---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 18 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 18. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 18. Book XXXV · chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/18/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. In the beginning of the year in which these events occurred, Sextus Digitius, praetor in Hither Spain, fought battles, numerous rather than memorable, with the tribes which had, in great numbers, revolted after the departure of Marcus Cato, and most of these engagements were so unfortunate in result that he turned over to his successor barely half as many soldiers as he had received.

> Latin: 1.1. principio anni, quo haec gesta sunt, Sex. Digitius praetor in Hispania citeriore cum civitatibus iis, quae post profectionem M. Catonis permultae rebellaverant, crebra magis quam digna dictu proelia fecit, et adeo pleraque adversa, ut vix dimidium militum, quam quod acceperat, successori tradiderit.

[¶1] 1.3. Nor is there any doubt that all Spain would have taken courage to rebel had not the other praetor, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, fought many successful battles beyond the Ebro and so intimidated the natives that not less than fifty towns surrendered to him.

> Latin: 1.3. nec dubium est, quin omnis Hispania sublatura animos fuerit, ni alter praetor P. Cornelius Cn. F. Scipio trans Iberum multa secunda proelia fecisset, quo terrore non minus quinquaginta oppida ad eum defecerunt.

[¶2] 1.4. These were Scipio's achievements as praetor; when he was propraetor he fell upon the Lusitani as they were returning home after plundering the farther province, laden with much spoil, while they were still on the march, and from the third hour of the day to the eighth maintained an indecisive action.

> Latin: 1.4. praetor haec gesserat Scipio; idem pro praetore Lusitanos, pervastata ulteriore provincia cum ingenti praeda domum redeuntis, in ipso itinere adgressus ab hora tertia diei ad octavam incerto eventu pugnavit, numero militum impar, superior aliis: nam et acie frequenti armatis adversus longum et impeditum turba pecorum agmen et recenti milite adversus fessos longo itinere concurrerat.

[¶3] 1.6. He was unequal in number of troops, superior in all else; for with his troops in a compact body he had clashed with a column long drawn out and hindered by the great number of its pack-animals, and he fought with fresh troops against an enemy worn out by a long march.

> Latin: 1.6. tertia namque vigilia exierant hostes; huic nocturno itineri tres diurnae horae accesserant, nec ulla quiete data laborem viae proelium exceperat. itaque principio pugnae vigoris aliquid in corporibus animisque fuit, et turbaverant primo Romanos; deinde aequata paulisper pugna est. in hoc discrimine ludos Iovi, si fudisset cecidissetque hostis, propraetor vovit.

[¶4] 1.8. For they had set out during the third watch; three daylight hours had been added to their night march, and the battle had followed at once upon the labour of the journey, with no time given for repose. Accordingly, only at the outset of the fight did they retain some energy of mind and body, and at first they had thrown the Romans into confusion; later the battle became gradually more even.

> Latin: 1.8. tandem gradum acrius intulere Romani, cessitque Lusitanus, deinde prorsus terga dedit; et cum institissent fugientibus victores, ad duodecim milia hostium sunt caesa, capti quingenti quadraginta, omnes ferme equites, et signa militaria capta centum triginta quattuor.

[¶5] 1.9. At this crisis the propraetor vowed games to Jupiter if he should rout and slaughter the enemy.

> Latin: 1.9. de exercitu Romano septuaginta et tres amissi.

[¶6] 1.10. At length the Romans pressed on with greater vigour and the Lusitani gave way and finally fled; and while the victors pursued the fleeing foe, about twelve thousand of the enemy were killed, five hundred forty were taken prisoners, almost all cavalry, and one hundred thirty-four standards were captured. From the Roman army seventy-three were lost. The battle was fought not far from the city of Ilipa;

> Latin: 1.10. pugnatum haud procul Ilipa urbe est; eo victorem opulentum praeda exercitum P. Cornelius reduxit. ea omnis ante urbem exposita est, potestasque dominis suas res cognoscendi facta est; cetera vendenda quaestori data; quod inde refectum est militi divisum.

[¶7] 2.1. thither Publius Cornelius led the army flushed with victory and enriched with spoils.

> Latin: 2.1. nondum ab Roma profectus erat C. Flaminius praetor, cum haec in Hispania gerebantur.

[¶8] 2.2. All the booty was exposed to view before the city, and the opportunity was afforded the owners of identifying their property; the rest was turned over to the quaestor to sell and the proceeds were divided among the soldiers.

> Latin: 2.2. itaque adversae quam secundae res per ipsum amicosque eius magis sermonibus celebrabantur;

[¶9] 2.3. II. Gaius Flaminius had not yet left Rome when this happened in Spain. Therefore defeat rather than victory was the constant burden of the talk of him and his friends, and, since a great war had flared up in the province and he was to take over from Sextus Digitius the scanty remnants of his army, and even these filled with panic and terror, he had tried to induce them to decree to him one of the city-legions, and when he had added to this the force which he had enlisted in accordance with the decree of the senate, that he should choose from the whole number six thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry: with this legion —for little confidence could be placed in the army of Sextus Digitius —he would carry on the campaign.

> Latin: 2.3. et temptaverat, quoniam bellum ingens in provincia exarsisset, et exiguas reliquias exercitus ab Sex. Digitio atque eas ipsas plenas pavoris ac fugae accepturus esset, ut sibi unam ex urbanis legionibus decernerent, ad quam cum militem ab se ipso scriptum ex senatus consulto adiecisset, eligeret ex omni numero sex milia et ducentos pedites, equites trecentos: ea se legione — nam in Sex. Digiti exercitu haud multum spei esse—rem gesturum.

[¶10] 2.6. The elders declared that no decree of the senate should be passed on the basis of rumours causelessly invented by private individuals to gratify magistrates;

> Latin: 2.6. seniores negare ad rumores a privatis temere in gratiam magistratuum confictos senatus consulta facienda esse; nisi quod aut praetores ex provinciis scriberent aut legati renuntiarent, nihil ratum haberi debere;

[¶11] 2.7. unless either the praetors should send reports from the provinces or their legates bring word, nothing should be considered settled; if an emergency existed in Spain, it was their will that the praetor should enlist emergency troops outside of Italy. It was the senate's intention that these emergency troops should be raised in Spain.

> Latin: 2.7. si tumultus in Hispania esset, placere tumultuarios milites extra Italiam scribi a praetore. mens ea senatus fuit, ut in Hispania tumultuarii milites legerentur.

[¶12] 2.8. Valerius Antias writes that Gaius Flaminius sailed also to Sicily to conduct his levy and that on his way from Sicily to Spain he was driven by a storm to Africa and administered the oath to stragglers from the army of Publius Africanus;

> Latin: 2.8. Valerius Antias et in Siciliam navigasse dilectus causa C. Flaminium scribit, et, ex Sicilia Hispaniam petentem, tempestate in Africam delatum vagos milites de exercitu P. Africani sacramento rogasse;

[¶13] 2.9. that to the contingents from these two provinces he added a third in Spain.

> Latin: 2.9. his duarum provinciarum dilectibus tertium in Hispania adiecisse.

[¶14] 3.1. Nor was the war with the Ligures in Italy any slower to begin. Pisa was already besieged by about forty thousand men, large numbers daily pouring in by reason of the report of the war and in the hope of booty.

> Latin: 3.1. nec in Italia segnius Ligurum bellum crescebat. Pisas iam quadraginta milibus hominum, adfluente cotidie multitudine ad famam belli spemque praedae, circumsedebant.

[¶15] 3.2. The consul Minucius arrived at Arretium on the day on which he had ordered the troops to assemble. Thence he led the force in a hollow-square formation toward Pisa, and since the enemy had moved their camp across the river, no more than a mile from the town, the consul marched into the city that had without doubt been saved by his arrival.

> Latin: 3.2. Minucius consul Arretium die quam edixerat ad conveniendum militibus venit. inde quadrato agmine ad Pisas duxit, et cum hostes non plus mille passuum ab oppido trans fluvium movissent castra, consul urbem haud dubie servatam adventu suo est ingressus.

[¶16] 3.3. The next day he too crossed the river and encamped about five hundred paces from the enemy.

> Latin: 3.3. postero die et ipse trans fluvium quingentos ferme passus ab hoste posuit castra. inde levibus proeliis a populationibus agrum sociorum tutabatur;

[¶17] 3.4. From this base he defended the allies' country from ravage by fighting petty battles; he did not dare to march out in battle-line with raw troops, collected from many tribes and not yet well enough known to one another to feel confidence in their comrades.

> Latin: 3.4. in aciem exire non audebat novo milite et ex multis generibus hominum collecto necdum noto satis inter se, ut fidere alii aliis possent.

[¶18] 3.5. The Ligures both marched out to battle, trusting in their numbers and prepared to risk a decisive engagement, and, since they had abundance of men, sent out many parties to plunder in all directions on the borders of the territory, and when a large number of animals and much booty had been collected, guards were available to conduct them to their forts and villages.

> Latin: 3.5. Ligures multitudine freti et in aciem exibant, parati de summa rerum decernere, et abundantes militum numero passim multas manus per extrema finium ad praedandum mittebant, et, cum coacta vis magna pecorum praedaeque esset, paratum erat praesidium, per quos in castella eorum vicosque ageretur.

[¶19] 4.1. While the Ligurian war was at a standstill around Pisa, the other consul, Lucius Cornelius Merula, led his army through the farthest lands of the Ligures into the country of the Boii, where the war was conducted in a fashion far different from that in the war with the Ligures.

> Latin: 4.1. cum bellum Ligustinum ad Pisas constitisset, consul alter, L. Cornelius Merula, per extremos Ligurum finis exercitum in agrum Boiorum induxit, ubi longe alia belli ratio quam cum Liguribus erat.

[¶20] 4.2. The consul marched out to offer battle, the enemy declined to engage; the Romans scattered to plunder when no one confronted them, and the Boii preferred the devastation of their lands without interference on their part to the risk of a decisive battle while protecting them.

> Latin: 4.2. consul in aciem exibat, hostes pugnam detractabant; praedatumque, ubi nemo obviam exiret, discurrebant Romani, Boi diripi sua impune quam tuendo ea conserere certamen malebant.

[¶21] 4.3. When everything had been sufficiently wasted with sword and fire, the consul retired from the enemy's country and marched toward Mutina, his column taking no precautions as if it was traversing a pacified country.

> Latin: 4.3. postquam omnia ferro ignique satis evastata erant, consul agro hostium excessit, et ad Mutinam agmine incauto, ut inter pacatos, ducebat.

[¶22] 4.4. When the Boii saw that the enemy had withdrawn from their territory, they followed stealthily, seeking a place for an ambush. At night they passed the Roman camp and seized a defile through which the Romans had to march.

> Latin: 4.4. Boi ut egressum suis finibus hostem sensere, sequebantur silenti agmine, locum insidiis quaerentes. nocte praetergressi castra Romana saltum, qua transeundum erat Romanis, insederunt.

[¶23] 4.5. Since their precautions for secrecy were insufficient, the consul, who had been accustomed to break camp late in the night, waited for daylight, that darkness might not increase the terror from a sudden attack, and, although he was moving by day, he nevertheless sent out a troop of cavalry to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 4.5. id cum parum occulte fecissent, consul, qui multa nocte solitus erat movere castra, ne nox terrorem in tumultuario proelio augeret, lucem expectavit et, cum luce moveret, tamen turmam equitum exploratum misit.

[¶24] 4.6. When word came back how strong the enemy was and where he was stationed, he ordered the baggage of the whole column brought into the midst and the triarii to construct a rampart around it, and with the remainder of the army in battle-array marched towards the enemy.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam relatum est, quantae copiae, et in quo loco essent, totius agminis sarcinas in medium coici iussit et triarios vallum circumicere, cetero exercitu instructo ad hostem accessit.

[¶25] 4.7. The Gauls did the same when they realized that their stratagem was discovered and that they would have to fight in regular and fair combat where constant courage would conquer.

> Latin: 4.7. idem et Galli fecerunt, postquam apertas esse insidias et recto ac iusto proelio, ubi vera vinceret virtus, dimicandum viderunt.

[¶26] 5.1. At about the second hour the battle began. The left squadron of the allies and the irregular troops were fighting in the front line; their commanders were two lieutenants of consular rank, Marcus Marcellus and Tiberius Sempronius, consul of the preceding year.

> Latin: 5.1. hora secunda ferme concursum est. sinistra sociorum [equitum] ala et extraordinarii prima in acie pugnabant; praeerant duo consulares legati, M. Marcellus et Ti. Sempronius, prioris anni consul.

[¶27] 5.2. The new consul was now with the leading standards, now holding back the legions in reserve, lest in their ardour for the fight they should rush forward before the signal was given.

> Latin: 5.2. novus consul nunc ad prima signa erat, nunc legiones continebat in subsidiis, ne certaminis studio prius procurrerent, quam datum signum esset.

[¶28] 5.3. He ordered two military tribunes, Quintus and Publius Minucius, to lead the cavalry of these legions beyond the flanks of the battle-line into open ground, whence, when the signal was given, they were to attack from the open.

> Latin: 5.3. equites earum extra aciem in locum patentem. Q. et P. Minucios tribunos militum educere iussit; inde, cum signum dedisset, impetum ex aperto facerent.

[¶29] 5.4. As he was thus engaged, a runner from Tiberius Sempronius Longus came to him, saying that the irregulars were not holding the Gallic attack and that many of them had been killed and that those who were left, partly as a result of their exertions, partly from fear, had lost their zest for fighting. He should send in, if he saw fit, one of the two legions before a disgraceful defeat was sustained.

> Latin: 5.4. haec agenti nuntius venit a Ti. Sempronio Longo non sustinere extraordinarios impetum Gallorum; et caesos permultos esse et, qui supersint, partim labore partim metu remisisse ardorem pugnae. legionem alteram ex duabus, si videretur, summitteret, priusquam ignominia acciperetur.

[¶30] 5.6. The second legion was sent forward and the irregular troops relieved. Then the battle was restored, since fresh troops, a legion with full ranks, had entered the fight; and the left squadron was withdrawn from the battle and the right took its place in the battle-line. The sun with its fierce rays scorched the bodies of the Gauls, which were little capable of enduring heat; nevertheless, in dense ranks, resting now on one another, now on their shields, they withstood the attacks of the Romans.

> Latin: 5.6. secunda missa est legio, et extraordinarii recepti. tum redintegrata est pugna, cum et recens miles et frequens ordinibus legio successisset. et sinistra ala ex proelio subducta est, dextra in primam aciem subiit. sol ingenti ardore torrebat minime patientia aestus Gallorum corpora; densis tamen ordinibus nunc alii in alios, nunc in scuta incumbentes sustinebant impetus Romanorum.

[¶31] 5.8. When the consul saw this, he ordered Gaius Livius Salinator, who commanded the auxiliary cavalry, to charge at the utmost speed, the legionary cavalry to be in support.

> Latin: 5.8. quod ubi animadvertit consul, ad perturbandos ordines eorum C. Livium Salinatorem, qui praeerat alariis equitibus, quam concitatissimos equos immittere iubet et legionarios equites in subsidiis esse.

[¶32] 5.9. This storm of horsemen at first threw the battle-line of the Gauls into confusion and disorder, then scattered it, but without causing a rout.

> Latin: 5.9. haec procella equestris primo confudit et turbavit, deinde dissipavit aciem Gallorum, non tamen ut terga darent.

[¶33] 5.10. The captains prevented this, striking with their staffs the backs of the terror-stricken and forcing them back into the line, but the auxiliary cavalry, riding among them, would not allow this.

> Latin: 5.10. obstabant duces, hastilibus caedentes terga trepidantium et redire in ordines cogentes; sed interequitantes alarii non patiebantur.

[¶34] 5.11. The consul urged the troops to make a little more effort; victory, he said, was in their grasp; they should press on while they saw the enemy disordered and in terror; if they permitted the ranks to be reformed they would fight again a new and doubtful battle. He ordered the standard-bearers to advance.

> Latin: 5.11. consul obtestabatur milites, ut paulum adniterentur; victoriam in manibus esse; dum turbatos et trepidantis viderent, instarent; si restitui ordines sivissent, integro rursus eos proelio et dubio dimicaturos.

[¶35] 5.12. All joined in the effort and at last turned the enemy to flight. As they were fleeing and scattering this way and that in rout, at that moment the legionary cavalry was let loose to pursue them.

> Latin: 5.12. inferre vexillarios iussit signa. omnes conisi tandem averterunt hostem. postquam terga dabant et in fugam passim effundebantur, tum ad persequendos eos legionarii equites immissi.

[¶36] 5.13. Fourteen thousand of the Boii perished on that day; one thousand and ninety-two were captured alive, seven hundred and twenty-one cavalrymen, with three of their commanders, two hundred and twelve standards and sixty-three carts were taken.

> Latin: 5.13. quattuordecim milia Boiorum eo die sunt caesa; vivi capti mille nonaginta duo, equites septingenti viginti unus, tres duces eorum, signa militaria ducenta duodecim, carpenta sexaginta tria.

[¶37] 5.14. But for the Romans the victory was not bloodless; more than five thousand of the soldiers, Romans and allies, fell, twenty-three centurions, four commanders of allies, and Marcus Genucius and Quintus and Marcus Marcius, military tribunes of the second legion.

> Latin: 5.14. nec Romanis incruenta victoria fuit; supra quinque milia militum, ipsorum aut sociorum, amissa, centuriones tres et viginti, praefecti socium quattuor et M. Genucius et Q. et M. Marcii tribuni militum secundae legionis.

[¶38] 6.1. At about the same time letters from the two consuls arrived at Rome, one from Lucius Cornelius reporting the battle with the Boii near Mutina, the other from Quintus Minucius from Pisa:

> Latin: 6.1. eodem fere tempore duorum consulum litterae allatae sunt, L. Corneli de proelio ad Mutinam cum Bois facto et Q. Minuci a Pisis:

[¶39] 6.2. the latter said that it had fallen to his lot to preside at the consular elections, but so unsettled were conditions generally among the Ligures that he could not leave there without loss to the allies and danger to the state.

> Latin: 6.2. comitia suae sortis esse; ceterum adeo suspensa omnia in Liguribus se habere, ut abscedi inde sine pernicie sociorum et damno rei publicae non posset.

[¶40] 6.3. If it pleased the Fathers, they should write to his colleague, who had finished his campaign, to return to Rome for the elections;

> Latin: 6.3. si ita videretur patribus, mitterent ad collegam, ut is, qui profligatum bellum haberet, ad comitia Romam rediret;

[¶41] 6.4. if he protested against doing this, because the task had not fallen to him by lot, he would himself do the senate's bidding; only let the senate consider again and again whether an interregnum would not be more advantageous to the state than his absence from his province at such a time.

> Latin: 6.4. si id facere gravaretur, quod non suae sortis id negotium esset, se quidem facturum, quodcumque senatus censuisset; sed etiam atque etiam viderent, ne magis e re publica esset interregnum iniri, quam ab se in eo statu relinqui provinciam.

[¶42] 6.5. The senate entrusted to Gaius Scribonius the task of sending two commissioners from the senatorial order to Lucius Cornelius the consul, to deliver to him the letter forwarded by his colleague to the senate, and to inform him that if he did not come to Rome to elect the magistrates the senate, rather than take Quintus Minucius away from an unfinished war, would suffer an interregnum to begin.

> Latin: 6.5. senatus C. Scribonio negotium dedit, ut duos legatos ex ordine senatorio mitteret ad L. Cornelium consulem, qui litteras collegae ad senatum missas deferrent ad eum et nuntiarent senatum, ni is ad magistratus subrogandos Romam veniret, potius quam Q.

[¶43] 6.6. The commissioners who were sent brought back the reply that Lucius Cornelius would come to Rome to choose the magistrates.

> Latin: 6.6. Minucium a bello integro avocaret, interregnum iniri passurum.

[¶44] 6.7. Regarding the despatches of Lucius Cornelius, which he had written after he had fought the battle with the Boii, a controversy broke out in the senate because his lieutenant, Marcus Claudius, had written privately to many senators that gratitude was due to the good fortune of the Roman people and the valour of the soldiers because the issue had been successful;

> Latin: 6.7. missi legati renuntiarunt L. Cornelium ad magistratus subrogandos Romam venturum. de litteris L. Corneli, quas scripserat secundum proelium cum Bois factum, disceptatio in senatu fuit, quia privatim plerisque senatoribus legatus M.

[¶45] 6.9. but that by the action of the consul, both heavy losses of men had occurred and the army of the enemy had escaped, though there had been the opportunity to destroy it; the loss of men had been heavier since troops to replace the exhausted had come up too slowly from the reserve;

> Latin: 6.9. Claudius scripserat fortunae populi Romani et militum virtuti gratiam habendam, quod res bene gesta esset; consulis opera et militum aliquantum amissum, et hostium exercitum, cuius delendi oblata fortuna fuerit, elapsum:

[¶46] 6.10. the enemy had slipped from their hands both because the legionary cavalry had received their orders too ate and because they had not been permitted to pursue the fleeing enemy.

> Latin: 6.10. milites eo plures perisse. quod tardius ex subsidiis, qui laborantibus opem ferrent, successissent; hostes e manibus emissos, quod equitibus legionariis et tardius datum signum esset et persequi fugientes non licuisset.

[¶47] 7.1. Regarding this matter, it was decreed that no unconsidered action should be taken; the decision was postponed for a fuller meeting.

> Latin: 7.1. de ea re nihil temere decerni placuit; ad frequentiores consultatio dilata est:

[¶48] 7.2. This was due to the fact that another anxiety was weighing upon them —that the public was burdened by interest-payments, and that, although greed was held in check by numerous laws governing usury, a way of evasion was opened because accounts were transferred to allies, who were not under the operation of these laws; thus debtors were overwhelmed with unrestricted charges.

> Latin: 7.2. instabat enim cura alia, quod civitas faenore laborabat, et quod, cum multis faenebribus legibus constricta avaritia esset, via fraudis inita erat, ut in socios, qui non tenerentur iis legibus, nomina transcriberent: ita libero faenore obruebantur debitores.

[¶49] 7.3. When a method of curbing this practice was sought, it was determined that a day should be fixed, namely, the last occurrence of the festival of the Feralia, that whatever allies had, after that date, loaned money to Roman citizens, should make a public statement to that effect, and that proceedings regarding money so loaned after that date should be governed by the laws of whichever state the debtor should elect.

> Latin: 7.3. cuius coercendi cum ratio quaereretur, diem finiri placuit Feralia, quae proxime fuissent, ut, qui post eam diem socii civibus Romanis credidissent pecunias, profiterentur, et ex ea die pecuniae creditae, quibus debitor vellet legibus, ius creditori redderetur. inde postquam professionibus detecta est magnitudo aeris alieni per hanc fraudem contracti, M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ex auctoritate patrum plebem rogavit, plebesque scivit, ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae ius idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset.

[¶50] 7.5. Then, after the greatness of the debt contracted by this evasion was revealed by these public declarations, Marcus Sempronius, tribune of the people, with the authorization of the senate proposed to the assembly, and the assembly voted, that the allies of the Latin confederacy should have the same law regarding the loan of money that applied to Roman citizens. Such were the events, civil and military, which took place in Italy. In Spain the war was by no means so serious as the exaggerated report of it had been. Gaius Flaminius in Hither Spain captured the town of Inlucia in the land of the Oretani and then conducted the troops to their winter stations, and during the winter fought several battles, unworthy of record, against raiding parties of brigands rather than soldiers, with varying results but not without the loss of men. Greater things were done by Marcus Fulvius.

> Latin: 7.5. haec in Italia domi militiaeque acta. in Hispania nequaquam tantum belli fuit, quantum auxerat fama. C. Flaminius in citeriore Hispania oppidum Inluciam in Oretanis cepit, deinde in hibernacula milites deduxit, et per hiemem proelia aliquot nulla memoria digna adversus latronum magis quam hostium excursiones vario tamen eventu nec sine militum iactura sunt facta.

[¶51] 7.8. Near the town of Toletum he engaged the Vaccaei, the Vettones and the Celtiberi in pitched battle, routed and put to flight the armies of these tribes, and captured alive their king Hilernus.

> Latin: 7.8. maiores gestae res a M. Fulvio. is apud Toletum oppidum cum Vaccaeis Vettonibusque et Celtiberis signis collatis dimicavit, exercitum earum gentium fudit fugavitque, regem Hilernum vivum cepit.

[¶52] 8.1. While this was going on in Spain, the day of the elections was drawing near. And so Lucius Cornelius the consul left Marcus Claudius with the army and returned to Rome.

> Latin: 8.1. cum haec in Hispania gerebantur, comitiorum iam appetebat dies. itaque L. Cornelius consul relicto ad exercitum M. Claudio legato Romam venit.

[¶53] 8.2. When he had discoursed in the senate about his achievements and the condition in which his province was, he voiced a complaint to the Fathers because, after so great a war had been so successfully finished by a single victory, no honour had been paid to the immortal gods.

> Latin: 8.2. is in senatu cum de rebus ab se gestis disseruisset, quoque statu provincia esset, questus est cum patribus conscriptis, quod tanto bello una secunda pugna tam feliciter perfecto non esset habitus diis immortalibus honos.

[¶54] 8.3. He then demanded that they decree a thanksgiving and a triumph at the same time.

> Latin: 8.3. postulavit deinde, supplicationem simul triumphumque decernerent.

[¶55] 8.4. Before, however, the formal motion was put, Quintus Metellus, who had been consul and dictator, said that letters had arrived at the same time, addressed both to the senate by Lucius Cornelius and to a great part of the senators by Marcus Marcellus, that these reports contradicted one another, and that a decision had been postponed for the reason that the debate might be held in the presence of the writers of these letters.

> Latin: 8.4. prius tamen quam relatio fieret, Q. Metellus, qui consul dictatorque fuerat, litteras eodem tempore dixit et consulis L. Corneli ad senatum et M. Marcelli ad magnam partem senatorum adlatas esse inter se pugnantis, eoque dilatam esse consultationem, ut praesentibus auctoribus earum litterarum disceptaretur.

[¶56] 8.5. He had accordingly assumed that the consul, who knew that something unfavourable to himself had been written by his subordinate, since he had himself to come to Rome, would bring his lieutenant with him to the City, especially as it would have been more correct to entrust the army to Tiberius Sempronius, who had the imperium, than to a

> Latin: 8.5. itaque expectasse sese, ut consul, qui sciret ab legato suo adversus se scriptum aliquid, cum ipsi veniendum esset, deduceret eum secum Romam, cum etiam verius esset Ti. Sempronio imperium habenti tradi exercitum quam legato:

[¶57] 8.7. lieutenant: as matters stood, it seemed that he had wilfully kept away a man who, if he made in person the statement which he had made in writing, might both bring his charges openly and, supposing he asserted what was untrue, be himself charged, until the truth was clearly revealed. It was his proposal, therefore, that nothing which the consul demanded should be decreed for the present.

> Latin: 8.7. nunc videri esse amotum de industria, qui ea, quae scripsisset, praesens dicere et arguere coram, et, si quid vani adferret, argui posset, donec ad liquidum veritas explorata esset.

[¶58] 8.8. When he pressed his claims with undiminished vigour, that the thanksgiving be voted and that he be allowed to ride into the City in triumph, Marcus and Gaius Titinius, tribunes of the people, declared that they would veto it if any decree of the senate were passed regarding the question.

> Latin: 8.8. itaque nihil eorum, quae postularet consul, decernendum in praesentia censere. cum pergeret nihilo segnius referre, ut supplicationes decernerentur triumphantique sibi urbem invehi liceret, M. et C. Titinii tribuni plebis se intercessuros, si de ea re fieret senatus consultum, dixerunt.

[¶59] 9.1. Censors had been elected the previous year, Sextus Aelius Paetus and Gaius Cornelius Cethegus. Cornelius closed the lustrum.

> Latin: 9.1. censores erant priore anno creati Sex. Aelius Paetus et C. Cornelius Cethegus.

[¶60] 9.2. The number of citizens rated was one hundred forty-three thousand seven hundred four. There were great floods that year, and the Tiber overflowed the flat parts of the City; around the Porta Flumentana certain buildings even collapsed and fell.

> Latin: 9.2. Cornelius lustrum condidit. censa sunt civium capita CXXXXIII. DCCIIII. aquae ingentes eo anno fuerunt, et Tiberis loca plana urbis inundavit;

[¶61] 9.3. Also, the Porta Caelimontana was smitten by a thunderbolt and the wall in several places round about was struck by lightning;

> Latin: 9.3. circa portam Flumentanam etiam collapsa quaedam ruinis sunt. et porta Coelimontana fulmine icta est, murusque circa multis locis de caelo tactus;

[¶62] 9.4. and at Aricia, at Lanuvium and on the Aventine there were showers of stones; it was also reported from Capua that a great swarm of wasps had flown into the forum and settled in the temple of Mars; the wasps, it was said, were carefully collected and consumed by fire.

> Latin: 9.4. et Ariciae et Lanuvii et in Aventino lapidibus pluvit; et a Capua nuntiatum est examen vesparum ingens in forum advolasse et in Martis aede consedisse; eas collectas cum cura et igni crematas esse.

[¶63] 9.5. By reason of these prodigies the decemvirs were directed to consult the Books, and a nine-day sacrifice was performed, a supplication proclaimed, and the City purified.

> Latin: 9.5. horum prodigiorum causa decemviri libros adire iussi, et novemdiale sacrum factum, et supplicatio indicta est atque urbs lustrata.

[¶64] 9.6. At the same time a shrine to Victoria Virgo near the temple of Victory was dedicated by Marcus Porcius Cato, two years after he had vowed it.

> Latin: 9.6. iisdem diebus aediculam Victoriae Virginis prope aedem Victoriae M. Porcius Cato dedicavit biennio post, quam vovit.

[¶65] 9.7. In the same year a Latin colony was established at Castrum Frentinum by the triumvirs Aulus Manlius Volso, Lucius Apustius Fullo and Quintus Aelius Tubero; by the law of the last-named the colony was created. Three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry joined it, a small number in proportion to the size of the tract. The allotments of land could have been thirty iugera per infantryman and sixty per cavalryman.

> Latin: 9.7. eodem anno coloniam Latinam in castrum Frentinum triumviri deduxerunt A. Manlius Volso L. Apustius Fullo Q. Aelius Tubero, cuius lege deducebatur. tria milia peditum iere, trecenti equites, numerus exiguus pro copia agri.

[¶66] 9.8. At the suggestion of Apustius one-third of the land was reserved, whereby they were enabled later to enroll new colonists if they saw fit. Twenty iugera were given to each infantryman, forty to each cavalryman.

> Latin: 9.8. dari potuere tricena iugera in pedites, sexagena in equites. Apustio auctore tertia pars agri dempta est, quo postea, si vellent, novos colonos adscribere possent. vicena iugera pedites, quadragena equites acceperunt.

[¶67] 10.1. It was now the end of the year, and canvassing at the consular election was more spirited than ever before.

> Latin: 10.1. in exitu iam annus erat, et ambitio magis quam umquam alias exarserat consularibus comitiis. multi et potentes petebant patricii plebeique, P.

[¶68] 10.2. The candidates were many and influential, patricians and plebeians, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, who had recently returned from Spain after performing great deeds, and Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, who had commanded the fleet in Greece, and Gnaeus Manlius Volso; these were the patricians;

> Latin: 10.2. Cornelius Cn. filius Scipio, qui ex Hispania provincia nuper decesserat magnis rebus gestis, et L. Quinctius Flamininus, qui classi in Graecia praefuerat, et Cn. Manlius Volso;

[¶69] 10.3. the plebeians now were Gaius Laelius, Gnaeus Domitius, Gaius Livius Salinator, and Manius Acilius.

> Latin: 10.3. hi patricii; plebeii autem C. Laelius, Cn. Domitius, C. Livius Salinator, M’ .

[¶70] 10.4. But the eyes of all men were turned upon Quinctius and Cornelius; for both were patricians, contending for one place, and recently-won military glory lent favour to each. But before all else, the brothers of the candidates increased their rivalry, since they were the two most celebrated commanders of their age.

> Latin: 10.4. Acilius. sed omnium oculi in Quinctium Corneliumque coniecti: nam et in unum locum petebant ambo patricii, et rei militaris gloria recens utrumque commendabat.

[¶71] 10.5. The greater fame was Scipio's, and the greater it was, the more it was exposed to jealousy; that of Quinctius was fresher, inasmuch as he had triumphed that very year. There was also the fact that the other had been for about ten years constantly in the public eye, a fact which renders prominent men less venerated from sheer surfeit of seeing them: he had been consul for the second time after the defeat of Hannibal and censor; in the case of Quinctius, everything was new and fresh for winning favour;

> Latin: 10.5. ceterum ante omnia certamen accendebant fratres candidatorum, duo clarissimi aetatis suae imperatores. maior gloria Scipionis, et quo maior, eo propior invidiam; Quincti recentior, ut qui eo anno triumphasset, accedebat, quod alter decimum jam prope annum adsiduus in oculis hominum fuerat, quae res minus verendos magnos homines ipsa satietate facit, consul iterum post devictum Hannibalem censorque fuerat;

[¶72] 10.7. he had neither asked anything from the people since his triumph nor obtained anything. He said that he was campaigning for a real brother, not a cousin, for his lieutenant and a sharer in the conduct of the war;

> Latin: 10.7. in Quinctio nova et recentia omnia ad gratiam erant; nihil nec petierat a populo post triumphum nec adeptus erat.

[¶73] 10.8. he on land, his brother on the sea, had conducted the operations. By such arguments he brought it to pass that his brother was preferred to the candidate whom his brother, Africanus, favoured, whom the Cornelian gens supported, while a consul Cornelius presided at the election, and who was honoured with so powerful a preliminary recommendation from the senate, which chose him as the best man of the state to receive the Idaean Mother when she came from Pessinus to Rome.

> Latin: 10.8. pro fratre germano, non patrueli se petere aiebat, pro legato et participe administrandi belli; se terra, fratrem mari rem gessisse. his obtinuit, ut praeferretur candidato, quem Africanus frater ducebat, quem Cornelia gens Cornelio consule comitia habente, quem tantum praeiudicium senatus, virum e civitate optimum iudicatum, qui matrem Idaeam Pessinunte venientem in urbem acciperet.

[¶74] 10.10. Lucius Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus were chosen consuls: so little weight did Africanus have even in the selection of the plebeian consul, although he was working for Gaius Laelius.

> Latin: 10.10. L. Quinctius et Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus consules facti: adeo ne in plebeio quidem consule, cum pro C. Laelio niteretur, Africanus valuit.

[¶75] 10.11. The next day the praetors were chosen, Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Fulvius Centumalus, Aulus Atilius Serranus, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Valerius Tappo, Quintus Salonius Sarra.

> Latin: 10.11. postero die praetores creati L. Scribonius Libo M. Fulvius Centumalus A. Atilius Serranus M. Baebius Tamphilus L. Valerius Tappo Q. Salonius Sarra. aedilitas insignis eo anno fuit M. Aemilii Lepidi et L. Aemilii Pauli;

[¶76] 10.12. The aedileship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Lucius Aemilius Paulus was notable that year; they condemned many grazers; out of the fines they set up gilded shields on the roof of the temple of Jupiter, constructed one portico outside the Porta Trigemina, adding a wharf on the Tiber, and another portico from the Porta Fontinalis to the altar of Mars, where the way led into the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 10.12. multos pecuarios damnarunt; ex ea pecunia clipea inaurata in fastigio Iovis aedis posuerunt, porticum unam extra portam Trigeminam, emporio ad Tiberim adiecto, alteram ab porta Fontinali ad Martis aram, qua in Campum iter esset, perduxerunt.

[¶77] 11.1. For a long time nothing worth recording occurred among the Ligures; but at the end of this year on two occasions situations of grave peril arose, for in the first place the consul's camp was assailed and with difficulty defended, and a little later, when the Roman column was being led through a narrow glade, the very exit was blocked by an army of the Ligures.

> Latin: 11.1. diu nihil in Liguribus dignum memoria gestum erat; extremo eius anni bis in magnum periculum res adducta est: nam et castra consulis oppugnata aegre sunt defensa, et non ita multo post per saltum angustum cum duceretur agmen Romanum, ipsas fauces exercitus Ligurum insedit.

[¶78] 11.3. Since the way there was not open, the consul began to move to the rear and retrace his steps. In the rear too the exit of the pass was closed by part of the enemy, and visions of the Caudine disaster not only flitted through their minds but also appeared before their eyes.

> Latin: 11.3. qua cum exitus non pateret, converso agmine redire institit consul. et ab tergo fauces saltus occupatae a parte hostium erant, Caudinaeque cladis memoria non animis modo, sed prope oculis obversabatur.

[¶79] 11.4. He had about eight hundred Numidian cavalry among the auxiliaries. Their commander promised the consul that he and his men would break through wherever he wished, if only the consul would inform him on which side the towns were more numerous;

> Latin: 11.4. Numidas octingentos ferme equites inter auxilia habebat. eorum praefectus consuli pollicetur se parte utra vellet cum suis erupturum, tantum uti diceret, utra pars frequentior vicis esset;

[¶80] 11.5. he would attack them and give his first attention to setting fire to the buildings, that the alarm might compel the Ligures to withdraw from the pass which they were holding and scatter to aid their friends.

> Latin: 11.5. in eos se impetum facturum et nihil prius quam flammam tectis iniecturum, ut is pavor cogeret Ligures excedere saltu, quem obsiderent, et discurrere ad opem ferendam suis.

[¶81] 11.6. The consul praised him and loaded him with hopes of reward. The Numidians mounted their horses and began to ride up to the outposts of the enemy, attacking no one.

> Latin: 11.6. collaudatum eum consul spe praemiorum onerat. Numidae equos conscendunt et obequitare stationibus hostium, neminem lacessentes, coeperunt.

[¶82] 11.7. At first nothing was more contemptible than their appearance: horses and men were tiny and gaunt; the riders unequipped and unarmed, except that they carried javelins with them; the horses without bridles, their very motion being the ugly gait of animals running with stiff necks and outstretched heads.

> Latin: 11.7. nihil primo adspectu contemptius: equi hominesque paululi et graciles, discinctus et inermis eques, praeterquam quod iacula secum portat, equi sine frenis, deformis ipse cursus rigida cervice et extento capite currentium.

[¶83] 11.8. Purposely making themselves more contemptible, they would fall from their horses and make themselves a spectacle to be jeered.

> Latin: 11.8. hunc contemptum de industria augentes labi ex equis et per ludibrium spectaculo esse.

[¶84] 11.9. So those who had been in the outposts, eager and ready if they should be attacked, now for the most part sat unarmed and watching the show.

> Latin: 11.9. itaque qui primo intenti paratique, si lacesserentur, in stationibus fuerant, iam inermes sedentesque pars maxima spectabant.

[¶85] 11.10. The Numidians kept riding up to them, then retiring, but coming gradually closer to the pass, like men incapable of controlling their horses and carried by them against their will.

> Latin: 11.10. Numidae adequitare, dein refugere, sed propius saltum paulatim evehi, velut quos impotentis regendi equi invitos efferrent. postremo subditis calcaribus per medias stationes hostium erupere, et in agrum latiorem evecti omnia propinqua viae tecta incendunt;

[¶86] 11.11. At last they applied their spurs and burst through the midst of the enemy's outposts, and riding out into the more open country set fire to all the buildings along the road; then they hurled their torches upon the nearest village; with sword and fire they ravaged everything. First the smoke was seen, then the shouts of frightened villagers were heard, and finally the fleeing elders and children caused panic in the camp.

> Latin: 11.11. proximo deinde vico inferunt ignem; ferro flammaque omnia pervastant. fumus primo conspectus, deinde clamor trepidantium in vicis auditus, postremo seniores puerique refugientes tumultum in castris fecerunt.

[¶87] 11.13. And so without design, without orders, each for himself hurried to defend his own, and in a moment the camp was abandoned and the consul, freed from siege, arrived at his intended destination.

> Latin: 11.13. itaque sine consilio, sine imperio pro se quisque currere ad sua tutanda; momentoque temporis castra relicta erant, et obsidione liberatus consul, quo intenderat, pervenit.

[¶88] 12.1. But neither the Boii nor the Spaniards, with whom war was carried on that year, were so hostile and so dangerous to the Romans as the people of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 12.1. sed neque Boi neque Hispani, cum quibus eo anno bellatum erat, tam inimice infesti erant Romanis quam Aetolorum gens.

[¶89] 12.2. After the evacuation of Greece by the armies they had at first been in hopes that Antiochus would come to occupy masterless Europe and that neither Philip nor Nabis would remain quiet.

> Latin: 12.2. ii post deportatos ex Graecia exercitus primo in spe fuerant et Antiochum in vacuam Europae possessionem venturum, nec Philippum aut Nabim quieturos.

[¶90] 12.3. When they saw that no movement was being made, thinking that some agitation and confusion should be caused, lest their scheming should become feeble from lack of exercise, they called a council at Naupactus.

> Latin: 12.3. ubi nihil usquam moveri viderunt, agitandum aliquid miscendumque rati, ne cunctando senescerent consilia, concilium Naupactum indixerunt.

[¶91] 12.4. There Thoas, their chief magistrate, complained of the injuries inflicted by the Romans and of the condition of Aetolia, because of all the states and cities of Greece they were the least honoured, after that victory for which they themselves had been the chief cause, and proposed that ambassadors should be sent around to the kings, who should not only sound out their sentiments but should rouse each, by proper inducements, to a Roman war.

> Latin: 12.4. ibi Thoas praetor eorum conquestus iniurias Romanorum statumque Aetoliae, quod omnium Graeciae gentium civitatiumque inhonoratissimi post eam victoriam essent, cuius causa ipsi fuissent, legatos censuit circa reges mittendos, qui non solum temptarent animos eorum, sed suis quemque stimulis moverent ad Romanum bellum.

[¶92] 12.6. Damocritus was dispatched to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, Dicaearchus, the praetor's brother, to Antiochus.

> Latin: 12.6. Damocritus ad Nabim, Nicander ad Philippum, Dicaearchus, frater praetoris, ad Antiochum est missus.

[¶93] 12.7. To the Spartan tyrant Damocritus pointed out the weakening of the tyranny from the loss of the coast towns; thence he had drawn soldiers, thence ships and naval allies; shut up, almost, within his own walls, he saw the Achaeans lording it in the Peloponnesus;

> Latin: 12.7. tyranno Lacedaemonio Damocritus ademptis maritimis civitatibus enervatam tyrannidem dicere; inde militem, inde naves navalesque socios habuisse; inclusum suis prope muris Achaeos videre dominantis in Peloponneso;

[¶94] 12.8. he would never have a chance to recover his own if he let pass the one which then existed; there was, moreover, no Roman army in Greece; Gytheum and the other Spartan towns on the coast would not be considered by the Romans an adequate reason why they should again transport their legions to Greece.

> Latin: 12.8. numquam habiturum reciperandi sua occasionem si eam, quae tum esset, praetermisisset; [et] nullum exercitum Romanum in Graecia esse, nec [propter] Gytheum aut maritimos alios Laconas dignam causam existimaturos Romanos, cur legiones rursus in Graeciam transmittant.

[¶95] 12.9. This was said to rouse the zeal of the tyrant, that, when Antiochus had crossed to Greece, the consciousness that the Roman friendship had been violated by the injuries done their allies might unite him with Antiochus.

> Latin: 12.9. haec ad incitandum animum tyranni dicebantur, ut, cum Antiochus in Graeciam traiecisset, conscientia violatae per sociorum iniurias Romanae amicitiae coniungeret se cum Antiocho.

[¶96] 12.10. As to Philip, Nicander tried to provoke him by a somewhat similar argument; there was also more material for his persuasiveness, in proportion to the greater height from which the king had fallen, in comparison with the tyrant, and in proportion to the heavier losses he had suffered.

> Latin: 12.10. et Philippum Nicander haud dissimili oratione incitabat; erat etiam maior orationis materia, quo ex altiore fastigio rex quam tyrannus detractus erat, quoque plures ademptae res.

[¶97] 12.11. In addition, he spoke of the ancient renown of the kings of Macedonia and the victorious progress of that race throughout the earth.

> Latin: 12.11. ad hoc vetusta regum Macedoniae fama peragratusque orbis terrarum victoriis eius gentis referebatur. et tutum vel incepto vel eventu se consilium adferre:

[¶98] 12.12. He said, moreover, that the advice which he offered was safe, whether in the beginning or at the end: for he would not counsel Philip to move before Antiochus with his army should cross to Greece, and when he, who without Antiochus had so long sustained the war against the Romans and the Aetolians, was joined by Antiochus and had as allies the Aetolians, who had been at that time more dangerous foes than the Romans, with what strength, pray, could the Romans withstand him?

> Latin: 12.12. nam neque, ut ante se moveat Philippus, quam Antiochus cum exercitu transierit in Graeciam, suadere, et, qui sine Antiocho adversus Romanos Aetolosque tam diu sustinuerit bellum, ei adiuncto Antiocho, sociis Aetolis, qui tum graviores hostes quam Romani fuerint, quibus tandem viribus resistere Romanos posse?

[¶99] 12.14. He spoke further of the general Hannibal, born an enemy to the Romans, who had destroyed both their commanders and their soldiers in greater numbers than now remained.

> Latin: 12.14. adiciebat de duce Hannibale, nato adversus Romanos hoste, qui plures et duces et milites eorum occidisset, quam quot superessent, haec Philippo Nicander;

[¶100] 12.15. Such was Nicander's message to Philip; Dicaearchus approached Antiochus in another fashion, and first of all he said that the booty from Philip had become the Romans', the victory was the Aetolians'; none other than the Aetolians had given the Romans ingress to Greece and furnished them with the strength to conquer.

> Latin: 12.15. alia Dicaearchus Antiocho; et omnium primum praedam de Philippo Romanorum esse dicere, victoriam Aetolorum; et aditum in Graeciam Romanis nullos alios quam Aetolos dedisse, et ad vincendum vires eosdem praebuisse.

[¶101] 12.16. Finally, he told Antiochus how great forces, infantry and cavalry, they would furnish him for the war, what stations for his land forces, what harbours for his navies.

> Latin: 12.16. deinde quantas peditum equitumque copias praebituri Antiocho ad bellum essent, quae loca terrestribus copiis, quos portus maritimis.

[¶102] 12.17. Then he employed a gratuitous lie regarding Philip and Nabis: each was ready to rebel and would seize the earliest opportunity to regain what he had lost in war. Thus throughout the whole world at once the Aetolians were arousing war against the Romans.

> Latin: 12.17. tum de Philippo et Nabide libero mendacio abutebatur: paratum utrumque ad rebellandum esse, et primam quamque occasionem reciperandi ea, quae bello amisissent, arrepturos. ita per totum simul orbem terrarum Aetoli Romanis concitabant bellum. et reges tamen aut non moti aut tardius moti sunt;

[¶103] 13.1. And the kings, nevertheless, either were unmoved or were moved too slowly; Nabis at once sent agents around all the maritime towns to stir up seditions in them, and some of the leading men he won over to his side by gifts, others, who stubbornly adhered to the Roman alliance, lie put to death.

> Latin: 13.1. Nabis extemplo circa omnis maritimos vicos dimisit ad seditiones in iis miscendas, et alios principum donis ad suam causam perduxit, alios pertinaciter in societate Romana manentis occidit.

[¶104] 13.2. The Achaeans had been entrusted with the responsibility for all maritime affairs in Sparta by Titus Quinctius, So immediately they sent ambassadors to the tyrant to remind him of the Roman treaty and to warn him not to disturb the peace which he had so earnestly sought, and sent reinforcements to Gytheum, which was now being besieged by the tyrant, and ambassadors to Rome to report these doings.

> Latin: 13.2. Achaeis omnium maritimorum Laconum tuendorum a T. Quinctio cura mandata erat. itaque extemplo et ad tyrannum legatos miserunt, qui admonerent foederis Romani, denuntiarentque, ne pacem, quam tantopere petisset, turbaret, et auxilia ad Gytheum, quod iam oppugnabatur ab tyranno, et Romam qui ea nuntiarent, legatos miserunt.

[¶105] 13.4. King Antiochus, having given his daughter in marriage to King Ptolemy of Egypt at Raphia in Phoenicia during that winter, when he had retired to Antioch, came by way of Cilicia, crossing the Taurus mountains well on towards the end of the winter, to Ephesus;

> Latin: 13.4. Antiochus rex, ea hieme Raphiae in Phoenice Ptolomaeo regi Aegypti filia in matrimonium data, cum Antiochiam se recepisset, per Ciliciam Tauro monte superato extremo iam hiemis Ephesum pervenit;

[¶106] 13.5. thence at the beginning of spring, sending his son Antiochus into Syria to guard the remotest parts of his kingdom, lest any disturbance behind him should occur in his absence, he himself set out with all his land forces to attack the Pisidae who dwell around Sida.

> Latin: 13.5. inde principio veris, Antiocho filio misso in Syriam ad custodiam ultimarum partium regni, ne quid absente se ab tergo moveretur, ipse cum omnibus terrestribus copiis ad Pisidas, qui circa Sidam incolunt, oppugnandos est profectus.

[¶107] 13.6. At that time the Roman commissioners, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had been sent to Antiochus, as has already been stated, having been ordered to visit Eumenes first, came to Elaea; thence they climbed up to Pergamum, where Eumenes' capital was located.

> Latin: 13.6. eo tempore legati Romani P. Sulpicius et P. Villius, qui ad Antiochum, sicut ante dictum est, missi erant, iussi prius Eumenem adire Elaeam venere; inde Pergamum — ibi regia Eumenis fuit — escenderunt.

[¶108] 13.7. Eumenes was anxious for war against Antiochus, believing that a king so much more powerful than himself was a dangerous neighbour, if there was peace, and also that, if war should be provoked, he was no more likely to be a match for the Romans than Philip had been, and that either he would be utterly destroyed or, if peace were granted him after he had been defeated, much that was taken from Antiochus would fall to his own lot, so that thenceforth he could easily defend himself against Antiochus without any Roman aid.

> Latin: 13.7. cupidus belli adversus Antiochum Eumenes erat, gravem, si pax esset, accolam tanto potentiorem regem credens, eundem, si motum bellum esset, non magis parem Romanis fore, quam Philippus fuisset, et aut funditus sublatum iri, aut, si pax victo daretur, multa illi detracta sibi accessura, ut facile deinde se ab eo sine ullo auxilio Romano tueri posset.

[¶109] 13.9. Even if some misfortune should befall, it was better, he thought, to endure whatever fate with the Romans as allies than by himself either to submit to the sovereignty of Antiochus or, if he refused, to be compelled to do so by force of arms;

> Latin: 13.9. etiam si quid adversi casurum foret, satius esse Romanis sociis quamcumque fortunam subire, quam solum aut imperium pati Antiochi aut abnuentem vi atque armis cogi:

[¶110] 13.10. for these reasons with all his prestige and all his diplomatic skill he urged the Romans to war.

> Latin: 13.10. ob haec, quantum auctoritate, quantum consilio valebat, incitabat Romanos ad bellum.

[¶111] 14.1. Sulpicius was ill and remained at Pergamum; but Villius, when he learned that the king was involved in the war in Pisidia, set out for Ephesus, and while he tarried there for a few days he saw to it that he had frequent meetings with Hannibal, who

> Latin: 14.1. Sulpicius aeger Pergami substitit; Villius cum Pisidiae bello occupatum esse regem audisset, Ephesum profectus, dum paucos ibi moratur dies, dedit operam, ut cum Hannibale, qui tum ibi forte erat,