---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 24 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 24. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 24. Book XXXVI · chapters 20–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/24/#p-N

[¶0] 20.7. About this time Aulus Atilius, the commander of the Roman fleet, fell in with a great quantity of stores belonging to the king which had now crossed the strait which lies near the island of Andros; some ships he sank, others he captured; those which were in the rear turned their course towards Asia.

> Latin: 20.7. —per eosdem dies A. Atilius praefectus Romanae classis magnos regios commeatus iam fretum, quod ad Andrum insulam est, praetervectos excepit;

[¶1] 20.8. Atilius with his convoy of captured ships returned to Piraeus whence he had sailed, and distributed a great quantity of grain among both the Athenians and the other allies in the same vicinity.

> Latin: 20.8. alias mersit, alias cepit naves; quae novissimi agminis erant cursum in Asiam verterunt. Atilius Piraeum, unde profectus erat, cum agmine captivarum navium revectus magnam vim frumenti et Atheniensibus et aliis eiusdem regionis sociis divisit.

[¶2] 21.1. Antiochus, at the approach of the consul, left Chalcis and first proceeded to Tenos, then crossed to Ephesus.

> Latin: 21.1. Antiochus sub adventum consulis a Chalcide profectus Tenum primo tenuit, inde Ephesum transmisit.

[¶3] 21.2. When the consul arrived at Chalcis the gates stood open, since at his approach Aristoteles, the king's prefect, had left the city.

> Latin: 21.2. consuli Chalcidem venienti portae patuerunt, cum appropinquante eo Aristoteles praefectus regis urbe excessisset.

[¶4] 21.3. And the other cities of Euboea were given up without a struggle; and a few days later everything was quiet and the army was led back to Thermopylae doing no injury to any city, their moderate conduct after the victory being far more worthy of praise than the actual victory.

> Latin: 21.3. et ceterae urbes in Euboea sine certamine traditae; post paucosque dies omnibus perpacatis sine ullius noxa urbis exercitus Thermopylas reductus, multo modestia post victoriam quam ipsa victoria laudabilior.

[¶5] 21.4. Then the consul sent Marcus Cato to Rome, that from him, a thoroughly trustworthy source, the senate and the Roman people might learn what had happened.

> Latin: 21.4. inde consul M. Catonem, per quem quae gesta essent senatus populusque Romanus haud dubio auctore sciret, Romam misit.

[¶6] 21.5. From Creusa —this is the trading-port of the Thespians, lying deep in the Corinthian gulf —he made for Patrae in Achaea; from Patrae he skirted the shores of Aetolia and Acarnania right up to Corcyra and thence crossed to Hydruntum in Italy.

> Latin: 21.5. is a Creusa —Thespiensium emporium est, in intimo sinu Corinthiaco retractum—Patras Achaiae petit; a Patris Corcyram usque Aetoliae atque Acarnaniae littora legit, atque ita ad Hydruntum Italiae traicit.

[¶7] 21.6. On the fifth day from there in hurried progress by land he arrived in Rome. Entering the City before daybreak he went from the gate straight to the praetor Marcus Junius.

> Latin: 21.6. quinto die inde pedestri itinere Romam ingenti cursu pervenit. ante lucem ingressus urbem a porta ad praetorem M. Iunium iter intendit.

[¶8] 21.7. Junius at daybreak summoned the senate; Lucius Cornelius Scipio, who had been sent on some days before by the consul, learning on his arrival that Cato had reached there first and was in the senate, came in while he was recounting what had happened.

> Latin: 21.7. is prima luce in senatum vocavit; quo L. Cornelius Scipio, aliquot diebus ante a consule dimissus, cum adveniens audisset praegressum Catonem in senatu esse, supervenit exponenti, quae gesta essent.

[¶9] 21.8. Then the two legates by order of the senate were taken before the assembly and there told the same story as in the senate about the events in Aetolia.

> Latin: 21.8. duo inde legati iussu senatus in contionem sunt producti, atque ibi eadem, quae in senatu, de rebus in Aetolia gestis exposuerunt.

[¶10] 21.9. A period of thanksgiving for three days was proclaimed and the praetor was ordered to sacrifice forty full-grown victims to whatever gods he saw fit.

> Latin: 21.9. supplicatio in triduum decreta est et ut quadraginta hostiis maioribus praetor, quibus diis ei videretur, sacrificaret.

[¶11] 21.10. About the same time too Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, who two years before had as praetor set out for Spain, entered the City in ovation; he carried in his procession one hundred and thirty thousand silver coins stamped with the two-horse chariot, and in addition to the minted money twelve thousand pounds of silver and one hundred and twenty-seven pounds of gold.

> Latin: 21.10. —per eosdem dies et M. Fulvius Nobilior, qui biennio ante praetor in Hispaniam erat profectus, ovans urbem est ingressus; argenti bigati prae se tulit centum triginta milia et extra numeratum duodecim milia pondo argenti, auri pondo centum viginti septem.

[¶12] 22.1. The consul Acilius dispatched agents from Thermopylae to the Aetolians at Heraclea that then at least, having made trial of the king's unreliability, they might regain their senses, surrender Heraclea, and take counsel about asking pardon from the senate for their madness or, if they preferred, their mistake.

> Latin: 22.1. Acilius consul ab Thermopylis Heracleam ad Aetolos praemisit, ut tunc saltem, experti regiam vanitatem, resipiscerent traditaque Heraclea cogitarent de petenda ab senatu seu furoris sui seu erroris venia.

[¶13] 22.2. Other states of Greece too in that war, he said, had revolted from the Romans who deserved so well of them, but because, after the flight of the king, from confidence in whom they had thrown off their allegiance, they had not added stubbornness to their fault, they had been received into alliance; the Aetolians also, though they had not followed the king but had summoned him, and had been the leaders in the war and not allies, if they could repent, could likewise be saved.

> Latin: 22.2. et ceteras Graeciae civitates defecisse eo bello ab optime meritis Romanis; sed quia post fugam regis, cuius fiducia officio decessissent, non addidissent pertinaciam culpae, in fidem receptas esse; Aetolos quoque, quamquam non secuti sint regem, sed accersierint, et duces belli, non socii fuerint, si paenitere possint, posse et incolumis esse.

[¶14] 22.4. When they gave no pacific reply to this, and it was evident that he must have recourse to arms, and that after the defeat of the king the Aetolian war remained as before, he moved camp from Thermopylae to Heraclea, and on the same day, to reconnoitre the site of the city, he rode on horseback around the walls on every side.

> Latin: 22.4. ad ea cum pacati nihil responderetur, appareretque armis rem gerendam et rege superato bellum Aetolicum integrum restare, castra ab Thermopylis ad Heracleam movit, eoque ipso die, ut situm nosceret urbis, ab omni parte equo moenia est circumvectus. sita est Heraclea in radicibus Oetae montis, ipsa in campo, arcem imminentem loco alto et undique praecipiti habet.

[¶15] 22.6. Heraclea is situated at the foot of Mount Oeta, and the town proper was in a plain, with a citadel that overhung it, in a position lofty and steep on every side.

> Latin: 22.6. contemplatus omnia, quae noscenda erant, quattuor simul locis aggredi urbem constituit.

[¶16] 22.7. In the direction of the Asopus river, where there is also a gymnasium, he put Lucius Valerius in charge of the works and the assault; the quarters outside the walls, which were almost more densely populated than the city itself, he gave to Tiberius Sempronius Longus to attack;

> Latin: 22.7. a flumine Asopo, qua et gymnasium est, L. Valerium operibus atque oppugnationi praeposuit; ab arce extra muros, qua frequentius prope quam in urbe habitabatur, Ti. Sempronio Longo oppugnandum dedit;

[¶17] 22.8. on the side towards the Malian gulf, which had a rather difficult approach, he placed Marcus Baebius, and at another little stream, which they call Melas, facing the temple of Artemis, he stationed Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 22.8. e regione sinus Maliaci, quae aditum haud facilem pars habebat, M. Baebium, ab altero amniculo, quem Melana vocant, adversus Dianae templum Ap. Claudium opposuit.

[¶18] 22.9. With great rivalry on their part, within a few days towers and battering-rams and all the other engines for attacking cities were prepared.

> Latin: 22.9. horum magno certamine intra paucos dies turres arietesque et alius omnis apparatus oppugnandarum urbium perficitur.

[¶19] 22.10. And while the lands of Heraclea, all marshy and abounding in tall trees, made generous provision of materials for every kind of device, then too, because the Aetolians had taken refuge within the walls, the deserted houses in the entrance to the city offered them, for their various needs, not only beams and planks but brick and cement and stones of different sizes.

> Latin: 22.10. et cum ager Heracleensis paluster omnis frequensque proceris arboribus benigne ad omne genus operum materiam suppeditabat, tum, quia refugerant intra moenia Aetoli, deserta, quae in vestibulo urbis erant, tecta in varios usus non tigna modo et tabulas sed laterem quoque et caementa et saxa variae magnitudinis praebebant.

[¶20] 23.1. And the Romans for their part conducted the siege with engines rather than by personal combat; the Aetolians, on the contrary, defended themselves by arms.

> Latin: 23.1. et Romani quidem operibus magis quam armis urbem oppugnabant, Aetoli contra armis se tuebantur.

[¶21] 23.2. For when the battering-rams shook the walls they did not, in the usual fashion, try to ward off the blows by catching the rams in nooses, but made frequent armed sallies, and some carried firebrands also, to throw against the works.

> Latin: 23.2. nam cum ariete quaterentur muri, non laqueis, ut solet, exceptos declinabant ictus, sed armati frequentes …, quidam ignes etiam, quos aggeribus inicerent, ferebant.

[¶22] 23.3. There were also arches in the walls suitable for sally-ports, and they themselves, as they built new walls to replace those that were destroyed, left more numerous openings to permit sallies against the enemy in more directions.

> Latin: 23.3. fornices quoque in muro erant apti ad excurrendum, et ipsi, cum pro dirutis reficerent muros, crebriores eos, ut pluribus erumperetur in hostem locis, faciebant.

[¶23] 23.4. In the early days, while they were fresh in strength, they did this both frequently and stoutly; day by day then their attacks grew fewer and more half-hearted.

> Latin: 23.4. hoc primis diebus, dum integrae vires erant, et frequentes et inpigre fecerunt; in dies deinde pauciores et segnius.

[¶24] 23.5. For although many difficulties beset them, nothing wore them down so much as loss of sleep; the Romans, with their wealth of men, sent relief after relief to the posts, while the Aetolians, on account of their small number, were tortured by constant toil falling to the same men day and night.

> Latin: 23.5. etenim cum multis urgerentur rebus, nulla eos res aeque ac vigiliae conficiebant, Romanis in magna copia militum succedentibus aliis in stationem aliorum, Aetolos propter paucitatem eosdem dies noctesque adsiduo labore urente.

[¶25] 23.6. For four-and-twenty days, so that no time was free from fighting, against an enemy attacking from four sides at once, nightly toil was joined to daily labour.

> Latin: 23.6. per quattuor et viginti dies, ita ut nullum tempus vacuum dimicatione esset, adversus quattuor e partibus simul oppugnantem hostem nocturnus diurno continuatus labor est.

[¶26] 23.7. When the consul saw that the Aetolians were now weary, judging both by the lapse of time and by the testimony of deserters, he formed the following plan.

> Latin: 23.7. cum fatigatos iam Aetolos sciret consul et ex ratione temporis et quod ita transfugae adfirmabant, tale consilium init.

[¶27] 23.8. At midnight he gave the signal for the recall, and withdrawing all his men from the works, until the third hour of the day he kept them quiet in camp;

> Latin: 23.8. media nocte receptui signum dedit et ab oppugnatione simul milites omnes deductos usque ad tertiam diei horam quietos in castris tenuit;

[¶28] 23.9. then the siege was begun and continued again until midnight and then interrupted until the third hour of the day.

> Latin: 23.9. inde coepta oppugnatio ad mediam rursus noctem perducta est, intermissa deinde usque ad tertiam diei horam.

[¶29] 23.10. The Aetolians thought that the cause of interrupting operations was weariness, which had troubled them too, and when the recall was sounded for the Romans, as if they too were summoned, each for himself left his post, nor did they show themselves in arms on the walls until the third hour of the day.

> Latin: 23.10. fatigationem rati esse causam Aetoli non continuandae oppugnationis, quae et ipsos adfecerat, ubi Romanis datum receptui signum esset, velut ipsi quoque revocati pro se quisque ex stationibus decedebant, nec ante tertiam dici horam armati in muris apparebant.

[¶30] 24.1. When the consul had stopped the siege at midnight, during the fourth watch he again launched a furious attack from three sides, ordering Tiberius Sempronius on one side to hold his men alert and await orders, thinking that without doubt, in a night alarm, the enemy would rush to the point from which the noise was heard.

> Latin: 24.1. consul cum nocte media intermisisset oppugnationem, quarta vigilia rursus ab tribus partibus summa vi adgressus, ab una Ti. Sempronium tenere intentos milites signumque expectantes iussit, ad ea in nocturno tumultu, unde clamor exaudiretur, haud dubie ratus hostis concursuros.

[¶31] 24.3. Part of the Aetolians who had been sleeping were rousing themselves, exhausted by toil and loss of sleep, part, who were still awake, rushed in the dark towards the shouts of the fighters.

> Latin: 24.3. Aetoli pars sopiti adfecta labore ac vigiliis corpora ex somno moliebantur, pars vigilantes adhuc ad strepitum pugnantium in tenebris currunt.

[¶32] 24.4. Some of the enemy were trying to climb over the fallen ruins of the wall, some attempting to get up by means of ladders, and against them the Aetolians rushed from all sides to bring aid.

> Latin: 24.4. hostes partim per ruinas iacentis muri transcendere conantur, partim scalis ascensus temptant, adversus quos undique ad opem ferendam occurrunt Aetoli.

[¶33] 24.5. The one side, on which there were buildings outside the city, was neither defended nor attacked; but men to attack it were waiting, eager for the signal; there was no one to defend it.

> Latin: 24.5. pars una, in qua aedificia extra urbem erant, neque defenditur neque oppugnatur; sed qui oppugnarent, intenti signum expectabant;

[¶34] 24.6. It was now growing light when the consul gave the signal; and without any opposition some climbed over the half-fallen walls, others with ladders surmounted the uninjured sections. At the same moment the shout which testifies that a city has been taken was heard; the Aetolians from all sides left their posts and fled to the citadel.

> Latin: 24.6. defensor nemo aderat. iam dilucescebat, cum signum consul dedit; et sine ullo certamine partim per semirutos, partim scalis integros muros transcendere. simul clamor, index capti oppidi, est exauditus; undique Aetoli desertis stationibus in arcem fugiunt.

[¶35] 24.7. The victors, with the permission of the consul, plundered the city, not so much from any wrath or hatred as that the soldiers, restrained in the case of so many cities recovered from the enemy, might in some place at last see the fruits of victory.

> Latin: 24.7. oppidum victores permissu consulis diripiunt, non tam ab ira nec ab odio, quam ut miles, coercitus in tot receptis ex potestate hostium urbibus, aliquo tandem loco fructum victoriae sentiret.

[¶36] 24.8. The soldiers were then recalled at about midday, and when he had divided them into two parts he ordered one to be led around at the foot of the mountain to a cliff which, being about its equal in height, was cut off from the citadel by, as it were, a valley lying between them; but the summits of the two heights were so close together that from the other crest weapons could be hurled into the citadel; with the other half of the troops the consul intended to climb the citadel from the town and was waiting for the signal from those who were to come out on the cliff from the rear.

> Latin: 24.8. revocatos inde a medio ferme die milites cum in duas divisisset partes, unam radicibus montium circumduci ad rupem iussit, quae, fastigio altitudinis par, media valle velut abrupta ab arce erat, sed adeo prope geminata cacumina eorum montium sunt, ut ex vertice altero conici tela in arcem possint, cum dimidia parte militum consul ab urbe escensurus in arcem signum ab iis, qui ab tergo in rupem evasuri erant, expectabat.

[¶37] 24.10. The Aetolians who were in the citadel did not endure first the shout of the party which had taken the cliff, then the attack of the Romans from the town, being now both broken in spirit and unprepared with anything necessary to resist any longer an attack there, especially since the women and children and the other noncombatants had collected in the citadel, which could scarce hold the defenders and still less protect so great a crowd.

> Latin: 24.10. non tulere qui in arce erant Aetoli primum eorum, qui rupem ceperant, clamorem, deinde impetum ab urbe Romanorum et fractis iam animis et nulla ibi praeparata re ad obsidionem diutius tolerandam, utpote congregatis feminis puerisque et imbelli alia turba in arcem, quae vix capere, nedum tueri multitudinem tantam posset.

[¶38] 24.11. And so at the first assault they threw down their arms and surrendered.

> Latin: 24.11. itaque ad primum impetum abiectis armis dediderunt sese.

[¶39] 24.12. Among those thus given up was Damocritus, the chief of the Aetolians, who, at the beginning of hostilities, when Titus Quinctius had asked for the decree of the Aetolians by which they had voted to invite Antiochus, had replied that he would give it to him in Italy when they had encamped there. By reason of this violent disposition his surrender was a greater pleasure to the victors.

> Latin: 24.12. traditus inter ceteros princeps Aetolorum Damocritus est, qui principio belli decretum Aetolorum, quo accersendum Antiochum censuerant, T. Quinctio poscenti responderat, in Italia daturum, cum castra ibi Aetoli posuissent. ob eam ferociam maius victoribus gaudium traditus fuit.

[¶40] 25.1. At the same time that the Romans were attacking Heraclea, Philip by agreement was besieging Lamia, having met the consul near Thermopylae when he returned from Boeotia, to congratulate him and the Roman people upon his victory and to apologize because as a result of illness he had not been present at the battle.

> Latin: 25.1. eodem tempore, quo Romani Heracleam, Philippus Lamiam ex composito oppugnabat, circa Thermopylas cum consule redeunte ex Boeotia, ut victoriam ipsi populoque Romano gratularetur excusaretque, quod morbo impeditus bello non interfuisset, congressus. inde diversi ad duas simul oppugnandas urbes profecti.

[¶41] 25.3. Then they separated to attack the two cities at the same time. They are about seven miles apart, and because Lamia both lies on a hill and commands a view especially over the region of Oeta, the distance seems exceedingly short and everything is in sight.

> Latin: 25.3. intersunt septem ferme milia passuum; et quia Lamia cum posita est in tumulo, tum regionem maxime Oetae spectat, oppido quam breve intervallum videtur, et omnia in conspectu sunt.

[¶42] 25.4. While the Romans and the Macedonians, as if competing for a prize, were strenuously engaged day and night either on the siege-works or in fighting, the task of the Macedonians was the more difficult because the Romans were fighting with a terrace and mantlets and all their works above ground, the Macedonians with tunnels underground, and in the rough spots flint, almost unworkable with iron, met them.

> Latin: 25.4. cum enixe, velut proposito certamine, Romani Macedonesque diem ac noctem aut in operibus aut in proeliis essent, hoc maior difficultas Macedonibus erat, quod Romani aggere et vineis et omnibus supra terram operibus, subter Macedones cuniculis oppugnabant, et in asperis locis silex saepe inpenetrabilis ferro occurrebat.

[¶43] 25.5. And since they were making little progress, the king, through conferences with their chiefs, tried to induce the townspeople to surrender the city, not doubting that if Heraclea were captured first they would submit to the Romans in preference to him and that the consul would take the credit to himself in raising the siege.

> Latin: 25.5. et cum parum procederet inceptum, per colloquia principum oppidanos temptabat rex, ut urbem dederent, haud dubius, quin, si prius Heraclea capta foret, Romanis se potius quam sibi dedituri essent, suamque gratiam consul in obsidione liberanda facturus esset.

[¶44] 25.7. Nor was he deceived in this opinion; for immediately after the taking of Heraclea the message came that he should abandon the siege: it was fairer that the Roman soldiers, who had fought in the battle-line with the Aetolians, should enjoy the rewards of victory.

> Latin: 25.7. nec eum opinio est frustrata; confestim enim ab Heraclea capta nuntius venit, ut oppugnatione absisteret: aequius esse Romanos milites, qui acie dimicassent cum Aetolis, praemia victoriae habere.

[¶45] 25.8. So he retired from Lamia and, after the misfortune of a neighbouring city, the people escaped suffering a similar fate.

> Latin: 25.8. ita recessum ab Lamia est, et propinquae clade urbis ipsi, ne quid simile paterentur, effugerunt.

[¶46] 26.1. A few days before Heraclea was taken the Aetolians held a council at Hypata and sent ambassadors to Antiochus, among whom was again the same Thoas who had been sent there before.

> Latin: 26.1. paucis priusquam Heraclea caperetur diebus Aetoli concilio Hypatam coacto legatos ad Antiochum miserunt, inter quos et Thoas idem, qui et antea, missus est.

[¶47] 26.2. Their instructions were that they should ask the king, first, that he should again collect all his forces on land and sea and cross to Greece;

> Latin: 26.2. mandata erant, ut ab rege peterent, primum ut ipse coactis rursus terrestribus navalibusque copiis in Graeciam traiceret, deinde, si qua ipsum teneret res ut pecuniam et auxilia mitteret;

[¶48] 26.3. secondly, if anything detained him, that he should send money and reinforcements; that his allies be not deserted concerned not only his dignity and loyalty but the safety of his kingdom; that he should not permit the Romans, free from all worry after they had destroyed the Aetolian people, to cross with all their forces to Asia. What they said was true; and for that reason it impressed the king more.

> Latin: 26.3. id cum ad dignitatem eius fidemque pertinere, non prodi socios, tum etiam ad incolumitatem regni, ne sineret Romanos vacuos omni cura, cum Aetolorum gentem sustulissent, omnibus copiis in Asiam traicere.

[¶49] 26.5. Therefore for the moment he gave the ambassadors the money which was needed for the expenses of the war; he assured them that he would send military and naval assistance.

> Latin: 26.5. vera erant, quae dicebantur; eo magis regem moverunt. itaque in praesentia pecuniam, quae ad usus belli necessaria erat, legatis dedit;

[¶50] 26.6. Thoas, one of the ambassadors, he kept with him; he remained there not at all against his will, that someone might be at hand to demand the fulfilment of the promises.

> Latin: 26.6. auxilia terrestria navaliaque adfirmavit missurum. Thoantem unum ex legatis retinuit, et ipsum haud invitum morantem, ut exactor praesens promissorum adesset.

[¶51] 27.1. But the capture of Heraclea finally broke the spirit of the Aetolians, and a few days after they had sent ambassadors to Asia to renew the war and summon the king, they laid aside their warlike designs and sent delegates to the consul to beg for peace.

> Latin: 27.1. ceterum Heraclea capta fregit tandem animos Aetolorum, et paucos post dies, quam ad bellum renovandum acciendumque regem in Asiam miserant legatos, abiectis belli consiliis pacis petendae oratores ad consulem miserunt.

[¶52] 27.3. The consul broke in when they had begun to speak, saying that he had more important matters to attend to, and ordered them to return to Hypata, granting them a truce of ten days and sending Lucius Valerius Flaccus with them, telling them to state to him the matters they had planned to discuss with himself and anything else they desired.

> Latin: 27.3. quos dicere exorsos consul interfatus, cum alia sibi praevertenda esse dixisset, redire Hypatam eos datis dierum decem indutiis et L. Valerio Flacco cum iis misso iussit eique, quae secum acturi fuissent, exponere, et si qua vellent alia.

[¶53] 27.4. When they reached Hypata the chiefs of the Aetolians held a meeting with Flaccus, considering in what manner they should plead with the consul.

> Latin: 27.4. Hypatam ut est ventum, principes Aetolorum apud Flaccum concilium habuerunt consultantes, quonam agendum modo apud consulem foret.

[¶54] 27.5. They were preparing to begin with their ancient treaty relations and their services to the Roman people, when Flaccus bade them cease to mention what they had themselves violated and broken;

> Latin: 27.5. parantibus iis antiqua iura foederum ordiri meritaque in populum Romanum absistere abstisere iis Flaccus iussit, quae ipsi violassent ac rupissent;

[¶55] 27.6. a confession of wrongdoing would avail them more and a speech devoted entirely to prayers; for not on their own cause but on the clemency of the Roman people did their hopes of safety depend;

> Latin: 27.6. confessionem iis culpae magis profuturam et totam in preces orationem versam: nec enim in causa ipsorum, sed in populi Romani clementia spem salutis positam esse;

[¶56] 27.7. he too would support them if they should plead like suppliants both before the consul and with the senate at Rome; for there too ambassadors should be sent.

> Latin: 27.7. et se suppliciter agentibus iis adfuturum et apud consulem et Romae in senatu: eo quoque enim mittendos fore legatos.

[¶57] 27.8. This seemed to all of them the only way to safety, that they should entrust themselves to the good faith of the Romans; for that by so doing they would at once render the Romans ashamed to do violence to suppliants and themselves no less be absolutely free should fortune offer them anything better.

> Latin: 27.8. haec una via omnibus ad salutem visa est, ut in fidem se permitterent Romanorum: ita enim et illis violandi supplices verecundiam se imposituros, et ipsos nihilo minus suae potestatis fore, si quid melius fortuna ostendisset.

[¶58] 28.1. When they came before the consul, Phaeneas, the leader of the embassy, spoke at length and with manifold devices with which to soften the heart of the conqueror and concluded by saying that the Aetolians entrusted themselves and all their possessions to the good faith of the Roman people.

> Latin: 28.1. postquam ad consulem ventum est, Phaeneas legationis princeps longam orationem et varie ad mitigandam iram victoris compositam ita ad extremum finivit, ut diceret Aetolos se suaque omnia fidei populi Romani permittere.

[¶59] 28.2. When the consul heard this he replied, “Consider again and again, Aetolians, whether you are submitting on these conditions.” Then Phaeneas displayed the decree in which this was explicitly stated in writing.

> Latin: 28.2. id consul ubi audivit, “etiam atque etiam videte” inquit, “Aetoli, ut ita permittatis.” tum decretum Phaeneas, in quo id diserte scriptum erat, ostendit.

[¶60] 28.3. “Since, then,” the consul said, “you are submitting on these terms, I demand that Dicaearchus your fellow-citizen and Menestas of Epirus” —he had entered Naupactus with a garrison and compelled it to revolt —“and Amynander with the chiefs of the Athamanes, by whose advice you revolted from us, be delivered to me without delay.”

> Latin: 28.3. “quando ergo” inquit “ita permittis, postulo, ut mihi Dicaerchum civem vestrum et Menestam Epirotam”—Naupactum is cum praesidio ingressus ad defectionem compulerat—”et Amynandrum cum principibus Athamanum, quorum consilio ab nobis defecistis, sine mora dedatis.

[¶61] 28.4. He interrupted while the Roman was still speaking: “We have not delivered ourselves into slavery but have entrusted ourselves to your good faith, and I feel sure that you err from ignorance in giving us orders which are inconsistent with the customs of the Greeks.”

> Latin: 28.4. “prope dicentem interfatus Romanum “non in servitutem ” inquit, “sed in fidem tuam nos tradidimus, et certum habeo te imprudentia labi, qui nobis imperes, quae moris Graecorum non sint.”

[¶62] 28.5. To this the consul replied: “Nor, by Hercules, do I care very much what the Aetolians regard as properly consistent with the customs of the Greeks, since I, in the Roman way, am delivering an order to men who a moment ago surrendered by their own decree and had previously been conquered by armed force; therefore, unless my order is immediately executed I shall at once order you to be put in chains.”

> Latin: 28.5. ad ea consul “nec hercule” inquit “magnopere nunc curo, quid Aetoli satis ex more Graecorum factum esse censeant, dum ego more Romano imperium inhibeam in deditos modo decreto suo, ante armis victos:

[¶63] 28.6. He directed the chains to be brought and the lictors to stand by. Then the haughty spirit of Phaeneas was broken and that of the other Aetolians, and they finally perceived in what condition they were, and Phaeneas said that he and those of the Aetolians who were present knew that they would have to do what was commanded, but that to confirm the decree a council of the Aetolians was necessary; for that purpose he requested that a truce for ten days be granted them.

> Latin: 28.6. itaque, ni propere fit, quod impero, vinciri vos iam iubebo.” adferri catenas et circumsistere lictores iussit. tum fracta Phaeneae ferocia Aetolisque aliis est, et tandem cuius condicionis essent senserunt, et Phaeneas se quidem et qui adsint Aetolorum scire facienda esse, quae imperentur, dixit, sed ad decernenda ea concilio Aetolorum opus esse;

[¶64] 28.8. When Flaccus supported the request on behalf of the Aetolians the truce was granted and they returned to Hypata. There, when in the select council which they call the apocletes Phaeneas explained both what they were ordered to do and what they had almost experienced, the chiefs indeed groaned at their situation, yet recognized that they must obey their conqueror and that the Aetolians from all the towns must be summoned to a council.

> Latin: 28.8. ad id petere ut decem dierum indutias daret. petente Flacco pro Aetolis indutiae datae, et Hypatam reditum est. ubi cum in consilio delectorum, quos apocletos vocant, Phaeneas, et quae imperarentur et quae ipsis prope accidissent, exposuisset, ingemuerunt quidem principes condicioni suae, parendum tamen victori censebant et ex omnibus oppidis convocandos Aetolos ad concilium.

[¶65] 29.1. But after the assembled multitude had heard the same narrative, anger at the order and a sense of unjust treatment so inflamed their minds that, if they had been at peace, they would by that onset of passion have been provoked to war.

> Latin: 29.1. postquam vero coacta omnis multitudo eadem illa audivit, adeo saevitia imperii atque indignitate exasperati animi sunt, ut, si in pace fuissent, illo impetu irae concitari potuerint ad bellum.

[¶66] 29.2. Added to their wrath was also the difficulty of the orders (for how, in any case, could they possibly hand over King Amynander?)

> Latin: 29.2. ad iram accedebat et difficultas eorum, quae imperarentur—quonam modo enim utique regem Amynandrum se tradere posse?

[¶67] 29.3. and the hope which by chance offered itself because just at that time Nicander, coming from King Antiochus, filled the multitude with the idle expectation that a great war was preparing on land and sea.

> Latin: 29.3. —et spes forte oblata, quod Nicander eo ipso tempore ab rege Antiocho veniens implevit expectatione vana multitudinem, terra marique ingens parari bellum.

[¶68] 29.4. On the twelfth day after he had embarked he returned to Aetolia after completing his mission and put in at Phalara on the Malian gulf.

> Latin: 29.4. duodecumo is die, quam conscenderat navem, in Aetoliam perfecta legatione rediens Phalara in sinu Maliaco tenuit.

[¶69] 29.5. When he had brought the money from there to Lamia and he with his companions travelling light was passing at nightfall across the fields between the Macedonian and Roman camps, seeking Hypata over familiar paths, he encountered a picket of Macedonians and was conducted to the king, whose dinner-party had not yet broken up.

> Latin: 29.5. inde Lamiam pecuniam cum devexisset, ipse cum expeditis prima vespera inter Macedonum Romanaque castra medio agro, dum Hypatam notis callibus petit, in stationem incidit Macedonum deductusque ad regem est nondum convivio dimisso.

[¶70] 29.6. When this was announced Philip, behaving as if a guest, not an enemy, had arrived, bade him recline and dine and then, dismissing the others and keeping him alone, forbade his guest to have any fear of himself, and blamed the Aetolians for the evil counsels which had brought first the

> Latin: 29.6. quod ubi nuntiatum est, velut hospitis, non hostis adventu motus Philippus accumbere eum epularique iussit, atque inde dimissis aliis, solum retentum, ipsum quidem de se timere quicquam vetuit,

[¶71] 29.8. Romans and then Antiochus to Greece, counsels ever fated to recoil upon their own heads.

> Latin: 29.8. Aetolorum prava consilia atque in ipsorum caput semper recidentia accusavit, qui primum Romanos, deinde Antiochum in Graeciam adduxissent.

[¶72] 29.9. But forgetting the past, which could be criticized more easily than corrected, he would not act in such a way as to trample upon them in their misfortunes; the Aetolians too should at length end their quarrel with him, and Nicander personally should remember the day on which his life had been spared by him.

> Latin: 29.9. sed praeteritorum, quae magis reprehendi quam corrigi possint, oblitum se non facturum, ut insultet adversis rebus eorum;

[¶73] 29.10. So he provided him with an escort to conduct him to a place of safety, and Nicander proceeded to Hypata and found them deliberating about the Roman peace.

> Latin: 29.10. Aetolos quoque finire tandem adversus se odia debere, et Nicandrum privatim eius diei, quo servatus a se foret, meminisse. ita datis, qui in tutum eum prosequerentur, Hypatam Nicander consultantibus de pace Romana supervenit.

[¶74] 30.1. Manius Acilius, having sold or given to the soldiers the booty around Heraclea, when he heard that no pacific counsels were being taken at Hypata but that the Aetolians had assembled at Naupactus, that from there they might endure the whole violence of the war, sent Appius Claudius in advance with four thousand men to hold the ridges where the crossing of the mountains was difficult

> Latin: 30.1. M'. Acilius vendita aut concessa militi circa Heracleam praeda, postquam nec Hypatae pacata consilia esse, et Naupactum concurrisse Aetolos, ut inde totum impetum belli sustinerent, audivit, praemisso Ap. Claudio cum quattuor milibus militum ad occupanda iuga, qua difficiles transitus montium erant, ipse Oetam escendit Herculique sacrificium fecit in eo loco,

[¶75] 30.3. and himself climbed Oeta and offered sacrifice to Hercules at the place which they call Pyra, since there the mortal body of the god had been burned.

> Latin: 30.3. quem Pyram, quod ibi mortale corpus eius dei sit crematum, appellant. inde toto exercitu profectus reliquum iter satis expedito agmine fecit;

[¶76] 30.4. Then setting out with the entire army he finished the rest of the journey with fairly easy marching; when he came to Corax —this is a very high mountain between Callipolis and Naupactus —there both many animals from the train plunged to the bottom of the gorge, loads and all, and the men were in difficulties;

> Latin: 30.4. ut ad Coracem ventum est—mons est altissimus inter Callipolim et Naupactum—, ibi et iumenta multa ex agmine praecipitata cum ipsis oneribus sunt et homines vexati;

[¶77] 30.5. and it was easily seen with how careless an enemy they had to deal, who had not held so difficult a pass with any kind of guard to prevent their crossing.

> Latin: 30.5. et facile apparebat, quam cum inerti hoste res esset, qui tam impeditum saltum nullo praesidio, ut clauderet transitum, insedisset.

[¶78] 30.6. Then too, though his army had suffered, he marched down to Naupactus, and establishing one fort over against the citadel he, dividing his forces as the situation of the walls required, surrounded the other sections of the city. Nor did this siege involve any less toil and labour than that of Heraclea.

> Latin: 30.6. tum quoque vexato exercitu ad Naupactum descendit, et uno castello adversus arcem posito ceteras partes urbis divisis copiis pro situ moenium circumsedit. nec minus operis laborisque ea oppugnatio quam Heracleae habuit.

[¶79] 31.1. At the same time too Messene in the Peloponnesus began to be besieged by the Achaeans because it refused to join their league.

> Latin: 31.1. eodem tempore et Messene in Peloponneso ab Achaeis, quod concilii eorum recusarat esse, oppugnari coepta est.

[¶80] 31.2. Two cities, Messene and Elis, were outside the Achaean council; their sympathies were with the Aetolians.

> Latin: 31.2. etenim duae civitates, Messene et Elis, extra concilium Achaicum erant;

[¶81] 31.3. The Eleans, however, after Antiochus was driven from Greece, responded more moderately to the ambassadors of the Achaeans: if the royal garrison were withdrawn they would consider what they should do;

> Latin: 31.3. cum Aetolis sentiebant. Elei tamen post fugatum ex Graecia Antiochum legatis Achaeorum lenius responderant: dimisso praesidio regio cogitaturos se, quid sibi faciendum esset;

[¶82] 31.4. the Messenians, on the other hand, had dismissed the ambassadors unanswered and had begun war, but fearful for their cause when their crops were being burned everywhere by a wide-ranging army and they saw the camp established near the city, they sent ambassadors to Chalcis to Titus Quinctius, the source of their liberty, to say that the Messenians were ready to open their gates and surrender their city to the Romans, not the Achaeans.

> Latin: 31.4. Messenii sine responso dimissis legatis moverant bellum, trepidique rerum suarum, cum iam ager effuso exercitu passim ureretur castraque prope urbem poni viderent, legatos Chalcidem ad T. Quinctium, auctorem libertatis, miserunt, qui nuntiarent Messenios Romanis, non Achaeis, et aperire portas et dedere urbem paratos esse.

[¶83] 31.6. Having listened to the ambassadors Quinctius, setting out at once from Megalopolis, sent a messenger to Diophanes, praetor of the Achaeans, to order him to withdraw his army at once from Messene and to report to him.

> Latin: 31.6. auditis legatis extemplo profectus Quinctius a Megalopoli ad Diophanen praetorem Achaeorum misit, qui extemplo reducere eum a Messene exercitum et venire ad se iuberet.

[¶84] 31.7. Diophanes obeyed the summons, and raising the siege and himself travelling light, preceded the column and near Andania, a little town located between Megalopolis and Messene, met Quinctius; and when he had explained the reason for the siege, Quinctius reproached him gently because he had undertaken so important a matter without his authorization, and ordered him to disband his army and not to disturb the peace secured to the advantage of everyone.

> Latin: 31.7. dicto paruit Diophanes et soluta obsidione expeditus ipse praegressus agmen circa Andaniam, parvum oppidum inter Megalopolim Messenenque positum, Quinctio occurrit; et cum causas oppugnationis exponeret, castigatum leniter, quod tantam rem sine auctoritate sua conatus esset, dimittere exercitum iussit nec pacem omnium bono partam turbare.

[¶85] 31.9. He instructed the Messenians to recall their exiles and join the council of the Achaeans; if they had any matters about which they wished to raise objections or to take precautions for themselves against future contingencies, they should come to him at Corinth; Diophanes he directed to give him an immediate opportunity to meet the Achaean council.

> Latin: 31.9. Messeniis imperavit, ut exules reducerent et Achaeorum concilii essent; si qua haberent, de quibus aut recusare aut in posterum caveri sibi vellent, Corinthum ad se venirent;

[¶86] 31.10. There he complained about the island of Zacynthos, which had been wrongfully occupied, and demanded that it be restored to the Romans.

> Latin: 31.10. Diophanen concilium Achaeorum extemplo sibi praebere iussit. ibi de Zacyntho intercepta per fraudem insula questus postulavit, ut restitueretur Romanis.

[¶87] 31.11. Zacynthos had formerly belonged to Philip, king of the Macedonians; he had ceded it to Amynander as a bribe to induce him to permit Philip to lead his army through Athamania into the upper part of Aetolia, on the expedition by which he had broken the spirits of the Aetolians and forced them to seek peace.

> Latin: 31.11. Philippi Macedonum regis Zacynthus fuerat; eam mercedem Amynandro dederat, ut per Athamaniam ducere exercitum in superiorem partem Aetoliae liceret, qua expeditione fractis animis Aetolos compulit ad petendam pacem.

[¶88] 31.12. Amynander had appointed Philip of Megalopolis governor of the island; later, during the war in which he joined Antiochus against the Romans, he had recalled Philip for military duties and sent Hierocles of Agrigentum to succeed him.

> Latin: 31.12. Amynander Philippum Megalopolitanum insulae praefecit; postea per bellum, quo se Antiocho adversus Romanos coniunxit, Philippo ad munera belli revocato Hieroclen Agrigentinum successorem misit.

[¶89] 32.1. He, after the flight of Antiochus from Thermopylae and the expulsion of Amynander from Athamania by Philip, had at his own instance sent ambassadors to Diophanes, praetor of the Achaeans, had made a bargain for money, and transferred the island to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 32.1. is post fugam ab Thermopylis Antiochi Amynandrumque a Philippo Athamania pulsum missis ultro ad Diophanen praetorem Achaeorum nuntiis pecunia pactus insulam Achaeis tradidit.

[¶90] 32.2. That it should be their prize of war seemed fair to the Romans: for, they said, Manius Acilius the consul and the Roman legions had not fought for Diophanes and the Achaeans at Thermopylae.

> Latin: 32.2. id praemium belli suum esse aequum censebant Romani: non enim M'. Acilium consulem legionesque Romanas Diophani et Achaeis ad Thermopylas pugnasse.

[¶91] 32.3. Diophanes in reply sometimes defended himself and the state, sometimes argued the legal aspects of the case.

> Latin: 32.3. Diophanes adversus haec purgare interdum sese gentemque, interdum de iure facti disserere.

[¶92] 32.4. Some of the Achaeans both bore witness that from the beginning they had objected to the proceeding and at this time taunted the praetor for his persistence; and on their motion it was voted that the question be referred to Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 32.4. quidam Achaeorum et initio eam se rem aspernatos testabantur et tunc pertinaciam increpitabant praetoris; auctoribusque iis decretum est, ut T. Quinctio ea res permitteretur.

[¶93] 32.5. Although Quinctius was harsh in the face of opposition, yet, if you gave in to him, he was also easy to please. Banishing all signs of passion from voice and expression, he said, “If I believed that the possession of the island was useful to you, Achaeans, I should urge upon the senate and the Roman people that they permit you to keep it;”

> Latin: 32.5. erat Quinctius sicut adversantibus asper, ita, si cederes, idem placabilis. omissa contentione vocis vultusque “si utilem” inquit, “possessionem eius insulae censerem Achaeis esse, auctor essem senatui populoque Romano, ut eam vos habere sinerent;

[¶94] 32.6. “but like a tortoise, which I see to be secure against all attacks when it has all its parts drawn up inside its shell, but when it sticks any part out it has that member which is exposed weak and open to injury, in no different fashion you, Achaeans, shut in ” “on all sides by the sea, can both easily unite to yourselves anything within the boundaries of the Peloponnesus, and, when thus united, easily defend it, but as soon ”

> Latin: 32.6. ceterum sicut testudinem ubi collecta in suum tegumen est, tutam ad omnis ictus video esse, ubi exserit partis aliquas. quodcumque nudavit, obnoxium atque infirmum habere, haud dissimiliter vos, Achaei, clausos undique mari, quae intra Peloponnesi sunt terminos, ea et iungere vobis et iuncta tueri facile,

[¶95] 32.8. “as in your desire for larger acquisitions you overstep those limits, I see that all the parts which lie outside are unprotected and vulnerable to every blow.”

> Latin: 32.8. simul aviditate plura amplectendi hinc excedatis, nuda vobis omnia, quae extra sint, et exposita ad omnes ictus esse.

[¶96] 32.9. The whole council assenting and Diophanes not daring to struggle longer, Zacynthos was ceded to the Romans.

> Latin: 32.9. ” adsentienti omni concilio nec Diophane ultra tendere auso Zacynthus Romanis traditur.

[¶97] 33.1. About the same time King Philip, as the consul was leaving for Naupactus, asked him whether he wished meanwhile to recover the cities that had abandoned the Roman alliance, and with his consent moved his troops towards Demetrias, well knowing what confusion reigned there.

> Latin: 33.1. per idem tempus Philippus rex proficiscentem consulem ad Naupactum percunctatus, si se interim, quae defecissent ab societate Romana, urbes recipere vellet, permittente eo ad Demetriadem copias admovit haud ignarus, quanta ibi tum turbatio esset.

[¶98] 33.3. For, abandoned by all hope, when they saw themselves deserted by Antiochus, with no prospect of help from the Aetolians, by day and night they looked for the arrival either of Philip, an enemy, or of the Romans, even more hostile in proportion to their juster cause for anger.

> Latin: 33.3. destituti enim ab omni spe, cum desertos se ab Antiocho, spem nullam in Aetolis esse cernerent, dies noctesque aut Philippi hostis adventum aut infestiorem etiam, quo iustius irati erant, Romanorum expectabant.

[¶99] 33.4. There was in the city an undisciplined mob of the king's soldiers, a few of whom had at first been left on guard, but afterwards more came, most of them unarmed, brought there in their flight after the defeat, nor did they have enough of either strength or courage to resist a siege;

> Latin: 33.4. turba erat ibi incondita regiorum, qui primo pauci in praesidio relicti, postea plures, plerique inermes, ex proelio adverso fuga delati, nec virium nec animi satis ad obsidionem tolerandam habebant:

[¶100] 33.5. and so when agents were sent ahead by Philip, who showed them that the hope of pardon was attainable, they replied that the gates were open to the king.

> Latin: 33.5. itaque praemissis a Philippo, qui spem impetrabilis veniae ostendebant, responderunt patere portas regi.

[¶101] 33.6. At his first entrance some of the leading men left the city; Eurylochus committed suicide. The soldiers of Antiochus —for such was the agreement —were conducted by a Macedonian escort, that no one might injure them, through Macedonia and Thrace to Lysimachia.

> Latin: 33.6. ad primum eius ingressum principum quidam urbe excesserunt, Eurylochus mortem sibi conscivit. Antiochi milites—sic enim pacti crant—sic enim pacti erant—per Macedoniam Thraeciamque prosequentibus Macedonibus, ne quis eos violaret, Lysimachiam deducti sunt.

[¶102] 33.7. There were also a few ships at Demetrias under the command of Isidorus; they too with the prefect were sent home. After that he recovered Dolopia and Aperantia and certain cities of Perrhaebia.

> Latin: 33.7. crant et paucae naves Demetriade, quibus praeerat Isidorus; eae quoque cum praefecto suo dimissae sunt. inde Dolopiam et Aperantiam et Perrhaebiae quasdam civitates recipit.

[¶103] 34.1. While Philip was thus engaged, Titus Quinctius, after recovering Zacynthos from the Achaean council, crossed to Naupactus, which for two months now —and it was near destruction by this time —had been undergoing the siege, and if it were captured by force the whole name of the Aetolians there seemed destined to come to annihilation.

> Latin: 34.1. dum haec a Philippo geruntur, T. Quinctius recepta Zacyntho ab Achaico concilio Naupactum traiecit, quae iam per duos menses— et iam prope excidium erat—oppugnabatur, et si capta vi foret, omne nomen ibi Aetolorum ad internecionem videbatur venturum.