10.12. So the king, using as a pretext to his men the approach of winter, delayed only one day and retired from Larisa and withdrew to Demetrias, and the Aetolians and Athamanes returned to their own countries.
10.12. itaque hiemem instare apud suos causatus rex unum tantum moratus diem ab Larisa recessit et Demetriadem redit, Aetolique et Athamanes in suos receperunt se fines.
10.13. Although Appius saw that the siege had been raised, which had been the purpose of his coming, he yet went down to Larisa to reassure the minds of the allies for the future; and there was double joy, both because the enemy had left their country and because they saw a Roman garrison within the walls.
10.13. Appius etsi, cuius rei causa missus erat, solutam cernebat obsidionem, tamen Larisam ad confirmandos in reliquum sociorum animos descendit; duplexque laetitia erat, quod et hostes excesserant finibus, et intra moenia praesidium Romanum cernebant.
11.1. From Demetrias the king went on to Chalcis, having fallen in love with a young woman of Chalcis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, and when he had worn her father out first by sending messengers, then by personal requests delivered verbally, the father being reluctant to entangle himself in a match which promised too great difficulties, at length he gained his point, and as if in the midst of peace he celebrated his nuptials and for the rest of the winter, forgetful of the magnitude of the two tasks he had undertaken, the Roman war and the liberation of Greece, laying aside the responsibility for everything he engaged in banquets and the delights which follow wine and then, from weariness rather than satiety of these pleasures, he gave himself over to sleep.
11.1. rex Chalcidem a Demetriade profectus, amore captus virginis Chalcidensis, Cleoptolemi filiae, cum patrem primo allegando, deinde coram ipse rogando fatigasset, invitum se gravioris fortunae condicioni illigantem, tandem impetrata re tamquam in media pace nuptias celebrat et relicum hiemis, oblitus, quantas simul duas res suscepisset, bellum Romanum et Graeciam liberandam, omissa omnium rerum cura, in conviviis et vinum sequentibus voluptatibus ac deinde ex fatigatione magis quam satietate earum in somno sommo traduxit.
11.3. This same habit of easy living seized all the king's prefects who were in command of the winter camps everywhere, especially in Boeotia; the soldiers too fell into the same way of life, nor did one of them put on his armour or walk his post or perform sentinel-duty or do anything else which pertained to the tasks and duties of a soldier.
11.3. eadem omnis praefectos regios, qui ubique, ad Boeotiam maxime, praepositi hibernis erant, cepit luxuria; in eandem et milites effusi sunt, nec quisquam eorum aut arma induit aut stationem aut vigilias servavit aut quicquam quod militaris operis aut muneris esset, fecit.
11.5. And so at the beginning of spring, when he had come by way of Phocis to Chaeronea, where he had ordered the whole army to assemble from all its stations, he readily perceived that the soldiers had spent the winter under no sterner discipline than their commander.
11.5. itaque principio veris, cum per Phocidem Chaeroneam, quo convenire omnem undique exercitum iusserat, venisset, facile animadvertit nihilo severiore disciplina milites quam ducem hibernasse.
11.6. Then he ordered Alexander the Acarnanian and Menippus the Macedonian to conduct their troops to Stratus in Aetolia; he himself offered sacrifice to Apollo at Delphi and proceeded to Naupactus.
11.6. Alexandrum inde Acarnana et Menippum Macedonem Stratum Aetoliae copias ducere iussit: ipse Delphis sacrificio Apollini facto Naupactum processit.
11.7. Having held a conference with the Aetolian chiefs, on the road which leads past Calydon and Lysimachia to Stratus, he met his own men who were marching by way of the Malian gulf.
11.7. consilio principum Aetoliae habito via, quae praeter Calydonem et Lysimachiam fert ad Stratum, suis, qui per Maliacum sinum veniebant, occurrit.
11.8. There Mnasilochus, a leading Acarnanian, purchased by many gifts, did not merely by his own efforts win over the people to the king's side, but even brought Clytus the praetor, who at that time held the chief magistracy, over to his own opinion.
11.8. ibi Mnasilochus princeps Acarnanum, multis emptus donis, non ipse solum gentem regi conciliabat, sed Clytum etiam praetorem, penes quem tum summa potestas erat, in suam sententiam adduxerat.
11.9. When he saw that the people of Leucas, this being the principal city of Acarnania, could not easily be induced to rebel, because of their fear of the Roman fleet which was with Atilius and which was off Cephallania, he attacked them-by guile.
11.9. is cum Leucadios, quod Acarnaniae caput est, non facile ad defectionem posse cerneret impelli propter metum Romanae classis, quae cum Atilio quaeque circa Cephallaniam erat, arte eos est adgressus.
11.10. For when he had said in the council that the interior portions of Acarnania should be defended and that all who could bear arms should repair to Medio and Thyrreum, that these towns might not be captured by Antiochus or the Aetolians, there were some who argued that it was unnecessary that all should be called out as for a major emergency, but that a garrison of five hundred men was adequate.
11.10. nam cum in concilio dixisset tuenda mediterranea Acarnaniae esse et omnibus, qui arma ferrent, exeundum ad Medionem et Thyrreum, ne ab Antiocho aut Aetolis occuparentur, fuere qui dicerent nihil attinere omnis tumultuose concitari, satis esse quingentorum hominum praesidium.
11.11. Obtaining this number of young men and placing three hundred at Medio and two hundred at Thyrreum as garrisons, he so conducted matters that these might fall into the hands of the king to serve as hostages.
11.11. eam iuventutem nactus, trecentis Medione, ducentis Thyrrei in praesidio positis, id agebat, ut pro obsidibus futuri venirent in potestatem regis.
12.1. About this time the ambassadors of the king reached Medio; when they had been heard and the general assembly was debating the question of what answer should be given the king, and some urged that they should abide by the Roman alliance and others that the friendship of the king should not be disdained, the opinion of Clytus seemed
12.1. per eosdem dies legati regis Medionem venerunt; quibus auditis cum in contione, quidnam respondendum regi esset, consultaretur, et alii manendum in Romana societate, alii non aspernandam amicitiam regis censerent, media visa est Clyti sententia eoque accepta,
12.3. to take the middle course and was therefore adopted, that they should send ambassadors to the king and ask him to permit the people of Medio to deliberate on so important a matter in the council of the Acarnanians.
12.3. ut ad regem mitterent legatos peterentque ab eo, ut Medionios super tanta re consultare in concilio Acarnanum pateretur.
12.4. Mnasilochus and those who belonged to his faction were deliberately thrust into this embassy, and sending secret messages to the king to urge him to move his army forward, they themselves wasted time.
12.4. in eam legationem Mnasilochus et qui eius factionis erant de industria coniecti, clam missis, qui regem admovere copias iuberent, ipsi terebant tempus.
12.5. Accordingly, when the ambassadors had barely set out, Antiochus was already at the frontier and soon before the gates, and while those who were without knowledge of the treachery were in panic and were excitedly calling the youth to arms, he was admitted into the city by Clytus and Mnasilochus; and as some flocked to him voluntarily, those who disagreed also, under the compulsion of fear, joined the king.
12.5. itaque vixdum iis egressis legatis Antiochus in finibus, et mox ad portas erat, et trepidantibus, qui expertes proditionis fuerant, tumultuoseque iuventutem ad arma vocantibus ab Clyto et Mnasilocho in urbem est inductus;
12.6. When he had pacified the terror-stricken by a kindly speech, several states of Acarnania went over to him, attracted by the hope of his well-known clemency.
12.6. et aliis sua voluntate adfluentibus metu coacti etiam, qui dissentiebant, ad regem convenerunt. quos placida oratione territos cum permulsisset, ad spem vulgatae clementiae aliquot populi Acarnaniae defecerunt.
12.7. He proceeded to Thyrreum from Medio, sending ahead the same Mnasilochus and the ambassadors. But the treachery disclosed at Medio made the people of Thyrreum more cautious, not more fearful;
12.7. Thyrreum a Medione profectus est Mnasilocho eodem et legatis praemissis. ceterum detecta Medione fraus cautiores, non timidiores Thyrreensis fecit:
12.8. giving an answer quite free from ambiguity, to the effect that they would enter upon no new alliance except with the authorization of the Roman commanders, they closed. the gates and disposed guards along the walls.
12.8. dato enim haud perplexo responso, nullam se novam societatem nisi ex auctoritate imperatorum Romanorum accepturos, portisque clausis armatos in muris disposuerunt.
12.9. And, very fortunately for the reassurance of the minds of the Acarnanians, Gnaeus Octavius, sent by Quinctius, when he had received an escort and a few ships from Aulus Postumius, who had been placed in command at Cephallania by Atilius the lieutenant, came to Leucas and filled the allies with the hope that the consul Manius Acilius with the legions had already crossed the sea and that there was a Roman camp in Thessaly.
12.9. et peropportune ad confirmandos Acarnanum animos Cn. Octavius missus a Quinctio, cum praesidium et paucas naves ab A. Postumio, qui ab Atilio legato Cephallaniae praepositus fuerat, accepisset, Leucadem venit implevitque spei socios M'. Acilium consulem iam cum legionibus mare traiecisse et in Thessalia castra Romana esse.
12.11. Since this rumour was rendered plausible by the fact that the season of the year was now suitable for navigation, the king left garrisons at Medio and certain other towns in Acarnania, went away from Thyrreum and returned by way of the cities in Aetolia and Phocis to Chalcis.
12.11. hunc rumorem quia similem veri tempus anni maturum iam ad navigandum faciebat, rex praesidio Medione imposito et in quibusdam aliis Acarnaniae oppidis Thyrreo abscessit et per Aetoliae ac Phocidis urbis Chalcidem redit.
13.1. About the same time Marcus Baebius and King Philip, who had already previously met in the country of the Dassaretii, when they had sent Appius Claudius into Thessaly to raise the siege of Larisa, and, because the time seemed too early for active campaigning, had returned to their winter quarters, at the beginning of spring joined their forces and marched down into Thessaly.
13.1. sub idem tempus M. Baebius et Philippus rex, iam ante per hiemem in Dassaretiis congressi, cum Ap. Claudium, ut obsidione Larisam eximeret, in Thessaliam misissent, quia id tempus rebus gerendis immaturam erat, in hiberna regressi, principio veris coniunctis copiis in Thessaliam descenderunt.
13.3. Antiochus was then in Acarnania. When they arrived, Philip attacked Malloea in Perrhaebia, and Baebius Phacium; when this fell at the first assault Baebius took Phaestum With the same speed.
13.3. in Acarnania tum Antiochus erat. advenientes Philippus Malloeam Perrhaebiae, Baebius Phacium est adgressus; quo primo prope impetu capto Phaestum eadem celeritate capit.
13.4. When he had turned back from there to Atrax, he next occupied Cyretiae and Eritium, and establishing garrisons in the towns he had recovered he rejoined Philip, who was still engaged in the siege of Malloea.
13.4. inde Atragem cum se recepisset, Cyretias hinc et Eritium occupat, praesidiisque per recepta oppida dispositis Philippo rursus obsidenti Malloeam se coniungit.
13.5. When at the coming of the Roman army the people of Malloea had surrendered, whether through fear of Roman might or in the hope of pardon, Baebius and Philip moved in one column to retake the towns which the Athamanes had occupied.
13.5. sub adventum Romani exercitus seu ad metum virium seu ad spem veniae cum dedidissent sese, ad ea recipienda oppida, quae Athamanes occupaverant, uno agmine ierunt.
13.6. These were the following: Aeginium, Ericinium, Gomphi, Silana, Tricca, Meliboea, Phaloria. Then Pellinaeum, where Philip of Megalopolis with five hundred infantry and forty cavalry was in the garrison, was surrounded, and before they stormed it they sent to Philip to advise him not to wish to try resistance to the last.
13.6. erant autem haec: Aeginium Ericinium Gomphi Silana Tricca Meliboea Phaloria. inde Pellinaeum, ubi Philippus Megalopolitanus cum quingentis peditibus et equitibus quadraginta in praesidio erat, circumsidunt et, priusquam oppugnarent, mittunt ad Philippum qui monerent, ne vim ultimam experiri vellet.
13.8. To this he replied with sufficient vehemence that he would entrust himself either to the Romans or to the Thessalians but would not put himself in the power of Philip.
13.8. quibus ille satis ferociter respondit vel Romanis vel Thessalis se crediturum fuisse, in Philippi se potestatem commissurum non esse.
13.9. When it was evident that force must be employed, because it seemed that Limnaeum could be stormed at the same time, it was decided that the king should go to Limnaeum while Baebius remained to attack Pellinaeum.
13.9. postquam apparuit vi agendum, quia videbatur et Limnaeum eodem tempore oppugnari posse, regem ad Limnaeum ire placuit, Baebius restitit ad Pellinaeum oppugnandum.
14.1. During this time, as it happened, Manius Acilius the consul crossed the sea with twenty thousand infantry, two thousand cavalry, and fifteen elephants, and ordered the military tribunes to lead the infantry to Larisa; he himself with the cavalry went to Philip at Limnaeum.
14.1. per eos forte dies M’. Acilius consul cum viginti milibus peditum, duobus milibus equitum, quindecim elephantis mari traiecto pedestris copias Larisam ducere tribunos militum iussit; ipse cum equitatu Limnaeum ad Philippum venit.
14.2. The arrival of the consul caused surrender to be offered without delay, and the royal garrison was handed over and along with them the Athamanes.
14.2. adventu consulis deditio sine cunctatione est facta, traditumque praesidium regium et cum iis Athamanes.
14.3. From Limnaeum the consul went to Pellinaeum. There the Athamanes first gave themselves up, then Philip of Megalopolis;
14.3. ab Limnaeo Pellinaeum consul proficiscitur. ibi primi Athamanes tradiderunt sese, deinde et Philippus Megalopolitanus;
14.4. when by chance King Philip encountered him as he was leaving the garrison, he ordered him hailed as king in mockery, and meeting him face to face, he greeted him as “brother,” a jest by no means befitting his dignity.
14.4. cui decedenti praesidio cum obvius forte fuisset Philippus rex, ad ludibrium regem eum consalutari iussit, ipse congressus fratrem haud sane decoro maiestati suae ioco appellavit.
14.5. Conducted then before the consul, he was ordered to be placed under guard, and a little later was sent to Rome in chains. The rest of the people of the Athamanes or of the soldiers of King Antiochus who had been in the garrisons of the towns surrendered at this period were delivered to King Philip: they numbered now about four thousand men. The consul proceeded to Larisa, there to hold a council regarding the general conduct of the war.
14.5. deductus inde ad consulem custodiri iussus et haud ita multo post in vinculis Romam missus. cetera multitudo Athamanum aut militum Antiochi regis, quae in praesidiis deditorum per eos dies oppidorum fuerat, Philippo tradita regi est; fuere autem ad quattuor milia hominum.
14.6. On the way ambassadors came from Cierium and Metropolis surrendering their cities. Philip treated with especial kindness the prisoners of the Athamanes, that through them he might win over the tribe, and entertaining the hope of gaining possession of Athamania, he led his army thither, sending the captives ahead to their cities.
14.6. consul Larisam est profectus, ibi de summa belli consultaturus. in itinere ab Cierio et Metropoli legati tradentes urbes suas occurrerunt. Philippus Athamanum praecipue captivis indulgenter habitis, ut per eos conciliaret gentem, nactus spem Athamaniae potiendae exercitum eo duxit praemissis in civitates captivis.
14.8. And they had great influence with their fellow-citizens, recalling the kindness and generosity of the king towards them, and Amynander, who, had he been present, might by his majesty have kept some to their allegiance, fearing that he would be delivered to Philip, long his enemy, or to the Romans, at that time justly angered because of his desertion, left the kingdom with his wife and children and took refuge in Ambracia; thus all. Athamania came under the sovereignty and power of Philip.
14.8. et illi magnam auctoritatem apud populares habuerunt, clementiam erga se regis munificentiamque commemorantes, et Amynander, cuius praesentis maiestas aliquos in fide continuisset, veritus, ne traderetur Philippo iam pridem hosti et Romanis merito tunc propter defectionem infensis, cum coniuge ac liberis regno excessit Ambraciamque se contulit: ita Athamania omnis in ius dicionemque Philippi concessit.
14.10. The consul, to rest the pack-animals which had been exhausted both by the voyage and by the later marching, delayed a few days at Larisa, and with an army renewed, so to speak, by a brief rest, proceeded to Crannon. On his journey Pharsalus and Scotusa and Pherae and the garrisons of Antiochus which were in them were surrendered.
14.10. consul ad reficienda maxime iumenta, quae et navigatione et postea itineribus fatigata erant, paucos Larisae moratus dies, velut renovato modica quiete exercitu Crannonem est progressus.
14.11. Questioning them as to who were willing to stay with him, he handed over to Philip a thousand volunteers and sent the rest unarmed back to Demetrias. Next he took Proerna and the forts surrounding it. Then he began to lead the army straight towards the Malian gulf.
14.11. venienti Pharsalus et Scotusa et Pherae quaeque in eis praesidia Antiochi erant deduntur. ex iis interrogatis, qui manere secum vellent, mille volentis Philippo tradit, ceteros inermes Demetriadem remittit.
14.12. As he drew near the pass above which Thaumaci is situated, the young men left the town, armed themselves and attacked the Roman column from the higher ground. At first the consul sent men to try, by talking to them at close quarters, to deter them from so insane a course; when he saw that they persisted in their purpose, he sent a tribune with the soldiers of two maniples by a roundabout way, closed the road to the city against the soldiers, and captured the undefended town. Then when they heard the shouts from the captured city behind them there was a slaughter by the troops in ambush, as the enemy fled in all directions from the forests.
14.12. Proernam inde recepit et quae circa [ea] castella erant. ducere tum porro in sinum Maliacum coepit. appropinquanti faucibus, super quas siti Thaumaci sunt, deserta urbe iuventus omnis armata silvas et itinera insedit et in agmen Romanum ex superioribus locis incursavit. consul primo misit, qui ex propinquo colloquentes deterrerent eos a tali furore; postquam perseverare in incepto vidit, tribuno cum duorum signorum militibus circummisso interclusit ad urbem iter armatis, vacuamque eam cepit.
14.14. From Thaumaci on the second day the consul came to the Spercheus river and then laid waste the lands of the Hypataeans.
14.14. tum clamore ab tergo captae urbis audito refugientium undique ex silvis insidiatorum caedes facta est. ab Thaumacis altero die consul ad Spercheum amnem pervenit, inde Hypataeorum agros vastavit.
15.1. While this was going on Antiochus was at Chalcis, now at last perceiving that he had gained nothing from Greece except a pleasant winter at Chalcis and a shameful marriage.
15.1. cum haec agebantur, Chalcide erat Antiochus, iam tum cernens nihil se ex Graecia praeter amoena Chalcide hiberna et infames nuptias petisse. tunc Aetolorum vana promissa incusare et Thoantem, Hannibalem vero non ut prudentem tantum virum sed prope vatem omnium.
15.2. Then he began to blame the false promises of the Aetolians and to censure Thoas, but Hannibal he admired as not only a wise man but as little less than a prophet of all that was happening.
15.2. quae tum evenirent, admirari. ne tamen temere coepta segnitia insuper everteret, nuntios in Aetoliam misit, ut omni contracta iuventute convenirent Lamiam;
15.3. Yet, not to risk still more his rash enterprise by his own inactivity, he sent messages to Aetolia that they should assemble all their youth and meet at Lamia; and he too led there about ten thousand infantry, including replacements from those who had later arrived from Asia, and five hundred cavalry.
15.3. et ipse eo decem milia fere peditum ex iis, qui postea venerant ex Asia, expleta et equites quingentos duxit.
15.4. When a somewhat smaller number than ever before had-assembled there, only the chiefs, in fact, with a few clients, and these explained that they had worked with all diligence to call out the largest possible numbers from- their cities, but had prevailed by neither influence nor persuasion nor right of command against the shirkers of military service, then, abandoned on all sides, both by his own subjects, who were tarrying in Asia, and by his allies, who were not fulfilling the promises by the hope of which they had invited him, he retired within the pass of Thermopylae.
15.4. quo cum aliquanto pauciores quam umquam ante convenissent, et principes tantummodo cum paucis clientibus essent, atque ii dicerent omnia sedulo ab se facta, ut quam plurimos ex civitatibus suis evocarent; nec auctoritate nec gratia nec imperio adversus detractantes militiam valuisse, destitutus undique et ab suis, qui morabantur in Asia, et ab sociis, qui ea, in quorum spem vocaverant, non praestabant, intra saltum Thermopylarum sese recepit.
15.6. This ridge, just as Italy is cut in two by the backbone of the Apennines, divides Greece.
15.6. id iugum, sicut Appennini dorso Italia dividitur, ita mediam Graeciam dirimit.
15.7. In front of the pass of Thermopylae, facing the north, are Epirus and Perrhaebia and Magnesia and Thessaly and Phthiotic Achaea and the Malian gulf;
15.7. ante saltum Thermopylarum in septentrionem versa Epirus et Perrhaebia et Magnesia—et Thessalia est et Phthiotae Achaei et sinus Maliacus;
15.8. within the pass towards the south lie the larger part of Aetolia and Acarnania and Phocis with Locris and Boeotia with the island of Euboea adjoining it and, on a sort of promontory running out into the sea, the Attic land, and lying behind it the Peloponnesus.
15.8. intra fauces ad meridiem vergunt Aetoliae pars maior et Acarnania et cum Locride Phocis et Boeotia adiunctaque insula Euboea et excurrente in altum velut promunturio Attica terra, sita ab tergo et Peloponnesus.
15.9. This range, taking its course from Leucas and the sea on the west and continuing through Aetolia to the other sea on the east, has such thickets and scattered cliffs that not even individuals travelling light, not to mention armies, can easily find paths by which to cross.
15.9. hoc iugum ab Leucate et mari ad occidentem verso per Aetoliam ad alterum mare orienti obiectum tendens ea aspreta rupesque interiectas habet, ut non modo exercitus sed ne expediti quidem facile ullas ad transitum calles inveniant.
15.10. The mountains on the extreme east they call Oeta, the highest of which is named Callidromum, in the valley of which, where it slopes down to the Malian gulf, there is a road not wider than sixty paces. This is the one military road where an army can pass if there is no resistance.
15.10. extremos ad orientem montis Oetam vocant, quorum quod altissimum est Callidromon appellatur, in cuius valle ad Maliacum sinum vergente iter est non latius quam sexaginta passus.
15.11. For that reason the place is called Pylae and by others, because there are warm springs within the pass itself, Thermopylae, and it is renowned for the death of the Lacedaemonians as they opposed the Persians, more memorable than the battle.
15.11. haec una militaris via est, qua traduci exercitus, si non prohibeantur, possint. ideo Pylae et ab aliis, quia calidae aquae in ipsis faucibus sunt, Thermopylae locus appellatur, nobilis Lacedaemoniorum adversus Persas morte magis memorabili quam pugna.
16.1. With a spirit wholly unlike theirs at that time, Antiochus pitched his camp within the “Gates” to the place and besides blocked the pass with fortifications, and when he had strengthened everything with a double wall and ditch and, where the situation demanded, with a rampart constructed out of the great
16.1. haudquaquam pari tum animo Antiochus intra portas loci eius castris positis munitionibus insuper saltum impediebat et, cum duplici vallo fossaque et muro etiam, qua res postulabat, ex multa copia passim iacentium lapidum permunisset omnia,
16.3. quantity of stones which were scattered all about, confident that the Roman army would never force a passage, of the four thousand Aetolians —for so many had assembled —he sent part to hold Heraclea with a garrison, part to Hypata, being both certain that the consul would attack Heraclea and informed by many messengers that all the country around Hypata was being devastated.
16.3. satis fidens numquam ea vim Romanum exercitum facturum, Aetolos ex quattuor milibus—tot enim convenerant—partim ad Heracleam praesidio obtinendam, quae ante ipsas fauces posita est, partim Hypatam mittit, et Heracleam haud dubius consulem oppugnaturum, et iam multis nuntiantibus circa Hypatam omnia evastari.
16.5. The consul, having first ravaged the fields of Hypata and then of Heraclea, the aid of the Aetolians being useless to both, encamped within the pass itself near the springs of hot water facing the king. Both contingents of Aetolians shut themselves up in Heraclea.
16.5. consul depopulatus Hypatensem primo deinde Heracleensem agrum, inutili utrobique auxilio Aetolorum, in ipsis faucibus prope fontes calidarum aquarum adversus regem posuit castra. Aetolorum utraeque manus Heracleam sese incluserunt.
16.6. Antiochus, to whom, before he saw the enemy, everything seemed well fortified and guarded by posts, was terror-stricken lest the Roman should find trails somewhere over the overhanging cliffs to permit their passage;
16.6. Antiochum, cui, priusquam hostem cerneret, satis omnia permunita et praesidiis obsaepta videbantur, timor incessit, ne quas per imminentia iuga calles inveniret ad transitum Romanus;
16.7. for the story was that so the Lacedaemonians were once surrounded by the Persians, and recently Philip by the Romans themselves;
16.7. nam et Lacedaemonios quondam ita a Persis circuitos fama erat, et nuper Philippum ab iisdem Romanis:
16.8. so he sent a runner to the Aetolians in Heraclea that they should render at least so much service to him in this war as to seize and hold the mountain-tops round about, that the Romans might find no way to cross.
16.8. itaque nuntium Heracleam ad Aetolos mittit, ut hanc saltem sibi operam eo bello praestarent, ut vertices circa montium occuparent obsiderentque, ne qua transire Romani possent.
16.9. On hearing this message a disagreement arose among the Aetolians. Part thought that they should obey the king's order and go, part that they should wait at Heraclea for either turn of fortune, that, if the king were defeated by the consul, they might have fresh troops in readiness to bring aid to their cities, but if he conquered, that they might pursue the Romans when scattered in flight.
16.9. hoc nuntio audito dissensio inter Aetolos orta est. pars imperio parendum regis atque eundum censebant, pars subsistendum Heracleae ad utramque fortunam, ut, sive victus ab consule rex esset, in expedito haberent integras copias ad opem propinquis ferendam civitatibus suis, sive vinceret, ut dissipatos in fugam Romanos persequerentur.
16.11. Each party not only adhered to its own opinion but acted on its own decision: two thousand remained at Heraclea; two thousand, separating into three detachments, occupied Callidromum and Rhoduntia and Tichius —these are names of peaks.
16.11. utraque pars non mansit modo in sententia sua, sed etiam exsecuta est consilium: duo milia Heracleae substiterunt; duo trifariam divisa Callidromum et Rhoduntiam et Tichiunta—haec nomina cacuminibus sunt—occupavere.
17.1. When the consul saw that the higher ground was held by the Aetolians, he sent Marcus Porcius Cato and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, lieutenants of consular rank, with two thousand picked men each, against the strong points of the Aetolians, Flaccus to Rhoduntia and Tichius, Cato to Callidromum.
17.1. consul postquam insessa superiora loca ab Aetolis vidit, M. Porcium Catonem et L. Valerium Flaccum consularis legatos cum binis milibus delectorum peditum ad castella Aetolorum, Flaccum in Rhoduntiam et Tichiunta, Catonem in Callidromum mittit.
17.2. He himself, before he moved his troops forward against the enemy, called the soldiers to an assembly and harangued them briefly: “I see that most among you, soldiers, are men of all ranks, who fought in this same province under the leadership and auspices of Titus Quinctius.”
17.2. ipse, priusquam ad hostem copias admoveret, vocatos in contionem milites paucis est adlocutus. “plerosque omnium ordinum, milites, inter vos esse video, qui in hac eadem provincia T. Quincti ductu auspicioque militaveritis.
17.3. “In the Macedonian war the pass of Aous was more difficult to traverse than this;”
17.3. Macedonico bello inexsuperabilior saltus ad amnem Aoum fuit quam hic:
17.4. “for surely this is a gate and the one natural aisle, so to speak, between the two seas, all other ways being closed; the fortifications were then both more suitably situated and more strongly constructed; that hostile army was both larger in numbers and composed of a somewhat better grade of soldiers;”
17.4. quippe portae sunt hae, et unus inter duo maria clausis omnibus velut naturalis transitus est; munitiones et locis opportunioribus tunc fuerunt et validiores impositae; exercitus hostium ille et numero maior et militum genere aliquanto melior:
17.5. “there, as you know, there were Macedonians and Thracians land Illyrians, all most warlike nations, here Syrians and Asiatic Greeks, the most worthless peoples among mankind and born for slavery;”
17.5. quippe illic Macedones Thracesque et Illyrii erant, ferocissimae omnes gentes, hic Syri et Asiatici Graeci sunt, vilissima genera hominum et servituti nata;
17.6. “that king was most devoted to war and trained from youth up in wars with the neighbouring Thracians and Illyrians and all the inhabitants round about; here, to pass over in silence all the rest of his career, is one who, after crossing from Asia to ” “Europe to make war upon the Roman people, did nothing more worthy of note during the whole season of the winter than for love's sake to marry a woman from a private home, of a family obscure and even common, and the new bridegroom, stuffed, let me say, with wedding feasts, went forth to battle.”
17.6. rex ille bellicosissimus et exercitatus iam inde ab iuventa finitimis Thracum atque Illyriorum et circa omnium accolarum bellis, hic, ut aliam omnem vitam sileam, is est, qui cum ad inferendum populo Romano bellum ex Asia in Europam transisset, nihil memorabilius toto tempore hibernorum gesserit, quam quod amoris causa ex domo privata et obscuri etiam inter popularis generis uxorem duxit,
17.8. “The substance of his strength and hope is in the Aetolians, a most boastful and ungrateful race, as you have learned before this and as Antiochus is now learning.”
17.8. et novus maritus, velut saginatus nuptialibus cenis, ad pugnam processit. summa virium speique eius in Aetolis fuit, gente vanissima et ingratissima, ut vos prius experti estis, nunc Antiochus experitur.
17.9. “For neither did they come in great numbers nor could they be kept in camp, and they are even at odds with one another, and although they had demanded the guardianship of Hypata and Heraclea, they defended neither, but some fled to the mountain-tops and some shut themselves up in Heraclea.”
17.9. nam nec venerunt frequentes, nec contineri in castris potuerunt, et in seditione ipsi inter sese sunt, et, cum Hypatam tuendam Heracleamque depoposcissent, neutram tutati refugerunt in iuga montium, pars Heracleae incluserunt sese.
17.10. “The king himself, confessing that he not only does not dare to trust himself to battle on level ground anywhere but does not even venture to encamp in the open, abandoning all that country in front of him which he boasted he had taken from us and from Philip, has shut himself up within the cliffs, not even placing his camp in front of the entrance to the pass, as they say the Spartans once did, but withdrawing it deep inside;”
17.10. rex ipse confessus nusquam aequo campo non modo congredi se ad pugnam audere, sed ne castra quidem in aperto ponere, relicta omni ante se regione ea, quam se nobis ac Philippo ademisse gloriabatur, condidit se intra rupes, ne ante fauces quidem saltus, ut quondam Lacedaemonios fama est, sed intra penitus retractis castris;
17.11. “and how does this differ, as an exhibition of fear, from shutting himself up to be besieged within the walls of some city?”
17.11. quod quantum interest ad timorem ostendendum, an muris urbis alicuius obsidendum, sese incluserit?
17.12. “But neither the narrow defile will protect Antiochus nor the heights which they have seized the Aetolians. Sufficient care and precaution have been taken on every side to prevent your facing any peril except the enemy.”
17.12. sed neque Antiochum tuebuntur angustiae, nec Aetolos vertices illi, quos ceperunt. satis undique provisum atque praecautum est, ne quid adversus vos in pugna praeter hostis esset.
17.13. “You should hold this thought before your minds, that you are fighting not merely for the liberty of Greece, although this is a noble cause to defend, but to set free a people, formerly freed from Philip, now from the Aetolians and Antiochus, nor will your reward consist only of those things which are in the king's camp, but all that equipment too ” “which is daily expected from Ephesus will be booty, and thereafter Asia and Syria and the treasure-laden realms right up to the sunrise will be opened to Roman rule.”
17.13. illud proponere animo vestro debetis, non vos pro Graeciae libertate tantum dimicare, quamquam is quoque egregius titulus esset, liberatam a Philippo ante nunc ab Aetolis et ab Antiocho liberare, neque ea tantum in praemium vestrum cessura, quae nunc in regiis castris sunt, sed illum quoque omnem apparatum, qui in dies ab Epheso expectatur, praedae futurum, Asiam deinde Syriamque et omnia usque ad ortum solis ditissima regna Romano imperio aperturos.
17.15. “What then will be lacking, that we shall not bound our empire by the ocean from Gades to the Red Sea, that ocean which holds the earth in its embrace, and that the whole human race will not reverence the Roman name next after the gods?”
17.15. quid deinde aberit, quin ab Gadibus ad mare rubrum Oceano finis terminemus, qui orbem terrarum amplexu finit, et omne humanum genus secundum deos nomen Romanum veneretur?
17.16. “Make your minds ready to deserve such great rewards, that to-morrow with the good aid of the gods we may fight it out in battle-line.”
17.16. in haec tanta praemia dignos parate animos, ut crastino die bene iuvantibus diis acie decernamus.”
18.1. After this assembly the soldiers were dismissed, and before they saw to their bodily needs they made ready their armour and arms.
18.1. ab hac contione dimissi milites, priusquam corpora curarent, arma tela parant. luce prima signo pugnae proposito instruit aciem consul, arta fronte, ad naturam et angustias loci.
18.2. At daybreak the battle-signal was displayed and the consul deployed his forces on a narrow front, according to the nature and limits of the position. When the king saw the standards of the enemy he too led out his troops. Part of his light-armed troops he placed before the rampart in the front line, then he drew up the main body of the Macedonians, whom they call sarisophori, as a bulwark around the fortification itself.
18.2. rex, postquam signa hostium conspexit, et ipse copias educit. levis armaturae partem ante vallum in primo locavit, tum Macedonum robur, quos sarisophorus appellabant, velut firmamentum circa ipsas munitiones constituit.
18.3. Next to them on the left flank he placed a detachment of dart-throwers and archers and slingers at the very base of the mountain, to harass the exposed flank of the enemy from the higher ground.
18.3. his ab sinistro cornu iaculatorum sagittariorumque et funditorum manum sub ipsis radicibus montis posuit, ut ex altiore loco nuda latera hostium incesserent.
18.4. On the right, next to the Macedonians, at the very end of the fortification, where the ground, impassable as far as the sea, closed it in with swampy mud and quicksands, he stationed the elephants with their usual guard and behind them the cavalry; then, a short distance to the rear, the rest of his troops in the second line.
18.4. ab dextro Macedonibus ad ipsum munimentorum finem, qua loca usque ad mare invia palustri limo et voraginibus claudunt, elephantos cum adsueto praesidio posuit, post eos equites, tum modico intervallo relicto ceteras copias in secunda acie.
18.5. The Macedonians standing in front of the rampart at first easily held off the Romans, who were trying the approaches from every direction, with much assistance from those who from the higher ground were hurling a veritable cloud of missiles from their slings as well as darts and arrows at the same time;
18.5. Macedones pro vallo locati primo facile sustinebant Romanos, temptantis ab omni parte aditus, multum adiuvantibus, qui ex loco superiore fundis velut nimbum glandis et sagittas simul ac iacula ingerebant;
18.6. then, as a greater and more irresistible pressure was placed upon them by the enemy, driven from their places they gradually withdrew their ranks and fell back inside the fortifications; thence from the rampart they almost made another rampart of the spears held out in front of them.
18.6. deinde, ut maior nec iam toleranda vis hostium inferebat se, pulsi loco intra munimenta subductis ordinibus concesserunt; inde ex vallo prope alterum vallum hastis prae se obiectis fecerunt.
18.7. And the height of the rampart was so moderate that it both offered its defenders higher ground from which to fight and held the enemy within thrusting-distance below them on account of the length of the spears.
18.7. et ita modica altitudo valli erat, ut et locum superiorem suis ad pugnandum praeberet, et propter longitudinem hastarum subiectum haberet hostem.
18.8. Many who rashly drew near the rampart were run through; and either they would have withdrawn with their task unaccomplished or more would have perished had not Marcus Porcius, having dislodged the Aetolians from the heights of Callidromum and killed a large part of them —for he had caught them off their guard and many of them asleep —shown himself on the hill which overlooked the camp.
18.8. multi temere subeuntes vallum transfixi sunt; et aut incepto irrito recessissent aut plures cecidissent, ni M. Porcius ab iugo Callidromi deiectis inde Aetolis et magna ex parte caesis—incautos enim et plerosque sopitos oppresserat — super imminentem castris collem apparuisset.
19.1. Flaccus did not enjoy the same fortune at Tichius and Rhoduntia, having tried in vain to get up to those forts.
19.1. Flacco non eadem fortuna ad Tichiunta et Rhoduntiam, nequiquam subire ad ea castella conato, fuerat.
19.2. The Macedonians and the others who were in the king's camp at first, while there was nothing visible in the distance except a crowd and a column, believed that the Aetolians had seen the battle from afar and were coming to their assistance;
19.2. Macedones quique alii in castris regiis erant primo, dum procul nihil aliud quam turba et agmen apparebat, Aetolos credere visa procul pugna subsidio venire;
19.3. but as soon as the standards and arms, recognized close at hand, revealed their mistake, such terror all at once seized them that they threw away their arms and fled.
19.3. ceterum, ut primum signaque et arma ex propinquo cognita errorem aperuerunt, tantus repente pavor omnis cepit, ut abiectis armis fugerent.
19.4. Both the walls and the narrowness of the valley through which they had to pass hindered the pursuers, and most of all the fact that the elephants brought up the rear, and these the infantry could pass only with difficulty and the cavalry not at all, since the horses were frightened and caused greater disturbance in their own ranks than in the battle;
19.4. et munimenta sequentis impedierunt, et angustiae vallis, per quam sequendi erant, et maxime omnium quod elephanti novissimi agminis erant, quos pedes aegre praeterire, eques nullo poterat modo timentibus equis tumultumque inter se maiorem quam in proelio edentibus;
19.5. some time was also consumed in the plundering of the camp; nevertheless, they pursued the enemy that day as far as Scarphea.
19.5. aliquantum temporis et direptio castrorum tenuit: Scarpheam tamen eo die consecuti sunt hostem.
19.6. They not only killed and captured many, men and horses, on the way, but also killed the elephants which they could not take, and returned to camp;
19.6. multis in ipso itinere caesis captisque, non equis virisque tantum, sed etiam elephantis, quos capere non potuerant, interfectis, in castra reverterunt;
19.7. this had been attacked during the time the battle was going on by the Aetolians who were holding Heraclea with their garrison, but without any results commensurate with the considerable boldness of the undertaking.
19.7. quae temptata eo die inter ipsum pugnae tempus ab Aetolis, Heracleam obtinentibus praesidio, sine ullo haud parum audacis incepti effectu fuerant.
19.8. During the third watch of the next night the consul sent on the cavalry to pursue the enemy and at daybreak advanced the legionary standards.
19.8. consul noctis insequentis tertia vigilia praemisso equitatu ad persequendum hostem, signa legionum luce prima movit.
19.9. The king had gone a considerable distance ahead, inasmuch as he had not ceased his headlong flight until he reached Elatia; there, as soon as he collected the scanty leavings of the battle and the flight, with a little band of half-armed men he withdrew to Chalcis.
19.9. aliquantum viae praeceperat rex, ut qui non ante quam Elatiae ab effuso constiterit cursu; ubi primum reliquiis pugnaeque et fugae collectis, cum perexigua manu semiermium militum Chalcidem se recepit.
19.10. The Roman cavalry did not overtake the king himself at Elatia; but a great part of the column, stopping either from weariness or because they had lost their way, as was natural for men fleeing without guides over strange roads, was dispersed and destroyed;
19.10. Romanus equitatus ipsum quidem regem Elatiae adsecutus non est; magnam partem agminis aut lassitudine subsistentis aut errore, ut qui sine ducibus per ignota itinera fugerent, dissipatos oppresserunt;
19.11. nor did anyone out of the whole army escape with the exception of five hundred who were with the king, a small number even out of the ten thousand soldiers who, as I have written on the authority of Polybius, the king had brought with him to Greece;
19.11. nec praeter quingentos, qui circa regem fuerunt, ex toto exercitu quisquam effugit, etiam ex decem milibus militum, quos Polybio auctore traiecisse secum regem in Graeciam scripsimus, exiguus numerus:
19.12. what if we were to believe Valerius Antias, who writes that there were sixty thousand men in the king's army, that forty thousand of them were killed and more than five thousand captured along with two hundred thirty military standards. One hundred fifty Romans perished in the actual shock of the battle, and from those who defended themselves against the attack of the Aetolians not more than fifty were killed.
19.12. quid, si Antiati Valerio credamus sexaginta milia militum fuisse in regio exercitu scribenti, quadraginta inde milia cecidisse. supra quinque milia capta cum signis militaribus ducentis triginta? Romanorum centum quinquaginta in ipso certamine pugnae, ab incursu Aetolorum se tuentes non plus quinquaginta interfecti sunt.
20.1. As the consul led the army through Phocis and Boeotia, the citizens, conscious of their rebellion, were standing before the gates holding badges of supplication, in fear that they would be plundered like enemies.
20.1. consule per Phocidem et Boeotiam exercitum ducente consciae defectionis civitates cum velamentis ante portas stabant metu, ne hostiliter diriperentur.
20.2. But during all these days the column marched just as if they were passing through a peaceful country, doing no injury to anyone, until they came to the territory of Coronea.
20.2. ceterum per omnes dies haud secus quam in pacato agro sine vexatione ullius rei agmen processit, donec in agrum Coroneum ventum est.
20.3. There a statue of King Antiochus, set up in the temple of Athena Itonia, enkindled the consul's wrath, and the soldiers were permitted to devastate the land around the temple; then the thought came to his mind that since the statue had been set up by a general decree of the Boeotians it was improper to vent his wrath on the territory of Coronea alone.
20.3. ibi statua regis Antiochi posita in templo Minervae Itoniae iram accendit, permissumque militi est, ut circumiectum templo agrum popularetur; dein cogitatio animum subit, cum communi decreto Boeotorum posita esset statua, indignum esse in unum Coronensem agrum saevire.
20.4. The soldiers were at once recalled and an end put to the pillaging; the Boeotians received only a verbal reproof for their ingratitude to the Romans after such notable and recent acts of kindness.
20.4. revocato extemplo milite finis populandi factus; castigati tantum verbis Boeoti ob ingratum in tantis tamque recentibus beneficiis animum erga Romanos.
20.5. Just at the time of the battle ten of the king's ships with the prefect Isidorus were moored at Thronium in the Malian gulf. Alexander the Acarnanian, arriving there sorely wounded, with news of the defeat, the ships at once made for Cenaeum in Euboea, panic-stricken with fear. There Alexander died and was buried.
20.5. inter ipsum pugnae tempus decem naves regiae cum praefecto Isidoro ad Thronium in sinu Maliaco stabant. eo gravis vulneribus Alexander Acarnan, nuntius adversae pugnae, cum perfugisset, trepidae inde recenti terrore naves Cenaeum Euboeae petierunt.
20.6. Three ships which had set out from Asia and put in to the same harbour, learning of the slaughter of the army, returned to Ephesus. Isidorus from Cenaeum crossed to Demetrias, on the chance that the flight had taken the king that way.
20.6. ibi mortuus sepultusque Alexander. tres, quae ex Asia profectae eundem portum tenuerant, naves audita exercitus clade Ephesum redierunt. Isidorus ab Cenaeo Demetriadem, si forte eo deferret fuga regem, traiecit.