnium animis metuens.

[¶28] 28.1. Quinctius had now made adequate preparations and had left his base and on the second day arrived at Sellasia above the Oenus river, at which place it was said that Antigonus, king of the Macedonians, had contended in pitched battle with Cleomenes, the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 28.1. Quinctius satis iam omnibus paratis profectus ab stativis die altero ad Sellasiam super Oenunta fluvium pervenit, quo in loco Antigonus, Macedonum rex, cum Cleomene, Lacedaemoniorum tyranno, signis conlatis dimicasse dicebatur.

[¶29] 28.2. Having learned that the descent was through a difficult and narrow pass, he sent men ahead to build a road over a short bypass over the mountains, and came by a sufficiently wide and open way to the river Eurotas, which flows almost under the very walls of the city.

> Latin: 28.2. inde cum audisset descensum difficilis et artae viae esse, brevi per montes circuitu praemissis, qui munirent viam, lato satis et patenti limite ad Eurotam rotam amnem, sub ipsis prope fluentem moenibus, pervenit.

[¶30] 28.3. When the Romans were laying out their camp and Quinctius himself with the cavalry and light infantry had gone on ahead, the auxiliary forces of the tyrant attacked and threw them into panic and disorder, since they anticipated no such event, because no enemy had shown himself on their entire march and they had passed through an apparently peaceful country.

> Latin: 28.3. ubi castra metantis Romanos Quinctiumque ipsum cum equitibus atque expeditis praegressum auxiliares tyranni adorti in terrorem ac tumultum coniecerunt nihil tale expectantis, quia nemo iis obvius toto itinere fuerat, ac velut pacato agro transierant.

[¶31] 28.4. For a time there was confusion as the cavalry called to the infantry and the infantry to the cavalry, since each lacked confidence in itself; — finally, the standards of the legions came up, and when the leading cohorts of the column were thrown into the fight, those who had a moment before been a cause of terror were driven in panic into the city.

> Latin: 28.4. aliquamdiu peditibus equites, equitibus pedites vocantibus, cum in se cuique minimum fiduciae esset, trepidatum est; tandem signa legionum supervenerunt, et, cum primi agminis cohortes inductae in proelium essent, qui modo terrori fuerant, trepidantes in urbem compulsi sunt.

[¶32] 28.6. The Romans retired so far from the wall that they were beyond spear-range, and forming their line waited for a while; when no enemy came out against them, they retired to the camp.

> Latin: 28.6. Romani, cum tantum a muro recessissent, ut extra ictum teli essent, acie derecta paulisper steterunt; postquam nemo hostium contra exibat, redierunt in castra.

[¶33] 28.7. The next day Quinctius began to lead his troops in array along the river and past the city to the foot of Mount Menelaus; at the head marched the legionary cohorts and the light infantry and the cavalry formed the rear-guard.

> Latin: 28.7. postero die Quinctius prope flumen praeter urbem sub ipsas Menelai montis radices ducere copias instructas pergit; primae legionariae cohortes ibant, levis armatura et equites agmen cogebant.

[¶34] 28.8. Inside the wall Nabis had formed and made ready his mercenaries, in whom he placed most confidence, to attack the enemy in the rear.

> Latin: 28.8. Nabis intra murum instructos paratosque sub signis habebat mercennarios milites, in quibus omnis fiducia erat, ut ab tergo hostem adgrederetur.

[¶35] 28.9. When the tail of the column had passed, they burst from the town through several gates at once, with the same fury as the day before.

> Latin: 28.9. postquam extremum agmen praeteriit, tum ab oppido, eodem, quo pridie eruperant, tumultu pluribus simul locis erumpunt.

[¶36] 28.10. Appius Claudius was bringing up the rear; he had prepared the minds of his men for what was likely to occur, lest it catch them unawares, and he at once faced about and presented a solid front to the enemy.

> Latin: 28.10. Ap. Claudius agmen cogebat; qui ad id, quod futurum erat, ne inopinatum accideret, praeparatis suorum animis signa extemplo convertit totumque in hostem agmen circumegit.

[¶37] 28.11. So, just as if organized battle-lines had met, there was a regular battle for a while; at length the soldiers of Nabis turned in flight; and this would have been less hazardous and dangerous if the Achaeans, who knew the ground, had not pressed them hard. They caused great slaughter and disarmed many of them as they scattered in flight in every direction.

> Latin: 28.11. itaque, velut rectae acies concurrissent, iustum aliquamdiu proelium fuit; tandem Nabidis milites in fugam inclinarunt; quae minus infesta ac trepida fuisset, ni Achaei locorum prudentes institissent. ii et caedem ingentem ediderunt et dispersos passim fuga plerosque armis exuerunt. Quinctius prope Amyclas posuit castra;

[¶38] 28.12. Quinctius encamped near Amyclae, and from that base he laid waste all the well-populated and pleasant country districts which surrounded the city, and when no enemy now left the gates he moved his camp to the river Eurotas. Next he devastated the valley that lies below Taygetus and the fields that stretched towards the sea.

> Latin: 28.12. unde cum perpopulatus omnia circumiecta urbi frequentis et amoeni agri loca esset, nullo iam hostium porta excedente castra movit ad fluvium Eurotam. inde vallem Taygeto subiectam agrosque ad mare pertinentis evastat.

[¶39] 29.1. At about the same time Lucius Quinctius received the surrender of the towns on the coast, some by their own choice, some from fear or as a result of attack.

> Latin: 29.1. eodem fere tempore L. Quinctius maritimae orae oppida partim voluntate, partim metu aut vi recepit.

[¶40] 29.2. Then, having learned that the town of Gytheum was the Lacedaemonians' storehouse of naval supplies of all kinds and that the Roman camp was not far from the sea, he determined to attack the town with his whole force.

> Latin: 29.2. certior deinde factus Gytheum oppidum omnium maritimarum rerum Lacedaemoniis receptaculum esse nec procul a mari castra Romana abesse, omnibus id copiis adgredi constituit.

[¶41] 29.3. It was at that time a strongly fortified place, well supplied with large numbers of citizens and immigrants and with all military equipment.

> Latin: 29.3. erat eo tempore valida urbs, et multitudine civium incolarumque et omni bellico apparatu instructa.

[¶42] 29.4. At an opportune moment for Quinctius, who was undertaking a difficult task, King Eumenes and the Rhodian fleet appeared.

> Latin: 29.4. in tempore Quinctio rem haud facilem adgredienti rex Eumenes et classis Rhodiorum supervenerunt.

[¶43] 29.5. A huge crowd of naval allies, assembled from the three fleets, within a few days made ready all the engines necessary for the siege of a city strongly fortified by land and sea.

> Latin: 29.5. ingens multitudo navalium sociorum e tribus contracta classibus intra paucos dies omnia, quae ad oppugnationem urbis terra marique munitae faciunda opera erant, effecit, iam testudinibus admotis murus subruebatur.

[¶44] 29.6. Soon mantlets were brought up and the wall was being undermined and shaken by battering-rams. So one tower was overthrown by the repeated blows, and the adjacent wall was ruined by its fall;

> Latin: 29.6. iam arietibus quatiebatur. itaque una crebris ictibus eversa est turris quodque circa muri erat casu eius prostratum;

[¶45] 29.7. and the Romans attempted at once to force their way in from the harbour side, whence the approach was more level, to distract the enemy's attention from the more exposed place, and also through the breach made by the falling of the wall.

> Latin: 29.7. et Romani simul a portu, unde aditus planior erat, ut distenderent ab apertiore loco hostis, simul per patefactum ruina iter inrumpere conabantur.

[¶46] 29.8. Nor were they far from winning to the place they sought, but their attack was slowed up by the hope held out to them, but soon after found delusive, that the city would capitulate.

> Latin: 29.8. nec multum afuit, quin, qua intenderant, penetrarent; sed tardavit impetum eorum spes obiecta dedendae urbis, mox deinde eadem turbata. Dexagoridas et Gorgopas pari imperio praeerant urbi.

[¶47] 29.9. Dexagoridas and Gorgopas were in command of the city, with equal authority Dexagoridas had sent word to the Roman lieutenant that he would give up the city, and when the time and method of procedure had been agreed upon, the traitor was slain by Gorgopas and the city was more vigorously defended by him alone. And the continuance of the siege would have been more difficult if Titus Quinctius had not come up with four thousand picked troops.

> Latin: 29.9. Dexagoridas miserat ad legatum Romanum traditurum se urbem; et cum ad eam rem tempus et ratio convenisset, a Gorgopa proditor interficitur, intentiusque ab uno urbs defendebatur. et difficilior facta oppugnatio erat, ni T. Quinctius cum quattuor milibus delectorum militum supervenisset.

[¶48] 29.11. When he had revealed his line of battle, drawn up on the brow of a hill no great distance from the city, and on the other side Lucius Quinctius was pressing the assault from his works on land and sea, then despair compelled Gorgopas too to adopt the plan which he had punished with death in another's case, and bargaining that he should be permitted to lead away the soldiers whom he

> Latin: 29.11. is cum supercilio haud procul distantis tumuli ab urbe instructam aciem ostendisset, et ex altera parte L. Quinctius ab operibus suis terra marique instaret, tum vero desperatio Gorgopan quoque coegit id consilii, quod in altero morte vindicaverat, capere,

[¶49] 29.13. had had as a garrison, he surrendered the city to Quinctius.

> Latin: 29.13. et pactus, ut abducere inde milites, quos praesidii causa habebat, liceret, tradidit Quinctio urbem.

[¶50] 29.14. Before Gytheum was surrendered, Pythagoras, the prefect who had been left at Argos, turned over the guardianship of the city to Timocrates of Pellene and with a thousand mercenaries and two thousand Argives joined Nabis in Lacedaemon.

> Latin: 29.14. priusquam Gytheum traderetur, Pythagoras, praefectus Argis relictus, tradita custodia urbis Timocrati Pellenensi cum mille mercennariis militibus et duobus milibus Argivorum Lacedaemonem ad Nabim venit.

[¶51] 30.1. Although Nabis had been greatly alarmed at the approach of the Roman fleet and the surrender of the coast towns, yet he had rested on a slender hope as long as Gytheum was held by his troops; when he learned that it too had been given over to the Romans and that, while on land there was no hope, all the country being in the hands of the enemy, he was entirely cut off from the sea as well, considering that he must yield to fortune, he first sent a herald to the camp to find out whether they would permit ambassadors to be sent to them.

> Latin: 30.1. Nabis sicut primo adventu Romanae classis et traditione oppidorum maritimae orae conterritus erat, sic parva spe cum acquievisset Gytheo ab suis retento, postquam id quoque traditum Romanis audivit esse et, cum ab terra omnibus circa hosti li bus nihil spei esset, a mari quoque toto se interclusum, cedendum fortunae ratus caduceatorem primum in castra misit ad explorandum, si paterentur legatos ad se mitti.

[¶52] 30.4. When this was granted Pythagoras came to the commander with no other message than that the tyrant be granted an interview with the general.

> Latin: 30.4. qua impetrata re Pythagoras ad imperatorem venit nullis cum aliis mandatis, quam ut tyranno colloqui cum imperatore liceret.

[¶53] 30.5. When a council was summoned and all agreed that an interview should be granted, a time and place were appointed.

> Latin: 30.5. consilio advocato cum omnes dandum colloquium censuissent, dies locusque constituitur.

[¶54] 30.6. They arrived with moderate escorts at some hills in the intervening country, and both parties, leaving their cohorts on guard in plain sight, came down to the meeting-place, Nabis with a picked body-guard, Quinctius with his brother, King Eumenes, Sosilas the Rhodian, Aristaenus, praetor of the Achaeans, and a few military tribunes.

> Latin: 30.6. in mediae regionis tumulos modicis copiis sequentibus cum venissent, relictis ibi in statione conspecta utrimque cohortibus Nabis cum delectis custodibus corporis, Quinctius cum fratre et Eumene rege et Sosila Rhodio et Aristaeno, Achaeorum praetore, tribunisque militum paucis descendit.

[¶55] 31.1. When the tyrant had been given the option of speaking first or of listening, he began thus: “If, Titus Quinctius and you others who are present, I had been able to discover for myself any reason why you should have declared or should now be waging war upon me, I should have waited in silence for the decision as to my fate;”

> Latin: 31.1. ibi permisso, [ut] seu dicere prius seu audire mallet, ita coepit tyrannus: ‘si ipse per me, T. Quincti vosque qui adestis, causam excogitare, cur mihi aut indixissetis bellum aut inferretis, possem, tacitus eventum fortunae meae expectassem;

[¶56] 31.2. “but as it is, I have been unable to control my curiosity to know, before I perish, why I am to perish.” “And, by Hercules, if you were such men as the Carthaginians are reputed to be, among whom no sanctity attaches to a pledge of alliance, as regards myself too I should not wonder that you take little thought as to how you are acting;”

> Latin: 31.2. nunc imperare animo nequivi, quin, priusquam perirem, cur periturus essem, scirem. et hercules, si tales essetis, qualis esse Carthaginienses fama est, apud quos nihil societatis fides sancti haberet, in me quoque vobis quid faceretis minus pensi esse non mirarer;

[¶57] 31.4. “but now, as I look at you, I see that you are Romans, men who hold treaties to be the most sacred of divinely-established institutions, and a pledge to be the most sacred of human ties.”

> Latin: 31.4. nunc cum vos intueor, Romanos esse video, qui rerum divinarum foedera, humanarum fidem socialem sanctissimam habeatis;

[¶58] 31.5. “When I look at myself, I hope that I see myself as one who, as a member of the state, in common with the other Lacedaemonians, has enjoyed a most ancient treaty with you, and who on his own account and in his own person has recently, during ” “the war with Philip, renewed this friendship and alliance.”

> Latin: 31.5. cum me ipse respexi, eum me esse spero, cui et publice, sicut ceteris Lacedaemoniis, vobiscum vetustissimum foedus sit et meo nomine privatim amicitia ac societas, nuper Philippi bello renovata. at enim ego eam violavi et everti, quod Argivorum civitatem teneo.

[¶59] 31.7. “But, you say, I have violated and overturned it because I hold the city of Argos. How shall I defend myself against this charge? By the aid of the facts or by consideration of the time? The facts give me a double defence: first, when the citizens themselves invited me and turned the city over to me, I accepted it, not seized it; second, I received it when the city belonged to Philip's faction and was not in league with you.”

> Latin: 31.7. quo modo hoc tuear? re an tempore? res mihi duplicem defensionem praebet; nam et ipsis vocantibus ac tradentibus urbem eam accepi, non occupavi, et accepi, cum Philippi partium, non in vestra societate esset.

[¶60] 31.8. “The time likewise acquits me of that charge, since the alliance between you and me was arranged at a time when I was already in possession of Argos, and your stipulation was that I should send you assistance for the war, not that I should withdraw my garrison from Argos.”

> Latin: 31.8. tempus autem eo me liberat, quod, cum iam Argos haberem, societas mihi vobiscum convenit, et, ut vobis mitterem ad bellum auxilia, non, ut Argis praesidium deducerem, pepigistis.

[¶61] 31.9. “But, by Hercules, in the dispute which concerns Argos, I come out the victor both by the justice of my case, because I received a ” “city which belonged not to you but to the enemy, received it by its own act and not through compulsion; and by your own admission, since by the terms of our alliance you left Argos in my hands.”

> Latin: 31.9. at hercule in ea controversia, quae de Argis est, superior sum et aequitate rei, quod non vestram urbem, sed hostium, quod volentem, non vi coactam accepi, et vestra confessione, quod in condicionibus societatis Argos mihi reliquistis;

[¶62] 31.11. “But my title of tyrant and my behaviour argue against me, because I summon slaves to the enjoyment of freedom and establish the needy commons upon the soil.”

> Latin: 31.11. ceterum nomen tyranni et facta me premunt, quod servos ad libertatem voco, quod in agros inopem plebem deduco. de nomine hoc respondere possum, me.

[¶63] 31.12. “As to my title, I can give this reply, that, whatever I am, I was the same when you yourself, Titus Quinctius, made the alliance with me.”

> Latin: 31.12. qualiscumque sum, eundem esse, qui fui, cum tu ipse mecum, T. Quincti, societatem pepigisti.

[¶64] 31.13. “At that time I recall that you saluted me as king; at this time I see that I am called tyrant. Therefore, if I had changed the title of my office, I should have to explain my inconsistency; since you are changing it, you must give reason for your own.”

> Latin: 31.13. tum me regem appellari a vobis memini, nunc tyrannum vocari video. itaque, si ego nomen imperii mutassem, mihi meae inconstantiae, cum vos mutetis, vobis vestrae reddenda ratio est.

[¶65] 31.14. “As to the fact that I have increased population by freeing slaves and have distributed land to the poor, I can defend myself against this charge by the plea of the time as I did before:”

> Latin: 31.14. quod ad multitudinem servis liberatis auctam et egentibus divisum agrum attinet, possum quidem et in hoc me iure temporis tutari:

[¶66] 31.15. “I had already done all this, such as it is, at the time when you arranged the alliance with me and accepted my aid in the war against Philip;”

> Latin: 31.15. iam feceram haec, qualiacumque sunt, cum societatem mecum pepigistis et auxilia in bello adversus Philippum accepistis;

[¶67] 31.16. “but if I had just recently done this, I should not ask, 'What harm have I done you in this way, or how have I broken the treaty?' but merely say that I had acted according to the tradition and custom of our ancestors.”

> Latin: 31.16. sed si nunc ea fecissem, non dico ‘quid in eo vos laesissem aut vestram amicitiam violassem?’, sed illud, me more atque instituto maiorum fecisse.

[¶68] 31.17. “Do not weigh what is done in Lacedaemon on the scales of your own laws and institutions. It is unnecessary to make a detailed comparison. You choose your cavalry and your infantry according to their census-ratings, and you desire that a few should excel in wealth and that the commons should be under their control;”

> Latin: 31.17. nolite ad vestras leges atque instituta exigere ea, quae Lacedaemone fiunt. nihil comparare singula necesse est. vos a censu equitem, a censu peditem legitis, et paucos excellere opibus, plebem subiectam esse illis vultis;

[¶69] 31.18. “our law-giver ordained that the state should not be in the hands of the few, whom you call the senate, and that no one order should predominate in the state, but he believed that by equalizing wealth and rank it would come to pass that there would be many to bear arms for the country.”

> Latin: 31.18. noster legum lator non in paucorum manu rem publicam esse voluit, quem vos senatum appellatis, nec excellere unum aut alterum ordinem in civitate, sed per aequationem fortunae ac dignitatis fore credidit, ut multi essent, qui arma pro patria ferrent.

[¶70] 31.19. “I admit that I have spoken at greater length than suits the traditional brevity of our speech; and I might have summed up briefly by stating that since I entered upon my friendship with you, I have done nothing to make you regret it.”

> Latin: 31.19. pluribus me ipse egisse quam pro patria sermonis brevitate fateor; et breviter peroratum esse potuit, nihil me, postquam vobiscum institui amicitiam, cur eius vos paeniteret, commisisse.’

[¶71] 32.1. The Roman commander responded thus: “We have never made any treaty of friendship and alliance with ” “you, but with Pelops, the lawful and legitimate king of the Spartans, whose rights the tyrants, who afterwards exercised violent sway in Sparta, since we were kept busy by wars, now with Carthage, now with Gaul, now with one state after another, had usurped, just as you too have done during this recent Macedonian war.”

> Latin: 32.1. ad haec imperator Romanus: ‘amicitia et societas nobis nulla tecum, sed cum Pelope, rege Lacedaemoniorum iusto ac legitimo, facta est, cuius ius tyranni quoque, qui postea per vim tenuerunt Lacedaemone imperium, quia nos bella nunc Punica, nunc Gallica, nunc alia ex aliis occupaverant, usurparunt, sicut tu quoque hoc Macedonico bello fecisti.

[¶72] 32.3. “What would be less consistent than for a people that was fighting against Philip for the liberation of Greece to make a treaty of friendship with a tyrant? And a treaty with a tyrant the most savage and lawless that ever lived?”

> Latin: 32.3. nam quid minus conveniret quam nos, qui pro libertate Graeciae adversus Philippum gereremus bellum, cum tyranno instituere amicitiam? et tyranno tam saevo, quam qui umquam fuit saevissimus et violentissimus in suos?

[¶73] 32.4. “Even if you had neither taken Argos through fraud nor continued to hold it in the same way, we should be compelled, while we were setting all Greece free, to restore Sparta as well to its ancient liberty and its laws, which you have mentioned as if you were an imitator of Lycurgus.”

> Latin: 32.4. nobis vero, etiam si Argos nec cepisses per fraudem nec teneres, liberantibus omnem Graeciam Lacedaemon quoque vindicanda in antiquam libertatem erat atque in leges suas, quarum modo tamquam aemulus Lycurgi mentionem fecisti.

[¶74] 32.5. “It will be our responsibility that Philip's garrisons are withdrawn from Iasus and Bargyliae; shall we leave Argos and Lacedaemon, two most celebrated cities, once the lights of Greece, under your feet, that their slavery may tarnish our glory as liberators of Greece? But, you say, the Argives were on the side of Philip. We do not at all ask you to be indignant with them on our account.”

> Latin: 32.5. an, ut ab Iaso et Bargyliis praesidia Philippi deducantur, curae erit nobis; Argos et Lacedaemonem, duas clarissimas urbes, lumina quondam Graeciae, sub pedibus tuis relinquemus, quae titulum nobis liberatae Graeciae servientes deforment?

[¶75] 32.6. “We have convincing proof that the blame for this rests on two or at most three men, not on the state, just as, by Hercules, when you, Nabis, with your garrison were invited and received into the citadel, nothing was done with official sanction.” “We know that the people of Thessaly and Phocis and Locris joined the party of Philip with the general approval of those peoples;”

> Latin: 32.6. at enim cum Philippo Argivi senserunt. remittimus hoc tibi, ne nostram vicem irascaris. satis compertum habemus duorum aut summum trium in ea re, non civitatis culpam esse, tam hercule, quam in te tuoque praesidio accersendo accipiendoque in arcem nihil est publico consilio actum.

[¶76] 32.8. “nevertheless, we have set them free along with the rest of Greece; what then do you think we shall do in the case of the Argives, who are innocent of any official decision?”

> Latin: 32.8. Thessalos et Phocensis et Locrensis consensu omnium scimus partium Philippi fuisse; tamen cum cetera liberavimus Graecia; quid tandem censes in Argivis, qui insontes publici consilii sint, facturos?

[¶77] 32.9. “You said that we were charging you with inviting slaves to become free and dividing the land among poor men, nor are these trivial accusations; but what are they in comparison with the crimes which are every day committed in endless succession by you and your followers? Hold a free assembly in either Argos or Lacedaemon, if you want to hear true accusations against a most lawless despotism.”

> Latin: 32.9. servorum ad libertatem vocatorum et egentibus hominibus agri divisi crimina tibi obici dicebas, non quidem nec ipsa mediocria; sed quid ista sunt prae iis, quae a te tuisque cotidie alia super alia facinora eduntur?

[¶78] 32.10. “To pass over all other crimes of more distant date, what a slaughter did that Pythagoras, your son-inlaw, cause at Argos almost under my eyes?”

> Latin: 32.10. exhibe liberam contionem vel Argis vel Lacedaemone, si audire iuvat vera dominationis impotentissimae crimina.

[¶79] 32.11. “Of what were you yourself guilty, at a time when I was practically on the frontiers of the Spartans?”

> Latin: 32.11. ut alia omnia vetustiora omittam, quam caedem Argis Pythagoras iste, gener tuus, paene in oculis meis edidit? quam tu ipse, cum iam prope in finibus Lacedaemoniorum essem?

[¶80] 32.12. “Come, bid those men be led out in chains whom you arrested in the assembly and announced in the hearing of all your fellow-citizens that you would hold in confinement: let their wretched parents see that those whom they are mourning without cause are alive.”

> Latin: 32.12. age dum, quos in contione comprehensos omnibus audientibus civibus tuis te in custodia habiturum esse pronuntiasti, iube vinctos produci; miseri parentes, quos falso lugent, vivere sciant.

[¶81] 32.13. “But, you say, granting now that all this is so, how does this concern you, O Romans? Can you say that to the deliverers of Greece? Can you say that to men who have crossed the sea and waged war on land and sea that they might accomplish this liberation?”

> Latin: 32.13. at enim, ut iam ita sint haec, quid ad vos, Romani? hoc tu dicas liberantibus Graeciam? hoc iis, qui, ut liberare possent, mare traiecerunt, terra marique gesserunt bellum?

[¶82] 32.14. “Yet you say, I have not personally violated your friendship and alliance. In how many instances do you want me to prove that you have done so? I shall not be long, but shall sum up the whole matter.”

> Latin: 32.14. vos tamen, inquis, vestramque amicitiam ac societatem proprie non violavi. quotiens vis te id arguam fecisse? sed nolo pluribus;

[¶83] 32.15. “In what ways, then, is friendship violated? Chiefly, no doubt, in these two ways: if you treat my allies as enemies, and if you associate yourself with my enemies.”

> Latin: 32.15. summam rem complectar. quibus igitur rebus amicitia violatur? nempe his maxime duabus, si socios meos pro hostibus habeas, si cum hostibus te coniungas.

[¶84] 32.16. “Both of these things you have done; for, in the first place, Messene, a city received into our friendship under one and the same treaty as Sparta, a city that was our ally, you, also our ally, captured by force of arms; in the second place, you arranged not only an alliance with Philip, our enemy, but also (Heaven help us!) ” “a personal relationship through the intervention of his prefect ”

> Latin: 32.16. utrumque a te factum est; nam et Messenen, uno atque eodem iure foederis quo et Lacedaemonem in amicitiam nostram acceptam, socius ipse sociam nobis urbem vi atque armis cepisti et cum Philippo, hoste nostro, non societatem solum sed, si diis placet, adfinitatem etiam per Philoclen, praefectum eius,

[¶85] 32.18. “Philocles, and, just as if you were making regular war upon us, you rendered the sea around Malea dangerous with your pirate ships, and you captured and killed more Roman citizens, almost, than Philip did, and the coast of Macedonia was safer than the promontory of Malea for the ships that were transporting supplies for our armies.” “Cease then, if you please, to utter fine-sounding words about loyalty and treaty obligations, and dropping your popular style speak ” “as a tyrant and an enemy.”

> Latin: 32.18. pepigisti et ut bellum adversus nos gerens mare circa Maleum infestum navibus piraticis fecisti et plures prope cives Romanos quam Philippus cepisti atque occidisti, tutiorque Macedoniae ora quam promunturium Maleae commeatus ad exercitus nostros portantibus navibus fuit, proinde parce, sis, fidem ac iura societatis iactare et omissa populari oratione tamquam tyrannus et hostis loquere.

[¶86] 33.1. After this Aristaenus began first to advise Nabis and then to plead with him, while he was in a position to do so and while there was opportunity, to consider his own interests and prospects, and then to recall by name the tyrants of the neighbouring states who had laid down their authority and restored liberty to their subjects and so had passed not only a secure but also an honourable old age among their fellow-citizens.

> Latin: 33.1. ’ sub haec Aristaenus nunc monere Nabim, nunc etiam orare, ut, dum liceret, dum occasio esset, sibi ac fortunis suis consuleret; referre deinde nominatim tyrannos civitatium finitimarum coepit, qui deposito imperio restitutaque libertate suis non tutam modo sed etiam honoratam inter civis senectutem egissent.

[¶87] 33.3. After this interchange of speeches, the approach of night broke up the conference. The next day Nabis agreed to withdraw from Argos and lead away his garrison, since this was the Romans' pleasure, and to give back the prisoners and deserters;

> Latin: 33.3. his dictis in vicem auditisque nox prope diremit colloquium. postero die Nabis Argis se cedere ac deducere praesidium, quando ita Romanis placeret, et captivos et perfugas redditurum dixit;

[¶88] 33.4. if they had further demands, he requested that they deliver them in writing, that he might discuss them with his friends.

> Latin: 33.4. aliud si quid postularent, scriptum ut ederent petiit, ut deliberare cum amicis posset.

[¶89] 33.5. So an interval was granted the tyrant for his deliberations, and Quinctius also held a council to which he summoned the chiefs of the allies.

> Latin: 33.5. ita et tyranno tempus datum ad consultandum est, et Quinctius sociorum etiam principibus adhibitis habuit consilium.

[¶90] 33.6. The opinion of the majority was that they should continue the war and get rid of the tyrant; never under other conditions would the liberty of Greece be assured; it would have been much better not to have begun the war against him than to discontinue it when once begun;

> Latin: 33.6. maximae partis sententia erat perseverandum in bello esse et tollendum tyrannum; numquam aliter tutam libertatem Graeciae fore;

[¶91] 33.7. and he, having obtained a quasi-approval of his despotism, would be more firmly established for having won the sanction of the Roman people for his unjust rule, and by his example would prompt many in other states to plot against the freedom of their citizens. The mind of the commander himself was more inclined towards peace.

> Latin: 33.7. satius multo fuisse non moveri bellum adversus eum quam omitti motum; et ipsum velut comprobata dominatione firmiorem futurum auctore iniusti imperii adsumpto populo Romano et exemplo multos in aliis civitatibus ad insidiandum libertati civium suorum incitaturum.

[¶92] 33.9. For he saw that with the enemy driven inside his fortifications nothing remained but a siege, but the siege would be of uncertain issue and long duration, since they would invest, not Gytheum (and this, besides, had been surrendered, not captured), but Lacedaemon, a city exceedingly powerful in men and arms.

> Latin: 33.9. ipsius imperatoris animus ad pacem inclinatior erat. videbat enim compulso intra moenia hoste nihil praeter obsidionem restare, eam autem fore diuturnam;

[¶93] 33.10. There had been, he continued, one real hope, if dissension and insurrection among the Spartans themselves could have been begun while they were bringing up the army; when they saw the standards almost carried into the gates, no one had stirred.

> Latin: 33.10. non enim Gytheum, quod ipsum tamen traditum, non expugnatum esset, sed Lacedaemonem, validissimam urbem viris armisque, oppugnaturos.

[¶94] 33.11. He added that Villius, the ambassador, had reported on his return that the peace with Antiochus could not be depended upon, and that he had crossed into Europe with far greater military and naval forces than before.

> Latin: 33.11. unam spem fuisse, si qua admoventibus exercitum dissensio inter ipsos ac seditio excitari posset; cum signa portis prope inferri cernerent, neminem se movisse.

[¶95] 33.12. If the siege of Sparta, he asked, kept the army busy, with what other troops would they conduct the war against a king so mighty and powerful?

> Latin: 33.12. adiciebat et cum Antiocho infidam pacem Villium legatum inde redeuntem nuntiare; multo maioribus quam ante terrestribus navalibusque copiis in Europam eum transisse.

[¶96] 33.13. Such was his spoken argument; unexpressed was another anxiety, that a new consul might obtain the province of Greece from the lots, and that he might be compelled to hand over to a successor an incomplete victory in the war.

> Latin: 33.13. si occupasset obsidio Lacedaemonis exercitum, quibus aliis copiis adversus regem tam validum ac potentem bellum gesturos? haec propalam dicebat; illa tacita suberat cura, ne novus consul Graeciam provinciam sortiretur et inchoata belli victoria successori tradenda esset.

[¶97] 34.1. When by arguing on the other side he produced no effect among the allies, by pretending to go over to their opinion he brought all into agreement with his plan.

> Latin: 34.1. cum adversus tendendo nihil moveret socios, simulando se transire in eorum sententiam omnis in adsensum consilii sui traduxit.

[¶98] 34.2. “May success attend us,” he said, “and let us lay siege to Sparta, since that is your will: but do not be deceived about this: since the siege of cities is a slow business, as you know, which often exhausts the patience of the besiegers sooner than that of the besieged, you ought even now to hold this prospect before your minds, that we must winter around the walls of Lacedaemon.”

> Latin: 34.2. ‘bene vertat’ inquit, ‘obsideamus Lacedaemonem, quando ita placet; illud modo ne fallat: [ceterum] cum res tam lenta, quam ipsi scitis, oppugnatio urbium sit et obsidentibus prius saepe quam obsessis taedium adferat, iam nunc hoc ita proponere vos animis oportet, hibernandum circa Lacedaemonis moenia esse.

[¶99] 34.3. “If this delay involved merely toil and danger, I should urge you to prepare both minds and bodies to resist them;”

> Latin: 34.3. quae mora si laborem tantum ac periculum haberet, ut et animis et corporibus ad sustinenda ea parati essetis, hortarer vos;

[¶100] 34.4. “but now it demands much money also, for siege-works, for engines and artillery with which we must attack so strong a town, and for the purchase of provisions for you and us against the winter.”

> Latin: 34.4. nunc impensa quoque magna eget in opera, in machinationes et tormenta, quibus tanta urbs oppugnanda est, in commeatus vobis nobisque in hiemem expediendos.

[¶101] 34.5. “Therefore, to prevent any sudden fear or a disgraceful abandonment of an unfinished enterprise, I propose that you should write to your states in advance, to ascertain what is the temper and what the strength of each. Of troops to aid me, I have enough and more; but the more numerous we are, the more supplies we shall require.”

> Latin: 34.5. itaque, ne aut repente trepidetis aut rem inchoatam turpiter destituatis, scribendum ante vestris civitatibus censeo, explorandum, quid quaeque animi, quid virium habeat.

[¶102] 34.6. “The enemy's country already offers nothing but the naked soil. Besides, winter will soon be here, making it difficult to transport supplies from a distance.”

> Latin: 34.6. auxiliorum satis superque habeo; sed quo plures sumus, pluribus rebus egebimus. nihil iam praeter nudum solum ager hostium habet, ad hoc hiems accedet ad comportandum ex longinquo difficilis.

[¶103] 34.7. This speech at once directed the minds of all to thoughts of the domestic difficulties of each, the sloth, the ill-will, and the jealousy of those who stayed at home towards the soldiers in the field, the liberty that made agreement difficult, the public poverty, the unwillingness to make contributions from private funds. Their inclinations accordingly suffered a sudden change, and they granted authority to the commander to do what he considered consistent with the general interest of the Roman people and the allies.

> Latin: 34.7. ’ haec oratio primum animos omnium ad respicienda sua cui u sque domestica mala convertit, segnitiam, invidiam et obtrectationem domi manentium adversus militantis, libertatem difficilem ad consensum, inopiam publicam, malignitatem conferendi ex privato. versis itaque subito voluntatibus faceret, quod e re publica populi Romani sociorumque esse crederet, imperatori permiserunt.

[¶104] 35.1. Quinctius then summoned only his lieutenants and the tribunes of the soldiers, and wrote down the terms on which peace should be made with the tyrant:

> Latin: 35.1. inde Quinctius adhibitis legatis tantum tribunisque militum condiciones, in quas pax cum tyranno fieret, has conscripsit: sex mensium indutiae ut essent Nabidi Romanisque et Eumeni regi et Rhodiis;

[¶105] 35.2. that there should be a truce of six months between Nabis and the Romans, King Eumenes, and the Rhodians; that Titus Quinctius and Nabis should at once send ambassadors to Rome, that the peace might be ratified by the authority of the senate;

> Latin: 35.2. legatos extemplo mitterent Romam T. Quinctius et Nabis, ut pax [ex] auctoritate senatus confirmaretur;

[¶106] 35.3. that the day on which the written conditions of peace should be delivered to Nabis should be the beginning of the armistice, and that ten days from that time the garrisons should be withdrawn from Argos and the other towns in Argive territory, and that they be handed over to the Romans, empty and free of troops, and that no slave, whether belonging to the king or to the state or to a private individual, should be removed, and if any had been previously removed they should be duly returned to their owners;

> Latin: 35.3. et qua die scriptae condiciones pacis editae Nabidi forent, ea dies ut indutiarum principium esset, et ut ex ea die intra decimum diem ab Argis ceterisque oppidis, quae in Argivorum agro essent, praesidia omnia deducerentur vacuaque et libera traderentur Romanis, et ne quod inde mancipium regium publicumve aut privatum educeretur, si qua ante educta forent, dominis recte restituerentur;

[¶107] 35.5. that he should give back the ships which he had taken from the cities on the sea, and that he should not have any ship except two small vessels which were propelled by not more than sixteen oars;

> Latin: 35.5. naves, quas civitatibus maritimis ademisset, redderet neve ipse navem ullam praeter duos lembos, qui non plus quam sedecim remis agerentur, haberet;