---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 21 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 21. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 21. Book XXXV · chapters 38–51

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/21/#p-N

[¶0] 38.7. When the townspeople had turned over to them the defence of the walls of Chalcis, they themselves with all their forces crossed the Euripus and pitched camp near Salganeus.

> Latin: 38.7. iis tuenda moenia Chalcidis oppidani cum tradidissent, ipsi omnibus copiis transgressi Euripum ad Salganea posuerunt castra.

[¶1] 38.8. Thence first a herald and then ambassadors were sent to the Aetolians to inquire what word or action on their part had brought allies and friends to attack them.

> Latin: 38.8. inde caduceator primum, deinde legati ad Aetolos missi percunctatum, quo suo dicto factove socii atque amici ad se oppugnandos venirent.

[¶2] 38.9. Thoas, the Aetolian chieftain, replied that they were coming, not to besiege them, but to set them free from the Romans; now a more glittering chain, but a far heavier one, bound them than when they had a Macedonian garrison in their citadel.

> Latin: 38.9. respondit Thoas, dux Aetolorum, non ad oppugnandos, sed ad liberandos ab Romanis venire sese;

[¶3] 38.10. The Chalcidenses, however, denied that they were slaves to any man or that they needed the protection of anyone.

> Latin: 38.10. splendidiore nunc eos catena, sed multo graviore vinctos esse, quam cum praesidium Macedonum in arce habuissent. se vero negare Chalcidenses aut servire ulli aut praesidio cuiusquam egere.

[¶4] 38.11. So, leaving the conference, the ambassadors returned to their people; Thoas and the Aetolians, inasmuch as they had placed all their hopes on the chance of catching them off guard, since they were by no means equal to a regular war and the siege of a city well fortified by sea and land, returned home.

> Latin: 38.11. ita digressi ex colloquio legati ad suos; Thoas et Aetoli, ut qui spem omnem in eo, ut improviso opprimerent, habuissent, ad iustum bellum oppugnationemque urbis mari ac terra munitae haudquaquam pares, domum rediere.

[¶5] 38.13. After Euthymidas learned that the camp of his countrymen had been pitched at Salganea and that the Aetolians had gone, he himself also returned from Thebes to Athens, and Herodorus, after waiting several days in vain, anxiously watching from Atalante for a signal, sending out a scouting vessel to ascertain what was causing the delay, when he learned that the attempt had been abandoned by his allies, returned to Thronium whence he had come.

> Latin: 38.13. Euthymidas postquam castra popularium ad Salganea esse profectosque Aetolos audivit, et ipse a Thebis Athenas rediit; et Herodorus cum per aliquot dies intentus ab Atalante signum nequiquam expectasset, missa speculatoria nave, ut, quid morae esset, sciret, postquam rem omissam ab sociis vidit, Thronium, unde venerat, repetit.

[¶6] 39.1. Quinctius also, hearing of this, came from Corinth by ship and in the Chalcidian Euripus met King Eumenes.

> Latin: 39.1. Quinctius quoque his auditis, ab Corintho veniens navibus, in Chalcidico Euripo Eumeni regi occurrit.

[¶7] 39.2. It was decided that five hundred men should be left at Chalcis as a guard by King Eumenes and that the king himself should go to Athens.

> Latin: 39.2. placuit quingentos milites praesidii causa relinqui Chalcide ab Eumene rege, ipsum Athenas ire.

[¶8] 39.3. Quinctius hurried to Demetrias, for which he had set out, in the belief that the liberation of Chalcis would have some effect upon the Magnetes in favour of renewing the Roman alliance and, that there might be some protection for the men of his party, he wrote to Eunomus, the praetor of the Thessalians, that he should arm his young men, and he sent Villius ahead to Demetrias, to test their sentiments, without any intention of attempting any action unless some portion of them was disposed to have regard for the former alliance.

> Latin: 39.3. Quinctius, quo profectus erat, Demetriadem contendit, ratus Chalcidem liberatam momenti aliquid apud Magnetas ad repetendam societatem Romanam facturam, et, ut praesidii aliquid esset suae partis hominibus, Eunomo praetori Thessalorum scripsit, ut armaret iuventutem, et Villium ad Demetriadem praemisit ad temptandos animos, non aliter, nisi pars aliqua inclinaret ad respectum pristinae societatis, rem adgressurus.

[¶9] 39.5. Villius, in a ship of five banks of oars, sailed up to the mouth of the harbour. When all the people of the Magnetes had rushed there, Villius asked whether they would prefer that he had come to friends or to enemies.

> Latin: 39.5. Villius quinqueremi nave ad ostium portus est invectus. eo multitudo omnis Magnetum cum se effudisset, quaesivit Villius, utrum ad amicos an ad hostis venisse se mallent.

[¶10] 39.6. Eurylochus the Magnetarch replied that he came to friends; but he should keep out of the harbour and permit the Magnetes to live in harmony and liberty and should not, under the pretence of a conference, stir up the populace.

> Latin: 39.6. respondit Magnetarches Eurylochus ad amicos venisse eum; sed abstineret portu et sineret Magnetas in concordia et libertate esse nec per colloquii speciem multitudinem sollicitaret.

[¶11] 39.7. Then there was a violent argument, not a conversation, the Roman reproaching the Magnetes for ingratitude and foretelling impending disaster, the crowd raising an uproar while accusing now the senate and now Quinctius. So without accomplishing anything Villius rejoined Quinctius.

> Latin: 39.7. altercatio inde non sermo fuit, cum Romanus ut ingratos increparet Magnetas imminentisque praediceret clades, multitudo obstreperet nunc senatum nunc Quinctium accusando. ita irrito incepto Villius ad Quinctium sese recepit.

[¶12] 39.8. But Quinctius sent a messenger to the praetor to lead his troops back home and himself with his ships returned to Corinth.

> Latin: 39.8. at Quinctius nuntio ad praetorem misso, ut reduceret domum copias, ipse navibus Corinthum rediit.

[¶13] 40.1. I have been driven out of my course, so to say, by blending events in Greece with those in Rome, not because they were worth the effort of recording them, but because they were the origins of the war with Antiochus.

> Latin: 40.1. abstulere me velut de spatio Graeciae res immixtae Romanis, non quia ipsas operae pretium esset perscribere, sed quia causae cum Antiocho fuerunt belli.

[¶14] 40.2. When the consuls were elected —for this was the point at which I turned aside — Lucius Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius departed to their provinces, Quinctius to the Ligures, Domitius against the Boii.

> Latin: 40.2. consulibus designatis — inde namque deverteram — L. Quinctius et Cn. Domitius consules in provincias profecti sunt, Quinctius in Ligures, Domitius adversus Boios.

[¶15] 40.3. The Boii remained quiet, and their senate with their children and the commanders with the cavalry —there were altogether fifteen hundred of them —even surrendered themselves to the consul.

> Latin: 40.3. Boi quieverunt, atque etiam senatus eorum cum liberis et praefecti cum equitatu — summa omnium mille et quingenti — consuli dediderunt se.

[¶16] 40.4. The other consul devastated the Ligurian country far and wide and captured some forts from which they not only secured plunder of all kinds, along with prisoners, but also recovered some citizens and allies who had been in the hands of the enemy.

> Latin: 40.4. ab altero consule ager Ligurum late est vastatus castellaque aliquot capta, unde non praeda modo omnis generis cum captivis parta, sed recepti quoque aliquot cives sociique, qui in hostium potestate fuerant.

[¶17] 40.5. In the same year a colony was established at Vibo in accordance with a decree of the senate and an enactment of the assembly.

> Latin: 40.5. — eodem hoc anno Vibonem colonia deducta est ex senatus consulto plebique scito. tria milia et septingenti pedites ierunt, trecenti equites;

[¶18] 40.6. Three thousand seven hundred infantry went there and three hundred cavalrymen; the commission which established it consisted of Quintus Naevius, Marcus Minucius and Marcus Furius Crassipes; fifteen iugera of land were given to each infantryman and twice that to each cavalryman. The land had recently belonged to the Brutti; they in turn had taken it from the Greeks.

> Latin: 40.6. triumviri deduxerunt eos Q. Naevius M. Minucius M. Furius Crassipes; quina dena iugera agri data in singulos pedites sunt, duplex equiti. Bruttiorum proxime fuerat ager; Bruttii ceperant de Graecis.

[¶19] 40.7. At Rome in the same period there were two very serious alarms, one of longer duration but slower in its effect, for the earth trembled through thirty-eight days; for so many days there was a holiday spent in apprehension and fear; by reason of this occurrence a three-day period of prayer was held;

> Latin: 40.7. — Romae per idem tempus duo maximi fuerunt terrores, diutinus alter sed segnior: terra dies duodequadraginta movit, per totidem dies feriae in sollicitudine ac metu fuere; in triduum eius rei causa supplicatio habita est;

[¶20] 40.8. the other was no idle panic but actual destruction to many: a fire broke out in the Forum Boarium, and for a day and a night the buildings facing the Tiber burned, and all the shops with merchandise of great value were consumed.

> Latin: 40.8. ille non pavor vanus, sed vera multorum clades fuit: incendio a foro Bovario orto diem noctemque aedificia in Tiberim versa arsere, tabernaeque omnes cum magni pretii mercibus conflagraverunt.

[¶21] 41.1. The year was now almost at an end and the talk about the war with Antiochus and the concern of the Fathers were growing greater and greater from day to day;

> Latin: 41.1. iam fere in exitu annus erat, et in dies magis fama de Antiochi bello et cura patribus crescebat;

[¶22] 41.2. in order, therefore, that all might be more attentive to duty, the question of provinces for the magistrates-elect began to be considered.

> Latin: 41.2. itaque de provinciis designatorum magistratuum, quo intentiores essent omnes, agitari coeptum est.

[¶23] 41.3. They decreed that for the consuls Italy and wherever the senate ordered —that this province would be the war against King Antiochus was known to everyone —should be the provinces.

> Latin: 41.3. decrevere, ut consulibus Italia et quo senatus censuisset — iam esse bellum adversus Antiochum regem omnes sciebant— provinciae essent.

[¶24] 41.4. The one to whom the latter lot fell was authorized to enlist four thousand Roman citizens for the infantry and three hundred cavalry and six thousand allies of the Latin confederacy with four hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 41.4. cuius ea sors esset, quattuor milia peditum civium Romanorum et trecenti equites, sex milia socium Latini nominis cum quadringentis equitibus sunt decreta.

[¶25] 41.5. The enrolment of these troops Lucius Quinctius the consul was ordered to undertake, that nothing might delay the new consul from going at once to whatever place the senate should have ordered.

> Latin: 41.5. eorum dilectum habere L. Quinctius consul iussus, ne quid moraretur, quo minus consul novus, quo senatus censuisset, extemplo proficisci posset.

[¶26] 41.6. Moreover, regarding the provinces of the praetors, it was decided that the first lot should cover the two jurisdictions, that between citizens and that between citizens and aliens, the second the Brutti, the third the fleet, to sail wherever the senate should have directed, the fourth Sicily, the fifth Sardinia, the sixth Farther Spain.

> Latin: 41.6. item de provinciis praetorum decretum est, prima ut sors duae, urbanaque et inter civis ac peregrinos iurisdictio esset, secunda Bruttii, tertia classis, ut navigaret quo senatus censuisset, quarta Sicilia, quinta Sardinia, sexta Hispania ulterior.

[¶27] 41.7. Instructions were also given to Lucius Quinctius the consul to raise two new legions of Roman citizens and from the allies of the Latin confederacy twenty thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry. This army was decreed to the praetor to whom the Brutti should have been allotted as a province.

> Latin: 41.7. imperatum praeterea L. Quinctio consuli est, ut duas legiones civium Romanorum novas conscriberet et socium ac Latini nominis viginti milia peditum et octingentos equites. eum exercitum praetori, cui Bruttii provincia evenisset, decreverunt.

[¶28] 41.8. Two temples to Jupiter were dedicated that year on the Capitoline; Lucius Furius Purpurio had vowed one while praetor in the Gallic war, the other while consul; the dedication was performed by Quintus Marcius Ralla the duumvir.

> Latin: 41.8. aedes duae Iovis eo anno in Capitolio dedicatae sunt; voverat L. Furius Purpureo praetor Gallico bello unam, alteram consul;

[¶29] 41.9. Many prosecutions that year were directed against usurers, the curule aediles Marcus Tuccius and Publius Junius Brutus bringing charges against private citizens. From the fines imposed on the condemned, gilded four-horse chariots were set up on the Capitoline and in the inner room of the temple of Jupiter, above the roof of the shrine, twelve gilded shields were also placed, and the same men built a portico outside the Porta Trigemina in the wood-dealers' quarter.

> Latin: 41.9. dedicavit Q. Marcius Ralla duumvir. — iudicia in faeneratores eo anno multa severe sunt facta accusantibus privatos aedilibus curulibus M. Tuccio et P. Innio Bruto. de multa damnatorum quadrigae inauratae in Capitolio positae, et in cella Iovis supra fastigium aediculae duodecim clupea inaurata, et iidem porticum extra portam Trigeminam inter lignarios fecerunt.

[¶30] 42.1. While the Romans were concentrating on the preparations for the new war, there was no idleness on the part of Antiochus either.

> Latin: 42.1. intentis in apparatum novi belli Romanis ne ab Antiocho quidem cessabatur.

[¶31] 42.2. Three cities were detaining him, Zmyrna and Alexandria Troas and Lampsacus, which he had up to that time been able neither to take by assault nor to win over to friendship by negotiations, nor was he willing to leave them in his rear when he crossed to Greece. The question of Hannibal also detained him.

> Latin: 42.2. tres eum civitates tenebant, Zmyrna et Alexandria Troas et Lampsacus, quas neque vi expugnare ad eam diem poterat neque condicionibus in amicitiam perlicere. neque ab tergo relinquere traiciens ipse in Europam volebat.

[¶32] 42.3. And at first the open ships which he had planned to send with him to Africa were delayed;

> Latin: 42.3. tenuit eum et de Hannibale deliberatio. et primo naves apertae, quas cum eo missurus in Africam fuerat, moratae sunt;

[¶33] 42.4. then the question whether he should be sent at all was raised, particularly by Thoas the Aetolian, who, after everything in Greece had been thrown into confusion, brought word that Demetrias was in his power, and with lies like those about the king, with which, multiplying his forces in his harangues, he had roused the passions of many in Greece, he excited the hopes of the king also: the prayers of all were calling him, there would be a rush to the shore from which they could catch glimpses of the royal fleet. This same man dared to try to change the king's decision about Hannibal, now almost fully determined.

> Latin: 42.4. deinde, an omnino mittendus esset, consultatio mota est, maxime a Thoante Aetolo, qui omnibus in Graecia tumultu completis Demetriadem adferebat in potestate esse et, quibus mendaciis de rege, multiplicando verbis copias eius, erexerat multorum in Graecia animos, isdem et regis spem inflabat: omnium votis eum accersi, concursum ad littora futurum, unde classem regiam prospexissent.

[¶34] 42.6. For he said that part of the ships should by no means be detached from the royal fleet, nor, if ships should be sent, was any man less fit than Hannibal to be placed in command: he was an exile and a Carthaginian, to whom either his own luck or his wit could suggest a thousand new schemes a day, and Hannibal's military fame endowed him with a distinction which was out of place in a mere officer of a king.

> Latin: 42.6. hic idem ausus de Hannibale est movere sententiam prope iam certam regis. nam neque dimittendam partem navium a classe regia censebat, neque, si mittendae naves forent, minus quemquam ei classi quam Hannibalem praeficiendum: exulem illum et Poenum esse, cui mille in dies nova consilia vel fortuna sua vel ingenium posset facere, et ipsam eam gloriam belli, qua velut dote Hannibal concilietur, nimiam in praefecto regio esse.

[¶35] 42.9. The king, he said, ought to be the centre of interest, ought to be regarded as the single leader, the single general. If Hannibal should lose a fleet or an army, the loss would be the same as if they were lost by any other leader; if any success were attained, to Hannibal, not to Antiochus, would the credit accrue; but if in the whole war the fortune of conquering the Romans should be vouchsafed them, what hope was there that Hannibal would live under a king, subject to an individual, when he had practically failed to endure the rule of his own country?

> Latin: 42.9. regem conspici, regem unum ducem, unum imperatorem videri debere. si classem, si exercitum amittat Hannibal, idem damni fore, ac si per alium ducem amittantur; si quid prospere eveniat, Hannibalis eam, non Antiochi gloriam fore; si vero universo bello vincendi Romanos fortuna detur, quam spem esse sub rege victurum Hannibalem, uni subiectum, qui patriam [prope] non tulerit?

[¶36] 42.12. He had not conducted himself from youth up, cherishing in his hopes and thoughts the sovereignty of the world, in such a way that in his old age he would be ready, as it seemed, to suffer a master. The king, he concluded, had no need of Hannibal as a commander; as a companion and as an adviser he could use such a man for the war.

> Latin: 42.12. non ita se a iuventa eum gessisse, spe animoque complexum orbis terrarum imperium, ut in senectute dominum laturus videatur.

[¶37] 42.13. A moderate employment of such talents would be neither dangerous nor unprofitable;

> Latin: 42.13. nihil opus esse regi duce Hannibale; comite et consiliario eodem ad bellum uti posse.

[¶38] 42.14. if the greatest use of them were made, it would ruin both the giver and the receiver.

> Latin: 42.14. modicum fructum ex ingenio tali neque gravem neque inutilem fore; si summa petantur, et dantem et accipientem praegravatura.

[¶39] 43.1. No dispositions are so prone to envy as those of men whose abilities do not correspond to their birth and fortune, because they hate excellence and good qualities in another. Immediately the plan of sending Hannibal, which was the only good thing thought of at the beginning of the war, was laid aside.

> Latin: 43.1. nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt quam eorum, qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non aequant, quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. extemplo consilium mittendi Hannibalis, quod unum in principio belli utiliter cogitatum erat, abiectum est.

[¶40] 43.2. The king, especially rejoiced at the revolt of Demetrias from the Romans to the Aetolians, decided not to postpone longer his departure for Greece.

> Latin: 43.2. Demetriadis maxime defectione ab Romanis ad Aetolos elatus non ultra differre profectionem in Graeciam constituit.

[¶41] 43.3. Before he set sail he went up from the coast to Ilium to offer sacrifice to Minerva. Thence he returned and departed with forty decked and sixty open vessels, while two hundred cargo-ships, with all kinds of supplies and equipment for war, followed.

> Latin: 43.3. priusquam solveret naves, Ilium a mari escendit, ut Minervae sacrificaret. inde ad classem regressus proficitur quadraginta tectis navibus, apertis sexaginta, et ducentae onerariae cum omnis generis commeatu bellicoque alio apparatu sequebantur.

[¶42] 43.4. He first steered for the island of Imbros; thence crossed to Sciathos; there he first collected the ships that had been scattered in the open sea and arrived at Pteleum, the first point on the mainland.

> Latin: 43.4. Imbrum primo insulam tenuit; inde Sciathum traiecit; ubi collectis in alto quae dissipatae erant navibus ad Pteleum primum continentis venit.

[¶43] 43.5. There Eurylochus the Magnetarch and the chiefs of the Magnetes from Demetrias met him, and rejoicing at their number on the next day he sailed into the harbour of the city with his fleet; his troops he landed not far away.

> Latin: 43.5. ibi Eurylochus ei Magnetarches principesque Magnetum ab Demetriade occurrerunt, quorum frequentia laetus die postero in portum urbis navibus est invectus;

[¶44] 43.6. There were ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry and six elephants, a force scarcely sufficient to take possession of Greece if it were undefended, not to mention the necessity of resistance to the Romans.

> Latin: 43.6. copias haud procul inde exposuit. decem milia peditum fuere et quingenti equites, sex elephanti, vix ad Graeciam nudam occupandam satis copiarum, nedum ad sustinendum Romanum bellum.

[¶45] 43.7. The Aetolians, after it was reported that Antiochus had arrived at Demetrias, called a council and confirmed the decree by which they had invited him. The king had already left Demetrias, knowing that they would vote thus, and had come to Phalara on the Malian gulf.

> Latin: 43.7. Aetoli, postquam Demetriadem venisse Antiochum adlatum est, concilio indicto decretum, quo accerserent eum, fecerunt.

[¶46] 43.8. Thence, after receiving the decree, he came to Lamia and was welcomed with great enthusiasm on the part of the populace, with hand-clappings and shouts and the other demonstrations with which the unrestrained joy of a crowd is expressed.

> Latin: 43.8. iam profectus ab Demetriade rex, quia ita decreturos sciebat, Phalara in sinum Maliacum processerat. inde decreto accepto Lamiam venit, exceptus ingenti favore multitudinis cum plausibus clamoribusque et quibus aliis laetitia effusa vulgi significatur.

[¶47] 44.1. When they came to the council, silence being with difficulty obtained, the king was introduced by Phaeneas the praetor and the other chiefs and began to speak.

> Latin: 44.1. in concilium ut ventum est, aegre a Phaenea praetore principibusque aliis [introductus] facto silentio dicere orsus rex.

[¶48] 44.2. The opening of his speech was an apology because he had come with forces so much smaller than everyone had hoped and expected.

> Latin: 44.2. prima eius oratio fuit excusantis, quod tanto minoribus spe atque opinione omnium copiis venisset.

[¶49] 44.3. This, he said, should be the best proof of the goodwill which he felt for them, because, although not fully prepared in any respect and at a premature time for sailing, at the summons of their ambassadors he had obeyed without objection and had believed that when the Aetolians saw him they would consider that all their hope of safety depended on himself alone.

> Latin: 44.3. id suae impensae erga eos voluntatis maximum debere indicium esse, quod nec paratus satis ulla re et tempore ad navigandum immaturo vocantibus legatis eorum haud gravate obsecutus esset credidissetque, cum se vidissent Aetoli, omnia vel in se uno posita praesidia existimaturos esse.

[¶50] 44.4. But the hopes, even of those whose expectations seemed disappointed for the moment, he would realize to the full:

> Latin: 44.4. ceterum eorum quoque se, quorum expectatio destituta in praesentia videatur, spem abunde expleturum:

[¶51] 44.5. for as soon as the early season of the year made the sea navigable he would fill all Greece with arms, men, horses, the whole seacoast with ships, and would spare no expense nor toil nor danger until, with the Roman yoke removed from their necks, he had made Greece free in truth and the Aetolians the foremost people in the land.

> Latin: 44.5. nam simul primum anni tempus navigabile praebuisset mare, omnem se Graeciam armis viris equis, omnem oram maritimam classibus completurum, nec impensae nec labori nec periculo parsurum, donec depulso cervicibus eorum imperio Romano liberam vere Graeciam atque in ea principes Aetolos fecisset.

[¶52] 44.7. With the armies, supplies of every kind also would come from Asia; in the meantime the responsibility should rest upon the Aetolians of supplying him with abundance of grain for his men and with other things at a fair price.

> Latin: 44.7. cum exercitibus commeatus quoque omnis generis ex Asia venturos; in praesentia curae esse Aetolis debere, ut copia frumenti suis et annona tolerabilis rerum aliarum suppeditetur.

[¶53] 45.1. Having spoken thus amid loud applause from all, the king left the meeting.

> Latin: 45.1. in hanc sententiam rex cum magno omnium adsensu locutus discessit.

[¶54] 45.2. After the withdrawal of the king an argument arose between two chiefs of the Aetolians, Phaeneas and Thoas.

> Latin: 45.2. post discessum regis inter duos principes Aetolorum, Phaeneam et Thoantem, contentio fuit.

[¶55] 45.3. Phaeneas thought that they should use Antiochus as a restorer of peace and as an arbitrator in those matters which were in dispute with the Roman people rather than as a leader in war:

> Latin: 45.3. Phaeneas reconciliatore pacis et disceptatore de iis, quae in controversia cum populo Romano essent, utendum potius Antiocho censebat quam duce belli;

[¶56] 45.4. his arrival and his majesty would be more effectual than arms in causing the Romans to observe moderation; men, to avoid the necessity of fighting, would make many voluntary concessions which they could not be compelled to make by war and arms.

> Latin: 45.4. adventum eius et maiestatem ad verecundiam faciendam Romanis vim maiorem habituram quam arma; multa homines, ne bellare necesse sit, voluntate remittere, quae bello et armis cogi non possint.

[¶57] 45.5. Thoas asserted that Phaeneas was not interested in peace but was trying to delay preparations for war, that through weariness the energy of the king might relax and also that the Romans might have time for preparation:

> Latin: 45.5. Thoas negare paci studere Phaeneam, sed discutere apparatum belli velle, ut taedio et impetus relanguescat regis et Romani tempus ad comparandum habeant:

[¶58] 45.6. it was well established by sending so many embassies to Rome and holding so many conferences with Quinctius himself, that no justice could be obtained from the Romans, nor would they have asked aid from Antiochus if all hope had not been lost.

> Latin: 45.6. nihil enim aequi ab Romanis impetrari posse totiens legationibus missis Romam, totiens cum ipso Quinctio disceptando satis expertum esse, nec nisi abscisa omni spe auxilium Antiochi imploraturos fuisse.

[¶59] 45.7. Since this aid had arrived sooner than anyone expected, there should be, he said, no diminution of effort, but rather the king should be asked, since he had come in person as the avenger of Greece, which was the all-important thing, to summon also his military and naval forces.

> Latin: 45.7. quo celerius spe omnium oblato non esse elanguescendum, sed orandum potius regem, ut, quoniam, quod maximum fuerit, ipse vindex Graeciae venerit, copias quoque terrestris navalisque accersat.

[¶60] 45.8. The king in arms would obtain something; unarmed, he would not have the slightest influence with the Romans, either for the Aetolians or even for himself.

> Latin: 45.8. armatum regem aliquid impetraturum; inermem non pro Aetolis modo, sed ne pro se quidem ipso momenti ullius futurum apud Romanos.

[¶61] 45.9. This opinion prevailed, and they voted that the king should be named commander-in-chief and chose thirty of the leaders with whom, if he wished, he could consult.

> Latin: 45.9. haec vicit sententia, imperatoremque regem appellandum censuerunt et triginta principes, cum quibus, si qua vellet, consultaret, delegerunt.

[¶62] 46.1. The council being thus adjourned, the people all scattered to their own cities; the king next day consulted the apocletes as to where the war should begin.

> Latin: 46.1. ita dimisso concilio multitudo omnis in suas civitates dilapsa est;

[¶63] 46.2. It seemed best first to attack Chalcis, on which an attempt had recently been made in vain by the Aetolians; and it was agreed that speed was more necessary for this purpose than great strength or preparation.

> Latin: 46.2. rex postero die cum apocletis eorum, unde bellum ordiretur, consultabat. optimum visum est Chalcidem, frustra ab Aetolis nuper temptatam, primum adgredi; et celeritate magis in eam rem quam magno conatu et apparatu opus esse.

[¶64] 46.3. The king therefore with a thousand infantry who had come with him from Demetrias set out through Phocis and by another road the chiefs of the Aetolians, calling out a few of their young men, hastened to Chaeronia and followed in ten decked ships.

> Latin: 46.3. itaque cum mille peditibus rex, qui Demetriade secuti erant, profectus per Phocidem est, et alio itinere principes Aetoli iuniorum paucis evocatis ad Chaeroniam occurrerunt et decem constratis navibus secuti sunt.

[¶65] 46.4. The king himself encamped at Salganeus and crossed the Euripus by boat with the Aetolian chiefs and, since he had disembarked not far from the harbour, the magistrates of the Chalcidenses also and the foremost citizens came out before the gate. A few from each side met for a conference.

> Latin: 46.4. rex ad Salganea castris positis navibus ipse cum principibus Aetolorum Euripum traiecit, et, cum haud procul portu egressus esset, magistratus quoque Chalcidensium et principes ante portam processerunt. pauci utrimque ad colloquium congressi sunt.

[¶66] 46.5. The Aetolians urged them strongly while retaining the Roman friendship to take the king also as an ally and friend:

> Latin: 46.5. Aetoli magno opere suadere, ut salva Romanorum amicitia regem quoque adsumerent socium atque amicum:

[¶67] 46.6. for he had not come to Europe to make war but to free Greece, and to free it in reality, not in words and pretence, as the Romans had done;

> Latin: 46.6. neque enim eum inferendi belli, sed liberandae Graeciae causa in Europam traiecisse, et liberandae re, non verbis et simulatione, quod fecissent Romani;

[¶68] 46.7. nothing, moreover, was more useful to the Greek cities than to embrace both friendships, for thus they would always be guarded by the protection and good faith of the one from the injustice of the other.

> Latin: 46.7. nihil autem utilius Graeciae civitatibus esse quam utramque complecti amicitiam; ita enim ab utriusque iniuria tutas alterius semper praesidio et fiducia fore.

[¶69] 46.8. For if they did not receive the king, they would see at once what they would have to endure, when Roman aid was far away and Antiochus, an enemy whom they could not withstand by their own might, was at their gates.

> Latin: 46.8. nam si non recepissent regem, viderent, quid patiendum iis extemplo foret, cum Romanorum procul auxilium, hostis Antiochus, cui resistere suis viribus non possent, ante portas esset.

[¶70] 46.9. At this Micythio, one of the chiefs, said that he wondered for whose liberation Antiochus had left his own kingdom and crossed to Europe: for he knew no state in Greece which had a garrison or paid tribute to the Romans or suffered, under the compulsion of an unfair treaty, laws which it did not wish; therefore the people of Chalcis needed neither any champion of their liberty, since they were free, nor any protection, since by the kindness of the same Roman people they enjoyed peace along with liberty.

> Latin: 46.9. ad haec Micythio, unus ex principibus, mirari se dixit, ad quos liberandos Antiochus relicto regno suo in Europam traiecisset: nullam enim civitatem se in Graecia nosse, quae aut praesidium habeat, aut stipendium Romanis pendat, aut foedere iniquo adligata quas nolit leges patiatur:

[¶71] 46.11. They did not reject, he said, the friendship of the king nor that of the Aetolians themselves.

> Latin: 46.11. itaque Chalcidenses neque vindice libertatis ullo egere, cum liberi sint, neque praesidio, cum pacem eiusdem populi Romani beneficio et libertatem habeant.

[¶72] 46.12. In their capacity as friends their first act would be to retire from the island and go away:

> Latin: 46.12. amicitiam regis non aspernari, nec ipsorum Aetolorum. id primum eos pro amicis facturos, si insula excedant atque abeant:

[¶73] 46.13. for they were determined not only not to admit them within the walls, but not to conclude any alliance even except in accordance with the authorization of the Romans.

> Latin: 46.13. nam ipsis certum esse non modo non recipere moenibus, sed ne societatem quidem ullam pacisci nisi ex auctoritate Romanorum.

[¶74] 47.1. When this answer had been conveyed to the king at the ships where he had stayed, for the present —for he had not come with such strength that he could undertake any forcible measures —it was decided to return to Demetrias.

> Latin: 47.1. haec renuntiata regi ad naves, ubi restiterat, cum essent, in praesentia — neque enim iis venerat copiis, ut vi agere quicquam posset — reverti Demetriadem placuit.

[¶75] 47.2. There, since their first venture had proved fruitless, the king consulted with the Aetolians what should be done next. It was agreed to try the Boeotians, the Achaeans, and Amynander, king of the Athamanes.

> Latin: 47.2. ibi, quoniam primum vanum inceptum evasisset, consultare cum Aetolis rex, quid deinde fieret. placuit Boeotos Achaeos Amynandrum regem Athamanum temptare.

[¶76] 47.3. They believed that the Boeotians had been unfriendly to the Romans ever since the death of Brachyllas and the events which followed; they thought that the Achaean magistrate Philopoemen, since he had become a rival in fame as a result of the war in Lacedaemon, was hostile to and hated by Quinctius.

> Latin: 47.3. Boeotorum gentem aversam ab Romanis iam inde a Brachylli morte, et quae secuta eam fuerant, censebant; Achaeorum Philopoemenem principem aemulatione gloriae in bello Laconum infestum invisumque esse Quinctio credebant.

[¶77] 47.5. Amynander had as wife Apama, daughter of one Alexander of Megalopolis, who, boasting descent from Alexander the Great, had given to his two sons the names of Philip and Alexander and to his daughter that of Apama; when she was joined in royal wedlock her elder brother Philip followed her to

> Latin: 47.5. Amynander uxorem Apamam, filiam Alexandri cuiusdam Megalopolitani, habebat, qui se oriundum a magno Alexandro ferens filiis duobus Philippum atque Alexandrum et filiae Apamam nomina inposuerat; quam regiis inclutam nuptiis maior ex fratribus Philippus secutus in Athamaniam fuerat.

[¶78] 47.7. Athamania. Since he happened to be vain in character, the Aetolians and Antiochus had induced him to hope for the throne of Macedonia, being, as they told him, truly of the stock of kings, if he allied Amynander and the Athamanes with Antiochus.

> Latin: 47.7. hunc forte ingenio vanum Aetoli et Antiochus inpulerant in spem Macedoniae regni, quod is vere regum stirpis esset, si Amynandrum Athamanesque Antiocho coniunxisset.

[¶79] 47.8. And this vain promise availed not only with Philip but also with Amynander.

> Latin: 47.8. et ea vanitas promissorum non apud Philippum modo sed etiam apud Amynandrum valuit.

[¶80] 48.1. In Achaea a hearing before the council was granted the representatives of Antiochus and the Aetolians in the presence of Titus Quinctius at Aegium.

> Latin: 48.1. in Achaia legatis Antiochi Aetolorumque coram T. Quinctio Aegii datum est concilium.

[¶81] 48.2. The ambassador of Antiochus was heard before the Aetolians. He, a boaster like most who are maintained by a king's power, filled seas and lands with an empty sound of words: an uncountable number of cavalry was crossing the Hellespont into Europe, partly equipped with breastplates —these they call the cataphracti —partly those who use arrows from horseback, and as a result of which there is no protection against them, since they aimed quite accurately backwards while fleeing on their horses.

> Latin: 48.2. Antiochi legatus prior quam Aetoli est auditus. is, ut plerique, quos opes regiae alunt, vaniloquus maria terrasque inani sonitu verborum complevit: equitum innumerabilem vim traici Hellesponto in Europam, partim loricatos, quos cataphractos vocant, partim sagittis ex equo utentis et, a quo nihil satis tecti sit, averso refugientis equo certius figentes.

[¶82] 48.4. Although by these forces of cavalry the armies even of all Europe, collected in one body, could be overwhelmed, he added army after army of infantry, and he caused terror when they heard names of tribes besides, scarcely known by name, talking of Dahae, Medes, Elymaeans and Cadusians.

> Latin: 48.4. his equestribus copiis quamquam vel totius Europae exercitus in unum coacti obrui possent, adiciebat multiplicis copias peditum, et nominibus quoque gentium vix fando auditis terrebat, Dahas Medos Elymaeosque et Cadusios appellans.

[¶83] 48.6. As to the naval forces, moreover, which no harbours in Greece could shelter, the right wing was held by men of Sidon and Tyre, the left by Aradii and Sidetes from Pamphylia, which races none had ever equalled either in skill or in courage in naval combat.

> Latin: 48.6. navalium vero copiarum, quas nulli portus capere in Graecia possent, dextrum cornu Sidonios et Tyrios, sinistrum Aradios et ex Pamphylia Sidetas tenere, quas gentes nullae umquam nec arte nec virtute navali aequassent.

[¶84] 48.7. At this time to speak of money, at this time to speak of other equipment for war, he said was useless: they themselves were aware that the kingdoms of Asia had always been rich in gold. Therefore the Romans would not have to do with Philip or Hannibal, the one the chief of a single state, the other confined only within the bounds of the Macedonian kingdom, but with the mighty lord of all Asia and part of Europe.

> Latin: 48.7. iam pecuniam, iam alios belli apparatus referre supervacaneum esse: scire ipsos abundasse auro semper regna Asiae. itaque non cum Philippo nec Hannibale rem futuram Romanis, principe altero unius civitatis, altero Macedoniae tantum regni finibus incluso, sed cum magno Asiae totius partisque Europae rege.

[¶85] 48.8. Nevertheless, although he came from the farthest parts of the east to liberate Greece, he demanded nothing of the Achaeans by which their loyalty to the Romans, who had priority as allies and friends, would be diminished: for he did not ask that they should take up arms on his side against the Romans, but that they should ally themselves with neither side.

> Latin: 48.8. eum tamen, quamquam ab ultimis orientis terminis ad liberandam Graeciam veniat, nihil postulare ab Achaeis, in quo fides eorum adversus Romanos, priores socios atque amicos, laedatur:

[¶86] 48.9. Let them wish for peace for both parties, as was befitting the friends of both; let them take no part in war.

> Latin: 48.9. non enim ut secum adversus eos arma capiant, sed ut neutri parti sese coniungant petere. pacem utrique parti, quod medios deceat amicos, optent; bello se non interponant.

[¶87] 48.10. About the same request was made by the Aetolian ambassador Archidamus, that they maintain peace, which was the easiest and safest course, and as onlookers at the war let them await the outcome of others' destinies without any risk to their own cause.

> Latin: 48.10. idem ferme et Aetolorum legatus Archidamus petit, ut, quae facillima et tutissima esset, quietem praestarent, spectatoresque belli fortunarum alienarum eventum sine ullo discrimine rerum suarum opperirentur.

[¶88] 48.11. Then he was carried away by the vehemence of his language to the point of insulting now the Romans generally, now Quinctius himself specifically, calling them ingrates and taunting him with the remark that not only the victory over Philip but Quinctius' own safety had been gained by the valour of the Aetolians, and when, he demanded, had Quinctius ever performed the functions of a commander?

> Latin: 48.11. provectus deinde est intemperantia linguae in maledicta nunc communiter Romanorum, nunc proprie ipsius Quinctii, ingratos appellans et exprobrans non victoriam modo de Philippo virtute Aetolorum partam sed etiam salutem, ipsumque et exercitum sua opera servatos.

[¶89] 48.13. Taking auspices and sacrificing and performing vows like a poor sacrificing priest —thus had he seen Quinctius in the battle, while he himself was exposing his person in behalf of Quinctius to the weapons of the enemy.

> Latin: 48.13. quo enim illum umquam imperatoris functum officio esse? auspicantem immolantemque et vota nuncupantem sacrificuli vatis modo in acie vidisse, cum ipse corpus suum pro eo telis hostium obiceret.

[¶90] 49.1. To this Quinctius replied that Archidamus had considered in whose presence he was speaking rather than whom he was addressing:

> Latin: 49.1. ad ea Quinctius, coram quibus magis, quam apud quos verba faceret, dicere Archidamum rationem habuisse:

[¶91] 49.2. for the Achaeans knew well that all the fierceness of the Aetolians consisted in words and not in actions, and was seen in councils and assemblies more than in battle: therefore Archidamus took small account of the opinion of the Achaeans, to whom he realized that the Aetolians were known;

> Latin: 49.2. Achaeos enim probe scire Aetolorum omnem ferociam in verbis, non in factis esse, et in conciliis magis contionibusque quam in acie apparere:

[¶92] 49.3. it was for the benefit of the king's ambassadors and through them of the king that he had boasted thus.

> Latin: 49.3. itaque parvi Achaeorum existimationem, quibus notos esse se scirent, fecisse;

[¶93] 49.4. But if anyone had been ignorant before what cause had brought Antiochus and the Aetolians together, it could now be clear from the speeches of their delegates that by an exchange of lies and of boasts of strength which they did not possess they filled one another's minds, and in turn were filled, with groundless hopes. “While they are saying that by them Philip was defeated and by their valour the Romans were preserved, and, as you just heard, that you and the other cities and peoples will follow in their path, the king on the other hand is boasting of his clouds of infantry and cavalry and is hiding the sea beneath his fleet.”

> Latin: 49.4. legatis regis et per eos absenti regi eum se iactasse. quod si quis antea ignorasset, quae res Antiochum et Aetolos coniunxisset, ex legatorum sermone potuisse apparere, mentiendo in vicem iactandoque vires, quas non haberent, inflasse vana spe atque inflatos esse, “ dum hi ab se victum Philippum, sua virtute protectos Romanos et, quae modo audiebatis, narrant vos ceterasque civitates et gentes suam sectam esse secuturos, rex contra peditum equitumque nubes iactat et consternit maria classibus suis.

[¶94] 49.6. “But the whole affair is very like a dinner given by a friend of mine in Chalcis, both an excellent man and a witty table-companion, and when we were entertained at his house at the time of the solstice, and were wondering where at that time of the year he found so much game and of so many kinds,” “this man, not boasting in the manner of our opponents, said with a smile that by seasoning these varied forms of wild game had been made out of tame swine.”

> Latin: 49.6. est autem res simillima cenae Chalcidensis hospitis mei, hominis et boni et sciti convivatoris, apud quem solstitiali tempore comiter accepti cum miraremur, unde illi eo tempore anni tam varia et multa venatio, homo non quam isti sunt gloriosus renidens condimentis ait varietatem illam et speciem ferinae carnis ex mansueto sue factam.” hoc dici apte in copias regis, quae paulo ante iactatae sint, posse:

[¶95] 49.8. This, he said, could be well applied to the forces of the king, about which there had been so much bragging a little while ago; the different kinds of weapons, the many names of unheard-of peoples, Dahae and Medes and Cadusians and Elymaeans —these were all Syrians, far better fitted to be slaves, on account of their servile dispositions, than to be a race of warriors.

> Latin: 49.8. varia enim genera armorum et multa nomina gentium inauditarum, Dahas et Medos et Cadusios et Elymaeos, Suros omnis esse, haud paulo mancipiorum melius propter servilia ingenia quam militum genus.

[¶96] 49.9. “And would that I could, Achaeans, set before your eyes the frantic rush of the great king from Demetrias, now to Lamia for the council of the Aetolians, now to Chalcis; you would scarcely find the like of two poor legions of reduced strength in the camp of the king;”

> Latin: 49.9. “et utinam subicere vestris oculis, Achaei, possem concursationem regis magni ab Demetriade nunc Lamiam in concilium Aetolorum nunc Chalcidem; videretis vix duarum male plenarum legiuncularum instar in castris regis;

[¶97] 49.10. “you would see the king now almost begging food from the Aetolians to be distributed to his troops, now seeking the loan of ” “funds on interest for their pay, now standing before the gates of Chalcis and presently, shut out from there, having done nothing more than look at Aulis and the Euripus, going back to Aetolia.

> Latin: 49.10. videretis regem nunc mendicantem prope frumentum ab Aetolis, quod militi admetiatur, nunc mutuas pecunias faenore in stipendium quaerentem, nunc ad portas Chalcidis stantem et mox, inde exclusum, nihil aliud quam Aulide atque Euripo spectatis in Aetoliam redeuntem.

[¶98] 49.11. Foolishly have they trusted, both Antiochus in the Aetolians and the Aetolians in the vainglory of the king: the less should you be deceived, but you should place your trust rather in the tried and known protection of the Romans.” “For as to what they say is best, that you should not take any ” “part in the war, nothing, on the contrary, is so inconsistent with your interests; yes, disregarded and discredited you will be the prize of the conqueror.”

> Latin: 49.11. male crediderunt et Antiochus Aetolis et Aetoli regiae vanitati: quo minus vos decipi debetis, sed expertae potius spectataeque Romanorum fidei credere. nam quod optimum esse dicunt, non interponi vos bello, nihil immo tam alienum rebus vestris est; quippe sine gratia, sine dignitate praemium victoris eritis.

[¶99] 50.1. Not without point did he appear to have answered both parties, and it was easy for his speech to be received with favouring ears by men who were on his side.

> Latin: 50.1. ” nec absurde adversus utrosque respondisse visus est, et facile erat orationem apud faventis aequis auribus accipi.

[¶100] 50.2. For there was no debate or doubt that they would pronounce judgment that the people of the Achaeans would hold as enemies and friends the same whom the Roman people held as such, and that they would order war declared on Antiochus and the Aetolians.

> Latin: 50.2. nulla enim nec disceptatio nec dubitatio fuit, quin omnes eosdem genti Achaeorum hostes et amicos, quos populus Romanus censuisset, iudicarent, bellumque et Antiocho et Aetolis nuntiari iuberent.

[¶101] 50.3. Auxiliaries also, as Quinctius advised, five hundred soldiers to Chalcis and five hundred to Piraeus, were at once sent.

> Latin: 50.3. auxilia etiam, quo censuit Quinctius, quingentorum militum Chalcidem, quingentorum Piraeum extemplo miserunt.

[¶102] 50.4. For there was at Athens a situation not much different from a rebellion, since some people, from the hope of bribes, were trying to win by money the venal multitude over to the side of Antiochus, until Quinctius was summoned by those who were of the Roman faction, and on the accusation of a certain Leon, Apollodorus, the author of the sedition, was convicted and driven into exile.

> Latin: 50.4. erat enim haud procul seditione Athenis res trahentibus ad Antiochum quibusdam spe largitionum venalem pretio multitudinem, donec ab iis, qui Romanae partis erant, Quinctius est accitus, et accusante Leonte quodam Apollodorus auctor defectionis damnatus atque in exilium est eiectus.

[¶103] 50.5. And the Achaeans indeed gave the ambassadors an unsympathetic answer to take back to the king; the Boeotians made no positive response: when Antiochus should have come to Boeotia, then, they said, they would consider what course of action they should adopt.

> Latin: 50.5. et ab Achaeis quidem cum tristi responso legatio ad regem rediit; Boeoti nihil certi responderunt: cum Antiochus in Boeotiam venisset, tum, quid sibi faciundum esset, se deliberaturos esse.

[¶104] 50.6. When Antiochus heard that garrisons had been sent to Chalcis by both the Achaeans and King Eumenes, he thought that his men should make haste to anticipate them and if possible meet them on their arrival, and he sent Menippus with about three thousand soldiers and Polyxenidas with the entire fleet, and a few days later he too led six thousand of his own troops and some few of the Aetolians from such forces as could be mustered on short notice at Lamia.

> Latin: 50.6. Antiochus cum ad Chalcidis praesidium et Achaeos et Eumenem regem misisse audisset, maturandum ratus, ut et praevenirent sui et venientis, si possent, exciperent, Menippum cum tribus ferme milibus militum et omni classe Polyxenidan mittit, ipse paucos post dies sex milia suorum militum, et ex ea copia, quae Lamiae repente colligi potuit, non ita multos Aetolos ducit.

[¶105] 50.8. The five hundred Achaeans and a small force sent by King Eumenes, with Xenoclides of Chalcis as their leader, the roads being not yet closed, crossed the Euripus in safety and arrived in Chalcis;

> Latin: 50.8. Achaei quingenti et ab Eumene rege modicum auxilium missum duce Xenoclide Chalcidensi nondum obsessis itineribus tuto transgressi Euripum Chalcidem pervenerunt;

[¶106] 50.9. the Roman soldiers, these too about five hundred in number, arrived when Menippus already had his camp before Salganeus near the Hermaeum, where there is a crossing from Boeotia to the island of Euboea.

> Latin: 50.9. Romani milites, quingenti ferme et ipsi, cum iam Menippus castra ante Salganea ad Hermaeum, qua transitus ex Boeotia in Euboeam insulam est, haberet, venerunt.

[¶107] 50.10. Micythio was with them, sent from Chalcis to Quinctius to request that very garrison.

> Latin: 50.10. Micythio erat cum iis, lagatus ab Chalcide ad Quinctium ad id ipsum praesidium petendum missus.

[¶108] 50.11. When he saw that the pass was held by the enemy, he abandoned the march to Aulis and turned toward Delium, planning to cross from there to Euboea.

> Latin: 50.11. qui, postquam ab hostibus obsessas fauces vidit, omisso ad Aulidem itinere Delium convertit, ut inde in Euboeam transmissurus.

[¶109] 51.1. Delium is a temple of Apollo, overlooking the sea; it is five miles away from Tanagra; the crossing by sea from there to the nearest parts of Euboea is less than four miles.

> Latin: 51.1. templum est Apollinis Delium, imminens mari; quinque milia passuum ab Tanagra abest; minus quattuor milium inde in proxima Euboeae est mari traiectus.

[¶110] 51.2. Not only were they in a shrine and sacred grove, of so religious a character, and under the law of sanctuary which protects those temples which the Greeks call “asylums,” but also the war had as yet been neither declared nor brought to such an issue that they had seen swords drawn or blood shed anywhere, while the soldiers were wandering around completely at ease, some going to see the temple and the grove, some strolling along the shore unarmed, and a great part scattering through the country in quest of wood and forage;

> Latin: 51.2. ubi et in fano lucoque ea religione et eo iure sancto, quo sunt templa, quae asyla Graeci appellant, et nondum aut indicto bello aut ita commisso, ut strictos gladios aut sanguinem usquam factum audissent, cum per magnum otium milites alii ad spectaculum templi lucique versi, alii in littore inermes vagarentur, magna pars per agros lignatum pabulatumque dilapsa esset,

[¶111] 51.4. suddenly Menippus fell upon them as they straggled here and there and slew them, and captured about fifty alive; a very few got away, among them Micythio, who was picked up by a small trading-vessel.

> Latin: 51.4. repente Menippus palatos passim adgressus eos cecidit, ad quinquaginta vivos cepit; perpauci effugerunt, in quibus Micythio parva oneraria nave exceptus.

[¶112] 51.5. Just as the loss of the soldiers was annoying to Quinctius and the Romans, so too the affair seemed to have given some further justification for declaring war on Antiochus.

> Latin: 51.5. ea res Quinctio Romanisque sicut iactura militum molesta, ita ad ius inferendi Antiocho belli adiecisse aliquantum videbatur.

[¶113] 51.6. Antiochus moved his army up to Aulis, and when he had again sent ambassadors to Chalcis, some of his own people and some Aetolians, who urged in more threatening language the same course they had recently advised, although Micythio and Xenoclides vainly strove against it, he easily gained his point that the gates should be opened to him.

> Latin: 51.6. Antiochus admoto ad Aulidem exercitu, cum rursus oratores partim ex suis partim Aetolos Chalcidem misisset, qui eadem illa, quae nuper, cum minis gravioribus agerent, nequiquam contra Micythione et Xenoclide tendentibus facile tenuit, ut portae sibi aperirentur.

[¶114] 51.7. Those of the Roman party left the city at the approach of the king. The soldiers of the Achaeans and Eumenes held Salganeus, and on the Euripus a few Roman soldiers built a fort to guard the place. Menippus attacked Salganeus, the king himself began to attack the fort on the Euripus.

> Latin: 51.7. qui Romanae partis erant sub adventum regis urbe excesserunt. Achaeorum et Eumenis milites Salganea tenebant, et in Euripo castellum Romani milites pauci custodiae causa loci communiebant.

[¶115] 51.8. The Achaeans and the soldiers of Eumenes were the first to bargain that they be allowed to depart under safeguard and left their post; with greater stubbornness the Romans tried to hold the Euripus.

> Latin: 51.8. Salganea Menippus, rex ipse castellum Euripi oppugnare est adortus. priores Achaei et Eumenis milites pacti, ut sine fraude liceret abire, praesidio excesserunt; pertinacius Romani Euripum tuebantur.

[¶116] 51.9. Nevertheless, even they, when they were besieged by land and sea and saw the engines and artillery being moved forward, did not withstand the siege.

> Latin: 51.9. hi quoque tamen, cum terra marique obsiderentur et iam machinas tormentaque adportari viderent, non tulere obsidionem.

[¶117] 51.10. Since the king held this, which was the chief city of Euboea, the other cities of the island did not disobey his orders, and he seemed to himself to have made an important start to the war in the fact that so great an island and so many well-situated cities had come under his sway.

> Latin: 51.10. cum id, quod caput erat Euboeae, teneret rex, ne ceterae quidem eius insulae urbes imperium abnuerunt; magnoque principio sibi orsus bellum videbatur, quod tanta insula et tot opportunae urbes in suam dicionem venissent.