14.5. however, his spirits were kept up, partly by his naturally impetuous disposition, partly by a treaty which he had concluded with Antiochus, king of Syria, according to which the wealth of Egypt, which both coveted when they heard of the death of King Ptolemy, was soon to be divided between them.
14.5. sed animos ei faciebat praeter ferociam insitam foedus ictum cum Antiocho, Syriae rege, divisaeque iam cum eo Aegypti opes, cui morte audita Ptolomaei regis ambo imminebant.
14.6. Now the Athenians had undertaken the war against Philip for no sufficient reason, since they retained nothing of their ancient greatness except their spirit.
14.6. contraxerant autem sibi cum Philippo bellum Athenienses haudquaquam digna causa, dum ex vetere fortuna nihil praeter animos servant.
14.7. Two young men from Acarnania, during the celebration of the mysteries at Eleusis, though not initiated, had entered the temple of Ceres, ignorant that they were committing a sacrilege, and merely following the crowd.
14.7. Acarnanes duo iuvenes per initiorum dies non initiati templum Cereris inprudentes religionis cum cetera turba ingressi sunt.
14.8. Their words easily betrayed them, since they asked foolish questions, and though it was clear that they had come in openly and by mistake they were put to death as if they had committed some heinous crime.
14.8. facile eos sermo prodidit absurde quaedam percunctantis, deductique ad antistites templi, cum palam esset per errorem ingressos, tamquam ob infandum scelus interfecti sunt.
14.9. The Acarnanians reported this revolting and unfriendly act to Philip, and prevailed upon him to send them Macedonian aid and permit them to attack Athens.
14.9. id tam foede atque hostiliter factum gens Acarnanum ad Philippum detulit impetravitque ab eo, ut datis Macedonum auxiliis bellum se inferre Atheniensibus pateretur.
14.10. This army at first laid waste Attica with fire and sword and returned to Acarnania laden with every kind of booty. This was the original provocation; later regular war was declared and waged by decree of the state after formal notification.
14.10. hic exercitus primo terram Atticam ferro ignique depopulatus cum omnis generis praeda in Acarnaniam rediit. et irritatio quidem animorum ea prima fuit; postea iustum bellum decretis civitatis ultro indicendo factum.
14.11. Now when King Attalus and the Rhodians had arrived at Aegina in pursuit of Philip, who was retiring to Macedonia, Attalus crossed to Piraeus to renew and confirm his alliance with the Athenians.
14.11. Attalus enim rex Rhodiique persecuti cedentem in Macedoniam Philippum cum Aeginam venissent, rex Piraeum renovandae confirmandaeque cum Atheniensibus societatis causa traiecit.
14.12. The whole body of citizens, with their wives and children, poured out to meet him; the priests in their vestments and the very gods, so to speak, starting up from their thrones, welcomed him as he entered the city.
14.12. civitas omnis obviam effusa cum coniugibus ac liberis, sacerdotes cum insignibus suis intrantem urbem ac di prope ipsi exciti sedibus suis acceperunt.
15.1. The citizens were at once summoned to an assembly, that the king might declare publicly what he desired; then it seemed more consonant with his dignity that he should write his message, on whatever matters he pleased, than deliver it in person and be embarrassed by his own recital of his services to the state or by the extravagant applause and eulogies of the crowd, which would overwhelm his modesty with its uncontrolled adulation.
15.1. in contionem extemplo populus vocatus, ut rex, quae vellet, coram ageret; deinde ex dignitate magis visum scribere eum, de quibus videretur, quam praesentem aut referendis suis in civitatem beneficiis erubescere aut significationibus adclamationibusque multitudinis adsentatione immodica pudorem onerantis.
15.3. The letter which was sent and read to the assembly contained, first, a review of his acts of generosity towards Athens; second, an account of the campaigns he had carried on against Philip, and, lastly, an exhortation to undertake the war against Philip while they had him, the Rhodians, and now particularly the Romans also as allies; in vain, later on, if they now hesitated, would they seek to grasp the opportunity they had let slip.
15.3. in litteris autem, quae missae in contionem recitataeque sunt, commemoratio erat beneficiorum primum in civitatem suorum, deinde rerum, quas adversus Philippum gessisset, ad postremum adhortatio capessendi belli, dum se, dum Rhodios, tum quidem dum etiam Romanos haberent: nequiquam postea, si tum cessassent praetermissam occasionem quaesituros.
15.5. The Rhodian envoys were next heard, whose recent display of good-will had consisted in sending back four Athenian war-vessels which had, not long before, been captured by the Macedonians and recovered. So by a roar of voices war was declared on Philip.
15.5. Rhodii deinde legati auditi sunt; quorum recens erat beneficium, quod naves longas quattuor Atheniensium, captas nuper ab Macedonibus recuperatasque, remiserant. itaque ingenti consensu bellum adversus Philippum decretum.
15.6. Extravagant honours were conferred first upon Attalus and then upon the Rhodians as well. At this time occurs the first mention of the tribe which they called “Attalis,” to be added to the ten old tribes. The people of Rhodes, moreover, was presented with a golden crown, - the symbol of valour, and the Athenian citizenship was given the Rhodians, just as they had previously granted the same distinction to the Athenians.
15.6. honores regi primum Attalo immodici, deinde et Rhodiis habiti. tum primum mentio inlata de tribu, quam Attalida appellarent, ad decem veteres tribus addenda, et Rhodiorum populus corona aurea virtutis ergo donatus, civitasque Rhodiis data, quem ad modum Rhodii prius Atheniensibus dederant.
15.8. After this Attalus rejoined his fleet at Aegina; the Rhodians went back from Aegina to Cia, thence to Rhodes by way of the islands, receiving into their alliance all of them but Andros, Paros and Cythnos, which were held by Macedonian garrisons. Attalus was kept idle for some time in Aegina, by sending messengers to Aetolia and waiting for ambassadors from there.
15.8. secundum haec rex Attalus Aeginam ad classem se recipit; Rhodii Ciam ab Aegina, inde per insulas Rhodum navigarunt omnibus praeter Andrum Parumque et Cythnum, quae praesidiis Macedonum tenebantur, in societatem acceptis.
15.9. But he could not induce them to declare war, since they felt satisfaction at the composition — however accomplished — of their difficulties with Philip; and Attalus and the Rhodians, although, if they had pressed their campaign against Philip, they might have won the fair fame of having liberated Greece, by permitting him to cross again to the Hellespont and to increase his army by the occupation of strongholds in Thrace, protracted the war and left to the Romans the glory of conducting and finishing it.
15.9. Attalum Aeginae missi in Aetoliam nuntii expectatique inde legati aliquamdiu nihil agentem tenuere. sed neque illos excire ad arma potuit, gaudentes utcumque composita cum Philippo pace, et ipse Rhodiique, cum, si institissent Philippo, egregium liberatae per se Graeciae titulum habere potuissent, patiendo rursus eum in Hellespontum traicere occupantemque Thraeciae opportuna loca vires colligere bellum aluere gloriamque eius gesti perfectique Romanis concesserunt.
16.1. Philip displayed a spirit that more befitted a king. Though he had not withstood Attalus and the Rhodians, he was unterrified even by the threatening war with Rome. Sending Philocles, one of his prefects, with two thousand infantry and two hundred horse to harry the Athenian country, and entrusting a fleet to Heraclides, that he might proceed to Maronea, he himself set out by land to that place with two thousand light-armed infantry and two hundred cavalry.
16.1. Philippus magis regio animo est usus; qui cum Attalum Rhodiosque hostis non sustinuisset, ne Romano quidem, quod imminebat, bello territus Philocle quodam ex praefectis suis cum duobus milibus peditum, equitibus ducentis ad populandos Atheniensium agros misso, classe tradita Heraclidi, ut Maroneam peteret, ipse terra eodem cum expeditis duobus milibus peditum, equitibus ducentis pergit.
16.4. And Maronea, indeed, - he took at the first assault; Aenus then, after great labour in besieging it, he finally captured through the treachery of Callimedes, the prefect of Ptolemy. Next he occupied other fortresses, Cypsela, Doriscus, and Serrheum. Proceeding thence toward the Chersonesus, he received in voluntary submission Elaeus and Alopeconnesus.
16.4. et Maroneam quidem primo impetu expugnavit; Aenum inde cum magno labore obsedit, postremo per proditionem Callimedis, praefecti Ptolomaei, cepit. deinceps alia castella, Cypsela et Doriscon et Serrheum, occupat.
16.5. Callipolis too and Madytus were surrendered, and some unimportant strongholds. The people of Abydus, not even admitting his ambassadors, closed their gates against the king.
16.5. inde progressus ad Chersonesum Elaeunta et Alopeconnesum tradentibus ipsis recipit; Callipolis quoque et Madytos dedita et castella quaedam ignobilia;
16.6. This siege delayed Philip a long time, and the people could have been quickly relieved of the siege if Attalus and the Rhodians had not delayed.
16.6. Abydeni ne legatis quidem admissis regi portas clauserunt. ea oppugnatio diu Philippum tenuit, eripique ex obsidione, ni cessatum ab Attalo et Rhodiis foret, potuerunt.
16.7. Attalus sent only three hundred soldiers for the garrison, the Rhodians one quadrireme from the fleet, although it was lying off Tenedos.
16.7. Attalus trecentos tantum milites in praesidium, Rhodii quadriremem unam ex classe, cum ad Tenedum staret, miserunt.
16.8. Later, the city being by that time scarce able to resist the siege, when Attalus in person arrived there, he gave only the hope of aid from near by, but did not help the allies by either land or sea.
16.8. eodem postea, cum iam vix sustinerent obsidionem, et ipse Attalus cum traiecisset, spem tantum auxilii ex propinquo ostendit neque terra neque mari adiutis sociis.
17.1. The citizens of Abydus at first, placing their artillery along the walls, not only on land denied approach to the assaulting parties, but rendered the anchorage of the fleet dangerous to the enemy; later, when part of the rampart had been laid in ruins, and, in addition, mines had been driven almost to the inner wall which had been hastily constructed, they sent ambassadors to the king regarding terms of surrender for the
17.1. Abydeni primo tormentis per muros dispositis non terra modo adeuntis aditu arcebant, sed navium quoque stationem infestam hosti faciebant; postea, cum et muri pars strata ruinis et ad interiorem raptim oppositum murum cuniculis iam perventum esset, legatos ad regem de condicionibus tradendae urbis miserunt.
17.3. city. They proposed, however, that they be allowed to send away the Rhodian quadrireme with the naval allies, and the garrison of Attalus, and that they be permitted to leave the city with one garment each.
17.3. paciscebantur autem, ut Rhodiam quadriremem cum sociis navalibus Attalique praesidium emitti liceret atque ipsis urbe excedere cum singulis vestimentis.
17.4. When Philip answered them that there would no peace without their unconditional surrender, the message when reported kindled such passion, arising from anger and despair together, that, imitating the madness of the Saguntines, they ordered all the matrons to be shut up in the temple of Diana, the free-born boys and maidens and even the young babes with their nurses in the gymnasium, the gold and
17.4. quibus cum Philippus nihil pacati nisi omnia permittentibus respondisset, adeo renuntiata haec legatio ab indignatione simul ac desperatione iram accendit, ut ad Saguntinam rabiem versi matronas omnis in templo Dianae, pueros ingenuos virginesque, infantes etiam cum suis nutricibus in gymnasio includi iuberent,
17.6. silver to be collected in the market-place and the valuable garments to be placed on the Rhodian and Cyzicene ships which were in the harbour, the priests and victims to be brought and the altars erected for sacrifice.
17.6. aurum et argentum in forum deferri, vestem pretiosam in navis Rhodiam Cyzicenamque, quae in portu erant, coici, sacerdotes victimasque adduci et altaria in medio poni.
17.7. Then they chose certain men who, when they saw their soldiers slaughtered as they fought before the ruined wall, were forthwith to slay their wives and children, throw into the sea all the gold, silver and garments which were in the ships, and set fire to the public and private buildings in every possible place. This crime they bound themselves by oath to commit, while the priests dictated to them the formula of execration.
17.7. ibi delecti primum, qui, ubi caesam aciem suorum pro diruto muro pugnantem vidissent, extemplo coniuges liberosque interficerent, aurum argentum vestemque, quae in navibus esset, in mare deicerent, tectis publicis privatisque, quam plurimis locis possent, ignes subicerent;
17.9. The soldiers then swore that no one would leave the battle-line alive except as victor, and they, mindful of the gods, fought so courageously that, when night was about to end the battle, the king was the first to retire from the field, in fear of their
17.9. id se facinus perpetraturos praeeuntibus exsecrabile carmen sacerdotibus iureiurando adacti; tum militaris aetas iurat neminem vivum nisi victorem acie excessurum. hi memores deorum adeo pertinaciter pugnaverunt, ut, cum proelium nox diremptura esset, rex prior, territus rabie eorum, pugna abstiterit.
17.11. madness. The chiefs, to whom the more cruel part in the crime had been assigned, when they saw only a few surviving the battle, and these exhausted by wounds and weariness, at daybreak sent the priests, wearing their fillets, to surrender the city to Philip.
17.11. principes, quibus atrocior pars facinoris delegata erat, cum paucos et confectos vulneribus ac lassitudine superesse proelio cernerent, luce prima sacerdotes cum infulis ad urbem dedendam Philippo mittunt.
18.1. Before the surrender, Marcus Aemilius, the youngest of the three ambassadors who had been sent to Alexandria, hearing of the siege of Abydus, came to Philip with the consent of his colleagues. He protested against the attack on Attalus and the Rhodians, and because Philip was at that very moment besieging Abydus, and when the king replied that Attalus and the Rhodians had made an unprovoked attack upon him, Aemilius asked, “Did the people of Abydus also take up arms against you, unprovoked?”
18.1. ante deditionem ex iis legatis, qui Alexandream missi erant, M. Aemilius trium consensu, minimus natu, audita obsidione Abydenorum ad Philippum venit. qui questus Attalo Rhodiisque arma illata, et quod tum maxime Abydum oppugnaret, cum rex ab Attalo et Rhodiis ultro se bello lacessitum diceret, ‘num Abydeni quoque’
18.3. This speech seemed to the king, who was unused to hearing the truth, too arrogant for delivery in the royal presence. “Your age,” he replied, “your good looks, and, above all, the Roman name, make you too arrogant.”
18.3. inquit ‘ultro tibi intulerunt arma?’ insueto vera audire ferocior oratio visa est, quam quae habenda apud regem esset. ‘aetas’ inquit ‘et forma et super omnia Romanum nomen te ferociorem facit.
18.4. “I should myself prefer first that you remember the treaties and keep the peace with me; but if you attack me in war, you will find that I too have the resolution to make both the kingdom and the name of Macedonia no less renowned than those of Rome.”
18.4. ego autem primum velim vos foederum memores servare mecum pacem; sin bello lacessitis, mihi quoque animos facere et regnum et Macedonum nomen haud minus quam Romanum nobile sentietis.
18.5. Thus dismissing the envoy, Philip took possession of all the gold, silver, and other accumulated treasure, but lost all the human booty.
18.5. ’ ita dimisso legato Philippus auro, argento quaeque coacervata erant acceptis hominum praedam omnem amisit.
18.6. For such madness laid hold of the people that all at once, thinking that those who had fallen in the fight had met death from treachery, each reproaching another's perjury, and especially that of the priests, who had delivered alive to the enemy those whom they had consecrated to death, they hastily ran to kill their wives and children and then themselves sought death by every path.
18.6. tanta enim rabies multitudinem invasit, ut repente, proditos rati qui pugnantes mortem occubuissent periuriumque alius alii exprobrantes et sacerdotibus maxime, qui, quos ad mortem devovissent, eorum deditionem vivorum hosti fecissent, repente omnes ad caedem coniugum liberorumque discurrerent seque ipsi per omnes vias leti interficerent.
18.7. The king, astounded by this frenzy, checked the assaults of his soldiers and announced that he would give the Abydenians three days in which to die.
18.7. obstupefactus eo furore rex suppressit impetum militum et triduum se ad moriendum Abydenis dare dixit.
18.8. In this time the conquered did themselves more violence than they would have suffered from their enraged conquerors, and no living man fell into Philip's hands save those whom chains or some other constraint forbade to die. Philip, leaving a garrison at Abydus, returned to his kingdom.
18.8. quo spatio plura facinora in se victi ediderunt, quam infesti edidissent victores, nec, nisi quem vincula aut alia necessitas mori prohibuit, quisquam vivus in potestatem venit. Philippus imposito Abydi praesidio in regnum rediit.
18.9. When, as Hannibal's destruction of Saguntum had aroused the Romans to war against him, so now the slaughter of the people of Abydus had roused them against Philip, word came that the Roman consul was already in Epirus and had sent his army to Apollonia and his fleet to Corcyra to winter.
18.9. cum velut Sagunti excidium Hannibali, sic Philippo Abydenorum clades ad Romanum bellum animos fecisset, nuntii occurrerunt consulem iam in Epiro esse et Apolloniam terrestris copias, navalis Corcyram in hiberna deduxisse.
19.1. In the meantime, the ambassadors who had been sent to Africa had been informed by the Carthaginians that, regarding Hamilcar, the leader of the Gallic army, they could do nothing but declare him an outlaw and confiscate his property;
19.1. inter haec legatis, qui in Africam missi erant, de Hamilcare, Gallici exercitus duce, responsum a Carthaginiensibus est nihil ultra se facere posse, quam ut exilio eum multarent, bona eius publicarent;
19.2. as to the deserters and fugitives, they had already sent back all they could find after search, and would send an embassy to Rome to give satisfaction to the senate on that point. They sent two hundred thousand modii of wheat to Rome and the same quantity to the army in Macedonia.
19.2. perfugas et fugitivos, quos inquirendo vestigare potuerint, reddidisse et de ea re missuros legatos Romam, qui senatui satisfacerent. ducenta milia modium tritici Romam, ducenta ad exercitum in Macedoniam miserunt.
19.3. The embassy then proceeded to Numidia, where they delivered their gifts and messages to Masinissa. When the king offered them two thousand Numidian cavalry, they accepted one thousand.
19.3. inde in Numidiam ad reges profecti legati. dona data Masinissae mandataque edita.
19.4. The king himself supervised their embarkation and sent them to Macedonia with two hundred thousand modii of wheat and as much barley.
19.4. equites mille Numidae, cum duo milia daret, accepti. ipse in navis imponendos curavit et cum ducentis milibus modium tritici, ducentis hordei in Macedoniam misit. tertia legatio ad Verminam erat.
19.5. The third errand was to Vermina, who met the ambassadors at the frontier and left it to them to lay down terms of peace satisfactory to Rome, while for his own part he promised to maintain a just and lawful peace with the Roman people.
19.5. is ad primos fines regni legatis obviam progressus, ut scriberent ipsi, quas vellent, pacis condiciones permisit:
19.6. The conditions of peace were imposed, and he was instructed to send an embassy to Rome to ratify them.
19.6. omnem pacem bonam iustamque fore sibi cum populo Romano. datae leges pacis, iussusque ad eam confirmandam mittere legatos Romam.
20.1. At the same time Lucius Cornelius Lentulus the proconsul returned from Spain.
20.1. per idem tempus L. Cornelius Lentulus pro consule ex Hispania rediit.
20.2. When he had given the senate an account of his vigorous and successful administration, extending over many years, and had asked that he be permitted to enter Rome in triumph, the senate decreed that his achievements deserved the honour, but that there was no precedent handed down from antiquity that one who had not been in command as dictator or consul or praetor should celebrate a triumph. He had held the province of Spain as proconsul and not as consul or praetor.
20.2. qui cum in senatu res ab se per multos annos fortiter feliciterque gestas exposuisset postulassetque, ut triumphanti sibi invehi liceret in urbem, res triumpho dignas esse censebat senatus, sed exemplum a maioribus non accepisse, ut, qui neque dictator neque consul neque praetor res gessisset, triumpharet:
20.4. Nevertheless, it was proposed that he enter the city in ovation, though the tribune Tiberius Sempronius Longus objected that this would be no more in accordance with ancestral custom or any precedent.
20.4. pro consule illum Hispaniam provinciam, non consulem aut praetorem obtinuisse. decurrebatur tamen eo, ut ovans urbem iniret, intercedente Ti. Sempronio Longo tribuno plebis, qui nihilo magis id more maiorum aut ullo exemplo futurum diceret.
20.6. Finally, prevailed upon by the general agreement of the senators, the tribune withdrew his veto, and Lucius Cornelius, by authority of the senate, was allowed to enter the city in ovation. He brought home forty-three thousand pounds of silver and two thousand four hundred and fifty pounds of gold from the booty, and presented to each of his soldiers a sum amounting to one hundred and twenty asses.
20.6. postremo victus consensu patrum tribunus cessit, et ex senatus consulto L. Lentulus ovans urbem est ingressus. argenti tulit [ex praeda] quadraginta tria milia pondo, auri duo milia quadringenta quinquaginta. militibus ex praeda centenos vicenos asses divisit.
21.1. The consular army had now moved from Arretium to Ariminum, and five thousand allies of the Latin confederacy from Gaul to Etruria.
21.1. iam exercitus consularis ab Arretio Ariminum transductus erat et quinque milia socium Latini nominis ex Gallia in Etruriam transierant.
21.2. Therefore Lucius Furius proceeded by forced marches from Ariminum against the Gauls who were still besieging Cremona, and bivouacked about a mile and a half from the enemy.
21.2. itaque L. Furius, magnis itineribus ab Arimino adversus Gallos Cremonam etiam tum obsidentes profectus, castra mille quingentorum passuum intervallo ab hoste posuit.
21.3. There was an excellent chance for a victory if he had attacked their camp immediately after his march; the Gauls had scattered through the neighbourhood without leaving a strong guard on duty.
21.3. occasio egregie rei gerendae fuit, si protinus de via ad castra oppugnanda duxisset;
21.4. But Furius spared his weary troops because he had made a strenuous march. The Gauls, called back by the shouts of their comrades, dropped the booty which they had in hand and hurried back to their camp. The next day they moved out in battle-array, nor did the Roman refuse the engagement.
21.4. palati passim vagabantur per agros nullo satis firmo relicto praesidio. lassitudinem militum timuit, quod raptim ductum agmen erat. Galli clamore suorum ex agris revocati omissa praeda, quae in manibus erat, castra repetivere. [et] postero die in aciem progressi;
21.6. But the Romans had barely time to form inline, with such speed did the enemy advance to the attack.
21.6. nec Romanus moram pugnandi fecit. sed vix spatium instruendi fuit; eo cursu hostes in proelium venerunt.
21.7. The right squadron — he had the allied army divided into squadrons — occupied the front line, with two Roman legions in reserve. Commanders were designated: Marcus Furius of the right squadron, Marcus Caecilius of the legions, Lucius Valerius Flaccus of the cavalry — all were lieutenants.
21.7. dextra ala—in alas divisum socialem exercitum habebat—in prima acie locata est, in subsidiis duae Romanae legiones.
21.8. The praetor kept with him two lieutenants, Gaius Laetorius and Publius Titinius, by whose aid he planned to watch the whole engagement and meet all sudden attacks of the enemy.
21.8. M. Furius dextrae alae, legionibus M. Caecilius, equitibus L. Valerius Flaccus —legati omnes erant—praepositi. praetor secum duos legatos, C. Laetorium et P. Titinium, habebat, cum quibus circumspicere et obire ad omnis hostium subitos conatus posset.
21.10. At first the Gauls hoped, concentrating the mass of their force on one place, to be able to overwhelm and destroy the right squadron which was in the van.
21.10. primo Galli omni multitudine in unum locum conixi obruere atque obterere sese dextram alam, quae prima erat, sperarunt posse.
21.11. When this did not succeed, they tried to outflank and envelop the enemy's line, a plan which seemed easy on account of their great numbers arrayed against a few.
21.11. ubi id parum procedebat, circuire a cornibus et amplecti hostium aciem, quod in multitudine adversus paucos facile videbatur, conati sunt.
21.12. When the praetor saw this, that he too might extend his front, he threw in two legions from his reserves on the right and left flanks of the front-line force and vowed a temple to Diiovis if he routed the enemy on that day.
21.12. id ubi vidit praetor, ut et ipse dilataret aciem, duas legiones ex subsidiis dextra laevaque alae, quae in prima acie pugnabat, circumdat aedemque Diiovi vovit, si eo die hostis fudisset.
21.13. He ordered Lucius Valerius to send the cavalry of two legions to one side against the flank of the enemy and to the other the allied cavalry, and not to allow the enemy to envelop his lines.
21.13. L. Valerio imperat, ut parte una duarum legionum equites, altera sociorum equitatum in cornua hostium emittat nec circuire eos aciem patiatur;
21.14. Seeing too that the Gallic centre was weakened by the extension of the line, at the same time he gave his men the order to charge in mass formation and to break through, and the flanks were thrown back by the cavalry, the centre by the infantry.
21.14. simul et ipse, ut extenuatam mediam diductis cornibus aciem Gallorum vidit, signa inferre confertos milites et perrumpere ordines iubet.
21.15. The Gauls, suffering heavy losses in every quarter, suddenly broke and in complete rout fled to their camp.
21.15. et cornua ab equitibus et medii a pedite pulsi. ac repente, cum in omni parte caede ingenti sternerentur, Galli terga verterunt fugaque effusa repetunt castra.
21.16. The cavalry pursued them in their flight, and presently the legions too followed and stormed the camp. Less than six thousand Gauls escaped;
21.16. fugientes persecutus eques; mox et legiones insecutae in castra impetum fecerunt.
21.17. more than thirty-five thousand were killed or captured, along with seventy standards and more than two hundred Gallic wagons laden with abundant spoils. Hamilcar the Carthaginian general and three noble Gallic commanders fell in the battle.
21.17. minus sex milia hominum inde effugerunt; caesa aut capta supra quinque et triginta milia cum signis militaribus septuaginta, carpentis Gallicis multa praeda oneratis plus ducentis.
21.18. About two thousand of the captives from Placentia were recovered and restored to the colonists.
21.18. Hamilcar, dux Poenus, eo proelio cecidit et tres imperatores nobiles Gallorum. Placentini captivi, ad duo milia liberorum capitum, redditi colonis.
22.1. This great victory brought joy to Rome, and when the news came a thanksgiving of three days was proclaimed. About two thousand of the Romans and allies perished in that battle, most of them from the right squadron, against which at the first attack the enemy's main effort had been directed.
22.1. magna victoria laetaque Romae fuit. litteris adlatis supplicatio in triduum decreta est. Romanorum sociorumque ad duo milia eo proelio ceciderunt, plurimi dextrae alae, in quam primo impetu vis hostium ingens illata est.
22.3. Although the war had been practically ended by the praetor, the consul Gaius Aurelius, having transacted the necessary business in Rome, also set out for Gaul and took over the victorious army from the praetor.
22.3. quamquam per praetorem prope debellatum erat, consul quoque C. Aurelius, perfectis quae Romae agenda fuerant, profectus in Galliam victorem exercitum a praetore accepit.
22.4. The other consul, having arrived in his province near the end of autumn, was wintering around Apollonia.
22.4. consul alter cum autumno ferme exacto in provinciam venisset, circa Apolloniam hibernabat.
22.5. From the fleet which was moored at Corcyra, Gaius Claudius and the Roman triremes, as has been related, had been sent to Athens, and when they arrived at Piraeus they had inspired great hopes in the allies who were now in despair.
22.5. ab classe, quae Corcyrae subducta erat, C. Claudius triremesque Romanae, sicut ante dictum est, Athenas missae cum Piraeum pervenissent, despondentibus iam animos sociis spem ingentem attulerant.
22.6. For the customary raids on the fields which were made by land from Corinth by way of Megara were stopped, and the ships of the pirates from Chalcis, which had made both the sea and the farm-lands on the coast dangerous for the Athenians, not only would not venture past Sunium, but did not dare to enter the open sea beyond the strait of Euripus. In addition to these, three Rhodian quadriremes arrived, and there were three Athenian vessels without protecting decks, assembled to defend the lands on the coast.
22.6. nam et terrestres ab Corintho quae per Megara incursiones in agros fieri solitae erant non fiebant, et praedonum a Chalcide naves, quae non mare solum infestum, sed etiam omnis maritumos agros Atheniensibus fecerant, non modo Sunium superare sed nec extra fretum Euripi committere aperto mari se audebant.
22.8. Just as Claudius had made up his mind that it was sufficient for the present if the city and fields of the Athenians could be guarded with this fleet, an opportunity for a greater feat was presented to him.
22.8. supervenerunt his tres Rhodiae quadriremes, et erant Atticae tres apertae naves, ad tuendos maritimos agros comparatae. hac classe si urbs agrique Atheniensium defenderentur, satis in praesentia existimanti Claudio esse maioris etiam rei fortuna oblata est.
23.1. Exiles from Chalcis, driven out by the violence of Philip's garrison, brought the news that Chalcis could be captured without any opposition:
23.1. exules ab Chalcide, regiorum iniuriis pulsi, attulerunt occupari Chalcidem sine certamine ullo posse;
23.2. for the Macedonians, because there was no fear of an enemy near by, were straggling about the country, and the citizens likewise, trusting in their Macedonian garrison, were careless in their guarding of the city. Acting on this information, Claudius started out, and although he reached Sunium so early that he could have made the opening of the Euboean straits, he held his fleet at anchor until night-fall, lest he be seen after rounding the promontory; at dusk he moved, and after a calm voyage reached Chalcis a little before daybreak.
23.2. nam et Macedonas, quia nullus in propinquo sit hostium metus, vagari passim, et oppidanos, praesidio Macedonum fretos, custodiam urbis neglegere. his auctoribus profectus quamquam Sunium ita mature pervenerat, ut inde provehi ad primas angustias Euboeae posset, ne superato promunturio conspiceretur, classem in statione usque ad noctem tenuit;
23.4. With a few soldiers using scaling ladders, he captured the nearest tower and the adjoining wall in a thinly-populated section of the city, the sentinels being found in some places asleep, in others absent from their posts.
23.4. primis tenebris movit et tranquillo pervectus Chalcidem paulo ante lucem, qua infrequentissima urbis sunt, paucis militibus turrim proximam murumque circa scalis cepit alibi sopitis custodibus, alibi nullo custodiente.
23.5. The Romans then advanced to the centre of the city, and killing the guards and breaking down the gates they admitted the rest of their forces.
23.5. progressi inde ad frequentia aedificiis loca custodibus interfectis refractaque porta ceteram multitudinem armatorum acceperunt.
23.6. Thence they scattered throughout the town, the confusion being further increased by a fire which broke out in the buildings around the forum.
23.6. inde in totam urbem discursum est aucto etiam tumultu, quod circa forum ignis tectis iniectus erat.
23.7. Both the royal granaries and the arsenal were burned, with a great store of munitions and artillery. Indiscriminate slaughter of fugitives and fighting men followed.
23.7. conflagrarunt et horrea regia et armamentarium cum ingenti apparatu machinarum tormentorumque. caedes inde passim fugientium pariter ac repugnantium fieri coepta est.
23.8. When there was no longer anyone of military age who had not perished or fled, Sopater the Acarnanian, commander of the garrison, having fallen, all the booty was first collected in the forum and then loaded on the ships. The prison also was broken open by the Rhodians, who released the captives whom Philip had confined there, thinking they would be in safest custody.
23.8. nec ullo iam, qui militaris aetatis esset, non aut caeso aut fugato, Sopatro etiam Acarnane, praefecto praesidii, interfecto praeda omnis primo in forum collata, deinde in naves imposita.
23.9. The king's statues were then thrown down and broken up, and when the recall was sounded the Romans embarked and returned to Piraeus, whence they had set out.
23.9. carcer etiam ab Rhodiis refractus, emissique captivi, quos Philippus tamquam in tutissimam custodiam condiderat.
23.10. But if the Roman force had been large enough, so that they could have held Chalcis without abandoning the defence of Athens, this event would have been an auspicious beginning of hostilities: Chalcis and the Euripus would have been lost to the king, for as on the land the pass of
23.10. statuis inde regis deiectis truncatisque, signo receptui dato conscenderunt naves et Piraeum, unde profecti erant, redierunt. quod si tantum militum Romanorum fuisset, ut et Chalcis teneri et non deseri praesidium Athenarum potuisset, magna res principio statim belli, Chalcis et Euripus adempta regi forent;
23.12. Thermopylae is the gateway to Greece, so by sea is the strait of Euripus.
23.12. nam ut terra Thermopylarum angustiae Graeciam, ita mari fretum Euripi claudit.
24.1. Philip was then at Demetrias. When the news of the destruction of Chalcis reached him there, although it was too late to send aid, the city having been lost, nevertheless, seeking revenge, as the next best thing after assistance, he at once set out with five thousand light infantry and three hundred cavalry and made all speed for Chalcis, not doubting that the Romans could be destroyed.
24.1. Demetriade tum Philippus erat. quo cum esset nuntiata clades sociae urbis, quamquam serum auxilium perditis rebus erat, tamen, quae proxima auxilio est, ultionem petens, cum expeditis quinque milibus et trecentis equitibus extemplo profectus cursu prope Chalcidem contendit, haudquaquam dubius opprimi Romanos posse.
24.3. Disappointed in this hope, and finding only the ugly spectacle of the friendly town lying half-ruined, with its embers still smoking, and only a few left to bury those who were slain in the battle, he recrossed the strait by the bridge as rapidly as he had come and hurried through Boeotia toward Athens, thinking that a not dissimilar result would follow a similar course of action.
24.3. a qua destitutus spe nec quicquam aliud quam ad deforme spectaculum semirutae ac fumantis sociae urbis cum venisset, paucis vix, qui sepelirent bello absumptos, relictis aeque raptim ac venerat transgressus ponte Euripum per Boeotiam Athenas ducit, pari incepto haud disparem eventum ratus responsurum.
24.4. And this would have happened, had not a scout-the Greeks call them “all-day runners,” and they cover great distances in a day's run — seen the king's army from a watch-tower, set out at midnight and reached Athens before him.
24.4. et respondisset, ni speculator—hemerodromos vocant Graeci, ingens die uno cursu emetientis spatium—, contemplatus regium agmen ex specula quadam, praegressus nocte media Athenas pervenisset.
24.5. There was the same sleep and the same carelessness that had betrayed Chalcis a few days earlier.
24.5. idem ibi somnus eademque neglegentia erat, quae Chalcidem dies ante paucos prodiderat.
24.6. The Athenian praetor and Dioxippus, who commanded an auxiliary force of mercenaries, aroused by the alarming message, assembling the soldiers in the forum, ordered the trumpet sounded from the citadel, to inform all that the enemy was coming. So there was a rush from all sides to the walls and gates.
24.6. excitati nuntio trepido et praetor Atheniensium et Dioxippus, praefectus cohortis mercede militantium auxiliorum, convocatis in forum militibus tuba signum ex arce dari iubent, ut hostis adesse omnes scirent.
24.7. Some hours later, but still before daybreak, Philip approached the city, and seeing the numerous lights and hearing the shouts of frightened men, usual in such a crisis, halted and ordered his men to pitch camp and rest, intending to employ open force, since stratagem had failed. He attacked on the side of the Dipylon Gate. This gate, placed, so to speak, at the forefront of the city, was somewhat wider and more extensive than the rest, and inside and outside there were wide avenues, so that the citizens could form their line from the market-place to the gate, and so that the road, about a mile long, outside the city and leading to the gymnasium of the Academy, offered ample space for infantry and cavalry.
24.7. ita undique ad portas, ad muros discurrunt. paucas post horas Philippus, aliquanto tamen ante lucem, appropinquans urbi, conspectis luminibus crebris et fremitu hominum trepidantium, ut in tali tumultu, exaudito sustinuit signa et considere ac conquiescere agmen iussit vi aperta propalam usurus, quando parum dolus profuerat.
24.9. The Athenians with the garrison of Attalus and the mercenaries of Dioxippus, formed their array within the gate and marched out by this road. Philip, seeing this, thought that he had the Athenians in his hands and that he was about to sate his rage with long-desired slaughter — r he hated no other Greek city so much as Athens — and urged his soldiers to take him as their example in the fight and to remember that the standards and the battle-line should be where their king was, and put spurs to his horse, inspired by rage and by the hope of glory alike, because he thought that his fighting would be a glorious sight, since the walls were lined with a great crowd, as for a show.
24.9. ab Dipylo accessit. porta ea, velut in ore urbis posita, maior aliquanto patentiorque quam ceterae est, et intra eam extraque latae viae sunt, ut et oppidani derigere aciem a foro ad portam possent, et extra limes mille ferme passus longus, in Academiae gymnasium ferens, pediti equitique hostium liberum spatium praeberet. eo limite Athenienses cum Attali praesidio et cohorte Dioxippi acie intra portam instructa signa extulerunt. quod ubi Philippus vidit, habere se hostis in potestate ratus et diu optata caede—neque enim ulli Graecarum civitatium infestior pugnarent scirentque ibi signa, ibi aciem esse debere, ubi rex esset, concitat ecum non ira tantum,
24.13. Riding with a few companions far in front of the line, and even into the press of the enemy, he inspired both enthusiasm in his own troops and terror in his foes.
24.13. sed etiam gloria elatus, quod ingenti turba completis etiam ad spectaculum muris conspici se pugnantem egregium ducebat.
24.14. Pursuing many soldiers whom he had wounded, either at long range or hand to hand, and driving them inside the gate, when he had done greater damage to the Athenians as they crowded together in the narrow space, yet he escaped safely after his rash venture, since the troops who manned the towers on the walls withheld their weapons, from fear of harming their own men mingled with the enemy. Afterwards when the Athenians held their men within the walls, Philip, giving the signal for a retirement, pitched camp at Cynosarges, where there was a temple to Hercules and a gymnasium with a grove around it.
24.14. aliquantum ante aciem cum equitibus paucis evectus in medios hostis ingentem cum suis ardorem, tum pavorem hostibus iniecit. plurimos manu sua comminus eminusque vulneratos compulsosque in portam consecutus et ipse, cum maiorem in angustiis trepidantium edidisset caedem, in temerario incepto tutum tamen receptum habuit, quia, qui in turribus portae erant, sustinebant tela, ne in permixtos hostibus suos conicerent. intra muros deinde tenentibus milites Atheniensibus Philippus signo receptui dato castra ad Cynosarges—templum Herculis gymnasiumque et lucus erat circumiectus— posuit.
24.18. But Cynosarges, the Lyceum, and all the sacred and pleasant sites around the city were burned; the buildings and even the tombs were destroyed, and nothing consecrated to divine or human use escaped his uncontrollable passion.
24.18. sed et Cynosarges et Lycium et quidquid sancti amoenive circa urbem erat incensum est, dirutaque non tecta solum, sed etiam sepulcra, nec divini humanive iuris quicquam prae impotenti ira est servatum.
25.1. Next day, when the gates had been closed and then suddenly thrown open, because troops of Attalus from Aegina and Romans from Piraeus had entered the city, the king moved his camp about three miles from the city.
25.1. postero die cum primo clausae fuissent portae, deinde subito apertae, quia praesidium Attali ab Aegina Romanique ab Piraeo intraverant urbem, castra ab urbe rettulit rex tria ferme milia passuum.
25.2. Thence, making for Eleusis, in the hope of capturing, by an unexpected attack, the temple and the citadel which commands and surrounds the temple, when he found that vigilance was not in the least relaxed and that reinforcements were coming from the fleet at Piraeus, he gave up that plan and marched toward Megara and straight on to Corinth, and hearing that the Achaean council was in session at Argos, he suddenly appeared at the meeting itself, to the surprise of the Achaeans.
25.2. inde Eleusinem profectus spe improviso templi castellique, quod et imminet et circumdatum est templo, capiendi, cum haudquaquam neglectas custodias animadvertisset et classem a Piraeo subsidio venire, omisso incepto Megara ac protinus Corinthum ducit et, cum Argis Achaeorum concilium esse audisset, inopinantibus Achaeis contioni ipsi supervenit.
25.3. They were deliberating about a war against Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, who, - seeing that the military power of the Achaeans had declined with the transfer of command from Philopoemen to Cycliadas, by no means his equal as a general, had renewed the war and was ravaging their territories and was now even threatening their towns.
25.3. consultabant de bello adversus Nabim, tyrannum Lacedaemoniorum, qui tralato imperio a Philopoemene ad Cycliadam, nequaquam parem illi ducem, dilapsa cernens Achaeorum auxilia, redintegraverat bellum agrosque finitimorum vastabat et iam urbibus quoque erat terribilis.
25.4. While they were debating how many men should be enlisted from each city for the war against this enemy, Philip promised that, so far as Nabis and the Spartans were concerned, he would free them from that responsibility, and by the immediate despatch of an army would not only prevent Nabis from ravaging the lands of the allies, but would transfer the whole terror of the war into Laconia itself.
25.4. adversus hunc hostem cum, quantum ex quaque civitate militum scriberetur, consultarent, Philippus dempturum se eis curam, quod ad Nabim et Lacedaemonios attineret, pollicitus nec tantum agros sociorum populationibus prohibiturum, sed terrorem omnem belli in ipsam Laconicam ducto eo extemplo exercitu tralaturum.
25.6. When this offer was received with great applause, “nevertheless,” he said, “it is proper that your possessions be defended by my arms in such a way that meantime mine shall not be deprived of protection.”
25.6. haec oratio cum ingenti adsensu hominum acciperetur, ‘ita tamen aequum est’ inquit ‘me vestra meis armis tutari, ne mea interim nudentur praesidiis.
25.7. “Prepare, then, if it seems wise, a force of soldiers sufficient to hold Oreus and Chalcis and Corinth, that, with my rear protected, I may safely make war upon Nabis and the Spartans.”
25.7. itaque, si vobis videtur, tantum parate militum, quantum ad Oreum et Chalcidem et Corinthum tuenda satis sit, ut meis ab tergo tutis securus bellum Nabidi inferam et Lacedaemoniis.
25.8. The Achaeans were not deceived as to the real meaning of so generous an offer and promise of aid against the Lacedaemonians: the purpose was to lead the Achaean youth as hostages from the Peloponnesus in order to commit the people to war with Rome.
25.8. ’ non fefellit Achaeos, quo spectasset tam benigna pollicitatio auxiliumque oblatum adversus Lacedaemonios: id quaeri, ut obsidem Achaeorum iuventutem educeret ex Peloponneso ad inligandam Romano bello gentem.
25.9. So Cycliadas, praetor of the Achaeans, thinking it not at all to the point to argue about that, when he had simply replied that it was not allowable under the laws of the Achaeans to vote upon other subjects than those for which the meeting was called, after passing a decree regarding raising an army against Nabis, adjourned the congress that was held fearlessly and spiritedly, although up to that time he had been counted among the king's partisans.
25.9. et id quidem coarguere Cycliadas, praetor Achaeorum, nihil attinere ratus, id modo cum dixisset, non licere legibus Achaeorum de aliis rebus referre, quam propter quas convocati essent, decreto de exercitu parando adversus Nabim facto consilium fortiter ac libere habitum dimisit, inter adsentatores regios ante eam diem habitus.
25.11. Philip, disappointed in this great hope, enlisted a few volunteer soldiers and returned to Corinth and to the land of Attica.
25.11. Philippus, magna spe depulsus, voluntariis paucis militibus conscriptis Corinthum atque in Atticam terram rediit.
26.1. During this same period while Philip was in Achaea, his prefect Philocles left Euboea with two thousand Thracians and Macedonians to plunder the territory of the Athenians in the region of Eleusis, and crossed the pass of Cithaeron.
26.1. per eos ipsos dies, quibus Philippus in Achaia fuit, Philocles, praefectus regius, ex Euboea profectus cum duobus milibus Thracum Macedonumque ad depopulandos Atheniensium fines regione Eleusinis saltum Cithaeronis transcendit;
26.2. Sending half his force to plunder far and wide through the country, he with the rest made camp secretly in a suitable place for an ambuscade, that, if an attack were made by the Eleusinians from the citadel upon his foragers, he might fall upon the enemy suddenly and unexpectedly as they were dispersed.
26.2. inde dimidia parte militum ad praedandum passim per agros dimissa cum parte ipse occultus loco ad insidias opportuno consedit, ut, si ex castello ab Eleusine in praedantis suos impetus fieret, repente hostis effusos ex improviso adoriretur.
26.4. His ambush did not go undetected. So recalling the troops that had gone forth to forage and forming them for battle, he set out for Eleusis to assault the citadel, but was repulsed from there with many casualties and joined Philip on his return from Achaea.
26.4. non fefellere insidiae. itaque revocatis, qui discurrerant ad praedandum, militibus instructisque, ad oppugnandum castellum Eleusinem profectus cum multis inde vulneribus recessit Philippoque se venienti ex Achaia coniunxit.
26.5. An attack on the same fortress was attempted by the king as well; but Roman ships arriving from the Piraeus and the garrison admitted into the city compelled him to abandon his undertaking.
26.5. temptata et ab ipso rege oppugnatio eiusdem castelli est; sed naves Romanae a Piraeo venientes intromissumque praesidium absistere incepto coegerunt.
26.6. The king then divided his army and sent Philocles to Athens with half of them and himself proceeding to Piraeus, in the hope that while Philocles was keeping the Athenians within the city by approaching the walls and threatening an attack, the opportunity might be offered himself of taking Piraeus, left with a small guard.
26.6. diviso deinde exercitu rex cum parte Philoclem Athenas mittit, cum parte Piraeum pergit, ut, dum Philocles subeundo muros et comminanda oppugnatione contineret urbe Athenienses, ipsi Piraeum levi cum praesidio relictum expugnandi facultas esset.
26.7. But, with practically the same defenders, the capture of Piraeus was in no wise easier for him than that of Eleusis. Suddenly he marched from Piraeus to Athens.
26.7. ceterum nihilo ei Piraei quam Eleusinis facilior iisdem fere defendentibus oppugnatio fuit. a Piraeo Athenas repente duxit.
26.8. Driven thence by a sudden sally of cavalry and infantry in the narrow space between the half-ruined walls which with their two arms join Piraeus and Athens, he gave up the attempt on the city and, again dividing his force with Philocles and setting out to plunder the country districts, while he had devoted his former raid to destroying the tombs around the city, that he might leave nothing inviolate, he ordered the temples
26.8. inde eruptione subita peditum equitumque inter angustias semiruti muri, qui bracchiis duobus Piraeum Athenis iungit, repulsus, omissa oppugnatione urbis, diviso cum Philocle rursus exercitu ad agros vastandos profectus, cum priorem populationem sepulcris circa urbem diruendis exercuisset, ne quid inviolatum relinqueret,
26.10. of the gods which the Athenians had consecrated in all the demes to be torn down and burned;
26.10. templa deum, quae pagatim sacrata habebant, dirui atque incendi iussit;
26.11. and the land of Attica, with its wonderful adornment of works of art and its abundance of native marble and the skill of its artists offered material for his rage.
26.11. et ornata eo genere operum eximie terra Attica et copia domestici marmoris et ingeniis artificum praebuit huic furori materiam.
26.12. For he was not satisfied merely to destroy the temples and statues themselves, but even ordered the separate stones to be broken up, lest they be left whole upon the piles of ruins.
26.12. neque enim diruere modo ipsa templa ac simulacra evertere satis habuit, sed lapides quoque, ne integri cumularent ruinas, frangi iussit.
26.13. And after his wrath, or rather objects on which to expend his wrath, had been exhausted, he retired from the enemy's country to Boeotia, and did nothing else worth mentioning in Greece.
26.13. et postquam non tam ira erat satiata quam irae exercendae materia deerat, agro hostium in Boeotiam excessit nec aliud quicquam dignum memoria in Graecia egit.
27.1. The consul Sulpicius was at that time encamped along the Apsus river between Apollonia and Dyrrachium, and summoning to him there his lieutenant Lucius Apustius he sent him with part of the troops to ravage the enemy's country.
27.1. consul Sulpicius eo tempore inter Apolloniam ac Dyrrachium ad Apsum flumen habebat castra, quo arcessitum L. Apustium legatum cum parte copiarum ad depopulandos hostium fines mittit.
27.2. Apustius, having plundered the frontiers of Macedonia and having captured at the first assault the towns of Corrhagum, Gerronius and Orgessum, arrived at Antipatrea, a city situated in a narrow pass.
27.2. Apustius, extrema Macedoniae populatus, Corrhago et Gerrunio et Orgesso castellis primo impetu captis ad Antipatream, in faucibus angustis sitam urbem, venit.
27.3. There he first summoned the leading men to a conference and tried to induce them to put themselves under Roman protection; then, when they scorned his suggestions, relying on the size and walls and site of the city, he stormed and captured it by force of arms and killing all the men of military age and giving the booty to the soldiers he tore down the walls and burned the city.
27.3. ac primo evocatos principes ad colloquium, ut fidei Romanorum se committerent, perlicere est conatus; deinde, ubi magnitudine ac moenibus situque urbis freti dicta aspernabantur, vi atque armis adortus expugnavit puberibusque interfectis, praeda omni militibus concessa diruit muros atque urbem incendit.