---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 33 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 33. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 33. Book XXXVIII · chapters 25–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/33/#p-N

[¶0] 25.1. Ambassadors from the Tectosages came to the consul at his base at Ancyra, requesting that he should not move from Ancyra until he had conferred with their chiefs: there were no terms of peace which would not be preferable in their sight to war.

> Latin: 25.1. Ancyram in stativa oratores Tectosagum ad consulem venerunt petentes, ne ante [ab Ancyra] castra moveret, quam collocutus cum suis regibus esset: nullas condiciones pacis iis non bello fore potiores.

[¶1] 25.2. The time fixed was for the next day and the place one which seemed approximately half-way between the camp of the Gauls and Ancyra.

> Latin: 25.2. tempus in posterum diem constituitur locusque, qui medius maxime inter castra Gallorum et Ancyram est visus.

[¶2] 25.3. When the consul had come there at the designated time, attended by a guard of five hundred cavalry, and had returned to his camp without having seen any Gaul there, the same ambassadors returned, apologizing that their chiefs could not come by reason of religious objection;

> Latin: 25.3. quo cum consul ad tempus cum praesidio quingentorum equitum venisset nec ullo Gallorum ibi viso regressus in castra esset, oratores idem redeunt, excusantes religione obiecta venire reges non posse;

[¶3] 25.4. the leading men of the tribe, they said, through whom the business could equally well be transacted, would come. The consul said that he too would send a representative, namely, Attalus.

> Latin: 25.4. principes gentis, per quos aeque res transigi posset, venturos, consul se quoque Attalum missurum dixit.

[¶4] 25.5. Both parties attended this conference. When Attalus had brought up with him a bodyguard of three hundred cavalry, terms of peace were discussed;

> Latin: 25.5. ad hoc colloquium utrimque ventum est. trecentos equites Attalus praesidii causa cum adduxisset, iactatae sunt pacis condiciones;

[¶5] 25.6. since a conclusion to the matter could not be reached in the absence of the principals, it was agreed that the consul and the chiefs should meet in that place the following day.

> Latin: 25.6. finis rei quia absentibus ducibus imponi non poterat, convenit, uti consul regesque eo loco postero die congrederentur.

[¶6] 25.7. The evasiveness of the Gauls had this purpose: first, that they might waste time until they could transport their property, which they did not wish to jeopardize, together with their wives and children, across the river Halys; second, that they were plotting against the consul himself, who had not been sufficiently on guard against treachery at the conference.

> Latin: 25.7. frustratio Gallorum eo spectabat, primum ut tererent tempus, donec res suas, quibus periclitari nolebant, cum coniugibus et liberis trans Halyn flumen traicerent, deinde quod ipsi consuli, parum cauto adversus colloquii fraudem, insidiabantur.

[¶7] 25.8. For this purpose they chose from their entire number a thousand cavalry of tried boldness; and success would have attended their treachery had not fortune stood on the side of the law of nations which they had planned to violate.

> Latin: 25.8. mille ad eam rem ex omni numero audaciae expertae delegerunt equites; et successisset fraudi, ni pro iure gentium, cuius violandi consilium initum erat, stetisset fortuna.

[¶8] 25.9. The Roman foragers and wood-gatherers were led in the direction in which the conference was to be held, the tribunes thinking that this would be safer, since they would have between them and the enemy the consul's bodyguard, placed as a sort of outpost for them; nevertheless, they posted another outguard of their own, consisting of six hundred cavalry, nearer the camp.

> Latin: 25.9. pabulatores lignatoresque Romani in eam partem, in qua colloquium futurum erat, ducti sunt, tutius id futurum tribunis ratis, quia consulis praesidium et ipsum pro statione habituri erant hosti oppositum;

[¶9] 25.10. The consul, on the assurance of Attalus that the chiefs would come and that the business could be settled, set out from camp with the same guard of cavalry as before, and, when he had gone about five miles and was not far from the appointed place, suddenly he saw the Gauls coming, their horses at full gallop, and with the air of enemies.

> Latin: 25.10. suam tamen alteram stationem propius castra sescentorum equitum posuerunt. consul, adfirmante Attalo venturos reges et transigi rem posse, profectus e castris, cum eodem quo antea praesidio equitum quinque milia fere processisset nec multum a constituto loco abesset, repente concitatis equis cum impetu hostili videt Gallos venientis.

[¶10] 25.12. He halted his column, and, ordering the troopers to prepare arms and, minds for the combat, at first he stoutly received the onset of the attack and did not give way; then, when the weight of numbers was bearing him down, he began to retire gradually, preserving the formation of his troops; finally, when there was now more danger in delay than protection in maintaining the formation, all scattered in random flight.

> Latin: 25.12. constituit agmen, et expedire tela animosque equitibus iussis primo constanter initium pugnae accepit nec cessit; dein, cum praegravaret multitudo, cedere sensim nihil confusis turmarum ordinibus coepit;

[¶11] 25.13. Then indeed the Gauls began to pursue and kill the scattered cavalry; and a great part of them would have been destroyed had not the outpost of the foragers, the six hundred cavalry, come up to them.

> Latin: 25.13. postremo, cum iam plus in mora periculi quam in ordinibus conservandis praesidii esset, omnes passim in fugam effusi sunt. tum vero instare dissipatis Galli et caedere; magnaque pars oppressa foret, ni statio pabulatorum, sescenti equites occurrissent.

[¶12] 25.14. When they had heard from afar the terrified shouts of their comrades and had made ready their weapons and horses, they came upon the rout with their force still fresh. So straightway fortune changed and the panic changed sides, from the vanquished to the victors.

> Latin: 25.14. ii procul clamore pavido suorum audito cum tela equosque expedissent, integri profligatam pugnam acceperunt.

[¶13] 25.15. And at the first attack the Gauls were routed and the foragers flocked in from the fields and foes faced the Gauls from every side, so that they did not find even flight either easy or safe, since the Romans with fresh horses were pursuing the weary. And so few then escaped; no one was taken prisoner; by far the greatest part paid with their lives the penalty for breaking the faith of a conference.

> Latin: 25.15. itaque versa extemplo fortuna est, versus a victis in victores terror. et primo impetu fusi Galli sunt, et ex agris concurrebant pabulatores, et undique obvius hostis Gallis erat, ut ne fugam quidem tutam aut facilem haberent, quia recentibus equis Romani fessos sequebantur.

[¶14] 25.16. The Romans, their hearts on fire with wrath, advanced the next day with their whole strength against the enemy.

> Latin: 25.16. pauci ergo effugerunt; captus est nemo; maior multo pars per fidem violati colloquii poenas morte luerunt. Romani ardentibus ira animis postero die omnibus copiis ad hostem perveniunt.

[¶15] 26.1. The consul spent two days in exploring for himself the character of the mountain, that nothing might be unfamiliar to him; on the third day, after giving his attention to the auspices and then offering sacrifice, he divided his army into four columns and led them out, planning to lead two up the central part of the mountain and to send two from the sides to oppose the flanks of the Gauls.

> Latin: 26.1. biduum natura montis per se ipsum exploranda, ne quid ignoti esset, absumpsit consul; tertio die, cum auspicio operam dedisset, deinde immolasset, in quattuor partes divisas copias educit, duas, ut medio monte duceret, duas ab lateribus, ut adversus cornua Gallorum erigeret.

[¶16] 26.3. The Tectosagi and the Trocmi, who constituted the strength of the enemy, held the centre of their line with fifty thousand men; the cavalry, being dismounted since there was no use for horses on the rough cliffs, and numbering ten thousand men, they placed on their right flank; the Cappadocians of Ariarathes and the auxiliaries of Morzius on the left flank amounted to about four thousand men.

> Latin: 26.3. hostium quod roboris erat, Tectosagi et Trocmi, mediam tenebant aciem, milia hominum quinquaginta; equitatum, quia equorum nullus erat inter inaequales rupes usus, ad pedes deductum, decem milia hominum, ab dextro locaverunt cornu;

[¶17] 26.4. The consul, as at the Olympus mountain, placed the light-armed troops in the van and made provision that there might be at hand an equally large supply of every kind of weapon.

> Latin: 26.4. Ariarathis Cappadoces et Morzi auxiliares in laevo quattuor ferme milium numerum explebant. consul, sicut in Olympo monte, prima in acie locata levi armatura, telorum omnis generis ut aeque magna vis ad manum esset curavit.

[¶18] 26.5. When they approached, everything was the same on both sides as in the former battle except courage, which was increased in the victors by reason of their success and diminished in the enemy because, while they themselves had not been conquered, they considered as their own the disaster suffered by men of their own race.

> Latin: 26.5. ubi appropinquarunt, omnia eadem utrimque, quae fuerant in priore proelio, erant praeter animos et victoribus ab re secunda auctos et hostibus fractos, quia, etsi non ipsi victi erant, suae gentis hominum cladem pro sua ducebant.

[¶19] 26.6. And so from like beginnings the affair had the same end. The discharge of a veritable cloud of light missiles overwhelmed the line of the Gauls.

> Latin: 26.6. itaque a paribus initiis coepta res eundem exitum habuit.

[¶20] 26.7. No one dared to rush forward from their ranks lest he expose his body to wounds from all sides, and, standing fast, the more closely they were crowded together the more wounds they received, the attackers aiming, so to speak, at a target.

> Latin: 26.7. velut nubes levium telorum coniecta obruit aciem Gallorum. nec aut procurrere quisquam ab ordinibus suis, ne nudarent undique corpus ad ictus, audebant, et stantes, quo densiores erant, hoc plura, velut destinatum petentibus, vulnera accipiebant.

[¶21] 26.8. The consul, thinking that if he disclosed the standards of the legions to an enemy already disorganized on its own account they would all at once turn to flight, received within his ranks the skirmishers and the rest of the throng of auxiliaries and moved forward his battle-line.

> Latin: 26.8. consul iam per se turbatis si legionum signa ostendisset, versuros extemplo in fugam omnis ratus receptis inter ordines velitibus et alia turba auxiliorum aciem promovit.

[¶22] 27.1. The Gauls, terrified as they were by the recollection of the defeat of the Tolostobogii, carrying weapons fixed in their bodies and wearied both by standing and by wounds, did not endure even the first assault and shout of the Romans.

> Latin: 27.1. Galli et memoria Tolostobogiorum cladis territi et inhaerentia corporibus gerentes tela fessique et stando et vulneribus ne primum quidem impetum et clamorem Romanorum tulerunt.

[¶23] 27.2. Their flight was directed towards their camp, but few found their way within the ramparts; the majority was carried past to right and left and fled wherever the course of each led.

> Latin: 27.2. fuga ad castra inclinavit; sed pauci intra munimenta sese recepere; pars maior dextra laevaque praelati, qua quemque impetus tulit, fugerunt.

[¶24] 27.3. The victors, cutting them down from behind, followed as far as the camp; then they remained in the camp in their greed for plunder, nor did anyone pursue.

> Latin: 27.3. victores usque ad castra secuti ceciderunt terga; deinde in castris cupiditate praedae haeserunt, nec sequebatur quisquam.

[¶25] 27.4. On the flanks the Gauls stood firm longer because the attack was slower to reach them; but they did not endure even the first volley of weapons.

> Latin: 27.4. in cornibus Galli diutius steterunt, quia serius ad eos perventum est; ceterum ne primum quidem coniectum telorum tulerunt.

[¶26] 27.5. Since the consul was unable to tear away from their plundering the troops who had entered the camp, he at once sent those who had been on the flanks to pursue the enemy.

> Latin: 27.5. consul quia ingressos in castra ab direptione abstrahere non poterat, eos, qui in cornibus fuerant, protinus ad sequendos hostis misit.

[¶27] 27.6. Although they followed for a considerable distance, they did not kill more than eight thousand men in the flight, for there was no battle; the rest crossed the river Halys.

> Latin: 27.6. per aliquantum spatium secuti non plus tamen octo milia hominum in fuga — nam pugna nulla fuit — ceciderunt; reliqui flumen Halyn traiecerunt.

[¶28] 27.7. A large part of the Romans stayed that night in the camp of the enemy; the consul led the rest back to their own camp. The next day he surveyed the prisoners and booty, which was as great as a people most greedy for plunder could amass after holding under armed control for many years everything on this side of the Taurus mountain.

> Latin: 27.7. Romanorum pars magna ea nocte in castris hostium mansit; ceteros in sua castra consul reduxit. postero die captivos praedamque recensuit, quae tanta fuit, quantam avidissima rapiendi gens, cum cis montem Taurum omnia armis per multos annos tenuisset, coacervare potuit.

[¶29] 27.8. The Gauls, assembling in one place after their scattered and disorderly flight, most of them being wounded or unarmed, stripped of everything, sent ambassadors to the consul concerning peace.

> Latin: 27.8. Galli ex dissipata passim fuga in unum locum congregati, magna pars saucii aut inermes, nudati omnibus rebus, oratores de pace ad consulem miserunt.

[¶30] 27.9. Manlius ordered them to come to Ephesus; he himself —for it was now mid-autumn —was in haste to get away from regions cold owing to the neighbourhood of the Taurus mountain and led the victorious army back into winter quarters on the sea coast.

> Latin: 27.9. eos Manlius Ephesum venire iussit; ipse — iam enim medium autumni erat — locis gelidis propinquitate Tauri montis excedere properans victorem exercitum in hiberna maritimae orae reduxit.

[¶31] 28.1. While this was going on in Asia things were quiet in the other provinces. At Rome the censors Titus Quinctius Flamininus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus chose the senate; as princeps senatus Publius Scipio Africanus was chosen for the third time; only four senators were passed over, none of whom had held curule office.

> Latin: 28.1. dum haec in Asia geruntur, in ceteris provinciis tranquillae res fuerunt. censores Romae T. Quinctius Flamininus et M. Claudius Marcellus senatum [per] legerunt;

[¶32] 28.2. In the review of the equites also the censorship was quite lenient. Contracts were let for the building of a substructure above the Aequimelium on the Capitoline and for the paving with flint of the road from the Porta Capena to the temple of Mars.

> Latin: 28.2. princeps in senatu tertium lectus P. Scipio Africanus; quattuor soli praeteriti sunt, nemo curuli usus honore. et in equitatu recensendo mitis admodum censura fuit. substructionem super Aequimelium in Capitolio et viam silice sternendam a porta Capena ad Martis locaverunt.

[¶33] 28.4. The Campanians asked the senate for a decision as to where they should be listed by the censors; it was decreed that they should be listed in Rome. There were great floods that year; the Tiber on twelve occasions overflowed the Campus Martius and the level districts of the city.

> Latin: 28.4. Campani, ubi censerentur, senatum consuluerunt: decretum, uti Romae censerentur. aquae ingentes eo anno fuerunt; Tiberis duodeciens campum Martium planaque urbis inundavit.

[¶34] 28.5. The war with the Gauls in Asia having been finished by the consul Gnaeus Manlius, the other consul, Marcus Fulvius, after conquering the Aetolians, crossed to Cephallania and sent agents around the island to inquire of the cities whether they preferred to surrender themselves to the Romans or to try the fortune of war.

> Latin: 28.5. ab Cn. Manlio consule bello in Asia cum Gallis perfecto, alter consul M. Fulvius perdomitis Aetolis cum traiecisset in Cephallaniam, circa civitates insulae misit percontatum, utrum se dedere Romanis an belli fortunam experiri mallent.

[¶35] 28.6. Fear prevailed upon all of them not to refuse submission. Hostages were then requisitioned and supplied by the cities, poor in proportion to their strength, twenty each by the Cranians, the Palensians and the Sameans.

> Latin: 28.6. metus ad omnes valuit, ne deditionem recusarent. obsides inde imperatos pro viribus inopes populi … vicenos autem Cranii et Palenses et Samaei dederunt.

[¶36] 28.7. The radiance of unexpected peace had shone upon Cephallania when suddenly one city, the Sameans, it is uncertain for what reason, revolted.

> Latin: 28.7. insperata pax Cephallaniae adfulserat, cum repente una civitas, incertum quam ob causam, Samaei desciverunt.

[¶37] 28.8. Because the city enjoyed a strategic position, they said that they were afraid that they would be compelled by the Romans to move away. But whether they had invented this alarm for themselves and in baseless terror had roused a sleeping evil, or the subject had been discussed by the Romans and reported to them, nothing has been ascertained, except that when they had already given hostages they suddenly closed their gates and not even in response to the prayers of their own people —for the consul had sent some of them to the foot of the walls to stir up pity for their parents and fellowcountrymen —were they willing to abandon their undertaking. Then, when their replies showed no pacific intent, the siege of the city began.

> Latin: 28.8. quia opportuno loco urbs posita esset, timuisse se aiebant, ne demigrare cogerentur ab Romanis. ceterum ipsine sibi eum finxerint metum et timore vano quietum excitaverint malum, an iactata sermonibus res apud Romanos perlata ad eos sit, nihil comperti est, nisi quod datis iam obsidibus repente portas clauserunt et ne suorum quidem precibus — miserat enim sub muros consul ad temptandam misericordiam parentium populariumque —

[¶38] 28.10. He had all the equipment of artillery and siege-engines transferred from the siege of Ambracia, and what works had to be constructed the soldiers zealously undertook.

> Latin: 28.10. desistere ab incepto voluerunt. oppugnari deinde, postquam nihil pacati respondebatur, coepta urbs est. apparatum omnem tormentorum machinarumque travectum ab Ambraciae oppugnatione habebat, et opera quae facienda erant, inpigre milites perfecerunt.

[¶39] 28.11. Accordingly, the battering-rams were moved up in two places and the walls attacked.

> Latin: 28.11. duobus igitur locis admoti arietes quatiebant muros.

[¶40] 29.1. Nor was any measure overlooked by the Sameans by which either the works or the enemy could be interfered with. Nevertheless, their resistance depended mainly upon two things; first, the construction of a new wall, equally strong throughout, on the inner side and in place of the wall that was destroyed; second, their sudden sallies, now against the enemy's siegeworks, now against his outguards; and generally in these battles they had the advantage.

> Latin: 29.1. nec ab Samaeis quicquam, quo aut opera aut hostis arceri posset, praetermissum est. duabus tamen maxime resistebant rebus, una, interiorem semper iuxta validum pro diruto novum obstruentes murum, altera, eruptionibus subitis nunc in opera hostium, nunc in stationes; et plerumque his proeliis superiores erant.

[¶41] 29.3. One device was found to hold them in check, though trivial to mention.

> Latin: 29.3. una ad coercendos inventa haud magna memoratu res est.

[¶42] 29.4. A hundred slingers were recruited from Aegium and Patrae and Dymae. These peoples were trained from boyhood, in accordance with a tradition of the race, in hurling with a sling at the open sea the round stones which, mingled with the sand, generally strew the coasts.

> Latin: 29.4. centum funditores ab Aegio et Patris et Dymis acciti. a pueris ii more quodam gentis saxis globosis, quibus ferme harenae immixtis strata litora sunt, funda mare apertum incessentes exercebantur.

[¶43] 29.5. In consequence they use this weapon at longer range, with greater accuracy and with more powerful effect than the Balearic slinger.

> Latin: 29.5. itaque longius certiore et validiore ictu quam Baliaris funditor eo telo usi sunt.

[¶44] 29.6. Moreover, the sling is not composed of a single strap, like those of the Baleares and other peoples, but the bullet-carrier is triple, strengthened with numerous seams, that the missile may not fly out at random, from the pliancy of the strap at the moment of discharge, but, seated firmly while being whirled, may be shot out as if from a bow-string.

> Latin: 29.6. et est non simplicis habenae, ut Baliarica aliarumque gentium funda, sed triplex scutale, crebris suturis duratum, ne fluxa habena volutetur in iactu glans, sed librata cum sederit, velut nervo missa excutiatur.

[¶45] 29.7. Having been trained to shoot through rings of moderate circumference from long distances, they would wound not merely the heads of their enemies but any part of the face at which they might have aimed.

> Latin: 29.7. coronas modici circuli magno ex intervallo loci adsueti traicere non capita solum hostium vulnerabant, sed quem locum destinassent oris.

[¶46] 29.8. These slings prevented the Sameans from making sallies so frequently or so boldly, to such an extent that from the walls they begged the Achaeans to withdraw for a while and in quiet to watch them fighting with the Roman outguards.

> Latin: 29.8. hae fundae Samaeos cohibuerunt, ne tam crebro neve tam audacter erumperent, adeo ut precarentur ex muris Achaeos, ut parumper abscederent et se cum Romanis stationibus pugnantis quiete spectarent.

[¶47] 29.9. For four months Same underwent the siege. Since every day some of their small number were killed or wounded and those who remained were wearied in both body and mind, the Romans at night, by way of the citadel which they call Cyneatis —for the city slopes towards the sea and faces west —crossed the wall and entered the market-place. When the Sameans realized that part of the city had been captured by the enemy, they took refuge with their wives and children in the larger citadel.

> Latin: 29.9. quattuor menses obsidionem Same sustinuit. cum ex paucis cotidie aliqui eorum caderent aut vulnerarentur, et qui supererant fessi et corporibus et animis essent, Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem vocant — nam urbs in mare devexa in occidentem vergit —, muro superato in forum pervenerunt.

[¶48] 29.11. Then the next day the city was plundered and all who had surrendered were sold as slaves. The consul, having arranged matters in Cephallania and stationed a garrison at Same, crossed to the Peloponnesus, whither the Aegians especially and the Lacedaemonians had long been summoning him.

> Latin: 29.11. Samaei postquam captam partem urbis ab hostibus senserunt, cum coniugibus ac liberis in maiorem refugerunt arcem. inde postero die dediti direpta urbe sub corona omnes venierunt. consul compositis rebus Cephallaniae, praesidio [Samae] imposito, in Peloponnesum iam diu accersentibus Aegiensibus maxime ac Lacedaemoniis traiecit. Aegium a principio Achaici concilii semper conventus gentis indicti sunt, seu dignitati urbis id seu loci opportunitati datum est.

[¶49] 30.3. From the beginning of the Achaean League the meetings of the assembly had all been called for Aegium, whether this was a tribute to the importance of the city or the convenience of the place.

> Latin: 30.3. hunc morem Philopoemen eo primum anno labefactare conatus legem parabat ferre, ut in omnibus civitatibus, quae Achaici concilii essent, in vicem conventus agerentur. et sub adventum consulis damiurgis civitatium, qui summus est magistratus, Aegium evocantibus Philopoemen — praetor tum erat — Argos conventum edixit.

[¶50] 30.5. This custom Philopoemen, in this year for the first time, was trying to break down, and was preparing to propose a law that the meetings should be held in all the cities which belonged to the Achaean League in rotation. And at the approach of the consul, when the damiurgi of the cities (they are the chief magistrates) called the meeting at Aegium, Philopoemen —he was then praetor —summoned it at Argos. When it was clear that almost all would assemble there, the consul, although he favoured the cause of the Aegians, also went to Argos; when the argument had begun there and he saw that the Aegian case was weaker, he gave up his purpose. Then the Lacedaemonians diverted his attention to their own quarrels. Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, in which it was provided, among other things, that Nabis should surrender his holdings on the coast (XXXIV. xxxv —xxxvi); the Achaean League had assumed, without explicit authority, so far as the evidence shows, the enforcement of this provision when, in 192 B.C., Nabis had undertaken to obtain an outlet to the sea (XXXV. xxv —xxx). After the assassination of Nabis by the Aetolians in the same year, Philopoemen had taken Lacedaemon into the Achaean League (XXXV. xxxvii. 2), where its status was somewhat uncertain. Philopoemen's own policy was definitely anti-Laconian, and the unsettled question of the banished Spartan aristocrats was a continual problem (XXXVI. xxxv. 7). Livy now recounts the history of Achaean —Spartan relations from this time to the holding of the council at which Fulvius was present. The state was kept in anxiety especially by the exiles, a great part of whom lived in the fortresses along the Laconian sea coast, all of which had been taken away from Sparta. The Lacedaemonians, angered at this, in order that somehow they might possess free access to the sea, if ever they sent ambassadors to Rome or elsewhere, and at the same time that they might have a market and a place for the storage of foreign merchandise for necessary purposes, made an unexpected night attack on the coast town of Las and captured it. The townspeople and the exiles who lived there were at first terrified by this unlooked-for event; then, assembling at daybreak, with a slight effort they expelled the Lacedaemonians. Nevertheless, the panic spread to the whole sea coast, and all the forts and villages and the exiles whose residences were there sent a joint embassy to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 30.5. quo cum appareret omnes ferme conventuros, consul quoque, quamquam Aegiensium favebat causae, Argos venit; ubi cum disceptatio fuisset, et rem inclinatam cerneret, incepto destitit. Lacedaemonii deinde eum in sua certamina averterunt. sollicitam eam civitatem exules maxime habebant, quorum magna pars in maritimis Laconicae orae castellis civitatibusque, quae omnes ademptae erant, habitabant. id aegre patientes Lacedaemonii, ut aliqua liberum ad mare haberent aditum, si quando Romam aliove quo mitterent legatos, simul ut emporium et receptaculum peregrinis mercibus ad necessarios usus esset, nocte adorti vicum maritimum nomine Lan improviso occupaverunt. vicani quique ibi exules habitabant primo inopinata re territi sunt; deinde sub lucem congregati levi certamine expulerunt Lacedaemonios. terror tamen omnem maritimam oram pervasit, legatosque communiter et castella omnia vicique et exules, quibus ibi domicilia erant, ad Achaeos miserunt. Philopoemen praetor, iam inde ab initio exulum causae [et] amicus, et auctor semper Achaeis minuendi opes et auctoritatem Lacedaemoniorum, concilium querentibus dedit, decretumque referente eo factum est, cum in fidem Achaeorum tutelamque T. Quinctius et Romani Laconicae orae castella et vicos tradidissent, et, cum abstinere iis ex foedere Lacedaemonii deberent, Las vicus oppugnatus esset, caedesque ibi facta, qui eius rei auctores adfinesque essent, nisi dederentur Achaeis, violatum videri foedus.

[¶51] 31.3. XXXI. The praetor Philopoemen, who had from the very beginning championed the cause of the exiles and had always urged the Achaeans to diminish the power and influence of the Lacedaemonians, gave the complainants an audience before the council, and on his motion a decree was passed that, whereas Titus Quinctius and the Romans had put the fortresses and villages of the Laconian coast under the protection and guardianship of the Achaeans, and whereas, although under the treaty the Lacedaemonians were under obligations to let them alone, the village of Las had been attacked and men had been killed there, therefore, unless those who had been principals in and accessories to this act should be surrendered to the Achaeans, the treaty should be deemed to have been violated. Messengers were at once sent to Lacedaemon to demand them.

> Latin: 31.3. ad exposcendos eos legati extemplo Lacedaemonem missi sunt. id imperium adeo superbum et indignum Lacedaemoniis visum est, ut, si antiqua civitatis fortuna esset, haud dubie arma extemplo capturi fuerint. maxime autem consternavit eos metus, si semel primis imperiis oboediendo iugum accepissent, ne, id quod iam diu moliretur Philopoemen, exulibus Lacedaemonem traderet.

[¶52] 31.5. This demand seemed to the Lacedaemonians so insolent and unmerited that if the ancient fortune of the state had continued they would without doubt have immediately taken up arms. The principal cause of the terror which struck them was that, if they once accepted the yoke by obedience to these first commands, Philopoemen would turn Lacedaemon over to the exiles, as he had long been planning. Mad with wrath, then, they killed thirty men of the faction with which Philopoemen and the exiles had shared any other plans, and decreed that the alliance with the Achaeans should be broken off and that ambassadors should at once be sent to Cephallania to surrender Lacedaemon to the consul Marcus Fulvius and the Romans and to implore him to come to the Peloponnesus to receive the city of Lacedaemon under the good faith and protection of the Roman people.

> Latin: 31.5. furentes igitur ira triginta hominibus ex factione, cum qua consiliorum aliqua societas Philopoemeni atque exulibus erat, interfectis decreverunt renuntiandam societatem Achaeis legatosque extemplo Cephallaniam mittendos, qui consuli M. Fulvio quique Romanis Lacedaemonem dederent orarentque eum, ut veniret in Peloponnesum ad urbem Lacedaemonem in fidem dicionemque populi Romani accipiendam.

[¶53] 32.1. When the ambassadors reported this to the Achaeans, with the approval of all the cities which were represented at that council, war was declared upon the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 32.1. id ubi legati ad Achaeos rettulerunt, omnium civitatium, quae eius concilii erant, consensu bellum Lacedaemoniis indictum est. ne extemplo gereretur, hiems impediit;

[¶54] 32.2. Winter prevented the immediate prosecution of the war; nevertheless, their territories were devastated by small raids, more like brigandage than war, not only on land but also by ships from the sea.

> Latin: 32.2. incursionibus tamen parvis, latrocinii magis quam belli modo, non terra tantum sed etiam navibus a mari fines eorum vastati.

[¶55] 32.3. This disturbance brought the consul to the Peloponnesus; and by his order a council was called at Elis and the Lacedaemonians summoned to take part in the debate.

> Latin: 32.3. hic tumultus consulem Peloponnesum adduxit, iussuque eius Elin concilio indicto Lacedaemonii ad disceptandum acciti.

[¶56] 32.4. Not only a lively debate took place there but also a violent quarrel, to which the consul, although in other respects, favouring both sides in a spirit of conciliation, he had given ambiguous replies, put an end by the one peremptory demand that they should refrain from war until they had sent ambassadors to the senate in Rome. Both sides sent embassies to Rome.

> Latin: 32.4. magna ibi non disceptatio modo sed altercatio fuit, cui consul, cum alia satis ambitiose partem utramque fovendo incerta respondisset, una denuntiatione, ut bello abstinerent, donec Romam ad senatum legatos misissent, finem imposuit.

[¶57] 32.5. The Lacedaemonian exiles also entrusted their case and their representation to the Achaeans.

> Latin: 32.5. utrimque legatio missa Romam est. exules quoque Lacedaemoniorum suam causam legationemque Achaeis iniunxerunt.

[¶58] 32.6. Diophanes and Lycortas, both from Megalopolis, were chiefs of the Achaean delegation, and they, opposed as they were to one another on public questions generally, at this time also delivered speeches quite inconsistent with one another.

> Latin: 32.6. Diophanes et Lycortas, Megalopolitani ambo, principes legationis Achaeorum fuerunt, qui, dissidentes in re publica, tum quoque minime inter se convenientis orationes habuerunt.

[¶59] 32.7. Diophanes was for entrusting to the senate the adjudication of all questions: they, he said, would best settle the disputes between the Achaeans and the Lacedaemonians;

> Latin: 32.7. Diophanes senatui disceptationem omnium rerum permittebat: eos optime controversias inter Achaeos ac Lacedaemonios finituros esse;

[¶60] 32.8. Lycortas, acting on the instructions of Philopoemen, demanded that the Achaeans be permitted to carry out whatever they had decreed in accordance with the treaty and their own laws, and that the Romans should grant them, unabridged, the freedom of which they themselves were the source.

> Latin: 32.8. Lycortas ex praeceptis Philopoemenis postulabat, ut Achaeis ex foedere ac legibus suis, quae decressent, agere liceret, libertatemque sibi illibatam, cuius ipsi auctores essent, praestarent, magnae auctoritatis apud Romanos tum gens Achaeorum erat;

[¶61] 32.9. The people of the Achaeans at that time had great influence with the Romans; nevertheless, it was decreed that no change should be made in the status of the Lacedaemonians. The reply, however, was so ambiguous that both the Achaeans accepted it as a concession of freedom of action regarding Lacedaemon and the Lacedaemonians interpreted it as not granting the Achaeans full authority.

> Latin: 32.9. novari tamen nihil de Lacedaemoniis placebat. ceterum responsum ita perplexum fuit, ut et Achaei sibi de Lacedaemone permissum acciperent, et Lacedaemonii non omnia concessa iis interpretarentur.

[¶62] 32.10. This power the Achaeans employed unrestrainedly and tyrannically. Philopoemen was re-elected to the chief magistracy.

> Latin: 32.10. hac potestate immodice Achaei ac superbe usi sunt. Philopoemeni continuatur magistratus.

[¶63] 33.1. He at the beginning of spring called out the army and encamped within the borders of the Lacedaemonians, and then sent ambassadors to demand the men responsible for the revolt and to promise that the state should be at peace if they did this and that those men should suffer no injury without the opportunity to plead their cause in court.

> Latin: 33.1. qui veris initio exercitu indicto castra in finibus Lacedaemoniorum posuit, legatos deinde misit ad deposcendos auctores defectionis, et civitatem in pace futuram, si id fecisset, pollicentis, et illos nihil indicta causa passuros.

[¶64] 33.3. The rest kept silent from fear; those whom he had demanded by name declared that they would go on receipt from the ambassadors of a guaranty that they should suffer no violence until they had pleaded their cause.

> Latin: 33.3. silentium prae metu ceterorum fuit; quos nominatim depoposcerat, ipsi se ituros professi sunt, fide accepta a legatis vim abfuturam, donec causam dixissent.

[¶65] 33.4. Other well-known men also went with them, both to support them as private citizens and because they knew that their case affected the public interest.

> Latin: 33.4. ierunt etiam alii illustres viri, et advocati privatis, et quia pertinere causam eorum ad rem publicam censebant.

[¶66] 33.5. Under no other circumstances had the Achaeans taken Lacedaemonian exiles with them to the frontiers, because it was obvious that nothing would offend so much the feelings of the state; on this occasion practically the whole of the advance troops of the army consisted of exiles.

> Latin: 33.5. numquam alias exules Lacedaemoniorum Achaei secum adduxerant in finis, quia nihil aeque alienaturum animos civitatis videbatur; tunc exercitus totius prope antesignani exules erant.

[¶67] 33.6. They formed in a body and met the Lacedaemonians as they came to the gates of the camp; and at first they assailed them with insults and then, as a quarrel broke out and passions were aroused, the most impetuous of the exiles attacked the Lacedaemonians.

> Latin: 33.6. hi venientibus Lacedaemoniis ad portam castrorum agmine facto occurrerunt; et primo lacessere iurgiis, deinde, altercatione orta, cum accenderentur irae, ferocissimi exulum impetum in Lacedaemonios fecerunt.

[¶68] 33.7. When they appealed to the gods and the pledges of the ambassadors, both the ambassadors and the praetor were trying to push the mob aside and to protect the Lacedaemonians and to restrain some who were already binding them with chains.

> Latin: 33.7. cum illi deos et fidem legatorum testarentur, et legati et praetor summovere turbam et protegere Lacedaemonios vinclaque iam quosdam inicientis arcere.

[¶69] 33.8. The crowd grew as the excitement increased; and first the Achaeans rushed up to see the sight; then the exiles began bitterly to proclaim what they had suffered and to beg for aid, at the same time asserting that they would never have such an opportunity if they let this one slip; the treaty, they said, which had been ratified with religious sanction on the Capitoline, at Olympia, and on the Acropolis at Athens, had been made void by those men; before they were bound anew by another treaty they urged that the guilty should be punished.

> Latin: 33.8. crescebat tumultu concitato turba; et Achaei ad spectaculum primo concurrebant; deinde vociferantibus exulibus, quae passi forent, et orantibus opem adfirmantibusque simul numquam talem occasionem habituros, si eam praetermisissent; foedus quod in Capitolio, quod Olympiae, quod in arce Athenis sacratum fuisset, irritum per illos esse; priusquam alio de integro foedere obligarentur, noxios puniendos esse, accensa his vocibus multitudo ad vocem unius, qui, ut ferirent, inclamavit, saxa coniecit.

[¶70] 33.10. Then the multitude, inflamed by these words, at the call of one man, who shouted out that they should strike, began to throw stones. And so seventeen of those who had been put into chains in the excitement were killed.

> Latin: 33.10. atque ita decem septem, quibus vincula per tumultum iniecta erant, interfecti sunt.

[¶71] 33.11. The next day sixty-three were arrested whom the praetor had protected against violence, not because he was concerned for their safety but because he did not wish them to be killed without pleading their cause, becoming the victims of an angry mob, and when they had spoken briefly to hostile ears all were condemned and handed over for execution.

> Latin: 33.11. sexaginta tres postero die comprehensi, a quibus praetor vim arcuerat, non quia salvos vellet, sed quia perire causa indicta nolebat, obiecti multitudini iratae, cum aversis auribus pauca locuti essent, damnati omnes et traditi sunt ad supplicium.

[¶72] 34.1. Fear having been thus inspired in the Lacedaemonians, it was first ordered that they should destroy their walls; then, that all the foreign auxiliaries who had served under the tyrants for pay should leave Laconian territory; next, that the slaves whom the tyrants had freed —their number was large —should depart before a designated day; if any of them remained the Achaeans were to have the right to seize, carry off and sell them; then, that they should annul the laws and customs of Lycurgus and adjust themselves to the laws and institutions of the Achaeans: thus, they said, they would all become one body and would agree more readily on all matters. They obeyed no command more willingly than the order to tear down their walls, nor were they more reluctant to accept any than the one which required that the exiles be restored. The decree for their restoration was passed at Tegea in the common council of the Achaeans, and when the report was submitted that the foreign auxiliaries had been discharged and that the newly-registered Lacedaemonians —for so they called the men who had been set free by the tyrants —had left the city and had scattered through the country, they ordered the praetor, before the army was dismissed, to go with the light-armed troops and arrest men of this category and sell them under the law governing booty.

> Latin: 34.1. hoc metu iniecto Lacedaemoniis imperatum primum, uti muros diruerent; deinde ut omnes externi auxiliares, qui mercede apud tyrannos militassent, terra Laconica excederent; tum uti quae servitia tyranni liberassent — ea magna multitudo erat — ante diem certam abirent; qui ibi mansissent, eos prendendi abducendi vendendi Achaeis ius esset; Lycurgi leges moresque abrogarent, Achaeorum adsuescerent legibus institutisque: ita unius eos corporis fore et de omnibus rebus facilius consensuros. nihil oboedientius fecerunt, quam ut muros diruerent, nec aegrius passi sunt quam exules reduci. decretum Tegeae in concilio communi Achaeorum de restituendis iis factum est; et mentione illata externos auxiliares dimissos ac Lacedaemoniis adscriptos — ita enim vocabant qui ab tyrannis liberati erant — urbe excessisse, in agros dilapsos, priusquam dimitteretur exercitus, ire praetorem cum expeditis et comprehendere id genus hominum et vendere iure praedae placuit. multi comprehensi venierunt. porticus ex ea pecunia Megalopoli permissu Achaeorum refecta est, quam Lacedaemonii diruerant. et ager Belbinates, quem iniuria tyranni Lacedaemoniorum possederant, restitutus eidem civitati ex decreto vetere Achaeorum, quod factum erat Philippo Amyntae filio regnante. per haec velut enervata civitas Lacedaemoniorum diu Achaeis obnoxia fuit; nulla tamen res tanto erat damno quam disciplina Lycurgi, cui per octingentos annos adsuerant, sublata. A concilio, ubi ad consulem inter Achaeos Lacedaemoniosque disceptatum est, M. Fulvius, quia iam in exitu annus erat, comitiorum causa profectus Romam creavit consules M. Valerium Messalam et C. Livium Salinatorem, cum M. Aemilium Lepidum inimicum eo quoque anno petentem deiecisset. praetores inde creati Q. Marcius Philippus M. Claudius Marcellus C. Stertinius C. Atinius P. Claudius Pulcher L. Manlius Acidinus.

[¶73] 35.3. Many were arrested and sold. Out of this money, with the permission of the Achaeans, they rebuilt a portico at Megalopolis which the Lacedaemonians had destroyed. Also the ager Belbinates, which had been wrongfully seized by the tyrants of the Lacedaemonians, was given back to that state under an old decree of the Achaeans which had been passed while Philip, the son of Amyntas, was on the throne.

> Latin: 35.3. comitiis perfectis consulem M. Fulvium in provinciam et ad exercitum redire placuit, eique et collegae Cn. Manlio imperium in annum prorogatum est.

[¶74] 35.4. The Lacedaemonian state, thus, so to speak, emasculated, was long at the mercy of the Achaeans; yet nothing did them so much injury as the subversion of the discipline of Lycurgus to which they had been accustomed for eight hundred years.

> Latin: 35.4. eo anno in aede Herculis signum dei ipsius ex decemvirorum responso, et seiuges in Capitolio aurati a P. Cornelio positi:

[¶75] 35.5. XXXV. From the council at which the case of the Achaeans and the Lacedaemonians had been argued before the consul, Marcus Fulvius, since his year was now near its end, set out for Rome to hold the elections and announced the selection as consuls of Marcus Valerius Messala and Gaius Livius Salinator, when he had secured the defeat of his personal foe, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who was a candidate that year also.

> Latin: 35.5. consulem dedisse inscriptum est. et duodecim clipea aurata ab aedilibus curulibus P. Claudio Pulchro et Ser. Sulpicio Galba sunt posita ex pecunia, qua frumentarios ob annonam compressam damnarunt;

[¶76] 35.6. Next the praetors were elected; Quintus Marcius Philippus, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Gaius Stertinius, Gaius Atinius, Publius Claudius Pulcher, and Lucius Manlius Acidinus. When the elections were over it was decided that the consul Marcus Fulvius should return to the province and the army, and for him and for his colleague Gnaeus Manlius the imperium was prolonged for one year.

> Latin: 35.6. et aedilis plebi Q. Fulvius Flaccus duo signa aurata uno reo damnato — nam separatim accusaverant — posuit; collega eius A. Caecilius neminem condemnavit. ludi Romani ter, plebei quinquiens toti instaurati.

[¶77] 35.7. In that year in the temple of Hercules a statue of the divinity himself was installed in accordance with a decree of the decemvirs, and a six-horse chariot of gold was set up on the Capitoline by Publius Cornelius; the inscription read that “one who had been consul had dedicated it.” Also twelve gilded shields were set up by the curule aediles, Publius Claudius Pulcher and Servius Sulpicius Galba, out of the money which they had condemned the grain-dealers to pay for hoarding the grain-supply; likewise the plebeian aedile, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, after convicting only one defendant —for they had prosecuted independently —dedicated two gilded statues; his colleague Aulus Caecilius condemned no one. The Roman Games in their entirety were repeated three times, the Plebeian Games five times. Then, when Marcus Valerius Messala and Gaius Livius Salinator had been inaugurated as consuls on the Ides of March, they consulted the senate regarding the general policy and regarding the provinces and armies. No change was made respecting Aetolia and Asia; to one consul was assigned Pisa together with the Ligurians, to the other Gaul, as their provinces.

> Latin: 35.7. M. Valerius Messala inde et C. Livius Salinator consulatum idibus Martiis cum inissent, de re publica deque provinciis et exercitibus senatum consuluerunt. de Aetolia et Asia nihil mutatum est; consulibus alteri Pisae cum Liguribus, alteri Gallia provincia decreta est. comparare inter se aut sortiri iussi et novos exercitus, binas legiones, scribere, et ut sociis Latini nominis, quina dena milia peditum imperarent et mille et ducentos equites.

[¶78] 35.10. They were directed to arrange between them or to cast lots and to enroll new armies of two legions each and to requisition from the allies of the Latin confederacy fifteen thousand infantry for each and twelve hundred cavalry. The lot gave to Messala the Ligurians and to Salinator Gaul. Then the praetors cast lots: Marcus Claudius received the jurisdiction between citizens and Publius Claudius that between citizens and aliens; Quintus Marcius Sicily, Gaius Stertinius Sardinia, Lucius Manlius Nearer Spain and Gaius Atinius Farther Spain.

> Latin: 35.10. Messalae Ligures, Salinatori obtigit Gallia. praetores inde sortiti sunt: M. Claudio urbana, P. Claudio peregrina iurisdictio evenit; Q. Marcius Siciliam, C. Stertinius Sardiniam, L. Manlius Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Atinius ulteriorem est sortitus.

[¶79] 36.1. Regarding the armies, this was the decision: the legions from Gaul, which had been under the command of Gaius Laelius, to be transferred to Marcus Tuccius the propraetor for service among the Brutti, the army which was in Sicily to be brought home, and the fleet which was there to be conducted to Rome by Marcus Sempronius the propraetor.

> Latin: 36.1. de exercitibus ita placuit: ex Gallia legiones, quae sub C. Laelio fuerant, ad M. Tuccium propraetorem in Bruttios traduci, et, qui in Sicilia esset, dimitti exercitum, et classem, quae ibi esset, Romam reduceret M. Sempronius propraetor.

[¶80] 36.3. For the Spains the single legions which were then in those provinces were decreed, and the praetors were allowed to enlist as reinforcements from the allies and to transport with them each three thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 36.3. Hispaniis singulae legiones, quae tum in iis provinciis erant, decretae, et ut terna milia peditum, ducenos equites ambo praetores in supplementum sociis imperarent secumque transportarent.

[¶81] 36.4. Before the new magistrates departed for their provinces a three day period of prayer was proclaimed in the name of the college of decemvirs at all the street-corner shrines because in the day-time, between about the third and fourth hours, darkness had covered everything. Also a nine-day sacrifice was decreed because (so it was said) there had been a shower of stones on the Aventine.

> Latin: 36.4. priusquam in provincias novi magistratus proficiscerentur, supplicatio triduum pro collegio decemvirorum imperata fuit in omnibus compitis, quod luce inter horam tertiam ferme et quartam tenebrae obortae fuerant. et novemdiale sacrificium indictum est, quod in Aventino lapidibus pluvisset.

[¶82] 36.5. The Campanians, since, according to the decree which had been passed the year before, the censors compelled them to be assessed at Rome —for previously it had been uncertain where they should be assessed —requested that they should be permitted to take Roman citizens as wives, that any who had already married Roman citizens should be allowed to keep them, and that children born before this day should be legitimate, and capable of inheriting from their fathers. Both requests were granted.

> Latin: 36.5. Campani, cum eos ex senatus consulto, quod priore anno factum erat, censores Romae censeri coegissent — nam antea incertum fuerat, ubi censerentur —, petierunt, ut sibi cives Romanas ducere uxores liceret, et, si qui prius duxissent, ut habere eas, et nati ante eam diem uti iusti sibi liberi heredesque essent.

[¶83] 36.7. Respecting the residents in the municipalities of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum, Gaius Valerius Tappo, tribune of the people, proposed that the right to vote —for previously the citizenship without the right to vote had belonged to them —should be conferred upon them.

> Latin: 36.7. utraque res impetrata. de Formianis Fundanisque municipibus et Arpinatibus C. Valerius Tappo tribunus plebis promulgavit, ut iis suffragii latio — nam antea sine suffragio habuerant civitatem — esset.

[¶84] 36.8. When four tribunes of the people vetoed this bill, on the ground that it was not proposed with the sanction of the senate, and they were informed that it was the prerogative of the assembly, not the senate, to bestow the franchise upon whomsoever it desired, they gave up the effort.

> Latin: 36.8. huic rogationi quattuor tribuni plebis, quia non ex auctoritate senatus ferretur, cum intercederent, edocti, populi esse, non senatus ius suffragium, quibus velit, impertire, destiterunt incepto.

[¶85] 36.9. The bill was passed with the provision that the people of Formiae and Fundi should vote in the tribe called Aemilia and the Arpinates in the Cornelia; and in these tribes they were then for the first time registered under the Valerian plebiscite. Marcus Claudius Marcellus the censor, having been victorious over Titus Quinctius at the drawing of lots, closed the lustrum.

> Latin: 36.9. rogatio perlata est, ut in Aemilia tribu Formiani et Fundani, in Cornelia Arpinates ferrent; atque in his tribubus tum primum ex Valerio plebiscito censi sunt.

[¶86] 36.10. The number of citizens shown by the census was two hundred and fifty-eight thousand three hundred and eighteen. The lustrum having been closed, the consuls set out for their provinces.

> Latin: 36.10. M. Claudius Marcellus censor sorte superato T. Quinctio lustrum condidit. censa sunt civium capita CCLVIII CCCXVIII lustro perfecto consules in provincias profecti sunt.

[¶87] 37.1. During the winter in which these events occurred in Rome, Gnaeus Manlius, who was wintering in Asia, first as consul, then as proconsul, received embassies from all quarters, from all the cities and tribes which live on this side of the Taurus mountain.

> Latin: 37.1. hieme ea, qua haec Romae gesta sunt, ad Cn. Manlium consulem primum, dein pro consule, hibernantem in Asia, legationes undique ex omnibus civitatibus gentibusque, quae cis Taurum montem incolunt, conveniebant.

[¶88] 37.2. And while the Roman victory over King Antiochus had been more glorious and more splendid than that over the Gauls, yet the victory over the Gauls afforded the allies more satisfaction than that over Antiochus.

> Latin: 37.2. et ut clarior nobiliorque victoria Romanis de rege Antiocho fuit quam de Gallis, ita laetior sociis erat de Gallis quam de Antiocho.

[¶89] 37.3. The slavery imposed by the king was more endurable than the ferocity of the rude barbarians and the constant and uncertain fear as to whither a storm so to speak would bring the Gauls marauding upon them.

> Latin: 37.3. tolerabilior regia servitus fuerat quam feritas immanium barbarorum incertusque in dies terror, quo velut tempestas eos populantis inferret.

[¶90] 37.4. Accordingly, since from the overthrow of Antiochus they had received liberty and peace from the defeat of the Gauls, they had not only come to offer congratulations but had brought golden crowns, each in proportion to his ability.

> Latin: 37.4. itaque, ut quibus libertas Antiocho pulso, pax Gallis domitis data esset, non gratulatum modo venerant, sed coronas etiam aureas pro suis quaeque facultatibus attulerant.

[¶91] 37.5. Also ambassadors came from Antiochus, and from the Gauls themselves, asking that terms of peace should be stated, and from King Ariarathes of Cappadocia, to ask pardon and to wash away with money his guilt in that he had aided Antiochus with auxiliaries.

> Latin: 37.5. et ab Antiocho legati et ab ipsis Gallis, ut pacis leges dicerentur, et ab Ariarathe rege Cappadocum venerunt ad veniam petendam luendamque pecunia noxam, quod auxiliis Antiochum iuvisset.

[¶92] 37.6. Six hundred talents of silver were demanded of him; the Gauls were told that when King Eumenes had arrived he would give them terms. The embassies from the cities were sent away with gracious responses and in an even happier mood than when they had come.

> Latin: 37.6. huic sescenta talenta argenti sunt imperata; Gallis responsum, cum Eumenes rex venisset, tum daturum iis leges. civitatium legationes cum benignis responsis, laetiores etiam quam venerant, dimissae.

[¶93] 37.7. The envoys of Antiochus were directed to bring to Pamphylia the money and grain agreed upon in the treaty concluded with Lucius Scipio; the consul and the army would come there.

> Latin: 37.7. Antiochi legati pecuniam in Pamphyliam frumentumque ex pacto cum L. Scipione foedere iussi advehere;

[¶94] 37.8. Then at the beginning of spring, having purified the army, he set out and reached Apamea on the eighth day. Having spent three days in camp there, in three more marches from Apamea he arrived in Pamphylia, where he had ordered the king's agents to bring the money and grain.

> Latin: 37.8. eo se cum exercitu venturum. principio deinde veris lustrato exercitu profectus die octavo Apameam venit. ibi triduum stativis habitis, tertiis rursus ab Apamea castris in Pamphyliam, quo pecuniam frumentumque regios convehere iusserat, pervenit.

[¶95] 37.9. Two thousand five hundred talents of silver were received and conveyed to Apamea; the grain was distributed to the army. Then he led the troops towards Perga, which alone in this district was held by a royal garrison.

> Latin: 37.9. mille et quingenta talenta argenti accepta Apameam deportantur; frumentum exercitui dividitur. inde ad Pergam ducit, quae una in iis locis regio tenebatur praesidio.

[¶96] 37.10. As he approached the commander of the garrison met him, asking for a truce of thirty days in order that he might consult King Antiochus about surrendering the city. The time having been granted for that period, the garrison withdrew.

> Latin: 37.10. appropinquanti praefectus praesidii obvius fuit, triginta dierum tempus petens, ut regem Antiochum de urbe tradenda consuleret.

[¶97] 37.11. From Perga he sent his brother Lucius Manlius with four thousand men to Oroanda to collect the balance of the money which they had agreed to pay, and he himself, since he had heard that King Eumenes and the ten commissioners had arrived in Ephesus from Rome, ordered the envoys of Antiochus to follow and led the army back to Apamea.

> Latin: 37.11. dato tempore ad eam diem praesidio decessum est. a Perga L. Manlio fratre cum quattuor milibus militum Oroanda ad reliquum pecuniae ex eo, quod pepigerant, exigendum misso, ipse, quia Eumenem regem et decem legatos ab Roma Ephesum venisse audierat, iussis sequi Antiochi legatis Apameam exercitum reduxit.

[¶98] 38.1. There in accordance with the decision of the ten commissioners the treaty with Antiochus was drafted in about this language: “There shall be friendship between King Antiochus and the Roman people on these conditions and terms: the king shall permit no army which shall purpose to wage war with the Roman people or its allies to march through the territories of his kingdom or of his allies, and he shall not aid them with grain or with any other form of assistance; the Romans and their allies shall guarantee the same to Antiochus and to those who are under his ” “control. Antiochus shall have no right to wage war upon those peoples who inhabit the islands nor to cross to ” “Europe.

> Latin: 38.1. ibi ex decem legatorum sententia foedus in haec verba fere cum Antiocho conscriptum est: “amicitia regi Antiocho cum populo Romano his legibus et condicionibus esto: ne quem exercitum, qui cum populo Romano sociisve bellum gesturus erit, rex per fines regni sui eorumve, qui sub dicione eius erunt, transire sinito, neu commeatu neu qua alia ope iuvato;

[¶99] 38.3. He shall withdraw from the cities, lands, villages and strongholds on this side of the Taurus mountain as far as the Halys river and from the valley as far as the ridges of Taurus where it slopes down into ” “Lycaonia.

> Latin: 38.3. idem Romani sociique Antiocho et iis, qui sub imperio eius erunt, praestent. belli gerendi ius Antiocho ne esto cum illis, qui insulas colunt, neve in Europam transeundi.

[¶100] 38.4. He shall carry away nothing but his weapons from these towns, lands and fortresses from which he is withdrawing; if he has removed anything, he shall duly restore it to the place in which each item belongs. He shall harbour no soldier or other person from the kingdom ” “of Eumenes.

> Latin: 38.4. excedito urbibus agris vicis castellis cis Taurum montem usque ad Halyn amnem, et a valle Tauri usque ad iuga, qua in Lycaoniam vergit.

[¶101] 38.5. If any citizens of those cities which are separating from his kingdom are with King Antiochus and within the borders of his kingdom, they shall all return to Apamea before a designated day; whatever persons from the kingdom of Antiochus are with the Romans or their allies shall have the right to depart or ” “to remain; slaves, whether fugitives or prisoners of war, and whatever freemen there are, whether prisoners of war or deserters, he shall turn over to the Romans and their allies. He shall surrender all his elephants and shall acquire ” “no more.

> Latin: 38.5. ne qua praeter arma efferto ex iis oppidis agris castellisque, quibus excedat; si qua extulit, quo quaeque oportebit, recte restituito. ne militem neu quem alium ex regno Eumenis recipito. si qui earum urbium cives, quae regno abscedunt, cum rege Antiocho intraque fines regni eius sunt, Apameam omnes ante diem certam redeunto;

[¶102] 38.7. He shall surrender also his warships and their rigging, and he shall have not more than ten decked ships nor more than ten merchant vessels, nor shall any of these be propelled by more than thirty oars, nor shall he have a ship of one bank for a war in which he himself shall be ” “the aggressor.

> Latin: 38.7. qui ex regno Antiochi apud Romanos sociosque sunt, iis ius abeundi manendique esto, servos seu fugitivos seu bello captos, seu quis liber captus aut transfuga erit, reddito Romanis sociisque.

[¶103] 38.8. He shall not sail beyond the promontories of Calycadnus and Sarpedon, unless a ship is carrying payments of tribute or ambassadors or hostages. King Antiochus shall not be authorized to hire soldiers from those peoples which are under the control of the Roman people, nor even to accept ” “volunteers therefrom.

> Latin: 38.8. elephantos tradito omnis neque alios parato. tradito et naves longas armamentaque earum, neu plures quam decem naves … actuarias, quarum nulla plus quam triginta remis agatur, habeto, neve monerem [ex] belli causa, quod ipse illaturus erit.