---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 36 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 36. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 36. Book XXXIX · chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/36/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. While these things were going on at Rome, if indeed they did happen that year, both consuls were waging war against the Ligurians.

> Latin: 1.1. dum haec, si modo hoc anno acta sunt, Romae aguntur, consules ambo in Liguribus gerebant bellum.

[¶1] 1.2. This enemy was born, as it were, to keep alive the military discipline of the Romans during the intervals between their great wars; nor did any province do more to put an edge to the soldier's courage.

> Latin: 1.2. is hostis velut natus ad continendam per magnorum intervalla bellorum Romanis militarem disciplinam erat, nec alia provincia militem magis ad virtutem acuebat.

[¶2] 1.3. For Asia, on account of the pleasantness of its cities and the abundance of its treasures of land and sea and the feebleness of the enemy and the wealth of its kings, made armies richer rather than braver.

> Latin: 1.3. nam Asia et amoenitate urbium et copia terrestrium maritimarumque rerum et mollitia hostium regiisque opibus ditiores quam fortiores exercitus faciebat.

[¶3] 1.4. Especially under the command of Gnaeus Manlius was discipline slackly and indifferently enforced; and so a somewhat more difficult advance in Thrace and a rather more effective enemy had taught them a lesson with great slaughter.

> Latin: 1.4. praecipue sub imperio Cn. Manli solute ac neglegenter habiti sunt: itaque asperius paulo iter in Thracia et exercitatior hostis magna clade eos castigavit.

[¶4] 1.5. Among the Ligurians there was everything to keep an army alert —hilly and rough ground, which was difficult both for the men themselves to occupy and to dislodge the enemy who had already occupied it, and roads difficult, narrow, dangerous by reason of ambuscades; an enemy lightly equipped, mobile and unexpected in his movements, who permitted no time or place whatever to be quiet or safe; the besieging of fortified points was necessary and at the same time toilsome and dangerous; the district was poor, which constrained the soldiers to simple living and offered them little plunder. Accordingly, no civilian camp-follower went along, no long train of pack-animals stretched out the column.

> Latin: 1.5. in Liguribus omnia erant, quae militem excitarent, loca montana et aspera, quae et ipsis capere labor erat et ex praeoccupatis deicere hostem, itinera ardua, angusta, infesta insidiis, hostis levis et velox et repentinus, qui nullum usquam tempus, nullum locum quietum aut securum esse sineret, obpugnatio necessaria munitorum castellorum, laboriosa simul periculosaque, inops regio, quae parsimonia adstringeret milites, praedae haud multum praeberet.

[¶5] 1.7. There was nothing except arms and men who placed all their trust in their arms. Nor was there ever wanting either the occasion or the cause for war with them, because on account of their poverty at home they were constantly raiding their neighbours' lands. And yet the fighting never brought about the final settlement of a campaign.

> Latin: 1.7. itaque non lixa sequebatur, non iumentorum longus ordo agmen extendebat; nihil praeter arma et viros omnem spem in armis habentes erat. nec deerat umquam cum iis vel materia belli vel causa, quia propter domesticam inopiam vicinos agros incursabant, nec tamen in discrimen summae rerum pugnabatur.

[¶6] 2.1. The consul Gaius Flaminius, having fought several successful battles with the Ligurian Friniates on their own soil, received the tribe in surrender and disarmed them.

> Latin: 2.1. C. Flaminius consul, cum Friniatibus Liguribus in agro eorum pluribus proeliis secundis factis, in deditionem gentem accepit.

[¶7] 2.2. When they were reproved because they did not surrender the arms in good faith, they abandoned their villages and fled to the Auginus mountain. The consul followed in haste.

> Latin: 2.2. et arma ademit. ea quia non sincera fide tradebant, cum castigarentur, relictis vicis in montem Auginum profugerunt. confestim secutus est consul.

[¶8] 2.3. But they scattered again, the largest part being unarmed, and fled at full speed through pathless country and over steep cliffs where the enemy could not pursue. So they departed across the Apennines. Those who remained in camp were surrounded and captured. Thence the legions were led across the Apennines.

> Latin: 2.3. ceterum effusi rursus, et pars maxima inermes, per invia et rupes deruptas praecipitantes fugerunt, qua sequi hostis non posset. ita trans Apenninum abierunt. qui castris se tenuerant, circumsessi et expugnati sunt.

[¶9] 2.4. There the enemy defended themselves for a while by virtue of the height of the mountain which they had occupied, but presently yielded in surrender. At this time the arms were sought out with greater diligence, and all were taken from them. The war was then transferred to the Ligurian Apuani, who had raided the lands of Pisa and Bologna to such effect that they could not be cultivated.

> Latin: 2.4. inde trans Apenninum ductae legiones. ibi montis, quem ceperant, altitudine paulisper se tutati, mox in deditionem concesserunt. tum conquisita cum intentiore cura arma et omnia adempta.

[¶10] 2.5. Having subdued them too, the consul granted peace to their neighbours. And, because he had brought it to pass that the province was free from war, that he might not leave his army idle, he built a road from Bologna to Arezzo.

> Latin: 2.5. translatum deinde ad Apuanos Ligures bellum, qui in agrum Pisanum Bononiensemque ita incursaverant, ut coli non posset. his quoque perdomitis consul pacem dedit finitimis. et quia a bello quieta ut esset provincia effecerat, ne in otio militem haberet, viam a Bononia perduxit Arretium.

[¶11] 2.7. The other consul, Marcus Aemilius, burned and ravaged the farms and villages of the Ligurians which were in the plains or valleys, the people themselves holding the two mountains Ballista and Suismontium. Then, attacking the men who were on the mountains, he first wore them out with small skirmishes, then forced them to come down to face his battle-line and defeated them in a regular battle, in the course of which he vowed a temple to Diana.

> Latin: 2.7. M. Aemilius alter consul agros Ligurum vicosque, qui in campis aut vallibus erant, ipsis montes duos Ballistam Suismontiumque tenentibus, deussit depopulatusque est. deinde eos, qui in montibus erant, adortus primo levibus proeliis fatigavit, postremo coactos in aciem descendere iusto proelio devicit, in quo et aedem Dianae vovit.

[¶12] 2.9. Having subdued all the tribes on this side of the Apennines, Aemilius then attacked those beyond the mountains —among whom there were those Ligurian Friniates also whom Gaius Flaminius had not visited —and subdued them all, took away their arms and transferred the population from the hills to the plains.

> Latin: 2.9. subactis cis Apenninum omnibus tum transmontanos adortus—in his et Friniates Ligures erant, quos non adierat C. Flaminius —omnes Aemilius subegit armaque ademit et de montibus in campos multitudinem deduxit.

[¶13] 2.10. Leaving the Ligurians pacified, he led his army into Gallic territory, and built a road from Placentia to Ariminum, in order to make a junction with the Via Flaminia. In the final encounter in which he engaged the Ligurians in a pitched battle, he vowed a temple to Juno Regina.

> Latin: 2.10. pacatis Liguribus exercitum in agrum Gallicum duxit, viamque a Placentia, ut Flaminiae committeret, Ariminum perduxit.

[¶14] 2.11. Such were the events of that year among the Ligurians. In Gaul the praetor Marcus Furius, seeking in peace the appearance of war, had disarmed the Cenomani, who had given no provocation:

> Latin: 2.11. proelio ultimo, quo cum Liguribus signis conlatis conflixit, aedem Iunoni reginae vovit. haec in Liguribus eo anno gesta. in Gallia M. Furius praetor insontibus Cenomanis, in pace speciem belli quaerens, ademerat arma.

[¶15] 3.2. they in consequence laid a complaint about this before the senate at Rome, and were referred to the consul Aemilius, whom the senate had authorized to investigate and decide, and after engaging in great contention with the praetor won their case.

> Latin: 3.2. id Cenomani conquesti Romae apud senatum reiectique ad consulem Aemilium, cui, ut cognosceret statueretque, senatus permiserat, magno certamine cum praetore habito tenuerunt causam.

[¶16] 3.3. The praetor was ordered to restore their arms to the Cenomani and to leave the province.

> Latin: 3.3. arma reddere Cenomanis, decedere provincia praetor iussus.

[¶17] 3.4. Then ambassadors from the allies of the Latin confederacy, who had assembled from all Latium in great numbers from every side, were granted an audience by the senate. When they complained that a great number of their citizens had migrated to Rome and had been assessed there, Quintus Terentius Culleo the praetor was instructed to search them out, and, on receiving from the allies proof that any person or the father of such person had been assessed among the allies in the censorship of Gaius Claudius and Marcus Livius or after that censorship, to compel such persons to return to the places where they had been registered.

> Latin: 3.4. legatis deinde sociorum Latini nominis, qui toto undique ex Latio frequentes convenerant, senatus datus est. his querentibus magnam multitudinem civium suorum Romam commigrasse et ibi censos esse, Q. Terentio Culleoni praetori negotium datum est, ut eos conquireret, et quem C. Claudio M. Livio censoribus postve eos censores ipsum parentemve eius apud se censum esse probassent socii, ut redire eo cogeret, ubi censi essent.

[¶18] 3.6. As a consequence of this investigation twelve thousand of the Latins returned home, for even at that time a multitude of aliens was burdening the city.

> Latin: 3.6. hac conquisitione duodecim milia Latinorum domos redierunt, iam tum multitudine alienigenarum urbem onerante.

[¶19] 4.1. Before the consuls returned to Rome, the proconsul Marcus Fulvius returned from Aetolia;

> Latin: 4.1. priusquam consules redirent Roman, M. Fulvius proconsul ex Aetolia redit;

[¶20] 4.2. and when the senate, in the temple of Apollo, had heard him describe his exploits in Aetolia and Cephallania, he asked the Fathers, if they deemed it proper, by reason of his successful and fortunate conduct of the business of the state, both to order that honour should be paid to the immortal gods and to decree a triumph to him.

> Latin: 4.2. isque ad aedem Apollinis in senatu cum de rebus in Aetolia Cephalleniaque ab se gestis disseruisset, petit a patribus, ut aequum censerent ob rem publicam bene ac feliciter gestam diis inmortalibus honorem haberi [iuberent], et sibi triumphum decernerent.

[¶21] 4.3. Marcus Aburius, tribune of the people, announced that, if any decree on that subject were passed prior to the arrival of Marcus Aemilius, he would veto it: Aemilius, he said, wished to speak against it, and on his departure to his province had given instructions to him, the tribune, that this whole discussion should be reserved for his return. Fulvius, he said, was suffering the loss of time only: even with the consul present the senate would decree what he wished.

> Latin: 4.3. M. Aburius tribunus plebis, si quid de ea re ante M. Aemili consulis adventum decerneretur, intercessurum se ostendit: eum contradicere velle, proficiscentemque in provinciam ita sibi mandasse, uti ea disceptatio integra in adventum suum servaretur. Fulvium temporis iacturam facere; senatum etiam praesente consule, quod vellet, decreturum.

[¶22] 4.5. Then Fulvius replied: if either the quarrel between him and Marcus Aemilius was unknown to men, or if it was unknown with what uncontrollable and almost tyrannical passion Aemilius carried on the feud, even then it would have been unendurable that the absent consul should both stand in the way of the honour due to the immortal gods and delay an earned and merited triumph, and that a general after a brilliant campaign and a victorious army with its booty and prisoners should stand

> Latin: 4.5. tum Fulvius: si aut simultas M. Aemili secum ignota hominibus esset, aut quam is eas inimicitias inpotenti ac prope regia ira exerceret, tamen non fuisse ferendum, absentem consulem et deorum inmortalium honori obstare et meritum debitumque triumphum morari,

[¶23] 4.7. before the gates until it suited the fancy of a consul (who stayed away for just that reason) to return to Rome.

> Latin: 4.7. imperatorem rebus egregie gestis victoremque exercitum cum praeda et captivis ante portas stare, donec consuli ob hoc ipsum moranti redire Romam libitum esset.

[¶24] 4.8. But as a matter of fact, he went on, since his quarrel with the consul was very well known, what justice could be expected from a man who had deposited in the treasury a decree of the senate passed stealthily and in a poorly attended meeting, to the effect that Ambracia did not appear to have been taken by force, although it had been besieged with a mound and sheds, where other works were built anew when the first were burned, where the battle had raged around the walls for fifteen days, above and below the ground, where from daylight, after the soldiers had already scaled the walls, until nightfall the battle had been maintained with uncertain issue, and where more than three thousand of the enemy had perished?

> Latin: 4.8. verum enimvero, cum sint nobilissimae sibi cum consule inimicitiae, quid ab eo quemquam posse aequi expectare, qui per infrequentiam furtim senatus consultum factum ad aerarium detulerit Ambraciam non videri vi captam, quae aggere ac vineis obpugnata sit, ubi incensis operibus alia de integro facta sint, ubi circa muros supra subterque terram per dies quindecim pugnatum,

[¶25] 4.10. Then, too, as to the plundering of the temples of the immortal gods in the captured city, what kind of insult was it that he had turned the booty over to the pontiffs?

> Latin: 4.10. ubi a prima luce, cum iam transcendisset muros miles, usque ad noctem diu anceps proelium tenuerit, ubi plus tria milia hostium sint caesa.

[¶26] 4.11. Unless it had been lawful to adorn the City with the trophies of Syracuse and other captured towns, but that in the case of captured Ambracia alone the law of war did not hold good!

> Latin: 4.11. iam de deorum inmortalium inmortalum templis spoliatis in capta urbe qualem calumniam ad pontifices adtulerit? nisi Syracusarum ceterarumque captarum civitatum ornamentis urbem exornari fas fuerit, in Ambracia una capta non valuerit belli ius.

[¶27] 4.13. He begged the conscript Fathers and he requested of the tribune that they should not permit him to be made a laughing-stock by this most insolent personal enemy.

> Latin: 4.13. se et patres conscriptos orare et ab tribuno petere, ne se superbissimo inimico ludibrio esse sinant.

[¶28] 5.1. Everybody from all sides began to address the tribune, some with entreaties, some with reproaches.

> Latin: 5.1. undique omnes alii deprecari tribunum, alii castigare. Tiberi Gracchi collegae plurimum oratio movit:

[¶29] 5.2. The argument of his colleague Tiberius Gracchus impressed him most. He said that it was not a good precedent to follow up even one's own contentions while holding a magistracy; but it was disgraceful for a tribune of the people to take sides in the contentions of others, and unworthy of the authority of that college and of its sacred laws.

> Latin: 5.2. ne suas quidem simultates pro magistratu exercere boni exempli esse; alienarum vero simultatum tribunum plebis cognitorem fieri turpe et indignum collegii eius potestate et sacratis legibus esse.

[¶30] 5.3. Each man, he said, in accordance with his own judgment should both hate or love men and approve or disapprove measures, should not depend upon another's expression and nod or be led this way or that under the pressure of another's will, nor should a tribune of the people be a second to an angry consul;

> Latin: 5.3. suo quemque iudicio et homines odisse aut diligere et res probare aut inprobare debere, non pendere ex alterius vultu ac nutu nec alieni momentis animi circumagi, adstipularique irato consuli tribunum plebei et, quid privatim M.

[¶31] 5.4. he should not remember any commission which Marcus Aemilius had privately entrusted to him, and forget the office of tribune which had been entrusted to him by the Roman people, and entrusted for the purpose of rendering assistance to and protecting the liberty of private citizens, not of bolster ing up the consular authority.

> Latin: 5.4. Aemilius mandaverit, meminisse, tribunatum sibi a populo Romano mandatum oblivisci, et mandatum pro auxilio ac libertate privatorum, non pro consulari regno.

[¶32] 5.5. Aburius, he said, did not even see that the result would be that tradition and posterity would have the story how in the same college one of two tribunes of the people had laid aside his own enmities for the sake of the state, the other had assumed and carried on those of another because they had been entrusted to him.

> Latin: 5.5. ne hoc quidem cernere eum fore, ut memoriae ac posteritati mandetur eiusdem collegii alterum e duobus tribunis plebis suas inimicitias remisisse rei publicae, alterum alienas et mandatas exercuisse. his victus castigationibus tribunus cum templo excessisset, referente Ser. Sulpicio praetore triumphus M. Fulvio est decretus.

[¶33] 5.7. When the tribune, overcome by this criticism, had left the temple, after the question was raised by Serv. Sulpicius, praetor, the triumph was voted to Marcus Fulvius. When he had thanked the conscript Fathers, he went on to say that he had vowed the Great Games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the day when he had captured Ambracia, that for this purpose a hundred pounds of gold had been contributed by the cities;

> Latin: 5.7. is cum gratias patribus conscriptis egisset, adiecit ludos magnos se Iovi optimo maximo eo die, quo Ambraciam cepisset, vovisse; in eam rem sibi centum pondo auri a civitatibus conlatum;

[¶34] 5.8. he requested that, from this money which he had planned to display in his triumph and then deposit in the treasury, this particular sum should, by their order, be kept separate.

> Latin: 5.8. petere, ut ex ea pecunia, quam in triumpho latam in aerario positurus esset, id aurum secerni iuberent.

[¶35] 5.9. The senate ordered the college of pontiffs to be consulted whether it was necessary to spend this entire sum on the games. When the pontiffs had replied that from the point of view of religion it was immaterial how much should be spent on the games, the senate granted permission to Fulvius for whatever amount he should spend, provided that he did not exceed a total of eighty thousand sesterces.

> Latin: 5.9. senatus pontificum collegium consuli iussit, num omne id aurum in ludos consumi necesse esset. cum pontifices negassent ad religionem pertinere, quanta inpensa in ludos fieret, senatus Fulvio, quantum inpenderet, permisit, dum ne summam octoginta milium excederet.

[¶36] 5.11. He had decided to triumph in the month of January; but when he had heard that the consul Marcus Aemilius, having received a letter from Marcus Aburius about the withdrawal of the veto, was himself coming to Rome to hinder the triumph, but had been detained on the way by illness, he advanced the date, lest he have more strife in the triumph than in the war.

> Latin: 5.11. triumphare mense Ianuario statuerat; sed cum audisset consulem M. Aemilium litteris M. Aburi tribuni plebis acceptis de remissa intercessione ipsum ad inpediendum triumphum Romam venientem aegrum in via substitisse, ne plus in triumpho certaminum quam in bello haberet, praetulit triumphi diem.

[¶37] 5.13. He triumphed the tenth day before the Kalends of January over the Aetolians and over Cephallania.

> Latin: 5.13. triumphavit ante diem decimum kal.

[¶38] 5.14. Golden crowns of one hundred and twelve pounds in weight were carried before his car; he displayed also eighty-three thousand pounds of silver, two hundred and forty-three pounds of gold, one hundred and eighteen thousand Attic four-drachma pieces, twelve thousand three hundred and twenty-two coins called “Philippei,” bronze statues to the number of seven hundred and eighty-five and two hundred and thirty of marble, weapons, javelins and other spoils taken from the enemy, in great quantities, besides catapults, ballistae and every variety of artillery;

> Latin: 5.14. Ianuarias de Aetolis et de Cephallenia. aureae coronae centum duodecim pondo ante currum latae sunt, argenti pondo milia octoginta tria, auri pondo ducenta quadraginta tria, tetrachma Attica centum octodecim milia, Philippei nummi duodecim milia quadringenti viginti duo, signa aenea septingenta octoginta quinque, signa marmorea ducenta triginta, arma tela cetera spolia hostium magnus numerus, ad hoc catapultae ballistae tormenta omnis generis;

[¶39] 5.16. there marched also generals, whether Aetolians and Cephallanians or commanders of the king left there by Antiochus, to the number of twenty-seven. On that day, before he rode into the City, in the Circus Flaminius, he presented many tribunes, prefects, cavalrymen and centurions, Romans and allies, with military decorations. To the soldiers, out of the booty, he gave twenty-five denarii each, twice that amount to each centurion, and thrice to each cavalryman.

> Latin: 5.16. duces aut Aetoli et Cephallenes aut regii ab Antiocho ibi relicti ad viginti septem. multos eo die, priusquam in urbem inveheretur, in circo Flaminio tribunos, praefectos, equites, centuriones, Romanos sociosque, donis militaribus donavit. militibus ex praeda vicenos quinos denarios divisit, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti.

[¶40] 6.1. The time for the consular elections was now at hand; for these, since Marcus Aemilius, to whom this responsibility had fallen by lot, was unable to come, Gaius Flaminius came to Rome. He announced the choice of Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Marcius Philippus as consuls.

> Latin: 6.1. iam consularium comitiorum adpetebat tempus; quibus quia M. Aemilius, cuius sortis ea cura erat, occurrere non potuit, C. Flaminius Romam venit. ab eo creati consules Sp. Postumius Albinus Q. Marcius Philippus.

[¶41] 6.2. Then the praetors were elected, Titus Maenius, Publius Cornelius Sulla, Gaius Calpurnius Piso, Marcus Licinius Lucullus, Gaius Aurelius Scaurus, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus. At the end of the year, when the new magistrates had already been elected, on the third day before the Nones of March, Gnaeus Manlius Volso triumphed over the Gauls who inhabit Asia.

> Latin: 6.2. praetores inde facti T. Maenius P. Cornelius Sulla C. Calpurnius Piso M. Licinius Lucullus C. Aurelius Scaurus L. Quinctius Crispinus.

[¶42] 6.3. His purpose in delaying so long to celebrate his triumph was to avoid pleading his cause under the Petillian law before the praetor Quintus Terentius Culleo and being himself consumed in the flames of another's trial, in which Lucius Scipio had been condemned, seeing that the jurors were far more hostile to him than to Scipio because it was rumoured

> Latin: 6.3. extremo anni, magistratibus iam creatis, ante diem tertium nonas Martias Cn. Manlius Vulso de Gallis qui Asiam incolunt triumphavit. serius ei triumphandi causa fuit, ne Q. Terentio Culleone praetore causam lege Petillia diceret et incendio alieni iudicii, quo L.

[¶43] 6.5. that he, when he succeeded Scipio, had ruined the military discipline, strictly maintained by his predecessor, by permitting every kind of licence. Nor was this only a matter of unfavourable report of what was said to have happened in the province, far from their eyes, but still more of what was apparent every day among his soldiers.

> Latin: 6.5. Scipio damnatus erat, conflagraret, eo infensioribus in se quam in illum iudicibus, quod disciplinam militarem severe ab eo conservatam successorem ipsum omni genere licentiae conrupisse fama adtulerat.

[¶44] 6.6. For the beginnings of foreign luxury were introduced into the City by the army from Asia.

> Latin: 6.6. neque ea sola infamiae erant, quae in provincia procul ab oculis facta narrabantur, sed ea etiam magis, quae in militibus eius quotidie aspiciebantur.

[¶45] 6.7. They for the first time imported into Rome couches of bronze, valuable robes for coverlets, tapestries and other products of the loom, and what at that time was considered luxurious furniture —tables with one pedestal and sideboards. Then female players of the lute and the harp and other festal delights of entertainments were made adjuncts to banquets; the banquets themselves, moreover, began to be planned with both greater care and greater expense.

> Latin: 6.7. luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. ii primum lectos aeratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, plagulas et alia textilia et, quae tum magnificae supellectilis habebantur, monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt.

[¶46] 6.8. At that time the cook, to the ancient Romans the most worthless of slaves, both in their judgment of values and in the use they made of him, began to have value, and what had been merely a necessary service came to be regarded as an art.

> Latin: 6.8. tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia [alia] ludorum oblectamenta addita epulis;

[¶47] 6.9. Yet those things which were then looked upon as remarkable were hardly even the germs of the luxury to come. In his triumph Gnaeus Manlius carried two hundred and twelve golden crowns, two hundred and twenty thousand pounds of silver, two thousand one hundred and three pounds of gold, of Attic four-drachma pieces one hundred and twenty-seven thousand, of cistophori two hundred and fifty thousand, of gold Philippei sixteen thousand three hundred and twenty; there were also arms and many Gallic spoils transported in carts, and fifty-two leaders of the enemy led before his car.

> Latin: 6.9. epulae quoque ipsae et cura et sumptu maiore adparari coeptae. tum coquus. vilissimum antiquis mancipium et aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse et, quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta. vix tamen illa, quae tum conspiciebantur, semina erant futurae luxuriae. in triumpho tulit Cn. Manlius coronas aureas ducentas duodecim [pondo], argenti pondo ducenta viginti milia, auri pondo duo milia centum tria, tetrachmum Atticum centum viginti septem milia, cistophori ducenta quinquaginta, Philippeorum aureorum nummorum sedecim milia trecentos viginti;

[¶48] 7.2. To the soldiers he gave forty-two denarii each, twice that amount to each centurion and thrice to each cavalryman, and he gave them also double pay; many of all ranks, presented with military decorations, followed his car.

> Latin: 7.2. et arma spoliaque multa Gallica carpentis travecta; duces hostium duo et quinquaginta ducti ante currum. militibus quadragenos binos denarios divisit, duplex centurioni, triplex in equites, et stipendium duplex (in pedites) dedit;

[¶49] 7.3. Such songs were sung by the soldiers about their commander that it was easily seen that they were sung about an indulgent leader who sought popularity, and that the triumph was marked more by the applause of the military than of the civil population.

> Latin: 7.3. multi omnium ordinum donati militaribus donis currum secuti sunt, carminaque a militibus ea in imperatorem dicta, ut facile adpareret in ducem indulgentem ambitiosumque ea dici, triumphum esse militari magis favore quam populari celebrem.

[¶50] 7.4. But the friends of Manlius were able to curry favour with the people as well; at their instance a decree of the senate was passed that, with regard to the tax which had been paid by the people into the treasury, whatever portion of this was in arrears should be paid out of the money which had been carried in the triumph. The city quaestors, displaying fidelity and diligence, paid twenty-five and one-half asses each per thousand asses.

> Latin: 7.4. sed ad populi quoque gratiam conciliandam amici Manli valuerunt, quibus adnitentibus senatus consultum factum est, ut ex pecunia, quae in triumpho translata esset, stipendium conlatum a populo in publicum, quod eius solutum antea non esset, solveretur. vicenos quinos et semisses in milia aeris quaestores urbani cum cura et fide solverunt.

[¶51] 7.6. About the same time two tribunes of the soldiers arrived from the two Spains, bringing dispatches from Gaius Atinius and Lucius Manlius, who were holding those provinces.

> Latin: 7.6. per idem tempus tribuni militum duo ex duabus Hispaniis cum litteris C. Atini et L. Manli, qui eas provincias obtinebant, venerunt.

[¶52] 7.7. From these letters it was learned that the Celtiberians and Lusitanians were in arms and were ravaging the lands of the allies. The decision regarding the whole question was left to the new magistrates by the senate.

> Latin: 7.7. ex iis litteris cognitum est Celtiberos Lusitanosque in armis esse et sociorum agros populari. de ea re consultationem integram senatus ad novos magistratus reiecit.

[¶53] 7.8. At the Roman Games that year, which Publius Cornelius Cethegus and Aulus Postumius Albinus gave, a badly-fixed mast in the Circus fell on the statue of Pollentia and shattered it.

> Latin: 7.8. ludis Romanis eo anno, quos P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Postumius Albinus faciebant, malus in circo instabilis in signum Pollentiae procidit atque id deiecit.

[¶54] 7.9. The Fathers, disturbed by this omen, voted, first, that one day should be added to the Games, and, second, that two statues should be set up in place of one and the new one gilded.

> Latin: 7.9. ea religione moti patres et diem unum adiciendum ludorum censuerunt et signa duo pro uno reponenda et novum auratum faciendum.

[¶55] 7.10. The Plebeian Games too were repeated, to the extent of one day, by the plebeian aediles Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Marcus Furius Luscus.

> Latin: 7.10. et plebeii ludi ab aedilibus C. Sempronio Blaeso et M. Furio Lusco diem unum instaurati sunt.

[¶56] 8.1. The following year diverted the consuls Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Marcius Philippus from the army and the administration of wars and provinces to the suppression of an internal conspiracy.

> Latin: 8.1. insequens annus Sp. Postumium Albinum et Q. Marcium Philippum consules ab exercitu bellorumque et provinciarum cura ad intestinae coniurationis vindictam avertit.

[¶57] 8.2. The praetors drew lots for their provinces, Titus Maenius receiving the city jurisdiction, Marcus Licinius Lucullus that between citizens and aliens, Gaius Aurelius Scaurus Sardinia, Publius Cornelius Sulla Sicily, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus Nearer Spain, Gaius Calpurnius Piso Farther Spain. To both consuls the investigation of secret conspiracies was decreed.

> Latin: 8.2. praetores provincias sortiti sunt, T. Maenius urbanam, M. Licinius Lucullus inter cives et peregrinos, C. Aurelius Scaurus Sardiniam, P. Cornelius Sulla Siciliam, L. Quinctius Crispinus Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Calpurnius Piso Hispaniam ulteriorem.

[¶58] 8.3. A nameless Greek came first to Etruria, possessed of none of those many arts which the Greek people, supreme as it is in learning, brought to us in numbers for the cultivation of mind and body, but a dabbler in sacrifices and a fortune-teller; nor was he one who, by frankly disclosing his creed and publicly proclaiming both his profession and his system, filled minds with error, but a priest of secret rites performed by night.

> Latin: 8.3. consulibus ambobus quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta est. Graecus ignobilis in Etruriam primum venit nulla cum arte earum, quas multas ad animorum corporumque cultum nobis eruditissima omnium gens invexit, sacrificulus et vates, nec is, qui aperta religione, propalam et quaestum et disciplinam profitendo, animos errore imbueret, sed occultorum et nocturnorum antistes sacrorum.

[¶59] 8.5. There were initiatory rites which at first were imparted to a few, then began to be generally known among men and women. To the religious element in them were added the delights of wine and feasts, that the minds of a larger number might be attracted.

> Latin: 8.5. initia erant, quae primo paucis tradita sunt, deinde vulgari coepta per viros mulieresque. additae voluptates religioni vini et epularum, quo plurium animi inlicerentur.

[¶60] 8.6. When wine had inflamed their minds, and night and the mingling of males with females, youth with age, had destroyed every sentiment of modesty, all varieties of corruption first began to be practised, since each one had at hand the pleasure answering to that to which his nature was more inclined.

> Latin: 8.6. cum vinum animos … et nox et mixti feminis mares, aetatis tenerae maioribus, discrimen omne pudoris exstinxissent, corruptelae primum omnis generis fieri coeptae, cum ad id quisque, quo natura pronioris libidinis esset, paratam voluptatem haberet.

[¶61] 8.7. There was not one form of vice alone, the promiscuous matings of free men and women, but perjured witnesses, forged seals and wills and evidence, all issued from this same workshop: likewise poisonings and secret murders, so that at times not even the bodies were found for burial.

> Latin: 8.7. nec unum genus noxae, stupra promiscua ingenuorum feminarumque erant, sed falsi testes, falsa signa testamentaque et indicia ex eadem officina exibant, venena indidem intestinaeque caedes, ita ut ne corpora quidem interdum ad sepulturam exstarent.

[¶62] 8.8. Much was ventured by craft, more by violence. This violence was concealed because amid the howlings and the crash of drums and cymbals no cry of the sufferers could be heard as the debauchery and murders proceeded.

> Latin: 8.8. multa dolo, pleraque per vim audebantur. occulebat vim quod prae ululatibus tympanorumque et cymbalorum strepitu nulla vox quiritantium inter stupra et caedes exaudiri poterat.

[¶63] 9.1. The destructive power of this evil spread from Etruria to Rome like the contagion of a pestilence. At first the size of the City, with abundant room and tolerance for such evils, concealed it: at length information came to the consul Postumius in about this manner.

> Latin: 9.1. huius mali labes ex Etruria Romam veluti contagione morbi penetravit. primo urbis magnitudo capacior patientiorque talium malorum ea celavit; tandem indicium hoc maxime modo ad Postumium consulem pervenit.

[¶64] 9.2. Publius Aebutius, whose father had performed his military service with a horse supplied by the state, was left a ward, and later, on the death of his guardians, was brought under the tutelage of his mother Duronia and his stepfather Titus Sempronius Rutilus.

> Latin: 9.2. P. Aebutius, cuius pater publico equo stipendia fecerat, pupillus relictus, mortuis deinde tutoribus sub tutela Duroniae matris et vitrici T. Semproni Rutili educatus fuerat.

[¶65] 9.3. His mother was devoted to her husband, and his stepfather, who had so administered his guardianship that he could not render an accounting, desired that the ward should either be done away with or be made dependent upon them by some tie. The one method of corrupting him was through the Bacchanalia. The mother addressed the young man: while he was sick, she said, she had vowed for him that as soon as he had recovered she would initiate him into the Bacchic rites; being compelled, by the kindness of the gods, to pay her vow, she wished to fulfil it.

> Latin: 9.3. et mater dedita viro erat, et vitricus, quia tutelam ita gesserat, ut rationem reddere non posset, aut tolli pupillum aut obnoxium sibi vinculo aliquo fieri cupiebat. via una corruptelae Bacchanalia erant.

[¶66] 9.4. For ten days, she continued, he must practise continence: on the tenth day she would conduct him to the banquet and then, after ritual purification, to the shrine.

> Latin: 9.4. mater adulescentulum adpellat: se pro aegro eo vovisse, ubi primum convaluisset, Bacchis eum se initiaturam, damnatam voti benignitate deum exsolvere id velle. decem dierum castimonia opus esse; decimo die cenatum, deinde pure lautum in sacrarium deducturam.

[¶67] 9.5. There was a wellknown courtesan, a freedwoman named Hispala Faecenia, not worthy of the occupation to which, while still a mere slave, she had accustomed herself, and even after she had been manumitted she maintained herself in the same way.

> Latin: 9.5. scortum nobile, libertina Hispala Fecenia, non digna quaestu, cui ancillula assuerat, etiam postquam manumissa erat, eodem se genere tuebatur.

[¶68] 9.6. Between her and Aebutius, since they were neighbours, an intimacy developed, not at all damaging either to the young man's fortune or to his reputation; for he had been loved and sought out without any effort on his part, and, since his own relatives made provision for all his needs on a very small scale, he was maintained by the generosity of the courtesan.

> Latin: 9.6. huic consuetudo iuxta vicinitatem cum Aebutio fuit, minime adulescentis aut rei aut famae damnosa; ultro enim amatus adpetitusque erat et maligne omnia praebentibus suis meretriculae munificentia sustinebatur.

[¶69] 9.7. More than that, she had gone so far, under the influence of their intimacy, that, after the death of her patron, since she was under the legal control of no one, having petitioned the tribunes and the praetor for a guardian, when she made her will she had instituted Aebutius as her sole heir.

> Latin: 9.7. quin eo processerat consuetudine capta, ut post patroni mortem, quia in nullius manu erat, tutore ab tribunis et praetore petito, cum testamentum faceret, unum Aebutium institueret heredem.

[¶70] 10.1. Since there were these bonds of affection between them, and neither had any secrets from the other, the young man jestingly told her not to be surprised if he were away from her for several nights: as a matter of religious duty, he said, to free himself from a vow made for the sake of his health, he intended to be initiated in the Bacchic rites.

> Latin: 10.1. haec amoris pignora cum essent, nec quicquam secretum alter ab altero haberent, per iocum adulescens vetat eam mirari, si per aliquot noctes secubuisset:

[¶71] 10.2. When the woman heard this she exclaimed in great distress, “The gods forbid!” She said that it would be much better both for him and for her to die rather than do that; and she called down curses and vengeance upon the heads of those persons who had given him this counsel.

> Latin: 10.2. religionis se causa, ut voto pro valetudine sua facto liberetur, Bacchis initiari velle. id ubi mulier audivit perturbata “dii meliora!” inquit; mori et sibi et illi satius esse, quam id faceret, et in caput eorum detestari minas periculaque, qui id suasissent.

[¶72] 10.3. Wondering both at her language and at her so manifest distress, the young man bade her spare her curses: it was his mother, he said, with the approval of his stepfather, who had ordered it.

> Latin: 10.3. admiratus cum verba tum perturbationem tantam adulescens parcere exsecrationibus iubet: matrem id sibi adsentiente vitrico imperasse.

[¶73] 10.4. “Your stepfather, then,” she replied, “is making haste —for perhaps it is not right to accuse your mother —to destroy in this way your virtue, your reputation and your life.”

> Latin: 10.4. “vitricus ergo” inquit “tuus—matrem enim insimulare forsitan fas non sit—pudicitiam famam spem vitamque tuam perditum ire hoc facto properat.

[¶74] 10.5. As he marvelled the more and asked her what she meant, beseeching gods and goddesses for peace and forgiveness if, compelled by her love for him, she had declared what should be concealed, she told him that while she was a slave she had attended her mistress to that shrine, but that as a free woman she had never visited it.

> Latin: 10.5. eo magis mirabundo quaerentique, quid rei esset, pacem veniamque precata deorum dearumque, si coacta caritate eius silenda enuntiasset, ancillam se ait dominae comitem id sacrarium intrasse, liberam numquam eo accessisse:

[¶75] 10.6. She knew, she said, that it was the factory of all sorts of corruptions; and it was known that for two years now no one had been initiated who had passed the age of twenty years.

> Latin: 10.6. scire corruptelarum omnis generis eam officinam esse, et iam biennio constare neminem initiatum ibi maiorem annis viginti.

[¶76] 10.7. As each was introduced, he became a sort of victim for the priests. They, she continued, would lead him to a place which would ring with howls and the song of a choir and the beating of cymbals and drums, that the voice of the sufferer, when his virtue was violently attacked, might not be heard.

> Latin: 10.7. ut quisque introductus sit, velut victimam tradi sacerdotibus; eos deducere in locum, qui circumsonet ululatibus cantuque symphoniae et cymbalorum et tympanorum pulsu, ne vox quiritantis, cum per vim stuprum inferatur, exaudiri possit.

[¶77] 10.8. Then she begged and besought him to put an end to this matter in any way he could and not to plunge into a situation where all disgraceful practices would have first to be endured and then performed.

> Latin: 10.8. orare inde atque obsecrare, ut eam rem quocumque modo discuteret, nec se eo praecipitaret, ubi omnia infanda patienda primum, deinde facienda essent;

[¶78] 10.9. Nor would she let him go until the young man gave her his promise that he would have nothing to do with those mysteries.

> Latin: 10.9. neque ante dimisit eum, quam fidem dedit adulescens ab his sacris se temperaturum.

[¶79] 11.1. When he came home and his mother began to tell him what he had to do that day and on the following days in connection with the rites, he informed her that he would do none of them and that it was not his intention to be initiated.

> Latin: 11.1. postquam domum venit, et mater mentionem intulit, quid eo die, quid deinceps ceteris, quae ad sacra pertinerent, faciendum esset, negat eorum se quicquam facturum nec initiari sibi in animo esse.

[¶80] 11.2. His stepfather was present at the interview. Straightway the woman exclaimed that he could not do without his mistress Hispala for ten nights; infected with the enchantments and poisons of that vampire, he had no respect for his mother or his stepfather or yet the gods. Berating him thus, his mother on one side, his stepfather with four slaves on the other, drove him from the house.

> Latin: 11.2. aderat sermoni vitricus. confestim mulier exclamat Hispalae concubitu carere eum decem noctes non posse, illius excetrae delenimentis et venenis imbutum nec parentis nec vitrici nec deorum verecundiam habere. iurgantes hinc mater, hinc vitricus cum quattuor eum servis domo exegerunt.

[¶81] 11.3. The young man thereupon went to his aunt Aebutia and explained to her the reason why his mother had driven him out, and on her recommendation the following day reported the affair to the consul Postumius with no witnesses present.

> Latin: 11.3. adulescens inde ad Aebutiam se amitam contulit causamque ei, cur esset a matre eiectus, narravit, deinde ex auctoritate eius postero die ad consulem Postumium arbitris remotis rem detulit.

[¶82] 11.4. The consul sent him away with instructions to return the third day; he himself asked his mother-in-law Sulpicia, a woman of high character, whether she was acquainted with an elderly woman, Aebutia, from the Aventine.

> Latin: 11.4. consul post diem tertium redire ad se iussum dimisit, ipse Sulpiciam gravem feminam, socrum suam, percunctatus est, ecquam anum Aebutiam ex Aventino nosset.

[¶83] 11.5. When she replied that she knew that she was a virtuous woman of the old style, he said that he felt the need of an interview with her: Sulpicia should send her a message to come. Aebutia, summoned by Sulpicia, came, and a little later the consul, as if he had come in by chance, brought in an allusion to Aebutius, the son of her brother.

> Latin: 11.5. cum ea, nosse probam et antiqui moris feminam, respondisset, opus esse sibi ea conventa dixit: mitteret nuntium ad eam, ut veniret.

[¶84] 11.6. Tears flowed from the woman's eyes, and she began to bewail the fate of the young man who was robbed of his estate by those who should least of all have treated him thus, and who was then at her house, driven from home by his mother because the virtuous youth —might the gods be gracious — refused to be initiated into rites which, if reports were to be believed, were full of lewdness.

> Latin: 11.6. Aebutia accita ad Sulpiciam venit, et consul paulo post, velut forte intervenisset, sermonem de Aebutio fratris eius filio infert. lacrimae mulieri obortae, et miserari casum adulescentis coepit, qui spoliatus fortunis, a quibus minime oporteret, apud se tunc esset, eiectus a matre, quod probus adulescens—dii propitii essent—obscenis, ut fama esset, sacris initiari nollet.

[¶85] 12.1. The consul, thinking that he had learned enough about Aebutius to trust his story, sent Aebutia away and asked his mother-in-law to summon to her Hispala, also from the Aventine, a freedwoman and no stranger in the neighbourhood: he wished to ask her also certain questions.

> Latin: 12.1. satis exploratum de Aebutio ratus consul non vanum auctorem esse, Aebutia dimissa socrum rogat, ut Hispalam indidem ex Aventino libertinam, non ignotam viciniae, arcesseret ad sese:

[¶86] 12.2. Hispala, alarmed by her message, because without knowing the reason she was summoned to so important and respected a woman, when she saw the lictors in the vestibule and the consul's retinue and the consul himself, almost swooned.

> Latin: 12.2. eam quoque esse quae percunctari vellet. ad cuius nuntium perturbata Hispala, quod ad tam nobilem et gravem feminam ignara causae arcesseretur, postquam lictores in vestibulo turbamque consularem et consulem ipsum conspexit, prope exanimata est.

[¶87] 12.3. Conducting her into the inner part of the house, with his mother-in-law present, the consul told her that if she could bring herself to tell the truth she had no cause to feel alarmed; she would receive a pledge either from Sulpicia, a woman of such standing, or from himself; she should state to them what rites were usually performed in the nocturnal orgies at the Bacchanalia in the grove of Stimula. When she heard this, such fear and trembling seized the woman in all her limbs that for a long time she could not open her mouth.

> Latin: 12.3. in interiorem partem aedium abductam socru adhibita consul, si vera dicere inducere in animum posset, negat perturbari debere; fidem vel a Sulpicia, tali femina, vel ab se acciperet; expromeret sibi, quae in luco Similae Bacchanalibus in sacro nocturno solerent fieri.

[¶88] 12.5. Being at length restored, she said that when quite young and a slave she had been initiated with her mistress; that for many years after her manumission she had known nothing of what went on there.

> Latin: 12.5. hoc ubi audivit, tantus pavor tremorque omnium membrorum mulierem cepit, ut diu hiscere non posset.

[¶89] 12.6. Then the consul praised her on this ground, that she had not denied that she had been initiated; but she was to tell, under the same pledge, the rest as well.

> Latin: 12.6. tandem confirmata puellam admodum se ancillam initiatam cum domina ait; aliquot annis, ex quo manumissa sit, nihil, quid ibi fiat, scire.

[¶90] 12.7. When she insisted that she knew nothing more, he told her that she would not receive the same forgiveness or consideration if she were convicted by the evidence of someone else as if she had confessed of her own accord; the man, he added, who had heard it from her had told him the whole story.

> Latin: 12.7. iam id ipsum consul laudare, cum initiatam se non infitiaretur; sed et cetera eadem fide expromeret. neganti ultra quicquam scire, non eandem dicere, si coarguatur ab alio, ac per se fatenti veniam aut gratiam fore: eum sibi omnia exposuisse, qui ab illa audisset.

[¶91] 13.1. The woman, thinking without a doubt, as was indeed the fact, that Aebutius had revealed the secret, threw herself at the feet of Sulpicia, and at first began to plead with her not to try to turn the chatter of a freedwoman with her lover into something that was not merely serious but even fatal: she had spoken thus for the purpose of frightening him, not because she knew anything.

> Latin: 13.1. mulier haud dubie, id quod erat, Aebutium indicem arcani rata esse, ad pedes Sulpiciae procidit et eam primo orare coepit, ne mulieris libertinae cum amatore sermonem in rem non seriam modo, sed capitalem etiam verti vellet: se terrendi eius causa, non quod sciret quicquam, ea locutam esse.

[¶92] 13.3. At this point Postumius, inflamed with wrath, said that she believed even then that she was jesting with her lover Aebutius, and not speaking in the house of a most respectable matron and in the presence of a consul. Sulpicia too lifted up the terror-stricken woman, and at the same time encouraged her and mollified the anger of her son-in-law.

> Latin: 13.3. hic Postumius accensus ira, tum quoque ait eam cum Aebutio se amatore cavillari credere, non in domo gravissimae feminae et cum consule loqui; et Sulpicia adtollere paventem, simul illam adhortari, simul iram generi lenire.

[¶93] 13.4. At length regaining her self-control, and complaining much of the treachery of Aebutius, who had returned such gratitude to one who deserved so well of him, she declared that she feared greatly the wrath of the gods whose hidden mysteries she was to reveal, but far more the wrath of the men who would, if she informed against them, with their own hands tear her limb from limb.

> Latin: 13.4. tandem confirmata, multum incusata perfidia Aebuti, qui optime in eo ipso meritae talem gratiam rettulisset, magnum sibi metum deorum, quorum occulta initia enuntiaret, maiorem multo dixit hominum esse, qui se indicem manibus suis discerpturi essent.

[¶94] 13.6. Accordingly she begged Sulpicia and the consul that they would banish her somewhere outside Italy, where she could pass the rest of her life in safety.

> Latin: 13.6. itaque hoc se Sulpiciam, hoc consulem orare, ut se extra Italiam aliquo ablegarent, ubi reliquum vitae degere tuto posset.

[¶95] 13.7. The consul bade her be of good cheer and assured her that it would be his responsibility to see that she could safely live in Rome. Then Hispala set forth the origin of the mysteries.

> Latin: 13.7. bone animo esse iubere eam consul, et sibi curae fore dicere, ut Romae tuto habitaret. tum Hispala originem sacrorum expromit:

[¶96] 13.8. At first, she said, it was a ritual for women, and it was the custom that no man should be admitted to it. There had been three days appointed each year on which they held initiations into the Bacchic rites by day; it was the rule to choose the matrons in turn as priestesses.

> Latin: 13.8. primo sacrarium id feminarum fuisse, nec quemquam eo virum admitti solitum; tres in anno statos dies habuisse, quibus interdiu Bacchis initiarentur, sacerdotes in vicem matronas creari solitas.

[¶97] 13.9. Paculla Annia, a Campanian, she said, when priestess, had changed all this as if by the advice of the gods; for she had been the first to initiate men, her sons, Minius and Herennius Cerrinius; she had held the rites by night and not by day, and instead of a mere three days a year she had established five days of initiation in every month.

> Latin: 13.9. Pacullam Anniam Campanam sacerdotem omnia, tamquam deum monitu, inmutasse; nam et viros eam primam filios suos initiasse, Minium et Herennium Cerrinios, et nocturnum sacrum ex diurno et pro tribus in anno diebus quinos singulis mensibus dies initiorum fecisse.

[¶98] 13.10. From the time that the rites were performed in common, men mingling with women and the freedom of darkness added, no form of crime, no sort of wrongdoing, was left untried. There were more lustful practices among men with one another than among women. If any of them were disinclined to endure abuse or reluctant to commit crime, they were sacrificed as victims.

> Latin: 13.10. ex quo in promiscuo sacra sint et permixti viri feminis, et noctis licentia accesserit, nihil ibi facinoris, nihil flagitii praetermissum. plura virorum inter sese quam feminarum esse stupra.

[¶99] 13.11. To consider nothing wrong, she continued, was the highest form of religious devotion among them. Men, as if insane, with fanatical tossings of their bodies, would utter prophecies.

> Latin: 13.11. si qui minus patientes dedecoris sint et pigriores ad facinus, pro victimis inmolari. nihil nefas ducere, hanc summam inter eos religionem esse.

[¶100] 13.12. Matrons in the dress of Bacchantes, with dishevelled hair and carrying blazing torches, would run down to the Tiber, and plunging their torches in the water (because they contained live sulphur mixed with calcium) would bring them out still burning.

> Latin: 13.12. viros velut mente capta cum iactatione fanatica corporis vaticinari; matronas Baccharum habitu crinibus sparsis cum ardentibus facibus decurrere ad Tiberim demissasque in aquam faces, quia vivum sulphur cum calce insit, integra flamma efferre.