38.9. If the Rhodians or the allies own any houses or buildings within the boundaries of the kingdom of Antiochus, they shall belong to the Rhodians or the allies on the same basis as before ” “the war; if any moneys are due, the right to collect them shall exist; if anything has been taken away, the right shall likewise exist to search for, identify and ”
38.9. ne navigato citra Calycadnum neu Sarpedonium promunturia, extra quam si qua navis pecuniam stipendium aut legatos aut obsides portabit. milites mercede conducendi ex iis gentibus, quae sub dicione populi Romani sunt, Antiocho regi ius ne esto, ne voluntarios quidem recipiendi.
38.11. “recover it. If any cities which should be surrendered are held by persons to whom Antiochus has entrusted them, he shall withdraw his garrisons from them and shall see that they are ” “duly surrendered.
38.11. Rhodiorum sociorumve quae aedes aedificiaque intra fines regni Antiochi sunt, quo iure ante bellum fuerunt, eo Rhodiorum sociorumve sunto;
38.12. He shall pay twelve thousand Attic talents of tested silver within twelve years in equal instalments —with the proviso that the talent shall not weigh less than eighty Roman pounds —and five hundred and forty thousand modii of wheat. He shall pay to King Eumenes three hundred and fifty talents within five years, and in commutation for the grain, on his own valuation, one hundred and ” “twenty-seven talents.
38.12. si quae pecuniae debentur, earum exactio esto; si quid ablatum est, id conquirendi cognoscendi repetendique item ius esto. si quas urbes, quas tradi oportet, ii tenent, quibus Antiochus dedit, et ex iis praesidia deducito, utique recte tradantur, curato.
38.13. He shall give the Romans twenty hostages and shall change them triennially, provided that none of them shall be younger than eighteen years nor older than ” “forty-five years.
38.13. argenti probi talenta Attica duodecim milia dato intra duodecim annos pensionibus aequis — talentum ne minus pondo octoginta Romanis ponderibus pendat — et tritici quingenta quadraginta milia modium.
38.14. If any of the allies of the Roman people shall without provocation make war upon Antiochus, he shall have the ” “right to oppose force with force, provided that he shall neither hold any city under the law of war nor receive any into friendship.
38.14. Eumeni regi talenta trecenta quinquaginta intra quinquennium dato, et pro frumento, quod aestimatum est, talenta centum viginti septem.
38.15. They shall settle disputes between them by law and legal formula, or, if both states shall desire,” “by war.”
38.15. obsides Romanis viginti dato, et triennio mutato, ne minores octonum denum annorum neu maiores quinum quadragenum.
38.16. With regard to the surrender of Hannibal the Carthaginian, and Thoas the Aetolian and Mnasilochus the Acarnanian and Eubulidas and Philo the Chalcidians, there was a clause in this treaty too, and another to the effect that whatever in future it should seem desirable to add, take away, or modify, could be so altered without invalidating the treaty.
38.16. si qui sociorum populi Romani ultro bellum inferent Antiocho, vim vi arcendi ius esto, dum ne quam urbem aut belli iure teneat aut in amicitiam accipiat. controversias inter se iure ac iudicio disceptanto, aut, si utrisque placebit, bello. “de Hannibale Poeno et Aetolo Thoante et Mnasilocho Acarnane et Chalcidensibus Eubulida et Philone dedendis in hoc quoque foedere adscriptum est, et ut, si quid postea addi demi mutarive placuisset, ut id salvo foedere fieret.
39.1. The consul swore to observe this treaty; to secure the oath from the king, Quintus Minucius Thermus was sent and Lucius Manlius, who chanced at that time to return from Oroanda.
39.1. consul in hoc foedus iuravit; ab rege qui exigerent iusiurandum, profecti Q. Minucius Thermus et L. Manlius, qui tum forte ab Oroandis rediit.
39.2. He wrote also to Quintus Fabius Labeo, who was in command of the fleet, to proceed at once to Patara and to destroy and burn the ships of the king that were there. Setting out from Ephesus, he either wrecked or burned fifty decked ships.
39.2. et Q. Fabio Labeoni, qui classi praecrat, scripsit, ut Patara extemplo proficisceretur, quaeque ibi naves regiae essent, concideret cremaretque.
39.3. Telmessus, since the townspeople were alarmed at the unexpected appearance of the fleet, was recovered on the same expedition. From Lycia, ordering the ships which had been left at Ephesus to follow from there, Labeo crossed straight to Greece by way of the islands.
39.3. profectus ab Epheso quinquaginta tectas naves aut concidit aut incendit. Telmessum eadem expeditione territis subito adventu classis oppidanis recipit.
39.4. Delaying a. few days at Athens, until the ships from Ephesus should reach Piraeus, he conducted the entire fleet from there to Italy. When Gnaeus Manlius, among the other things which were to be received from Antiochus, had received the elephants also and had presented them all to Eumenes as a gift, he next investigated the affairs of the cities, since many were in confusion in consequence of the changes.
39.4. ex Lycia protinus, iussis ab Epheso sequi, qui ibi relicti erant, per insulas in Graeciam traiecit. Athenis paucos moratus dies, dum Piraeum ab Epheso naves venirent, totam inde classem in Italiam reduxit.
39.5. And King Ariarathes, half of the money which had been demanded of him having been remitted through the good offices of Eumenes, to whom he had about this time betrothed his daughter, was received into friendship. The ten commissioners, having looked into the situation of the cities, made different dispositions in different cases.
39.5. Cn. Manlius cum inter cetera, quae accipienda ab Antiocho erant, elephantos quoque accepisset donoque Eumeni omnis dedisset, causas deinde civitatium, multis inter novas res turbatis, cognovit.
39.6. Those which had been tributaries to King Antiochus but had sided with the Roman people were granted freedom from taxation; those which had been partisans of Antiochus or tributaries to King Attalus were all ordered to pay tribute to Eumenes.
39.6. et Ariarathes rex parte dimidia pecuniae imperatae beneficio Eumenis, cui desponderat per eos dies filiam, remissa in amicitiam est acceptus.
39.7. In addition, they granted freedom from taxation expressly to the Colophonians who live in Notium, to the Cymaeans and the Mylasenians;
39.7. civitatium autem cognitis causis decem legati aliam aliarum fecerunt condicionem. quae stipendiariae regi Antiocho fuerant et cum populo Romano senserant, iis immunitatem dederunt;
39.8. to the Clazomenians, in addition to immunity, they gave the island of Drymussa as a gift, and to the Milesians they restored what they call the “sacred land,” and to the people of Ilium they added Rhoeteum and Gergithus, less as a reward for recent services than in recognition of their descent. This was also the reason for liberating Dardanus. The Chians, Zmyrnaeans and Erythraeans, because of the extraordinary loyalty they had displayed in the war, were rewarded with lands and in addition were treated with every mark of honour.
39.8. quae partium Antiochi fuerant aut stipendiariae Attali regis, eas omnes vectigal pendere Eumeni iusserunt. nominatim praeterea Colophoniis, qui in Notio habitant, et Cymaeis et Mylasenis immunitatem concesserunt;
39.9. To the Phocaeans they both gave back the lands which they had held before the war and permitted them to live under their ancient laws.
39.9. Clazomeniis super immunitatem et Drymussam insulam dono dederunt, et Milesiis quem sacrum appellant agrum restituerunt, et Iliensibus Rhoeteum et Gergithum addiderunt, non tam ob recentia ulla merita quam originum memoria.
39.10. The Rhodians were confirmed in the possession of what had been given them by the earlier decree; they received Lycia and Caria as far as the Meander river with the exception of Telmessus. Upon King Eumenes they bestowed, in Europe, the Chersonesus and Lysimachia, the strongholds, villages and lands within the boundaries of Antiochus; in Asia, both Phrygias —the one on the Hellespont, the other which they call the Greater;
39.10. eadem et Dardanum liberandi causa fuit. Chios quoque et Zmyrnaeos et Erythraeos pro singulari fide, quam eo bello praestiterunt, et agro donarunt et in omni praecipuo honore habuerunt.
39.12. and they gave back to him Mysia, which King Prusias had taken from him, and Lycaonia and Milyas and Lydia and expressly the cities of Tralles and Ephesus and Telimessus.
39.12. Phocaeensibus et ager, quem ante bellum habuerant, redditus, et ut legibus antiquis uterentur permissum.
39.13. When a dispute over Pamphylia broke out between Eumenes and the ambassadors of Antiochus, because part of it was on this side of Taurus and part on the other, the whole question was referred to the senate. Having published these treaties and decrees, Manlius with the ten commissioners and all the army set out for the Hellespont, summoning thither the chiefs of the Gauls, and stated the terms on which they should observe peace with Eumenes, and warned them that they should discontinue their habit of wandering about under arms and should keep themselves within the boundaries of their own lands.
39.13. Rhodiis adfirmata, quae data priore decreto erant; Lycia et Caria datae usque ad Maeandrum amnem praeter Telmessum. regi Eumeni Chersonesum in Europa et Lysimachiam, castella, vicos, agrum, quibus finibus tenuerat Antiochus, adiecerunt; in Asia Phrygiam utramque — alteram ad Hellespontum, maiorem alteram vocant — et Mysiam, quam Prusia rex ademerat, ei restituerunt, et Lycaoniam et Milyada et Lydiam et nominatim urbes Tralles atque Ephesum et Telmessum. de Pamphylia disceptatum inter Eumenem et Antiochi legatos cum esset, quia pars eius citra pars ultra Taurum est, integra res ad senatum reicitur. his foederibus decretisque datis Manlius cum decem legatis omnique exercitu ad Hellespontum profectus, evocatis eo regulis Gallorum, leges, quibus pacem cum Eumene servarent, dixit, denuntiavit, ut morem vagandi cum armis finirent agrorumque suorum terminis se continerent.
40.3. Then, collecting ships from the whole coast, the fleet of Eumenes also being brought up from Elaea by his brother Athenaeus, he ferried all his forces across' to Europe.
40.3. contractis deinde ex omni ora navibus et Eumenis etiam classe per Athenaeum fratrem regis ab Elaea adducta copias omnes in Europam traiecit.
40.4. Then, leading a column heavily laden with every sort of booty by short stages through the Chersonese he established a base at Lysimachia, in order that with his pack-animals as far as possible fresh and in good condition he might enter Thrace, the journey through which was generally feared.
40.4. inde per Chersonesum modicis itineribus grave praeda omnis generis agmen trahens Lysimachiae stativa habuit, ut quam maxime recentibus et integris iumentis Thraeciam, per quam iter vulgo horrebant, ingrederetur.
40.5. On the day of his departure from Lysimachia he reached the river called Melas and on the day after that Cypsela.
40.5. quo profectus est ab Lysimachia die, ad amnem Melana quem vocant, inde postero die Cypsela pervenit.
40.6. From Cypsela a road awaited him, for about ten miles wooded, narrow, rough, and by reason of the difficulty of this route he divided the army into two sections, and, having ordered one to go ahead and the other to bring up the rear at a great distance, he placed the baggage between them; there were carts loaded with public money and other valuable booty.
40.6. a Cypselis via decem milium fere silvestris angusta confragosa excipiebat, propter cuius difficultatem itineris in duas partes divisus exercitus, et praecedere una iussa, altera magno intervallo cogere agmen, media impedimenta interposuit: plaustra cum pecunia publica erant pretiosaque alia praeda.
40.7. As they were marching in this order through the defile, not more than ten thousand Thracians, of four tribes, the Astii and the Caeni and the Maduateni and the Coreli, blocked the road at the narrow point.
40.7. ita cum per saltum iret, Thraecum decem haud amplius milia ex quattuor populis, Astii et Caeni et Maduateni et Coreli, ad ipsas angustias viam circumsederunt.
40.8. It was generally believed that this did not happen without treachery on the part of Philip, king of the Macedonians; he knew that the Romans would return by no other route than through Thrace, and he knew how much money they would bring with them. The commander was with the van, being concerned about the unfavourable character of the terrain.
40.8. opinio erat non sine Philippi Macedonum regis fraude id factum; eum scisse non alia quam per Thraeciam redituros Romanos, et quantam pecuniam secum portarent.
40.9. The Thracians did not move until the armed troops were past; when they saw that the van was out of the defile and that the rear was not yet at hand, they fell upon the trains and the baggage, and having killed the guards some of them carried off what was in the wagons, others drove off the pack-animals, loads and all.
40.9. in primo agmine imperator erat, sollicitus propter iniquitatem locorum. Thraeces nihil se moverunt, donec armati transirent; postquam primos superasse angustias viderunt, postremos nondum appropinquantis, impedimenta et sarcinas invadunt, caesisque custodibus partim ea, quae in plaustris erant, diripere, partim sub oneribus iumenta abstrahere.
40.11. When the uproar reached first those who were following and just entering the defile and then came to the head of the column, there was a rush from both directions towards the centre, and a disorderly battle began in several places at once.
40.11. unde postquam clamor primum ad eos, qui iam ingressi saltum sequebantur, deinde etiam ad primum agmen est perlatus, utrimque in medium concurritur, et inordinatum pluribus simul locis proelium conseritur.
40.12. The Thracians were exposed to slaughter, hampered as they were by the burden of the booty itself, while many of them were without arms, in order that they might keep their hands free to plunder; the Romans were betrayed by the unfavourable ground, since the barbarians charged them over familiar paths and sometimes laid ambushes for them in low-lying valleys. Even the loads and the wagons, inconveniently placed for one side or the other, as chance determined, hindered the fighters.
40.12. Thraecas praeda ipsa impeditos oneribus et plerosque, ut ad rapiendum vacuas manus haberent, inermes ad caedem praebet; Romanos iniquitas locorum barbaris per calles notas obcursantibus et latentibus interdum per cavas valles prodebat.
40.13. Here the plunderer fell, there the defender of the plunder. Just as the terrain was unfavourable or favourable for one party or the other, just as the spirits of the fighters varied, just as their numbers —for some met parties larger than their own and others smaller —just so the fortune of the battle changed; many fell on both sides.
40.13. ipsa etiam onera plaustraque, ut fors tulit, his aut illis incommode obiecta pugnantibus impedimento sunt. alibi praedo, alibi praedae vindex cadit. prout locus iniquus aequusve his aut illis, prout animus pugnantium est, prout numerus — alii enim pluribus. quam ipsi erant, alii paucioribus occurrerant —, varia fortuna pugnae est;
40.15. Night was now at hand when the Thracians retired from the fight, not to avoid wounds or death, but because they had enough of spoils.
40.15. multi utrimque cadunt. iam nox appetebat, cum proelio excedunt Thraeces, non fuga vulnerum aut mortis, sed quia satis praedae habebant.
41.1. The head of the Roman column encamped outside the defile near the temple of Bendis on open ground; the rest remained within the defile to guard the trains, sheltered by a double rampart.
41.1. Romanorum primum agmen extra saltum circa templum Bendidium castra loco aperto posuit; pars altera ad custodiam impedimentorum medio in saltu, duplici circumdato vallo, mansit. postero die prius explorato saltu, quam moverent, primis se coniungunt.
41.2. The following day, having reconnoitred the defile before they moved, they joined the van. In this battle there was a loss both of baggage and of camp-followers and a considerable number of soldiers had fallen, since there was fighting everywhere along the whole defile, but the most serious blow received was the death of Quintus Minucius Thermus, a man of courage and energy. That day they reached the Hebrus river.
41.2. in eo proelio cum et impedimentorum et calonum pars et milites aliquot, cum passim toto prope saltu pugnaretur, cecidissent, plurimum Q. Minucii Thermi morte damni est acceptum, fortis ac strenui viri. eo die ad Hebrum flumen perventum est. inde Aeniorum finis praeter Apollinis, Zerynthium quem vocant incolae, templum superant.
41.4. Then they crossed the frontiers of the Aenians near the temple of Apollo, whom the natives call Zerynthius.
41.4. aliae angustiae circa Tempyra excipiunt — hoc loco nomen est —, nec minus confragosae quam priores; sed, quia nihil silvestre circa est, ne latebras quidem ad insidiandum praebent.
41.5. Another pass confronted them near Tempyra —this is the name of the placenot less rough than the former; but, because there is no wooded country around it, it does not furnish even hiding-places for ambuscades.
41.5. huc ad eandem spem praedae Thrausi, gens, et ipsa Thraecum, convenere; sed, quia nudae valles, procul ut conspicerentur angustias obsidentes, efficiebant, minus terroris tumultusque fuit apud Romanos: quippe etsi iniquo loco, proelio tamen iusto, acie aperta, signis collatis dimicandum erat.
41.6. The Thrausi, these too being Thracians, assembled here with the same hope of plunder; but, since the exposed valleys brought it about that those who blocked the pass could be seen from afar, there was less consternation and confusion among the Romans; indeed, although on uneven ground, there was none the less a pitched battle to be fought, a regular engagement with battle-lines open to view.
41.6. conferti subeunt et cum clamore impetu facto primum expulere loco hostis, deinde avertere; fuga inde caedesque suis ipsos impedientibus angustiis fieri coepta est.
41.7. They moved forward in close array, and charging with a shout they first dislodged the enemy and then broke their line; then flight and slaughter began to take place, since the enemy were entangled in the narrow pass which they had themselves selected. The victorious Romans encamped near a village of the Maroneans —they call it Salê.
41.7. Romani victores ad vicum Maronitarum — Salen appellant — posuerunt castra. postero die patenti itinere Priaticus campus eos excepit, triduumque ibi frumentum accipientes manserunt, partem ex agris Maronitarum, conferentibus ipsis, partem ex navibus suis, quae cum omnis generis commeatu sequebantur.
41.8. The next day, marching in open country, the Priatic plain received them, and they spent three days there collecting grain, partly from the fields of the Maroneans, brought in by the people themselves, partly from their own ships, which were following with all manner of supplies. From this station it was a day's march to Apollonia. Thence they came through the country of the Abderites to Neapolis.
41.8. ab stativis diei via Apolloniam fuit. hinc per Abderitarum agrum Neapolim perventum est. hoc omne per Graecorum colonias pacatum iter fuit; reliquum inde per medios Thraecas dies noctesque, etsi non infestum, tamen suspectum, donec in Macedoniam pervenerunt.
41.10. All this journey was peaceful, amid the colonies of Greeks; the rest from there on, through the midst of the Thracians, while not dangerous, yet required vigilance by day and night until they arrived in Macedonia.
41.10. mitiores Thraecas idem exercitus, cum a Scipione eadem via duceretur, habuerat, nullam ob aliam causam, quam quod praedae minus, quod peteretur, fuerat;
41.11. The same army, led over the same route by Scipio, had found the Thracians more peacefully inclined, for no other reason than that there was less of booty to be sought; and yet Claudius asserts that even then about fifteen thousand Thracians encountered Muttines the Numidian who was preceding the column to reconnoitre.
41.11. quamquam tunc quoque Claudius auctor est ad quindecim milia Thraecum praecedenti ad exploranda loca agmen Muttini Numidae occurrisse. quadringentos equites fuisse Numidas, paucos elephantos;
41.12. He says that there were four hundred Numidian cavalry with a few elephants; that the son of Muttines with a hundred and fifty picked troopers broke through the centre of the enemy; and that a little later, when Muttines, having placed the elephants in the centre and stationed the cavalry on the flanks, had closed with the enemy, this same son had caused panic by an attack in the rear, and that the enemy, thrown into confusion by this cavalry-storm, so to speak, had not reached the column of the infantry.
41.12. Muttinis filium per medios hostes cum centum quinquaginta delectis equitibus perrupisse; eundem mox, cum iam Muttines in medio elephantis collocatis, in cornua equitibus dispositis manum cum hoste conseruisset, terrorem ab tergo praebuisse, atque inde turbatos equestri velut procella hostis ad peditum agmen non accessisse.
41.14. Gnaeus Manlius led the army through Macedonia into Thrace. When he had proceeded from there through Epirus to Apollonia, not yet holding the wintry sea in such light esteem that he dared to cross it, he passed the winter in Apollonia.
41.14. Cn. Manlius per Macedoniam in Thessaliam exercitum traduxit. inde per Epirum Apolloniam cum pervenisset, nondum adeo hiberno contempto mari, ut traicere auderet, Apolloniae hibernavit.
42.1. At almost the end of this year the consul Marcus Valerius came from the Ligurians to Rome to hold the elections of magistrates, having done nothing in the province so worthy of note that it could be a plausible reason for delay, to cause him to arrive later than usual for the elections.
42.1. exitu prope anni M. Valerius consul ex Liguribus ad magistratus subrogandos Romam venit nulla memorabili in provincia gesta re, ut ea probabilis morae causa esset, quod solito serius ad comitia venisset.
42.2. The election of consuls took place on the twelfth day before the Kalends of March;
42.2. comitia consulibus rogandis fuerunt a. d. XII. Kal.
42.3. the successful candidates were Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Gaius Flaminius.
42.3. Martias; creati M. Aemilius Lepidus C. Flaminius.
42.4. The next day the praetors were chosen, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Servius Sulpicius Galba, Quintus Terentius Culleo, Lucius Terentius Massiliota, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Furius Crassipes.
42.4. postero die praetores facti Ap. Claudius Pulcher Ser. Sulpicius Galba Q. Terentius Culleo L. Terentius Massaliota Q. Fulvius Flaccus M. Furius Crassipes.
42.5. Having finished the elections, the consul referred to the senate the question as to which provinces they desired to assign to the praetors. They decreed that two should be stationed in Rome to administer justice, two outside Italy, in Sicily and Sardinia, and two in Italy, at Tarentum and in Gaul; and they were ordered to cast lots at once, before they were inaugurated.
42.5. comitiis perfectis, quas provincias praetoribus esse placeret, retulit ad senatum consul. decreverunt duas Romae iuris dicendi causa, duas extra Italiam, Siciliam ac Sardiniam, duas in Italia, Tarentum et Galliam;
42.6. Servius Sulpicius received the civil jurisdiction, Quintus Terentius that between citizens and aliens, Lucius Terentius Sicily, Quintus Fulvius Sardinia, Appius Claudius Tarentum, Marcus Furius Gaul.
42.6. et extemplo, priusquam inirent magistratum, sortiri iussi. Ser. Sulpicius urbanam, Q. Terentius peregrinam est sortitus, L. Terentius Siciliam, Q. Fulvius Sardiniam, Ap. Claudius Tarentum, M. Furius Galliam.
42.7. In that year Lucius Minucius Myrtilus and Lucius Manlius, because they were said to have beaten Carthaginian ambassadors, by order of Marcus Claudius, the city praetor, were delivered by the fetials to ambassadors and taken to Carthage. There was the rumour of a great war, growing more dangerous every day, among the Ligurians.
42.7. eo anno L. Minucius Myrtilus et L. Manlius, quod legatos Carthaginienses pulsasse dicebantur, iussu M. Claudii praetoris urbani per fetiales traditi sunt legatis et Carthaginem avecti.
42.8. So, on the day when the new consuls laid before the senate the question of the provinces and the general policy, the senate decreed to both consuls the Ligurians as their province.
42.8. in Liguribus magni belli et gliscentis in dies magis fama erat. itaque consulibus novis, quo die de provinciis et de re publica retulerunt, senatus utrisque Ligures provinciam decrevit.
42.9. To this decree of the senate the consul Lepidus objected, declaring that it was improper that both the consuls should be shut up in the valleys of the Ligurians while Marcus Fulvius and Gnaeus Manlius for two years now, the one in Europe, the other in Asia, were lording it as if they were the successors to Philip and Antiochus.
42.9. huic senatus consulto Lepidus consul intercedebat, indignum esse praedicans consules ambos in valles Ligurum includi, M.
42.10. If it were the senate's pleasure that there should be armies in those lands, consuls rather than private citizens should command them. These men were wandering about, carrying the threat of war to nations upon whom no war had been declared, selling peace for a price. If it was necessary, he continued, to hold these provinces with troops, just as the consul Lucius Scipio had succeeded Manius Acilius and had in turn been superseded by the consuls Marcus Fulvius and Gnaeus Manlius, so Fulvius and Manlius should have been replaced by the consuls Gaius Livius and Marcus Valerius.
42.10. Fulvium et Cn. Manlium biennium iam, alterum in Europa, alterum in Asia, velut pro Philippo atque Antiocho substitutos regnare. si exercitus in his terris esse placeat, consules iis potius quam privatos praeesse oportere.
42.11. Now, at any rate, when the Aetolian war was finished, when Asia was rescued from Antiochus, when the Gauls were conquered, either consuls should be sent to command consular armies or the legions should be recalled from there and at length restored to the state.
42.11. vagari eos cum belli terrore per nationes, quibus bellum indictum non sit, pacem pretio venditantis. si eas provincias exercitibus obtinere opus esset, sicut M'. Acilio L. Scipio consul, L. Scipioni M. Fulvius et Cn. Manlius successissent consules, ita Fulvio Manlioque C.
42.12. After hearing this the senate persisted in its decision that both consuls should have the Ligurians as their province; it was voted that Manlius and Fulvius should retire from their provinces and withdraw their armies from them and return to Rome. There was a feud between Marcus Fulvius and the consul Marcus Aemilius, and, in addition to everything else, Aemilius considered that it was due to the efforts of Marcus Fulvius that he himself had reached the consulship two years late.
42.12. Livium et M. Valerium consules debuisse succedere. nunc certe, perfecto Aetolico bello, recepta ab Antiocho Asia, devictis Gallis, aut consules ad exercitus consulares mitti aut reportari legiones inde reddique tandem rei publicae debere. senatus his auditis in sententia perseveravit, ut consulibus ambobus Ligures provincia esset; Manlium Fulviumque decedere de provinciis et exercitus inde deducere ac redire Romam placuit. inimicitiae inter M. Fulvium et M. Aemilium consulem erant, et super cetera Aemilius serius biennio se consulem factum M. Fulvii opera ducebat.
43.2. Therefore, with a view to making Fulvius unpopular, he introduced to the senate ambassadors of the Ambraciots, previously coached as to their charges, who were to complain that, while they were at peace and had performed the orders of the previous consuls and were ready to render the same obedience to Marcus Fulvius, war had been declared on them, and first their fields had been laid waste and fear of plunder and slaughter held before the city, so that they were compelled by that fear to close their gates;
43.2. itaque ad invidiam ei faciendam legatos Ambraciensis in senatum subornatos criminibus introduxit, qui sibi, cum in pace essent imperataque prioribus consulibus fecissent et eadem oboedienter praestare M. Fulvio parati essent, bellum illatum questi, agros primum depopulatos, terrorem direptionis et caedis urbi iniectum, ut eo metu claudere cogerentur portas;
43.4. that then they were beleaguered and besieged and that every form of war had been waged against them —slaughter, fires, destruction, plunder of the city;
43.4. obsessos deinde et oppugnatos se, et omnia exempla belli edita in se caedibus incendiis ruinis direptione urbis, coniuges liberos in servitium abstractos, bona adempta, et, quod se ante omnia moveat, templa tota urbe spoliata ornamentis;
43.5. that their wives and children had been carried off into slavery, their property taken from them, and, what disturbed them most of all, the temples throughout the city had been stripped of their ornaments; the images of the gods, or rather the gods themselves, had been torn from their seats and carried away; bare walls and door-posts, they said, had been left to the Ambracians to adore, to pray to, and to supplicate: as they made these complaints the consul, asking leading questions as they had agreed, drew them on, as if against their will, to say even more.
43.5. simulacra deum, deos immo ipsos, convulsos ex sedibus suis ablatos esse; parietes postesque nudatos, quos adorent, ad quos precentur et supplicent, Ambraciensibus superesse — : haec querentis interrogando criminose ex composito consul ad plura velut non sua sponte dicenda eliciebat.
43.7. When the Fathers were aroused, the other consul, Gaius Flaminius, took up the cause of Marcus Fulvius, saying that the Ambraciots were following an old and long-abandoned path; thus Marcus Marcellus had been accused by the Syracusans, thus Quintus Fulvius by the Campanians.
43.7. motis patribus alter consul C. Flaminius M. Fulvii causam excepit, qui veterem viam et obsoletam ingressos Ambracienses dixit:
43.8. Nay, would they permit similar accusations to be brought against Titus Quinctius by King Philip, against Manius Acilius and Lucius Scipio by Antiochus, against Gnaeus Manlius by the Gauls and even against Marcus Fulvius by the Aetolians and the peoples of Cephallania?
43.8. sic M. Marcellum ab Syracusanis, sic Q. Fulvium a Campanis accusatos. quin eadem opera T. Quinctium a Philippo rege, M'. Acilium et L. Scipionem ab Antiocho, Cn. Manlium a Gallis, ipsum M. Fulvium ab Aetolis et Cephallaniae populis accusari paterentur?
43.9. “That Ambracia was besieged and captured and that its statues and works of art were removed from there and that other things were done which are usually done when cities are captured, do you think that either I on behalf of Marcus Fulvius or Marcus Fulvius on his own behalf will deny,” “conscript Fathers, since for these achievements he will claim from you a triumph, the captured Ambracia and the statues which they accuse him of removing and the other spoils of that city will be carried before his chariot and fixed to his ”
43.9. “Ambraciam oppugnatam et captam et signa inde ornamentaque ablata et cetera facta, quae captis urbibus soleant, negaturum aut me pro M. Fulvio aut ipsum M. Fulvium censetis, patres conscripti, qui ob has res gestas triumphum a vobis postulaturus sit, Ambraciam captam signaque, quae ablata criminantur, et cetera spolia eius urbis ante currum laturus et fixurus in postibus suis?
43.11. “door-posts? There is no respect in which they can separate themselves from the Aetolians; the situation of Ambraciots and Aetolians is ” “identical.
43.11. nihil est, quod se ab Aetolis separent; eadem Ambraciensium et Aetolorum causa est.
43.12. Let my colleague, then, either expend his malice in some other case or, if he prefers to do so in this matter especially, let him keep his Ambraciots here until the arrival of Marcus ” “Fulvius; I shall permit no decree to be passed concerning either the Ambraciots or the Aetolians in the absence of Marcus Fulvius.”
43.12. itaque collega meus vel in alia causa inimicitias exerceat, vel, si in hac utique mavult, retineat Ambraciensis suos in adventum M. Fulvii; ego nec de Ambraciensibus nec de Aetolis decerni quicquam absente M. Fulvio patiar.
44.1. While Aemilius was thus assailing the shrewd hostility of his enemy as if known to all, and was claiming that Fulvius would drag out the time by delaying, that he might not come to Rome while his foe was consul, two days were wasted by the bickering of the consuls; and it seemed that no decree could be passed while Flaminius was present.
44.1. ”Cum Aemilius callidam malitiam inimici velut notam omnibus insimularet et tempus eum morando extracturum diceret, ne consule inimico Romam veniret, certamine consulum biduum absumptum est; nec praesente Flaminio decerni quicquam videbatur posse.
44.3. Aemilius took advantage of an opportunity when Flaminius was kept away by illness, and on his motion the senate passed a decree that the Ambraciots should recover all their property;
44.3. captata occasio est, cum aeger forte Flaminius abesset, et referente Aemilio senatus consultum factum est, ut Ambraciensibus suae res omnes redderentur;
44.4. that they should be free and should enjoy their own laws; that they should collect port duties at their pleasure, by land and sea, provided that the Romans and the allies of the Latin confederacy should be exempt from paying them;
44.4. in libertate essent ac legibus suis uterentur; portoria, quae vellent, terra marique caperent, dum eorum immunes Romani ac socii nominis Latini essent;
44.5. that as to the statues and other works of art which they complained had been taken from their sacred shrines, when Marcus Fulvius had returned to Rome, the question concerning them should be referred to the college of pontiffs, and that whatever they should have ordered should be done.
44.5. signa aliaque ornamenta quae quererentur ex aedibus sacris sublata esse, de iis, cum M. Fulvius Romam revertisset, placere ad collegium pontificum referri, et quod ii censuissent, fieri.
44.6. The consul was not satisfied with this, but later, in a sparsely attended meeting, added a decree of the senate, to the effect that it did not appear that Ambracia had been captured by force.
44.6. neque his contentus consul fuit, sed postea per infrequentiam adiecit senatus consultum, Ambraciam non videri vi captam esse.
44.7. Then a three-day period of prayer was proclaimed in accordance with a decree of the decemvirs for the health of the people, because a severe pestilence was wasting the City and the country districts.
44.7. supplicatio inde ex decemvirorum decreto pro valetudine populi per triduum fuit, quia gravis pestilentia urbem atque agros vastabat.
44.8. Next the Latin Festival was held. The consuls, released from these ceremonies and having finished the levy —for each of them preferred to employ new soldiers —departed to the province and discharged all the veterans.
44.8. Latinae inde fuerunt. quibus religionibus liberati consules et dilectu perfecto — novis enim uterque maluit uti militibus — in provinciam profecti sunt, veteresque omnes dimiserunt.
44.9. After the departure of the consuls, Gnaeus Manlius the proconsul arrived in Rome; when an audience before the senate in the temple of Bellona had been granted him by the praetor Servius Sulpicius and he, after relating his exploits, had demanded that on account of them honour should be paid to the immortal gods and that he should be permitted to ride into the City in triumph, the majority of
44.9. post consulum profectionem Cn. Manlius proconsul Romam venit; cui cum ab Ser. Sulpicio praetore senatus ad aedem Bellonae datus esset, et ipse commemoratis rebus ab se gestis postulasset, ut ob eas diis immortalibus honos haberetur sibique triumphanti urbem invehi liceret,
44.11. the ten commissioners who had been with him opposed it, and, beyond the rest, Lucius Furius Purpurio and Lucius Aemilius Paulus.
44.11. contradixerunt pars maior decem legatorum, qui cum eo fuerant et ante alios L. Furius Purpurio et L. Aemilius Paulus.
45.1. They said that the commissioners had been assigned to Gnaeus Manlius for the purpose of making peace with Antiochus and of putting into final form the terms of the treaty which had been initiated by Lucius Scipio.
45.1. legatos sese Cn. Manlio datos pacis cum Antiocho faciendae causa foederisque legum, quae cum L. Scipione inchoatae fuissent, perficiendarum.
45.2. Gnaeus Manlius, they said, had striven with all his might to break the peace and to take Antiochus by treachery, if the king should have given him any opportunity to do so; but he, being aware of the deceitfulness of the consul, although often approached with requests for conferences, had avoided, not merely a meeting with him, but even the sight of him.
45.2. Cn. Manlium summa ope tetendisse, ut eam pacem turbaret, et Antiochum, si sui potestatem fecisset, insidiis exciperet; sed illum cognita fraude consulis, cum saepe colloquiis petitis captatus esset, non congressum modo sed conspectum etiam eius vitasse.
45.3. Manlius, they said, when he desired to cross the Taurus, had with difficulty been held back by the pleas of all his lieutenants from trying to test the prediction of ruin found in the verses of the Sibyl for those who crossed the fateful boundaries, but, none the less, had moved up the army and encamped near by on the very crest at the parting of the waters.
45.3. cupientem transire Taurum aegre omnium legatorum precibus, ne carminibus Sibyllae praedictam superantibus terminos fatalis cladem experiri vellet, retentum admosse tamen exercitum et prope ipsis iugis ad divortia aquarum castra posuisse. cum ibi nullam belli causam inveniret quiescentibus regiis, circumegisse exercitum ad Gallograecos, cui nationi non ex senatus auctoritate, non populi iussu bellum illatum.
45.5. Finding no pretext for war there, the king's forces remaining passive, he led the army around against the Galatians, a people against whom war had not been declared by the authority of the senate or the vote of the assembly.
45.5. quod quem umquam de sua sententia facere ausum? Antiochi Philippi Hannibalis et Poenorum recentissima bella esse;
45.6. Who, they asked, had ever ventured to do this on his own motion? The most recent wars were those with Antiochus, Philip, Hannibal and the Carthaginians; in all these cases the senate had passed decrees, the assembly had voted, restitution had previously been demanded by ambassadors, finally, delegates had been sent to declare war.
45.6. de omnibus his consultum senatum, populum iussisse, saepe legatos ante missos, res repetitas, postremo, qui bellum indicerent, missos.
45.7. "Which of these things was done, Gnaeus Manlius, so that we can consider this a public war of the Roman people and not a private piratical expedition of your own?
45.7. “quid eorum, Cn. Manli, factum est, ut istud publicum populi Romani bellum et non tuum privatum latrocinium ducamus?
45.8. Were you even content with that and did you lead your army directly against those whom you had picked out to be your enemies?
45.8. at eo ipso contentus fuisti, recto itinere exercitum duxisti ad eos, quos tibi hostis desumpseras:
45.9. Or, moving by all the roundabout ways, stopping at every cross-road, that, wherever Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, turned his course, there you, a money-seeking consul, might follow with a Roman army, did you travel over all the nooks and corners of Pisidia and Lycaonia and Phrygia, exacting tribute from tyrants and commanders of out-of-the-way fortresses? What business did you have with the people of Oroanda? What with other equally innocent peoples? "But the war proper, on account of which you ask a triumph, how did you conduct it?
45.9. an per omnes amfractus viarum, cum ad bivia consisteres, ut, quo flexisset agmen Attalus, Eumenis frater, eo consul mercennarius cum exercitu Romano sequereris, Pisidiae Lycaoniaeque et Phrygiae recessus omnis atque angulos peragrasti, stipem ab tyrannis castellanisque deviis colligens? quid enim tibi cum Oroandis? quid cum aliis aeque innoxiis populis?”
45.10. Did you fight on favourable ground, at a time selected by you? Rightly in truth do you demand that honour be paid to the immortal gods, first, because they refused to exact the penalty from the army for the rashness of the commander, who was waging war under no law of nations; second, because they confronted us with dumb animals, not enemies.
45.10. “bellum autem ipsum, cuius nomine triumphum petis, quo modo gessisti? loco aequo, tempore tuo pugnasti? tu vero recte, ut diis immortalibus honos habeatur, postulas, primum quod pro temeritate imperatoris, nullo gentium iure bellum inferentis, poenas luere exercitum noluerunt; deinde quod beluas, non hostis nobis obiecerunt.
46.1. “Do not think that only the name of the Gallogrecians is a mixture; long since both their bodies and their minds have been mixed and corrupted.”
46.1. nolite nomen tantum existimare mixtum esse Gallograecorum: multo ante et corpora et animi mixti ac vitiati sunt.
46.2. “Or if they were Gauls, with whom we have fought a thousand times in Italy with varying results, so far as the issue depended on our commander, would even a messenger have come back from there?”
46.2. an, si illi Galli essent, cum quibus milliens vario eventu in Italia pugnatum est, quantum in imperatore nostro fuit, nuntius illinc redisset?
46.3. “Twice he engaged in battle with them, twice he attacked over unfavourable ground and placed his battle-line in a valley below the enemy and almost at their feet. Without hurling a weapon from their higher position, and merely flinging their naked bodies down, they could have overwhelmed us. What happened then?”
46.3. bis cum iis pugnatum est, bis loco iniquo subiit, in valle inferiore pedibus paene hostium aciem subiecit. ut non tela ex superiore loco mitterent, sed corpora sua nuda inicerent, obruere nos potuerunt.
46.4. “Great is the fortune of the Roman people, great and terrible is its name. By the recent overthrow of Hannibal, Philip, Antiochus, they were well-nigh thunderstruck. Bodies of such huge size were thrown into panic by sling-bullets and arrows; no sword was made bloody in combat in the Gallic war'; like flocks of birds they flew away at the first whizzing of the missiles.”
46.4. quid igitur incidit? magna fortuna populi Romani est, magnum et terribile nomen. recenti ruina Hannibalis Philippi Antiochi prope attoniti erant. tantae corporum moles fundis sagittisque in fugam consternatae sunt;
46.5. “But, by Hercules, we, the same Romans —Fortune reminding us what would have happened if we had had an enemy —when ” “on our return we had fallen in with the Thracian brigands, were slaughtered, put to flight, robbed of our baggage.”
46.5. gladius in acie cruentatus non est Gallico bello; velut avium examina ad crepitum primum missilium avolavere. at hercule iidem nos — monente fortuna, quid, si hostem habuissemus, casurum fuisset — cum redeuntes in latrunculos Thracas incidissemus, caesi, fugati, exuti impedimentis sumus.
46.7. “Quintus Minucius Thermus, in whose death we suffered a far greater loss than if Gnaeus Manlius, through whose rashness this defeat had come about, had fallen, was killed along with many brave men;”
46.7. Q. Minucius Thermus, in quo haud paulo plus damni factum est, quam si Cn. Manlius, cuius temeritate ea clades inciderat, perisset, cum multis viris fortibus cecidit;
46.8. “the army which was bringing back the spoils of King Antiochus, scattered in three sections, the van in one place, the rear in another, the trains in a third, spent one night skulking in the lairs of beasts among the thickets. For such deeds is a triumph sought? If there had been no calamity and disgrace suffered in Thrace, over what foes would you seek a triumph?”
46.8. exercitus spolia regis Antiochi referens trifariam dissipatus, alibi primum, alibi postremum agmen, alibi impedimenta, inter vepres in latebris ferarum noctem unam delituit.
46.9. “Over those, I suppose, whom the senate or the Roman people had assigned to you as enemies. This is how triumphs were granted to Lucius Scipio here and Manius Acilius yonder over King Antiochus, to Titus Quinctius not long ago over King Philip, to Publius Africanus over Hannibal and the Carthaginians and Syphax.”
46.9. pro his triumphus petitur? si nihil in Thracia cladis ignominiaeque foret acceptum, de quibus hostibus triumphum peteres? de iis, ut opinor, quos tibi hostes senatus aut populus Romanus dedisset.
46.10. “And even after the senate had already voted for the war, the most unimportant matters none the less were inquired into to determine to whom it should be announced: should the declaration be given in any case to the kings themselves, or was it sufficient that the declaration be delivered at some military post?”
46.10. sic huic L. Scipioni, sic illi M'. Acilio de rege Antiocho, sic paulo ante T. Quinctio de rege Philippo, sic P. Africano de Hannibale et Poenis et Syphace triumphus datus.
46.11. “Do you wish all these formalities to be violated and thrown into confusion, the fetial laws to be done away with and the fetials themselves abolished?”
46.11. et minima illa, cum iam senatus censuisset bellum, quaesita tamen sunt, quibus nuntiandum esset: ipsis utique regibus nuntiaretur, an satis esset ad praesidium aliquod nuntiari.
46.12. “Let there be (may I speak without offence to the gods) neglect of religious observances, let forgetfulness of the gods take possession of your hearts —is it your will that the senate should not be consulted about war? Or the motion put to the people whether they 'wish and order' war to be waged with the Gauls?”
46.12. vultis ergo haec omnia pollui et confundi, tolli fetialia iura, nullos esse fetiales? fiat, pace deum dixerim, iactura religionis; oblivio deorum capiat pectora vestra:
46.13. “Not long ago the consuls certainly wished for Greece and Asia; yet when you persisted in decreeing them the Ligurians as their province they obeyed.”
46.13. num senatum quoque de bello consuli non placet? non ad populum ferri, velint iubeantne cum Gallis bellum geri?
46.14. “Justly, therefore, when they have waged successful war, will they ask a triumph from you by whose authority they have waged it.” Such was the argument of Furius and Aemilius. Manlius, I have heard, replied in about the following manner: "It was formerly the custom, conscript Fathers, that tribunes of the people should oppose candidates for triumphs; in this case I am grateful to them because they have conceded this much, whether to me or to the greatness of my achievements —that they do not merely by their silence approve my distinction but even seem ready to propose it if necessary; it is among the ten commissioners (heaven
46.14. modo certe consules Graeciam atque Asiam volebant; tamen perseverantibus vobis Ligures provinciam decernere dicto audientes fuerunt. merito ergo a vobis prospere bello gesto triumphum petent, quibus auctoribus gesserunt.” talis oratio Furii et Aemilii fuit. Manlium in hunc maxime modum respondisse accepi. “tribuni plebis antea solebant triumphum postulantibus adversari, patres conscripti; quibus ego gratiam habeo, quod seu mihi seu magnitudini rerum gestarum hoc dederunt, ut non solum silentio comprobarent honorem meum, sed referre etiam, si opus esset, viderentur parati esse;
47.3. help us!), a council which our ancestors created for awarding victory and its honours to commanders, that I find my opponents.
47.3. ex decem legatis, si diis placet, quod consilium dispensandae cohonestandaeque victoriae imperatoribus maiores dederunt nostri, adversarios habeo.
47.4. Lucius Furius and Lucius Aemilius forbid me to mount the triumphal car, they strip the garland of victory from my head, these men whom, if the tribunes were obstructing my triumph, I should have summoned as witnesses to what I have done.
47.4. L. Furius et L. Aemilius currum triumphalem me conscendere prohibent, coronam insignem capiti detrahunt; quos ego, si tribuni me triumphare prohiberent, testes citaturus fui rerum a me gestarum.
47.5. For my part, conscript Fathers, I grudge no man his distinction; when the tribunes of the people, brave and energetic men, not long ago were opposing the triumph of Quintus Fabius Labeo, you checked them by your authority; he triumphed, although his enemies circulated the story, not that he had waged an illegal war, but that he had not set eyes on an enemy at all; I who have so often fought with a hundred thousand of the fiercest enemies, who captured or killed more than forty thousand men, who took two of their camps, who left everything on this side of the ridges of Taurus more peaceful than is the land of Italy, am not only cheated out of my triumph but am pleading my case before you, conscript Fathers, with my own lieutenants as
47.5. nullius equidem invideo honori, patres conscripti: vos tribunos plebei nuper, viros fortes ac strenuos, impedientes Q. Fabii Labeonis triumphum auctoritate vestra deterruistis; triumphavit, quem non bellum iniustum gessisse, sed hostem omnino non vidisse inimici iactabant: ego, qui cum centum milibus ferocissimorum hostium signis collatis totiens pugnavi, qui plus quadraginta milia hominum cepi aut occidi, qui bina castra eorum expugnavi, qui citra iuga Tauri omnia pacatiora, quam terra Italia est, reliqui, non triumpho modo fraudor, sed causam apud vos, patres conscripti, accusantibus meis ipse legatis dico.
47.7. my accusers! Their charge, as you have observed, conscript Fathers, is twofold: for they said that I should not have waged war with the Gauls and that the war was conducted rashly and heedlessly.
47.7. duplex eorum, ut animadvertistis, patres conscripti, accusatio fuit: nam nec gerendum mihi fuisse bellum cum Gallis, et gestum temere atque imprudenter dixerunt. “non erant Galli hostes, sed tu eos pacatos imperata facientes violasti.
47.8. 'The Gauls,' they say, 'were not enemies, but you attacked them while they were peaceful and obedient to our orders.' I shall not ask you, conscript Fathers, to believe about those Gauls also who dwell in Asia what you know in general about the barbarous character of the people of the Gauls and their most deadly hatred of the name of Rome; setting aside the ill repute and ill fame of the race as a whole, judge them by themselves.
47.8. ” non sum postulaturus a vobis, patres conscripti, ut, quae communiter de immanitate gentis Gallorum de infestissimo odio in nomen Romanum scitis, ea de illis quoque, qui has terras incolunt, existimetis Gallis: remota universae gentis infamia atque invidia per se ipsos aestimate. utinam rex Eumenes, utinam Asiae civitates omnes adessent, et illos potius querentes quam me accusantem audiretis.
47.10. Would that King Eumenes were here, would that all the cities of Asia were here, and that you could hear them complaining of rather than me accusing the Gauls.
47.10. mittite, agedum, legatos circa omnes Asiae urbes et quaerite, utra graviore servitute, Antiocho ultra Tauri iuga emoto an Gallis subactis, liberati sint:
47.11. Come, send ambassadors around all the cities of Asia and ask them whether they were freed from a more grievous slavery when Antiochus was expelled beyond the ridges of Taurus or when the Gauls were subdued.
47.11. quotiens agri eorum vastati sint, quotiens praedae abactae, referant, cum vix redimendi captivos copia esset, et mactatas humanas hostias immolatosque liberos suos audirent.
47.12. Let them tell you how often their fields were devastated, how often plunder was carried away, when they had barely the wealth to ransom their captives and kept hearing of human victims slain and their own children sacrificed. Know that your own allies had been paying tribute to the Gauls and even now, when liberated by you from the king's control, would still have been paying it if I had failed them. "The farther Antiochus should be removed, the more uncontrollable would be the rule of the Gauls in Asia, and all the lands on this side of the ridges of Taurus you would have added to Gallic territory, not to your own.
47.12. stipendium scitote pependisse socios vestros Gallis et nunc, liberatos per vos regio imperio, fuisse pensuros, si a me foret cessatum. quo longius Antiochus emotus esset, hoc impotentius in Asia Galli dominarentur, et, quidquid est terrarum citra Tauri iuga, Gallorum imperio, non vestro adiecissetis.
48.2. Grant, if you will, that what my opponents say is true; but even on one occasion, Delphi, the common oracle of the human race, the navel of the world, the Gauls despoiled, and the Romans did not on that account declare or wage a war upon them.
48.2. at enim sunt quidem ista, verum etiam Delphos quondam, commune humani generis oraculum, umbilicum orbis terrarum, Galli spoliaverunt, nec ideo populus Romanus his bellum indixit aut intulit.
48.3. For my part, I thought that there was some difference between that time, when Greece and Asia were not yet under your control and sway, as regards your interest and concern in what was happening in those lands, and this time, when you have fixed the Taurus mountain as the boundary of the Roman empire, when you bestow liberty and immunity upon cities, increase the territory of some, deprive others of their lands, impose tribute upon others, enlarge, diminish, give, take away kingdoms, and deem it your responsibility that they shall have peace on land and sea.
48.3. equidem aliquid interesse rebar inter id tempus, quo nondum in iure ac dicione vestra Graecia atque Asia erat, ad curandum animadvertendumque, quid in his terris fieret, et hoc, quo finem imperii Romani Taurum montem statuistis, quo libertatem, immunitatem civitatibus datis, quo aliis fines adicitis, alias agro multatis, aliis vectigal imponitis, regna augetis minuitis donatis adimitis, curae vestrae censetis esse, ut pacem terra marique habeant.
48.5. Or, supposing that Antiochus had not withdrawn his garrisons, which remained peacefully in their citadels, would you consider that Asia had not been set free; but, on the other hand, should the armies of the Gauls be wandering at will, would these gifts which you have presented to King Eumenes have been assured, would liberty have been assured to the cities?
48.5. an, nisi praesidia deduxisset Antiochus, quae quieta in suis arcibus erant, non putaretis liberatam Asiam; si Gallorum exercitus effusi vagarentur, rata dona vestra, quae dedistis, regi Eumeni, rata libertas civitatibus esset?
48.6. But why do I argue as if I had made the Gauls our enemies, not found them so?
48.6. sed quid ego haec ita argumentor, tamquam non acceperim, sed fecerim hostes Gallos?
48.7. I appeal to you, Lucius Scipio (and when I succeeded to your authority I prayed to the immortal gods, and not in vain, for your valour and good fortune), to you, Publius Scipio, who had the rank of lieutenant but the authority of a colleague both with your brother the consul and with the army, to say whether you know that in the army of Antiochus there were legions of Gauls, whether you saw them in the line of battle, stationed on both flanks —for this was their strength, as it seemed —whether you fought with them as with lawful enemies, slew them, and carried off their spoils.
48.7. te, L. Scipio, appello, cuius ego mihi, succedens in vicem imperii tui, virtutem felicitatemque pariter non frustra ab diis immortalibus precatus sum, te, P. Scipio, qui legati ius, collegae maiestatem et apud fratrem consulem et apud exercitum habuisti, sciatisne in exercitu Antiochi Gallorum legiones fuisse, videritis in acie eos, in cornu utroque — id enim roboris esse videbatur — locatos, pugnaveritis ut cum hostibus iustis, cecideritis, spolia eorum retuleritis.
48.9. But yet, they say, it Was with Antiochus and not with the Gauls that both the senate had decreed and the assembly had ordered. war. But at the same time, in my judgment, they had decreed and ordered war with those who were within his ranks;
48.9. atqui cum Antiocho, non cum Gallis bellum et senatus decreverat et populus iusserat. sed simul, ut opinor, cum his decreverant iusserantque, qui intra praesidia eius fuissent;
48.10. of those, with the exception of Antiochus, with whom Scipio had contracted a peace and with whom you had expressly ordered that a treaty be made, all were enemies who bore arms against us in the cause of Antiochus. Although the Gauls before all were in this class and certain chiefs and tyrants, nevertheless I both negotiated for peace with the others, compelling them, in keeping with the dignity of your empire, to atone for their sins, and tried the sentiments of the Gauls, in the hope that perhaps their native fierceness could be softened, and, after I saw that they were untamed and intractable, then at length I decided that I must restrain them by force of arms.
48.10. ex quibus praeter Antiochum, cum quo pacem pepigerat Scipio, et cum quo nominatim foedus ut fieret mandaveratis, omnes hostes erant, qui pro Antiocho arma adversus nos tulerunt. in qua causa cum Galli ante omnes fuissent et reguli quidam et tyranni, ego tamen et cum aliis, pro dignitate imperii vestri coactis luere peccata sua, pacem pepigi, et Gallorum animos, si possent mitigari a feritate insita,