---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 3 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 3. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 3. Book XXXI · chapters 27–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/3/#p-N

[¶0] 27.5. Fear of a similar fate caused Codrio, a strong and well-fortified town, to be surrendered to the Romans without resistance.

> Latin: 27.5. hic metus Codrione, satis validum et munitum oppidum, sine certamine ut dederetur Romanis, effecit.

[¶1] 27.6. Leaving a garrison there, he took by storm Cnidus — a name better known than the town because of the other Cnidus in Asia. As the lieutenant was returning to the consul with a satisfactory amount of booty, Athenagoras, one of the king's prefects, attacked his rear while it was crossing a river and caused some confusion to his rearguard.

> Latin: 27.6. praesidio ibi relicto Cnidus—nomen propter alteram in Asia urbem quam oppidum notius—vi capitur. revertentem legatum ad consulem cum satis magna praeda Athenagoras quidam, regius praefectus, in transitu fluminis a novissimo agmine adortus postremos turbavit.

[¶2] 27.7. The lieutenant, hastily riding back when he heard their shouts and uproar, faced the troops about and formed line of battle, placing the baggage in the centre, whereupon the king's soldiers did not withstand the Romans' charge. Many of them were killed and more captured.

> Latin: 27.7. ad quorum clamorem et trepidationem cum revectus equo propere legatus signa convertisset et coniectis in medium sarcinis aciem derexisset, non tulere impetum Romanorum militum regii. multi ex iis occisi, plures capti.

[¶3] 27.8. The lieutenant returned to the consul with his army intact and thence was at once sent back to the fleet.

> Latin: 27.8. legatus incolumi exercitu reducto ad consulem remittitur inde extemplo ad classem.

[¶4] 28.1. The war having been begun with this sufficiently successful expedition, the petty kings and princes, neighbours to the Macedonians, came to the Roman camp; Pleuratus, son of Scerdilaedus, and Amynander, king of the Athamanes, and from the Dardani Bato, son of Longarus.

> Latin: 28.1. hac satis felici expeditione bello commisso reguli ac principes accolae Macedonum in castra Romana veniunt, Pleuratus Scerdilaedi filius et Amynander Athamanum rex et ex Dardanis Bato Longari filius.

[¶5] 28.2. Longarus on his own account had waged war with Demetrius, father of Philip. To their proffers of assistance, the consul replied that he would accept the aid of the Dardani and Pleuratus when he led the army into Macedonia; to Amynander he assigned the task of winning the Aetolians over for the war.

> Latin: 28.2. bellum suo nomine Longarus cum Demetrio, Philippi patre, gesserat. pollicentibus auxilia respondit consul, Dardanorum et Pleurati opera, cum exercitum in Macedoniam induceret, se usurum;

[¶6] 28.3. To the ambassadors of Attalus — for they too had arrived at this time — he gave instructions that the king should await the Roman fleet at Aegina, where he was wintering, and uniting with it should continue as before the naval warfare on Philip.

> Latin: 28.3. Amynandro Aetolos concitandos ad bellum attribuit. Attali legatis—nam ii quoque per id tempus venerant—mandat, ut Aeginae rex, ubi hibernabat, classem Romanam opperiretur, qua adiuncta bello maritimo, sicut ante, Philippum urgeret.

[¶7] 28.4. Ambassadors were sent to the Rhodians also, that they should take up their share in the war. Nor did Philip — for he had by now reached Macedonia — carry on less vigorously his preparations for the war.

> Latin: 28.4. ad Rhodios quoque missi legati, ut capesserent partem belli. nec Philippus segnius—iam enim in Macedoniam pervenerat— adparabat bellum.

[¶8] 28.5. He sent his son Perseus, who was still a boy, with guardians from among his friends to guide his youth, with part of the troops to hold the passes which lead to Pelagonia.

> Latin: 28.5. filium Persea, puerum admodum, datis ex amicorum numero, qui aetatem eius regerent, cum parte copiarum ad obsidendas angustias, quae ad Pelagoniam sunt, mittit.

[¶9] 28.6. He destroyed Sciathus and Peparethus, cities not unknown to fame, to prevent their becoming prize and prey to the fleet of the enemy. He sent ambassadors to the Aetolians, lest that restless people should, on the arrival of the Romans, change its allegiance.

> Latin: 28.6. Sciathum et Peparethum, haud ignobiles urbes, ne classi hostium praedae ac praemio essent, diruit. ad Aetolos mittit legatos, ne gens inquieta adventu Romanorum fidem mutaret.

[¶10] 29.1. The council of the Aetolians, which they call Panaetolian, was to be held on the appointed day. To be present at it, both the king's representatives hastened their journey and Lucius Furius Purpurio the lieutenant, arrived, sent by the consul; ambassadors of the Athenians also came to this council.

> Latin: 29.1. concilium Aetolorum stata die, quod Panaetolium vocant, futurum erat. huic ut occurrerent, et regis legati iter adcelerarunt, et a consule missus L. Furius Purpurio legatus venit;

[¶11] 29.2. The Macedonians, with whom the latest treaty had been made, were first heard.

> Latin: 29.2. Atheniensium quoque legati ad id concilium occurrerunt. primi Macedones, cum quibus recentissimum foedus erat, auditi sunt.

[¶12] 29.3. They said that they had nothing new to say since nothing new had happened; inasmuch as, for the same reasons for which they had made peace with Philip after trying the useless Roman alliance, they should wish to keep a peace once for all established.

> Latin: 29.3. qui in nulla nova re nihil se novi habere, quod adferrent, dixerunt; quibus enim de causis experta inutili societate Romana pacem cum Philippo fecissent, compositam semel pacem servare eos debere.

[¶13] 29.4. “Or do you prefer,” said one of the ambassadors, “to imitate Roman presumption, or shall I call it fickleness? After ordering that your ambassadors at Rome should receive the answer, 'Why do you come to us, Aetolians, when without our authority you made peace with Philip?”

> Latin: 29.4. ‘an imitari’ inquit unus ex legatis Romanorum ‘licentiam, an levitatem dicam, mavultis? qui cum legatis vestris Romae responderi ita iussissent; ‘quid ad nos venitis, Aetoli, sine quorum auctoritate pacem cum Philippo fecistis?

[¶14] 29.5. ', these same Romans now demand that you make war -on Philip along with them; as they formerly pretended that they had taken arms against him on your account and for your sakes, now they forbid you to be at peace with Philip.

> Latin: 29.5. ’, iidem nunc, ut bellum secum adversus Philippum geratis, postulant; et antea propter vos et pro vobis arma sumpta adversus eum simulabant, nunc vos in pace esse cum Philippo prohibent.

[¶15] 29.6. “They crossed to Sicily first to assist Messina; the second time, to rescue and restore to liberty Syracuse, besieged by the Carthaginians; now they themselves hold both Messina and Syracuse and all Sicily and they have made it a province, tributary and subject to their rods and axes.”

> Latin: 29.6. Messanae ut auxilio essent, primo in Siciliam transcenderunt; iterum, ut Syracusas oppressas ab Carthaginiensibus in libertatem eximerent;

[¶16] 29.7. “No doubt, just as you hold your council at Naupactus, under your own ” “laws, with magistrates elected by yourselves, able to choose freely whomsoever you wish as friend and enemy, able to have peace or war at your own discretion, so a council of the Sicilian cities is called at Syracuse or Messina or Lilybaeum: the Roman praetor presides at the council; the men whom he has summoned by his authority assemble;”

> Latin: 29.7. et Messanam et Syracusas et totam Siciliam ipsi habent vectigalemque provinciam securibus et fascibus subiecerunt. scilicet sicut vos Naupacti legibus vestris per magistratus a vobis creatos concilium habetis, socium hostemque libere quem velitis lecturi, pacem ac bellum arbitrio habituri vestro, sic Siculorum civitatibus Syracusas aut Messanam aut Lilybaeum indicitur concilium:

[¶17] 29.9. “they see him seated on his lofty platform, rendering haughty justice, with a throng of lictors around him; their rods threaten their backs, the axes their throats; and year by year the lots grant them one master after another.”

> Latin: 29.9. —praetor Romanus conventus agit; eo imperio evocati conveniunt; excelso in suggestu superba iura reddentem, stipatum lictoribus vident; virgae tergo, secures cervicibus imminent; et quotannis alium atque alium dominum sortiuntur.

[¶18] 29.10. “At that they should not marvel, nor can they, when they see the Italian cities, Rhegium, Tarentum, Capua, subject to the same rule, not to mention the nearer cities on whose ruins Rome rose to power.”

> Latin: 29.10. nec id mirari debent aut possunt, cum Italiae urbes Regium, Tarentum, Capuam, ne finitimas, quarum ruinis crevit urbs Roma, nominem, eidem subiectas videant imperio.

[¶19] 29.11. “Capua indeed, tomb and monument of the Campanian race, survives, its people buried, exiled, driven away, a city despoiled, without senate, without people, without magistrates, a monstrosity, more cruelly left habitable than if it had been destroyed.”

> Latin: 29.11. Capua quidem, sepulcrum ac monumentum Campani populi, elato et extorri eiecto ipso populo, superest, urbs trunca sine senatu, sine plebe, sine magistratibus, prodigium, relicta crudelius habitanda, quam si deleta foret.

[¶20] 29.12. “It is madness to hope that anything will remain in the same condition if foreigners, separated from us more by language, manners and laws than by the space of land and sea, shall gain control.”

> Latin: 29.12. furor est, si alienigenae homines, plus lingua et moribus et legibus quam maris terrarumque spatio discreti, haec tenuerint, sperare quicquam eodem statu mansurum.

[¶21] 29.13. “The rule of Philip seems to interfere somewhat with your liberty; but he, though he would justly be angry with you, has asked nothing from you except peace and to-day desires nothing but your loyalty to your pledge of peace.”

> Latin: 29.13. Philippi regnum officere aliquid videtur libertati vestrae; qui, cum merito vestro vobis infensus esset, nihil a vobis ultra quam pacem petiit fidemque hodie pacis pactae desiderat.

[¶22] 29.14. “Make foreign armies at home in this land and wear their yoke: too late and all in vain will you call upon Philip to aid you when you have the Roman as master.”

> Latin: 29.14. adsuefacite his terris legiones externas et iugum accipite: sero ac nequiquam, cum dominum Romanum habebitis, socium Philippum quaeretis.

[¶23] 29.15. “The Aetolians, the Acarnanians, the Macedonians, men of the same speech, are united or disunited by trivial causes that arise from time to time; with aliens, with barbarians, all Greeks wage and will wage eternal war; for they are enemies by the will of nature, which is eternal, and not from reasons that change from day to day.”

> Latin: 29.15. Aetolos, Acarnanas, Macedonas, eiusdem linguae homines, leves ad tempus ortae causae diiungunt coniunguntque; cum alienigenis, cum barbaris aeternum omnibus Graecis bellum est eritque; natura enim, quae perpetua est, non mutabilibus in diem causis hostes sunt.

[¶24] 29.16. “But my speech shall end just where it began: in this same place you, the same men, decided three years ago on peace with this same Philip, with the disapproval of these same Romans who are now trying to break the peace we pledged and signed. In this situation fortune has made no change; why you should change, I do not see.”

> Latin: 29.16. sed unde coepit oratio mea, ibi desinet: hoc eodem loco iidem homines de eiusdem Philippi pace triennio ante decrevistis iisdem improbantibus eam pacem Romanis, qui nunc pactam et compositam turbare volunt. in qua consultatione nihil fortuna mutavit, cur vos mutetis, non video.

[¶25] 30.1. After the Macedonians, with the permission and indeed at the bidding of the Romans themselves, - the Athenians were brought in, who were able, having suffered dreadfully, to assail with greater reason the savageness and cruelty of the king.

> Latin: 30.1. ’ secundum Macedonas ipsis Romanis ita concedentibus iubentibusque Athenienses, qui foeda passi iustius in crudelitatem saevitiamque regis invehi poterant, introducti sunt.

[¶26] 30.2. They lamented the devastation and miserable ruin of their land: they did not complain because they suffered the treatment of an enemy from an enemy, for there are certain laws of war which are legitimately to be experienced as well as practised:

> Latin: 30.2. deploraverunt vastationem populationemque miserabilem agrorum: neque id se queri, quod hostilia ab hoste passi forent; esse enim quaedam belli iura, quae ut facere, ita pati sit fas:

[¶27] 30.3. it is sad, rather than unjust to the sufferer, that crops be burned, homes be destroyed, men and animals driven off as booty;

> Latin: 30.3. sata exuri, dirui tecta, praedas hominum pecorumque agi misera magis quam indigna patienti esse;

[¶28] 30.4. but they did, however, complain that he who calls the Romans aliens and barbarians had so polluted human and divine law alike that on his first raid he had waged impious war on the gods of the world below, on his second, with the gods above.

> Latin: 30.4. verum enim vero id se queri, quod is, qui Romanos alienigenas et barbaros vocet, adeo omnia simul divina humanaque iura polluerit, ut priore populatione cum infernis deis, secunda cum superis bellum nefarium gesserit.

[¶29] 30.5. All the tombs and monuments in their land had been destroyed, the shades of all the dead left naked, no man's bones left with their covering of earth.

> Latin: 30.5. omnia sepulcra monumentaque diruta esse in finibus suis, omnium nudatos manes, nullius ossa terra tegi.

[¶30] 30.6. They had had shrines, which their ancestors dwelling in the country demes had once consecrated in their little villages and towns and which, even when united in one city, they had not left deserted. About all these temples Philip had built his destroying fires; half-burned, mutilated images of gods lay amid the fallen portals of their shrines.

> Latin: 30.6. delubra sibi fuisse, quae quondam pagatim habitantes in parvis illis castellis vicisque consecrata ne in unam urbem quidem contributi maiores sui deserta reliquerint.

[¶31] 30.7. The sort of land he had made of Attica, once so rich in art and treasure, such, if he were permitted, he would make of Aetolia and all Greece.

> Latin: 30.7. circa ea omnia templa Philippum infestos circumtulisse ignes; semusta, truncata simulacra deum inter prostratos iacere postes templorum.

[¶32] 30.8. Their city too would have suffered the same despoliation if the Romans had not come to its aid.

> Latin: 30.8. qualem terram Atticam fecerit, exornatam quondam opulentamque, talem eum, si liceat, Aetoliam Graeciamque omnem facturum.

[¶33] 30.9. For in the same criminal fashion the gods that keep the city and Athena, guardian of its citadel, had been attacked, so too the temple of Demeter at Eleusis, so Zeus and Athena at Piraeus;

> Latin: 30.9. urbis quoque suae similem deformitatem futuram fuisse, nisi Romani subvenissent. eodem enim scelere urbem colentis deos praesidemque arcis Minervam petitam, eodem Eleusine Cereris templum, eodem Piraei Iovem Minervamque;

[¶34] 30.10. but, repulsed not only from their temples but also from the walls by force of arms, he had spent his wrath on those shrines which were protected by a sense of reverence alone.

> Latin: 30.10. sed ab eorum non templis modo sed etiam moenibus vi atque armis repulsum in ea delubra, quae sola religione tuta fuerint, saevisse.

[¶35] 30.11. They therefore begged and besought the Aetolians to pity the Athenians and under the leadership, first of the immortal gods, second of the Romans, who were next to the gods in power, to undertake the war.

> Latin: 30.11. itaque se orare atque obsecrare Aetolos, ut miseriti Atheniensium ducibus diis immortalibus, deinde Romanis, qui secundum deos plurimum possent, bellum susciperent.

[¶36] 31.1. Then the Roman delegate spoke: “First the Macedonians, then the Athenians, have changed the whole tenor of my argument.”

> Latin: 31.1. tum Romanus legatus: ‘totam orationis meae formam Macedones primum, deinde Athenienses mutarunt.

[¶37] 31.2. “For the Macedonians, when I had come to complain of the injuries inflicted by Philip upon so many states allied with us, by taking the lead in accusing the Romans, have caused me to prefer a defence ” “of ourselves to an accusation of them, and when the Athenians have described his cruel and inhuman crimes against the gods above and below, what have they left for me or anyone else with which to reproach him further?”

> Latin: 31.2. nam et Macedones, cum ad conquerendas Philippi iniurias in tot socias nobis urbes venissem, ultro accusando Romanos, defensionem ut accusatione potiorem haberem effecerunt, et Athenienses in deos inferos superosque nefanda atque inhumana scelera eius referendo quid mihi aut cuiquam reliquerunt, quod obicere ultra possim?

[¶38] 31.4. “Consider that these same complaints are made by the people of Cius, Abydus, Aenus, Maronea, Thasos, Paros, Samos, Larisa, Messene here from Achaea, and that those complaints are of more grievous and cruel treatment wherever he had greater power to do harm.”

> Latin: 31.4. eadem haec Cianos, Abydenos, Aenios, Maronitas, Thasios, Parios, Samios, Larisenses, Messenios hinc ex Achaia existimate queri, graviora acerbioraque eos, quibus nocendi maiorem facultatem habuit.

[¶39] 31.5. “For as to those matters with which he has charged us, unless they merit glory, I confess that they cannot be defended. He has reproached us with Rhegium and Capua and Syracuse.”

> Latin: 31.5. nam quod ad ea attinet, quae nobis obiecit, nisi gloria digna sunt, fateor ea defendi non posse. Regium et Capuam et Syracusas nobis obiecit.

[¶40] 31.6. “Take Rhegium: in the war with Pyrrhus a legion sent by us when the townspeople of Rhegium themselves begged us to send troops for their protection, criminally seized the city it was sent to guard.”

> Latin: 31.6. regium Pyrrhi bello legio a nobis Reginis ipsis, ut mitteremus, orantibus in praesidium missa urbem, ad quam defendendam missa erat, per scelus possedit.

[¶41] 31.7. “Did we, then, approve this crime? Or did we, making war upon the guilty legion and reducing it to submission, when we had made it pay to the allies the penalty, with scourgings and beheadings, did we restore to the people of Rhegium their city, their lands and all their possessions along with their liberty and laws?”

> Latin: 31.7. comprobavimus ergo id facinus? an bello persecuti sceleratam legionem, in potestatem nostram redactam, tergo et cervicibus poenas sociis pendere cum coegissemus, urbem, agros suaque omnia cum libertate legibusque Reginis reddidimus?

[¶42] 31.8. “When we had given aid to the Syracusans, oppressed by foreign tyrants, a thing which made their fate more pitiable, and when we had been worn out by besieging, for nearly three years, the city strongly fortified by land and sea, since now the Syracusans themselves preferred to be ruled by tyrants to being captured by us, we delivered to them a city taken and liberated by these same arms.”

> Latin: 31.8. Syracusanis oppressis ab externis tyrannis, quo indignius esset, cum tulissemus opem et fatigati fagitati prope per triennium terra marique urbe munitissima oppugnanda essemus, cum iam ipsi Syracusani servire tyrannis quam capi a nobis mallent, captam iisdem armis et liberatam urbem reddidimus.

[¶43] 31.9. “We do not deny that Sicily is our province and that the cities which were on the side of Carthage and in agreement with her made war on us are our vassals and tributaries; nay, on the contrary, we wish both you and all nations to know this, that each one's fortune is proportioned to his services to us.”

> Latin: 31.9. neque infitias imus Siciliam provinciam nostram esse et civitates, quae in parte Carthaginiensium fuerunt et uno animo cum illis adversus nos bellum gesserunt, stipendiarias nobis ac vectigales esse; quin contra hoc et vos et omnes gentes scire volumus, pro merito cuique erga nos fortunam esse.

[¶44] 31.10. “Or should we be ashamed of the punishment of the Campanians, of which not even they can complain?” “These people, when we had warred with the Samnites on their behalf for almost seventy years, with great losses to ourselves, and when after that we had bound them to us, first by treaty, then by intermarriages ” “and personal ties, finally by the gift of citizenship, were the first of all the states of Italy who in our time of stress foully murdered our garrison and went over to Hannibal, and then, enraged because they were besieged by us, sent Hannibal to attack Rome.”

> Latin: 31.10. an Campanorum poenae, de qua ne ipsi quidem queri possunt, nos paeniteat? hi homines, cum pro iis bellum adversus Samnites per annos prope septuaginta cum magnis nostris cladibus gessissemus, ipsos foedere primum, deinde conubio atque cognationibus, postremo civitate nobis coniunxissemus, tempore nostro adverso primi omnium Italiae populorum, praesidio nostro foede interfecto, ad Hannibalem defecerunt, deinde indignati se obsideri a nobis Hannibalem ad oppugnandam Romam miserunt.

[¶45] 31.13. “If neither their city nor any man of them survived, who could say that they had been punished more severely than they themselves deserved?”

> Latin: 31.13. horum si neque urbs ipsa neque homo quisquam superesset, quis id durius quam pro merito ipsorum statutum indignari posset?

[¶46] 31.14. “More of them, from consciousness of their guilt, committed suicide than were punished by us.” “From the rest we did indeed take away their town and their fields, but in such a way that we left them enough land and room to dwell in, and we permitted the city itself to stand safe and uninjured, so that he who sees it to-day finds no sign of its assault and capture. But why do I mention Capua, when we gave peace and liberty to conquered Carthage?”

> Latin: 31.14. plures sibimet ipsi conscientia scelerum mortem consciverunt, quam ab nobis supplicio adfecti sunt. ceteris ita oppidum, ita agros ademimus, ut agrum locumque ad habitandum daremus, urbem innoxiam stare incolumem pateremur, ut, qui hodie videat eam, nullum oppugnatae captaeve ibi vestigium inveniat. sed quid ego Capuam dico, cum Carthagini victae pacem ac libertatem dederimus?

[¶47] 31.16. “This is the greater danger, that by treating the vanquished too generously we may thereby incite more peoples to try the fortune of war against us.”

> Latin: 31.16. magis illud est periculum, ne nimis facile victis ignoscendo plures ob id ipsum ad experiundam adversus nos fortunam belli incitemus.

[¶48] 31.17. “Let this be our defence of ourselves and our answer to Philip, whose murders within his family, whose slaughterings of friends and relatives, whose passions, more unnatural almost than his cruelty, you know better than I, as you are nearer neighbours to Macedonia.”

> Latin: 31.17. haec pro nobis dicta sint, haec adversus Philippum, cuius domestica parricidia et cognatorum amicorumque caedes et libidinem inhumaniorem prope quam crudelitatem vos, quo propiores Macedoniae estis, melius nostis.

[¶49] 31.18. “So far as you are concerned, men of Aetolia, we undertook the war with Philip for you and you made peace with him without us.”

> Latin: 31.18. quod ad vos attinet, Aetoli, nos pro vobis bellum suscepimus adversus Philippum, vos sine nobis cum eo pacem fecistis.

[¶50] 31.19. “And perhaps you will argue that when we were busy with the Punic war, you, compelled by fear, received terms of peace from him who was at that time more powerful; and that we, in the press of greater matters, ourselves neglected the war which you abandoned.”

> Latin: 31.19. et forsitan dicatis bello Punico occupatis nobis coactos metu vos leges pacis ab eo, qui tum plus poterat, accepisse; et nos, cum alia maiora urgerent, depositum a vobis bellum et ipsi omisimus.

[¶51] 31.20. “But now, by the grace of the gods, having finished the Punic war, we have addressed ourselves with all our energy to Macedonia, and to you, accordingly, is offered the opportunity of reinstating yourselves in our alliance and friendship, unless you prefer perishing with Philip to conquering with the Romans.”

> Latin: 31.20. nunc et nos deum benignitate Punico perfecto bello totis viribus nostris in Macedoniam incubuimus, et vobis restituendi vos in amicitiam societatemque nostram fortuna oblata est, nisi perire cum Philippo quam vincere cum Romanis mavultis.

[¶52] 32.1. After this had been said by the Roman commissioner, and the opinions of all were turning toward the Romans, Damocritus, chief of the Aetolians, bribed — so men say — by the king, argued, not agreeing in any way with either side, that nothing was so inconsistent with wisdom in a great crisis as haste; for repentance, swift yet none the less late and unavailing, followed, when hastily-formed plans could not be recalled or annulled.

> Latin: 32.1. ’ haec dicta ab Romano cum essent, inclinatis omnium animis ad Romanos Damocritus, praetor Aetolorum, pecunia, ut fama est, ab rege accepta nihil aut huic aut illi parti adsensus, rem magni discriminis consiliis nullam esse tam inimicam quam celeritatem dixit; celerem enim paenitentiam, sed eandem seram atque inutilem sequi, cum praecipitata raptim consilia neque revocari neque in integrum restitui possint.

[¶53] 32.3. The time for making the decision, the ripe moment for which should, in his judgment, be awaited, could be fixed even now: since it was provided by the laws that questions concerning peace or war should not be debated except at the Panaetolian and Pylaic council, they should at once decree that the praetor should call a council, in good faith, when he wished to discuss the question of peace or war, and that whatever was then proposed and decreed should be valid and legal just as if determined at a Panaetolian or Pylaic session.

> Latin: 32.3. deliberationis eius, cuius ipse maturitatem expectandam putaret, tempus ita iam nunc statui posse: cum legibus cautum esset, ne de pace belloque nisi in Panaetolico et Pylaico concilio ageretur, decernerent extemplo, ut praetor sine fraude, cum de bello et pace agere velit, advocet concilium, et quod tum referatur decernaturque ut perinde ius ratumque sit ac si in Panaetolico aut Pylaico concilio actum esset. dimissis ita suspensa re legatis egregie consultum genti aiebat: nam utrius partis melior fortuna belli esset, ad eius societatem inclinaturos. haec in concilio Aetolorum acta. Philippus impigre terra marique parabat bellum. navalis copias Demetriadem in Thessaliam contrahebat; Attalum Romanamque classem principio veris ab Aegina ratus moturos, navibus maritumaeque orae praefecit Heraclidam, quem et ante praefecerat;

[¶54] 33.3. The ambassadors being thus dismissed with the decision hanging in the balance, he said that this was wise conduct for the League: for whichever side enjoyed the better fortune of war, to an alliance with that side they would turn. Such were the proceedings of the Aetolian council. XXXIII. Philip was energetically preparing for war on land and sea.

> Latin: 33.3. ipse terrestris copias comparabat, magna se duo auxilia Romanis detraxisse credens, ex una parte Aetolos, ex altera Dardanos, faucibus ad Pelagoniam a filio Perseo interclusis.

[¶55] 33.4. He assembled his navy at Demetrias in Thessaly; expecting that Attalus and the Roman fleet would move from Aegina in the beginning of spring, he placed Heraclides, to whom he had previously given the same post, in command of the fleet and the coast;

> Latin: 33.4. ab consule non parabatur, sed gerebatur iam bellum. per Dassaretiorum fines exercitum ducebat, frumentum, quod ex hibernis extulerat, integrum vehens, quod in usum militi satis esset praebentibus agris.

[¶56] 33.5. he himself collected the land forces, thinking that he had detached from the Romans two powerful allies, the Aetolians on one side, the Dardani on the other, since the passes to Pelagonia were held by his son Perseus. The consul was not preparing, but actually waging, war.

> Latin: 33.5. oppida vicique partim voluntate, partim metu se tradebant; quaedam vi expugnata, quaedam deserta in montis propinquos refugientibus barbaris inveniebantur.

[¶57] 33.6. He was leading the army through the territory of the Dassaretii, carrying with him untouched the grain he had brought from winter quarters, since the country supplied adequately the needs of the soldiers. The forts and towns surrendered, some voluntarily, others through fear; some were carried by assault, some were found abandoned as the barbarians fled to the neighbouring mountains. He established a base near Lyncus on the river Bevus; from there he sent troops to forage among the granaries of the Dassaretii.

> Latin: 33.6. ad Lyncum stativa posuit prope flumen Bevum; inde frumentatum circa horrea Dassaretiorum mittebat. Philippus consternata quidem omnia circa pavoremque ingentem hominum cernebat, sed parum gnarus, quam partem petisset consul, alam equitum ad explorandum, quonam hostes iter intendissent, misit.

[¶58] 33.7. Philip, it is true, saw that everything round about was in confusion and that the people were greatly terrified, but not knowing in which direction the consul had marched, he sent a squadron of cavalry to ascertain where the enemy had gone.

> Latin: 33.7. idem error apud consulem erat; movisse ex hibernis regem sciebat, quam regionem petisset, ignorans.

[¶59] 33.8. The consul was equally at a loss; he knew that the king had left his winter quarters, though ignorant of the region to which he had marched. He too sent out cavalry to scout. These two cavalry forces, coming from different directions, after they had wandered long and aimlessly over the roads in the land of the Dassaretii, finally met on the same highway. Neither was unaware, since they heard the sound of men and horses from far off, that the enemy was approaching.

> Latin: 33.8. is quoque speculatum miserat equites. hae duae alae ex diverso, cum diu incertis itineribus vagatae per Dassaretios essent, tandem in unum iter convenerunt. neutros fefellit, ut fremitus procul hominum equorumque exauditus est, hostes appropinquare. itaque priusquam in conspectum venirent, equos armaque expedierant; nec mora, ubi primum hostem videre, concurrendi facta est.

[¶60] 33.9. So, before they came in sight of one another, they had prepared horses and arms for battle, nor was there any delay in charging as soon as the enemy came in sight. Not unequal, as it chanced, in either numbers or courage, since both consisted of picked men, they fought on equal terms for some hours.

> Latin: 33.9. forte et numero et virtute, utpote lecti utrimque, haud impares, aequis viribus per aliquot horas pugnarunt. fatigatio ipsorum equorumque incerta victoria diremit proelium.

[¶61] 33.10. The weariness of men and horses ended the struggle without a decision in favour of either party. Of the Macedonians, forty troopers fell; of the Romans, thirty-five.

> Latin: 33.10. Macedonum quadraginta equites, Romanorum quinque et triginta ceciderunt. neque eo magis explorati quicquam, in qua regione castra hostium essent, aut illi ad regem aut hi ad consulem rettulerunt;

[¶62] 33.11. Nor did either side, the king's or the consul's, have to report any more definite information as to where the enemy's camp lay; but this information was secured through deserters, whom in every war their fickleness causes to furnish information to the enemy.

> Latin: 33.11. per transfugas cognitum est, quos levitas ingeniorum ad cognoscendas hostium res in omnibus bellis praebet.

[¶63] 34.1. Philip, thinking that he would do something to secure the affection of his people and increase their readiness to encounter danger on his behalf if he undertook the burial of the cavalrymen who had fallen on the expedition, ordered their bodies brought into camp, that the funeral honour might be seen by all.

> Latin: 34.1. Philippus aliquid et ad caritatem suorum et ut promptius pro eo periculum adirent ratus profecturum se, si equitum, qui ceciderant in expeditione, sepeliendorum curam habuisset, adferri eos in castra iussit, ut conspiceretur ab omnibus funeris honos.

[¶64] 34.3. Nothing is so uncertain or so unpredictable as the mental reaction of a crowd. What he thought would make them more ready to enter any conflict caused, instead, reluctance and fear;

> Latin: 34.3. nihil tam incertum nec tam inaestimabile est quam animi multitudinis. quod promptiores ad subeundam omnem dimicationem videbatur facturum, id metum pigritiamque incussit;

[¶65] 34.4. for men who had seen the wounds dealt by javelins and arrows and occasionally by lances, since they were used to fighting with the Greeks and Illyrians, when they had seen bodies chopped to pieces by the Spanish sword, arms torn away, shoulders and all, or heads separated from bodies, with the necks completely severed, or vitals laid open, and the other fearful wounds, realized in a general panic with what weapons and what men they had to fight.

> Latin: 34.4. nam qui hastis sagittisque et rara lanceis facta vulnera vidissent, cum Graecis Illyriisque pugnare adsueti, postquam gladio Hispaniensi detruncata corpora, bracchiis cum humero abscisis, aut tota cervice desecta divisa a corpore capita patentiaque viscera et foeditatem aliam vulnerum viderunt, adversus quae tela quosque viros pugnandum foret, pavidi vulgo cernebant.

[¶66] 34.5. Fear seized the king as well, who had never met the Romans in ordered combat.

> Latin: 34.5. ipsum quoque regem terror cepit nondum iusto proelio cum Romanis congressum.

[¶67] 34.6. So, recalling his son and the guard which was at the passes to Pelagonia, - that he might increase his own strength with these forces, he opened to Pleuratus and the Dardani the road into Macedonia.

> Latin: 34.6. itaque revocato filio praesidioque, quod in faucibus Pelagoniae erat, ut iis copiis suas augeret, Pleurato Dardanisque iter in Macedoniam patefecit.

[¶68] 34.7. Using deserters as guides, he himself marched towards the enemy with twenty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, and fortified with a wall and ditch a hill near Athacus, a little more than a mile from the Roman camp, and seeing the Roman camp which lay at his feet, it is said that he admired its whole arrangement and each section allotted its own place, with the rows of tents and also the well-spaced streets between, and that he remarked that no one could believe that that camp belonged to barbarians.

> Latin: 34.7. ipse cum viginti milibus peditum, duobus milibus equitum ducibus transfugis ad' hostem profectus paulo plus mille passus a castris Romanis tumulum propinquum Athaco fossa ac vallo communivit; ac subiecta cernens Romana castra, admiratus esse dicitur et universam speciem castrorum et discripta suis quaeque partibus cum tendentium ordine tum itinerum intervallis et negasse barbarorum ea castra ulli videri posse.

[¶69] 34.9. For two days the consul and the king remained in camp, each waiting for the other to assume the offensive; on the third day the Roman led out all his forces to the battleground.

> Latin: 34.9. biduum consul et rex, alter alterius conatus expectantes, continuere suos intra vallum; tertio die Romanus omnis in aciem copias eduxit.

[¶70] 35.1. The king, fearing the gamble of a decisive battle at this early moment, sent four hundred Tralles — a people of Illyria, as I have elsewhere said — and three hundred Cretans, adding to the infantry an equal number of cavalry under command of Athenagoras, one of his nobles, to harass the Roman cavalry.

> Latin: 35.1. rex [non] tam celerem aleam universi certaminis timens quadringentos Trallis—Illyriorum id, sicut alio diximus loco, est genus—et Cretenses trecentos, addito his peditibus pari numero equitum, cum duce Athenagora, uno ex purpuratis, ad lacessendos hostium equites misit.

[¶71] 35.2. The Romans, on the other hand — their battle-line was a little more than half a mile away — sent out skirmishers and about two squadrons of cavalry, that the infantry and cavalry might equal the enemy in number also.

> Latin: 35.2. ab Romanis autem—aberat acies eorum paulo plus quingentos passus—velites et equitum duae ferme alae emissae, ut numero quoque eques pedesque hostem aequarent.

[¶72] 35.3. The king's forces assumed that the type of fighting would be that to which they were accustomed, that the cavalry, alternately advancing and retreating, would now discharge their weapons and now retire, that the swift movements of the Illyrians would be useful for sallies and sudden charges, and that the Cretans would shower arrows upon the enemy advancing in disorder.

> Latin: 35.3. credere regii genus pugnae, quo adsueverant, fore, ut equites in vicem insequentes refugientesque nunc telis uterentur, nunc terga darent, Illyriorum velocitas ad excursiones et impetus subitos usui esset, Cretenses in invehentem se effuse hostem sagittas conicerent.

[¶73] 35.4. The Roman attack, no more vigorous than stubborn, prevented the carrying out of this plan;

> Latin: 35.4. turbavit hunc ordinem pugnandi non acrior quam pertinacior impetus Romanorum;

[¶74] 35.5. for just as if they were in regular line of battle, both the skirmishers, after hurling their spears, came to a hand-to-hand combat with their swords, and the cavalry, as soon as they had charged the enemy, stopping their horses either fought from horseback or leaped from their saddles and fought mingled with the footmen.

> Latin: 35.5. nam haud secus, quam si tota acie dimicarent, et velites emissis hastis comminus gladiis rem gerebant, et equites, ut semel in hostem evecti sunt, stantibus equis, partim ex ipsis equis, partim desilientes immiscentesque se peditibus pugnabant.

[¶75] 35.6. So neither the king's cavalry, unused to a stationary battle, could stand against the Romans, nor his infantry, running to and fro and almost unprotected by armour, against the light-armed Romans, equipped with shield and sword and prepared alike for defence or offence.

> Latin: 35.6. ita nec eques regius equiti par erat, insuetus ad stabilem pugnam, nec pedes concursator et vagus et prope seminudus genere armorum veliti Romano parmam gladiumque habenti pariterque et ad se tuendum et ad hostem petendum armato.

[¶76] 35.7. So they did not sustain the struggle, but relying on nothing else than their swiftness of foot they fled to the camp.

> Latin: 35.7. non tulere itaque dimicationem nec alia re quam velocitate tutantes se in castra refugerunt.

[¶77] 36.1. Then, after an interval of a day, when the king was determined to engage with all his cavalry and light infantry, he had concealed his targeteers, those whom they call “peltasts,” in ambush in a suitable place between the two camps, and had instructed Athenagoras and the cavalry that if things went well in the open battle they should exploit their advantage, but if not, they should by retiring gradually draw the enemy towards the place of ambush.

> Latin: 36.1. uno deinde intermisso die, cum omnibus copiis equitum levisque armaturae pugnaturus rex esset, nocte caetratos, quos peltastas vocant, loco opportuno inter bina castra in insidiis abdiderat praeceperatque Athenagorae et equitibus, ut, si aperto proelio procederet res, uterentur fortuna, si minus, cedendo sensim ad insidiarum locum hostem pertraherent.

[¶78] 36.3. And the cavalry did in fact retire, but the commanders of the peltasts, not waiting long enough for the signal and disclosing their forces prematurely, lost the opportunity for a victory. The Roman, both successful in the open battle and safe from the ambuscade, returned to camp.

> Latin: 36.3. et equitatus quidem cessit, duces caetratae cohortis non satis expectato signo ante tempus excitatis suis occasionem bene gerendae rei amisere. Romanus et aperto proelio victor et tutus a fraude insidiarum in castra sese recepit.

[¶79] 36.4. Next day the consul led out all his army in battleline, placing in front of the ranks his elephants, an auxiliary which the Romans then used for the first time, because they had some which they had taken in the Punic war.

> Latin: 36.4. postero die consul omnibus copiis in aciem descendit ante prima signa locatis elephantis, quo auxilio tum primum Romani, quia captos aliquot bello Punico habebant, usi sunt.

[¶80] 36.5. When he saw the enemy lurking behind his ramparts, he advanced to the hills and even against the wall itself, taunting him with being afraid. When he could not even then gain the opportunity to fight, since foraging was unsafe because his base was so close to that of the enemy, the cavalry being ready at any moment to attack the soldiers scattered through the fields, he moved his camp about eight miles from there to Ottolobum — so they call the place — that he might provision himself more safely because of the distance.

> Latin: 36.5. ubi latentem intra vallum hostem vidit, in tumulos quoque ac sub ipsum vallum exprobrans metum successit. postquam ne tum quidem potestas pugnandi dabatur, quia ex tam propinquis stativis parum tuta frumentatio erat, dispersos milites per agros equitibus extemplo invasuris, octo fere inde milia, intervallo tutiorem frumentationem habiturus, castra ad Ottolobum—id est loco nomen —

[¶81] 36.7. While the Romans were gathering grain in the neighbouring fields, the king at first kept his men within the camp, that carelessness might increase in the enemy along with boldness.

> Latin: 36.7. movit. cum in propinquo agro frumentarentur Romani, primo rex intra vallum suos tenuit, ut cresceret simul [et] neglegentia cum audacia hosti.

[¶82] 36.8. When he saw them well scattered, he set out with all his cavalry and the Cretan auxiliaries, in so far as these fast-moving infantrymen could keep up with the cavalry, and marching at full speed set up his standards between the Roman camp and the foragers.

> Latin: 36.8. ubi effusos vidit, cum omni equitatu et Cretensium auxiliaribus, quantum equitem velocissimi pedites cursu aequare poterant, citato profectus agmine inter castra Romana et frumentatores constituit signa.

[¶83] 36.9. Then, dividing his forces, he sent part to pursue the scattered foragers, giving the word to leave no man alive, and himself with the remainder stood and blocked the roads by which the enemy seemed likely to return to camp.

> Latin: 36.9. inde copiis divisis partem ad consectandos vagos frumentatores emisit dato signo, ne quem vivum relinquerent, cum parte ipse substitit itineraque, quibus ad castra recursuri videbantur hostes, obsedit.

[¶84] 36.10. Now there was slaughter and flight everywhere, nor had any news of the disaster yet reached the Roman camp, because the fugitives fell in with the king's patrols, and more were killed by the men who blocked the roads than by those who were sent out to destroy them.

> Latin: 36.10. iam passim caedes ac fuga erat, necdum quisquam in castra Romana nuntius cladis pervenerat, quia refugientes in regiam stationem incidebant, et plures ab obsidentibus vias quam ab emissis ad caedem interficiebantur.

[¶85] 36.11. Finally, however, some of them slipped through the line of enemy guards and in their panic brought confused rumours rather than definite news to the camp.

> Latin: 36.11. tandem inter medias hostium stationes elapsi quidam trepidi tumultum magis quam certum nuntium intulerunt castris.

[¶86] 37.1. The consul sent the cavalry to aid the harassed in any way they could, and himself led out the legions from the camp and forming a hollow square marched towards the enemy.

> Latin: 37.1. consul equitibus iussis, qua quisque posset, opem ferre laborantibus ipse legiones e castris educit et agmine quadrato ad hostem ducit.

[¶87] 37.2. Some of the cavalry wandered aimlessly about the country, misled by the shouts that rose from this place and that, others met the enemy face to face.

> Latin: 37.2. dispersi equites per agros quidam aberrarunt decepti clamoribus aliis ex alio existentibus loco, pars obvios habuerunt hostis.

[¶88] 37.3. The battle began in several places at once. The royal guard put up the stiffest fight, for by reason of the number of infantry and cavalry it was practically a regular battle and most of the Romans encountered them, since they blocked the central road.

> Latin: 37.3. pluribus locis simul pugna coepit. regia statio atrocissimum proelium edebat; nam et ipsa multitudine equitum peditumque prope iusta acies erat, et Romanorum, quia medium obsederat iter, plurimi in eam inferebantur.

[¶89] 37.4. In this too the Macedonians had the advantage, because the king himself was there to urge them on, and the Cretan auxiliaries dealt many unexpected wounds, fighting in close array and according to plan against men who were scattered and not in formation.

> Latin: 37.4. eo quoque superiores Macedones erant, quod et rex ipse hortator aderat, et Cretensium auxiliares multos ex improviso vulnerabant, conferti praeparatique in dispersos et effusos pugnantes.

[¶90] 37.5. But if they had observed discretion in the pursuit, it would have meant not only success in the present engagement, but final victory in the war as well;

> Latin: 37.5. quod si modum in insequendo habuissent, non in praesentis modo certaminis gloriam, sed in summam etiam belli profectum foret;

[¶91] 37.6. as it was, in their greed for slaughter, following too incautiously, they met the Roman cohorts advancing under command of the tribunes, and the fleeing cavalry, as soon as they saw the standards of their friends, faced about and attacked the disordered enemy, and in a moment, the tide of battle turning, the pursuers became the pursued.

> Latin: 37.6. nunc aviditate caedis intemperantius secuti in praegressas cum tribunis militum cohortes Romanas incidere, et fugiens eques, ut prima signa suorum vidit, convertit in effusum hostem equos, versaque momento temporis fortuna pugnae est terga dantibus, qui modo secuti erant. multi comminus congressi, multi fugientes interfecti;

[¶92] 37.8. Many were struck down in hand-to-hand fight, many killed in flight; and they died not by the sword alone, but some of them were swallowed up, horses and all, when they became entangled in the swamps. Even the king was in danger; for, thrown headlong to the ground when his wounded horse fell, he narrowly escaped being trampled to death. A trooper saved him, who quickly leaped down and lifted the terrified king to the back of his own horse;

> Latin: 37.8. nec ferro tantum periere, sed in paludes quidam coniecti profundo limo cum ipsis equis hausti sunt. rex quoque in periculo fuit; nam ruente saucio equo praeceps ad terram datus, haud multum afuit, quin iacens opprimeretur.

[¶93] 37.10. he himself, since on foot he could not equal the speed of the fleeing cavalry, perished, struck down by the cavalry who rushed up at the fall of the king. The king, riding about the marshes over roads and blind paths in full flight, came at length to his camp, when nearly all had given up hope of his safe return.

> Latin: 37.10. saluti fuit eques, qui raptim ipse desiluit pavidumque regem in equum subiecit; ipse, cum pedes aequare cursu fugientes non posset equites, ab hostibus ad casum regis concitatis confossus perit.

[¶94] 37.11. Two hundred of the Macedonian cavalry fell in this battle, and about one hundred were captured;

> Latin: 37.11. rex circumvectus paludes per vias inviaque trepida fuga in castra tandem, iam desperantibus plerisque incolumem evasurum, pervenit.

[¶95] 37.12. about eighty horses, with their trappings, some spoils of weapons being also recovered among the booty, were driven off.

> Latin: 37.12. ducenti Macedonum equites eo proelio periere, centum ferme capti; octoginta admodum ornati equi spoliis simul armorum relatis abducti.

[¶96] 38.1. There have been some who accused the king of rashness and others the consul of lack of energy on that day: Philip, they said, should have remained quiet, knowing that in a few days the enemy would be reduced to extreme need by the consumption of all the grain in the adjacent country, while the consul, after routing the enemy's cavalry and light infantry and almost capturing the king himself, should have immediately attacked the enemy's camp;

> Latin: 38.1. fuere, qui hoc die regem temeritatis, consulem segnitiae accusarent: nam et Philippo quiescendum fuisse, cum paucis diebus hostes exhausto circa omni agro ad ultimum inopiae venturos sciret, et consulem, cum equitatum hostium levemque armaturam fudisset ac prope regem ipsum cepisset, protinus ad castra hostium ducere debuisse;

[¶97] 38.3. for the enemy, dismayed as they were, would not have awaited his onslaught, and the war could have been finished at one stroke.

> Latin: 38.3. nec enim mansuros ita perculsos hostis fuisse, debellarique momento temporis potuisse. id dictu quam re, ut pleraque, facilius erat.

[¶98] 38.4. This, as usual, was easier to say than to do. For if the king had made his attack with all his infantry in addition, perhaps in the confusion, when they were all rushing, beaten and panic-stricken, from the battle-field into the camp, if they had at once fled before a conquering foe that was overrunning the defences, the king might have been driven from his camp;

> Latin: 38.4. nam si omnibus peditum quoque copiis congressus rex fuisset, forsitan inter tumultum, cum omnes victi metuque perculsi ex proelio intra vallum, protinus inde supervadentem munimenta victorem hostem fugerent, exui castris potuerit rex;

[¶99] 38.5. but since his entire infantry had remained in camp, with outposts and patrols stationed before the gates, what could he have accomplished, except to imitate the rashness of the king, who had a little before pursued the scattered and fleeing cavalry?

> Latin: 38.5. cum vero integrae copiae peditum in castris mansissent, stationes ante portas praesidiaque disposita essent, quid, nisi ut temeritatem regis, effuse paulo ante secuti perculsos equites, imitaretur, profecisset?

[¶100] 38.6. Nor would there be any criticism even of the king's original plan, of attacking the foragers scattered over the fields, had he limited his objective to success in this attack.

> Latin: 38.6. neque enim ne regis quidem primum consilium, quo impetum in frumentatores palatos per agros fecit, reprehendendum foret, si modum prosperae pugnae imposuisset.

[¶101] 38.7. It is less strange, too, that he tempted fortune in this way, because there was a report that Pleuratus and the Dardani had already left home with great forces and had invaded Macedonia;

> Latin: 38.7. eo quoque minus est mirum temptasse eum fortunam, quod fama erat Pleuratum Dardanosque ingentibus copiis profectos domo iam in Macedoniam transcendisse;

[¶102] 38.8. and if he were surrounded by these encircling forces, it might well be believed that the Roman could end the war by sitting still.

> Latin: 38.8. quibus si undique circumventus copiis foret, sedentem Romanum debellaturum credi poterat.

[¶103] 38.9. So Philip, thinking it far less safe to remain in the same camp after two cavalry defeats, wanting to withdraw from there and to escape detection while so doing, at sunset sent a herald to the consul to ask a truce for burying the cavalrymen, and eluding the enemy stole away silently during the second watch, leaving numerous fires burning throughout the camp.

> Latin: 38.9. itaque secundum duas adversas equestris pugnas multo minus tutam moram in iisdem stativis fore Philippus ratus, cum abire inde et fallere abiens hostem vellet, caduceatore sub occasum solis misso ad consulem, qui indutias ad sepeliendos equites peteret, frustratus hostem secunda vigilia multis ignibus per tota castra relictis silenti agmine abit.

[¶104] 39.1. The consul was engaged in refreshing himself at the time it was announced that the herald had come and why he had come.

> Latin: 39.1. corpus iam curabat consul, cum, venisse caduceatorem et quid venisset, nuntiatum est.

[¶105] 39.2. Replying merely that in the morning there would be opportunity for a conference, he gave Philip what he sought, the chance to retire rapidly during the night and a part of the next day.

> Latin: 39.2. responso tantum dato mane postero die fore copiam conveniendi, id quod quaesitum erat, nox dieique insequentis pars ad praecipiendum iter Philippo data est. montes, quam viam non ingressurum gravi agmine Romanum sciebat, petit.

[¶106] 39.3. He made for the mountains, choosing a road which he knew the Roman, with his heavy-armed column, would not take. At daybreak the consul sent the herald away after granting the truce, and when he learned, no long time later, that the enemy had gone, not knowing where to pursue him, he spent some days in the same camp while gathering supplies.

> Latin: 39.3. consul prima luce caduceatore datis indutiis dimisso haud ita multo post abisse hostem cum sensisset, ignarus, qua sequeretur, iisdem stativis frumentando dies aliquot consumpsit.

[¶107] 39.4. Thence he marched to Stuberra and brought there from Pelagonia the grain which was in the fields. He then marched to Pluinna, still ignorant as to where the enemy had gone.

> Latin: 39.4. Stuberram deinde petit atque ex Pelagonia frumentum, quod in agris erat, convexit. inde ad Pluinnam est progressus nondum conperto, quam regionem hostes petissent.

[¶108] 39.5. When Philip had established a base near Bruanium, marching from there across country he inspired sudden terror in the enemy. On that account the Romans moved from Pluinna and encamped on the Osphagus river.

> Latin: 39.5. Philippus cum primo ad Bruanium stativa habuisset, profectus inde transversis limitibus terrorem praebuit subitum hosti. movere itaque ex Pluinna Romani et ad Osphagum flumen posuerunt castra.

[¶109] 39.6. The king also pitched camp not far away, throwing up a rampart along the bank of a river — the natives call it Erigonus.

> Latin: 39.6. rex haud procul inde et ipse vallo super ripam amnis ducto—Erigonum incolae vocant— consedit.