25.3. But the principal grounds for controversy were Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria, Eurymenae and other cities near them, whether, at a time when they were under Thessalian control, they had been forcibly seized and occupied by the Aetolians —for it was agreed that Philip had taken them from the Aetolians —or whether these towns had been Aetolian in earlier times; for Acilius had given them to the king subject to the condition that they had belonged to the Aetolians and, furthermore, that they had joined with the Aetolians voluntarily, not under compulsion of armed force.
25.3. in controversiam autem veniebant Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria et Eurymenae et cetera circa eas oppida, utrum Thessalorum iuris, cum vi ademptae possessaeque ab Aetolis forent—nam Philippum Aetolis ademisse eas constabat—
25.5. Under the same procedure the dispute was conducted as to the cities of the Perrhaebians and Magnesians; for the Aetolians had confused all claims by seizing them as opportunity offered.
25.5. ,an Aetolica antiquitus ea oppida fuissent: ita enim Acilium regi concessisse, si Aetolorum fuissent, si voluntate, non si vi atque armis coacti cum Aetolis essent.
25.6. Besides these questions, which were matters for legal adjudication, there were the complaints of the Thessalians that if these cities should be restored to them he would give them back after they had been despoiled and abandoned;
25.6. eiusdem formulae disceptatio de Perrhaeborum Magnetumque oppidis fuit: omnium enim iura possidendo per occasiones Aetoli miscuerant.
25.7. for in addition to those who had been lost in the hardships of war he had taken five hundred of the leaders of the youth away to Macedonia and was misusing their services on tasks fit only for slaves;
25.7. ad haec, quae disceptationis erant, querellae Thessalorum adiectae, quod ea oppida, si iam redderentur sibi, spoliata ac deserta redditurus esset:
25.8. and what he had restored to the Thessalians, under compulsion, he had taken care to return unusable. Phthian Thebes, they said, had once been the one maritime market of the Thessalians which was profitable and productive of revenue: by assembling there cargo-boats which would steer past Thebes to Demetrias, the king had diverted thither all the sea-trade. At last not even ambassadors, who were inviolable under the law of nations, had he refrained from attacking: he had laid an ambush for them while they were on their way to Titus Quinctius.
25.8. nam praeter belli casibus amissos quingentos principes iuventutis in Macedoniam abduxisse et opera eorum in servilibus abuti ministeriis, et quae reddiderit coactus Thessalis, inutilia ut redderet curasse. Thebas Phthias unum maritimum emporium fuisse quondam Thessalis, quaestuosum et frugiferum; ibi navibus onerariis comparatis regem, quae praeter Thebas Demetriadem cursum derigerent, negotiationem omnem maritimam eo avertisse.
25.10. As a result, then, they said, all Thessalians had been thrown into such a panic that no one dared to open his mouth either in his own city or in the common councils of the people.
25.10. iam ne a legatis quidem, qui iure gentium sancti sint, violandis abstinere: insidias positas euntibus ad T. Quinctium.
25.11. The Romans, the source of their liberty, were far away: close beside them was a threatening master, forbidding them to take advantage of the kindnesses of the Roman people. What, pray, was free if there was no free speech? Even now, with the confidence and under the safeguards of ambassadors, they were lamenting rather than stating their case. Unless the Romans found some device by which both the fear of the Greeks who were neighbours of Macedonia and the aggressiveness of Philip could be diminished, both his defeat and their liberation would be in vain.
25.11. itaque ergo in tantum metum omnes Thessalos coniectos, ut non in civitatibus suis, non in communibus gentis conciliis quisquam hiscere audeat. procul enim abesse libertatis auctores Romanos; lateri adhaerere gravem dominum, prohibentem uti beneficiis populi Romani. quid autem, si vox libera non sit, liberum esse?
25.12. Like a stubborn horse which would not obey, more cruel reins must be employed to control him. These remarks the last speakers made in bitterness, although previous speakers had gently soothed his wrath, begging that he would pardon their pleas for liberty, that he would lay aside the harshness of a tyrant and train himself to act as an ally and friend, and that he would imitate the Roman people, which preferred to win for itself allies by affection rather than by fear. When the Thessalians had been heard, the Perrhaebians argued that Gonnocondylum, which Philip had named Olympias, belonged to Perrhaebia and should be restored to them; the same demand was also made for Malloea and Ericinium. The Athamanians sought liberty and the forts of Athenaeum and Poetneum.
25.12. nunc se fiducia et praesidio legatorum ingemiscere magis quam loqui. nisi provideant aliquid Romani, quo et et Graecis Macedoniam adcolentibus metus et audacia Philippo minuatur, neqüiquam et illum victum et se liberatos esse. ut equum tenacem, non parentem frenis asperioribus castigandum esse. haec acerbe postremi, cum priores leniter permulsissent iram eius petentes, ut ignosceret pro libertate loquentibus, et ut deposita domini acerbitate adsuesceret socium atque amicum sese praestare et imitaretur populum Romanum, qui caritate quam metu adiungere sibi socios mallet. Thessalis auditis Perrhaebi Gonnocondylum, quod Philippus Olympiadem adpellaverat, Perrhaebiae fuisse, et ut sibi restitueretur, agebant, et de Malloea et Ericinio eadem postulatio erat. Athamanes libertatem repetebant et castella Athenaeum et Poetneum.
26.1. Philip, so as to assume the pose of the accuser rather than the accused, himself began with complaints, alleging that the Thessalians had seized by force of arms Menelais in Dolopia, which had belonged to his kingdom; similarly, Petra in Pieria had been taken by the same Thessalians and the Perrhaebians.
26.1. Philippus, ut accusatoris potius quam rei speciem haberet, et ipse a querellis orsus Menelaidem in Dolopia, quae regni sui fuisset, Thessalos vi atque armis expugnasse questus est, item Petram in Pieria ab iisdem Thessalis Perrhaebisque captam;
26.2. Xyniae indeed, which was certainly an Aetolian town, they had annexed as their own; and Paracheloïs, which was under Athamania, had been made Thessalian under no rule of law.
26.2. Xynias quidem, haud dubie Aetolicum oppidum, sibi contribuisse eos, et Paracheloida, quae sub Athamania esset, nullo iure Thessalorum formulae factam.
26.3. Now as to the charges which they had made against him regarding the ambushing of ambassadors and the frequenting or deserting of maritime harbours, the one, he said, was nonsense, that he should be accountable for what harbours merchants or sailors would seek, the other was inconsistent with his character.
26.3. nam quae sibi crimina obiciantur de insidiis legatorum et maritimis portubus frequentatis aut desertis, alterum ridiculum esse, se reddere rationem, quos portus mercatores aut nautici petant, alterum mores respuere suos.
26.5. It was so many years now that ambassadors had never stopped going now to Roman commanders, now to the senate in Rome, carrying charges against him: who of these, he asked, had ever been harmed even by word? They said that once ambassadors going to Quinctius had been ambushed; but what had happened to them they did not add.
26.5. tot annos esse, per quos numquam cessaverint legati nunc ad imperatores Romanos nunc Romam ad senatum crimina de se deferre: quem umquam verbo violatum esse?
26.6. These were the allegations of men seeking some false charge to make, since they had nothing true to say.
26.6. semel euntibus ad Quinctium insidias dici factas, sed quid iis acciderit, non adici. quaerentium, quod falso obiciant, cum veri nihil habeant, ea crimina esse.
26.7. Arrogantly and excessively did the Thessalians misuse the indulgence of the Roman people, as if after a long thirst they drank too greedily a draught of pure freedom: thus, like slaves suddenly set free contrary to their expectations, they were trying out their freedom of voice and tongue and were making a show of themselves by attacking and insulting their masters. Carried away by anger, he added that the sun of all his days had not yet set.
26.7. insolenter et inmodice abuti Thessalos indulgentia populi Romani, velut ex diutina siti nimis avide meram haurientes libertatem, itaque servorum modo praeter spem repente manumissorum licentiam vocis et linguae experiri et iactare sese insectatione et conviciis dominorum.
26.9. This remark not only the Thessalians took as a. threat against them, but the Romans also. And when after this speech a roar of protest began and was finally quieted, he replied next to the Perrhaebians and the Athamanians, that the status of the cities about which they were arguing was the same.
26.9. elatus deinde ira adiecit, nondum omnium dierum solem occidisse. id minaciter dictum non Thessali modo in sese sed etiam Romani acceperunt.
26.10. He claimed that the consul Acilius and the Romans had given them to him because they were on the side of the enemy.
26.10. et cum fremitus post eam vocem ortus et tandem sedatus esset, Perrhaeborum inde Athamanumque legatis respondit eandem, de quibus illi agant, civitatium causam esse:
26.11. If they who had given them wished to take away their gift, he was aware, he said, that he would have to yield;
26.11. consulem Acilium et Romanos sibi dedisse eas, cum hostium essent;
26.12. but they would be doing an injury to a better and more loyal friend to gratify fickle and useless allies. For nothing was gratitude less enduring than for liberty, especially when bestowed upon men who are certain to spoil it by misuse.
26.12. si suum munus, qui dedissent adimere velint, scire cedendum esse; sed meliori et fideliori amico in gratiam levium et inutilium sociorum iniuriam eos facturos.
26.13. Having heard the case, the commissioners gave judgment that it was their pleasure that the Macedonian garrisons should be withdrawn from these cities and that the kingdom should be reduced to the ancient boundaries of Macedonia.
26.13. nec enim ullius rei minus diuturnam esse gratiam quam libertatis, praesertim apud eos, qui male utendo eam corrupturi sint.
26.14. Regarding the injuries which they complained of as committed by both sides, they would have to determine the rule of procedure to be followed, so as to know in what manner to settle the disputes between these peoples and the Macedonians.
26.14. causa cognita pronuntiarunt legati, placere deduci praesidia Macedonum ex iis urbibus et antiquis Macedoniae terminis regnum finiri. de iniuriis, quas ultro citroque inlatas querantur, quo modo inter eas gentes et Macedonas disceptetur, formulam iuris exsequendi constituendam esse.
27.1. Thence, having given serious offence to the king, they proceeded to Thessalonica to investigate the condition of the cities of Thrace.
27.1. inde graviter offenso rege Thessalonicen ad cognoscendum de Thraciae urbibus proficiscuntur.
27.2. There ambassadors of Eumenes told them that if the Romans wished Aenus and Maronea to be free, the king's sense of propriety permitted them to say nothing more, except to suggest that they leave them free in fact and not merely in name, and not allow their own work to be a source of gain to another.
27.2. ibi legati Eumenis, si liberas esse Aenum et Maroneam velint Romani, nihil sui pudoris esse ultra dicere, quam ut admoneant, re, non verbo eos liberos relinquant, nec suum munus intercipi ab alio patiantur;
27.3. But if there were less concern for the cities situated in Thrace, it was far more proper that towns which had belonged to Antiochus should fall as prizes of war to Eumenes rather than to Philip, either in consideration of the services of his father Attalus in the war which the Roman people had waged against Philip himself, or of his own services, in that he had taken part, during the war with Antiochus, in all its labours and perils on land and sea.
27.3. sin autem minor cura sit civitatium in Thracia positarum, multo verius esse, quae sub Antiocho fuerint, praemia belli Eumenem quam Philippum habere vel pro patris Attali meritis bello, quod adversus Philippum ipsum gesserit populus Romanus, vel suis, quod Antiochi bello terra marique laboribus periculisque omnibus interfuerit.
27.5. They said that Eumenes had in addition the preliminary opinion of the ten commissioners on the matter, who, since they had given him the Chersonesus and Lysimachia, surely gave him Maronea and Aenus too, which, from their nearness to his country, were mere appendages to the larger gift.
27.5. habere eum praeterea decem legatorum in eam rem praeiudicium, qui cum Chersonesum Lysimachiamque dederint, Maroneam quoque atque Aenum profecto dedisse, quae ipsa propinquitate regionis velut adpendices maioris muneris essent.
27.6. In consequence of what service to the Roman people, they asked, or of what right to rule had Philip imposed his garrisons upon these cities when they were so far away from the boundaries of Macedonia? Let the commissioners order the Maroneans to be summoned: from them they would receive all certain information about the condition of these cities.
27.6. nam Philippum quidem quo aut merito in populum Romanum aut iure imperii, cum tam procul a finibus Macedoniae absint, civitatibus his praesidia inposuisse? vocari Maronitas iuberent; ab iis certiora omnia de statu civitatium earum scituros.
27.7. The agents of the Maroneans, when called in, said that the royal garrison occupied, not merely one place in the city, as in other towns, but several at once, and that Maronea was full of Macedonians.
27.7. legati Maronitarum vocati non uno tantum loco urbis praesidium regium esse, sicut in aliis civitatibus, dixerunt, sed pluribus simul, et plenam Macedonum Maroneam esse.
27.8. As a result, the king's partisans were in control: they alone were permitted to speak in the senate and in the public meetings; they either held themselves or gave to others all offices.
27.8. itaque dominari adsentatores regios; his solis loqui et in senatu et in contionibus licere, eos omnes honores et capere ipsos et dare aliis.
27.9. All the aristocrats, who felt some concern for liberty and the laws, were either in exile, driven from their homes, or were silent, unhonoured and at the mercy of their inferiors.
27.9. optimum quemque, quibus libertatis, quibus legum cura sit, aut exulare pulsos patria aut inhonoratos et deterioribus obnoxios silere.
27.10. And as to the boundary rights, they had little new to say: only that Quintus Fabius Labeo, when he had been in that region, had fixed as the boundary for Philip the ancient royal road which leads to Paroreia in Thrace, nowhere approaching the sea: Philip had later laid out a new road which encompassed the cities and lands of the Maroneans.
27.10. de iure etiam finium pauca adiecerunt: Q. Fabium Labeonem, cum in regione ea fuisset, direxisse finem Philippo veterem viam regiam, quae ad Thraciae Paroream subeat, nusquam ad mare declinantem; Philippum novam postea deflexisse viam, qua Maronitarum urbes agrosque amplectatur.
28.1. In reply to this Philip followed a very different line of argument from that recently used against the Thessalians and Perrhaebians: “With the Maroneans or with Eumenes,” he said, “I have no debate, but now, Romans, the debate is with you, from whom I have for some time observed that I receive no fair treatment.”
28.1. ad ea Philippus longe aliam quam adversus Thessalos Perrhaebosque nuper ingressus disserendi viam “non cum Maronitis” inquit “mihi aut cum Eumene disceptatio est, sed iam vobiscum, Romani, a quibus nihil aequi me impetrare iam diu animadverto.
28.2. “The cities of the Macedonians which had revolted from me during the truce I deemed it right that I should recover, not because it would be an important addition to my kingdom —for they are small towns and, moreover, situated on the farthest frontiers —but because it was a valuable precedent for holding within bounds the other Macedonians.”
28.2. civitates Macedonum, quae a me inter indutias defecerant, reddi mihi aequum censebam, non quia magna accessio ea regni futura esset—sunt enim et parva oppida et in finibus extremis posita—, sed quia multum ad reliquos Macedonas continendos exemplum pertinebat.
28.3. “This was refused me. During the Aetolian war, ordered by the consul Manius Acilius to besiege Lamia, after I had been wearied for a long time by the siege and battles and when I was on the point of scaling the walls, I was recalled by him from the city, which was all but taken, and compelled to march my troops away.”
28.3. negatum est mihi. bello Aetolico Lamiam obpugnare iussus a consule M'. Acilio cum diu fatigatus ibi operibus proeliisque essem, transcendentem me iam muros a capta prope urbe revocavit consul et abducere copias inde coegit.
28.4. “As a consolation for this injustice it was permitted to me to recover certain fortresses (such they were rather than cities) of Thessaly and Perrhaebia and the Athamanians.”
28.4. ad huius solacium iniuriae permissum est, ut Thessaliae Perrhaebiaeque et Athamanum reciperem quaedam castella magis quam urbes. ea quoque ipsa vos mihi, Q. Caecili, paucos ante dies ademistis.
28.5. “Even these, Quintus Caecilius, you took away from me a few days ago. Just now (heaven help us!) the ambassadors of Eumenes assumed it as not to be gainsaid that it was more just for Eumenes than for me to have what had belonged to Antiochus. I judge the matter far differently. Eumenes could not have remained in his kingdom, I do not mean if the Romans had not conquered, but if they had not undertaken the war.”
28.5. pro non dubio paulo ante, si diis placet, legati Eumenis sumebant, quae Antiochi fuerunt, Eumenem aequius esse quam me habere. id ego longe aliter iudico esse. Eumenes enim non, nisi vicissent Romani, sed, nisi bellum gessissent, manere in regno suo non potuit.
28.6. “And so he has received favours from you, not you from him. So far from true was it that any part of my kingdom was in danger that when Antiochus voluntarily promised me three thousand talents and fifty decked ships and all the cities of Greece which I had held before, as the price of my alliance, I refused; I preferred to be his enemy even before Manius Acilius brought his army across to Greece.”
28.6. itaque ille vestrum meritum habet, non vos illius; mei autem regni tantum aberat ut ulla pars in discrimine fuerit, ut tria milia talentum et quinquaginta tectas naves et omnes Graeciae civitates, quas antea tenuissem, pollicentem ultro Antiochum in mercedem societatis sim aspernatus;
28.7. “And with that consul I conducted whatever campaign he assigned to me;” “and for the following consul, Lucius Scipio, when he had decided to lead his army to the Hellespont by land, I not merely gave him a right of way through our kingdom but also paved roads, built bridges, furnished supplies; and this not through Macedonia alone but also through Thrace, where, along with everything else, I had to maintain peace with the barbarians.” “For this zeal in your behalf, not to say for these services to you, was ” “it right, Romans, that you should add to and enlarge and increase somewhat my domains by your generosity, or that you should take away what I have, either by my own right or by your kindness, as you are doing now?
28.7. hostemque ei me esse prius etiam, quam M’. Acilius exercitum in Graeciam traiceret, praetuli. et cum eo consule belli partem, quamcumque mihi delegavit, gessi, et insequenti consuli, L. Scipioni, cum terra statuisset ducere exercitum ad Hellespontum, non iter tantum per regnum nostrum dedi, sed vias etiam munivi, pontes feci, commeatus praebui, nec per Macedoniam tantum, sed per Thraciam etiam, ubi inter cetera pax quoque praestanda a barbaris erat.
28.10. The cities of the Macedonians, which you admit were part of my dominion, are not restored.” “Eumenes has come to despoil me as if I were Antiochus, and (heaven help us!) he brings forward, for his most impudent manipulation of the facts, the decree of the ten commissioners, by which more than anything else he can be both refuted and convicted.”
28.10. pro hoc studio meo erga vos, ne dicam merito, utrum adicere vos, Romani, aliquid et amplificare et augere regnum meum munificentia vestra oportebat, an, quae haberem aut meo iure aut beneficio vestro, eripere, id quod nunc facitis? Macedonum civitates, quas regni mei fuisse fatemini, non restituuntur. Eumenes, tamquam ad Antiochum spoliandum me venit et, si diis placet, decem legatorum decretum calumniae inpudentissimae praetendit, quo maxime et refelli et coargui potest;
28.12. “For it was written therein most explicitly and clearly that the Chersonesus and Lysimachia were given to Eumenes.” “Where, pray, were Aenus and Maronea and the Thracian cities assigned to him? What he did not even dare to ask of them shall he obtain from you as if he had been granted it by them? It makes a difference in what category you wish me to be with reference to you.” “If you have determined to harass me as a private and public enemy, continue to act as you have begun; but if some consideration is due me as an allied and friendly king, I beg you not to judge me worthy of such an injury.”
28.12. disertissime enim planissimeque in eo scriptum est Chersonesum et Lysimachiam Eumeni dari. ubi tandem Aenus et Maronea et Thraciae civitates adscriptae sunt? quod ab illis ne postulare quidem est ausus, id apud vos, tamquam ab illis impetraverit, obtinebit? quo in numero me apud vos esse velitis, refert. si tamquam inimicum et hostem insectari propositum est, pergite, ut coepistis, facere; sin aliquis est respectus mei ut socii atque amici regis, deprecor, ne me tanta iniuria dignum iudicetis.
29.1. The speech of the king affected the commissioners profoundly. Therefore they left the question unsettled by an indecisive answer: if by the decree of the ten commissioners these cities had been assigned to Eumenes, they were making no change;
29.1. ” movit aliquantum oratio regis legatos. itaque medio responso rem suspenderunt: si decem legatorum decreto Eumeni datae civitates eae essent, nihil se mutare;
29.2. if Philip had captured them in war, he should hold them as the prize of victory under the law of war; if neither of these was true, it was their pleasure that the decision should be reserved for the senate and, in order that everything might remain in its original state, that the garrisons which were in these cities should be withdrawn.
29.2. si Philippus bello cepisset eas, praemium victoriae iure belli habiturum; si neutrum eorum foret, cognitionem placere senatui reservari et, ut omnia in integro manerent, praesidia, quae in iis urbibus sint, deduci.
29.3. These were the principal causes which had turned the thoughts of Philip away from the Romans, so that the war can appear, not as begun for new reasons by his son Perseus, but as a heritage from the father to the son.
29.3. hae causae maxime animum Philippi alienaverunt ab Romanis, ut non a Perseo filio eius novis causis motum, sed ob has a patre bellum relictum filio videri possit. Romae nülla Macedonici belli suspicio erat.
29.4. At Rome there was no suspicion of a Macedonian war. Lucius Manlius the proconsul had returned from Spain; when he demanded from the senate, meeting in the temple of Bellona, a triumph for his achievements, their importance made the request reasonable;
29.4. L. Manlius proconsul ex Hispania redierat. cui postulanti ab senatu in aede Bellonae triumphum rerum gestarum magnitudo impetrabilem faciebat, exemplum obstabat, quod ita comparatum more maiorum erat, ne quis, qui exercitum non deportasset, triumpharet, nisi perdomitam pacatamque provinciam tradidisset successori.
29.5. precedent stood in the way, because it had been so arranged by the custom of their forefathers that a general who had not brought back his army should not triumph unless he had handed over to his successor a province thoroughly conquered and pacified. Nevertheless, the intermediate distinction, of entering the City in ovation, was granted to Manlius.
29.5. medius tamen honos Manlio habitus, ut ovans urbem iniret. tulit coronas aureas quinquaginta duas, auri praeterea pondo centum triginta duo, argenti sedecim milia trecenta, et pronuntiavit in senatu decem milia pondo argenti et octoginta auri Q.
29.7. He carried in his procession fifty-two golden crowns, in addition to one hundred and thirty-two pounds of gold and sixteen thousand three hundred of silver, and he declared in the senate that his quaestor Quintus Fabius was bringing ten thousand pounds of silver and eighty of gold: this too he would put into the treasury. There was a serious slave insurrection that year in Apulia.
29.7. Fabium quaestorem advehere; id quoque se in aerarium delaturum. magnus motus servilis eo anno in Apulia fuit. Tarentum provinciam L. Postumius praetor habebat.
29.9. Lucius Postumius the praetor had Tarentum as his province. He conducted a strict investigation into a conspiracy of shepherds who had endangered the highways and the public pasturelands by their brigandage. He condemned about seven thousand men: many of them escaped, many were executed.
29.9. is de pastorum coniuratione, qui vias latrociniis pascuaque publica infesta habuerant, quaestionem severe exercuit. ad septem milia hominum condemnavit; multi inde fugerunt, de multis sumptum est supplicium.
29.10. The consuls, long delayed in the City by the levies, at length set out for their provinces.
29.10. consules, diu retenti ad urbem dilectibus, tandem in provincias profecti sunt.
30.1. The same year the praetors in Spain, Gaius Calpurnius and Lucius Quinctius, when in the beginning of spring they had led their troops out of winter quarters and had united in Baeturia, marched into Carpetania, where the camp of the enemy lay, and prepared to conduct the campaign with a common plan and policy.
30.1. eodem anno in Hispania praetores C. Calpurnius et L. Quinctius, cum primo vere ex hibernis copias eductas in Baeturia iunxissent, in Carpetaniam, ubi hostium castra erant, progressi sunt communi animo consilioque parati rem gerere.
30.2. Not far from the towns of Dipo and Toletum a fight broke out between foraging parties, and as these were reinforced, each from its own camp, gradually all the troops were drawn out into the line.
30.2. haud procul Dipone et Toleto urbibus inter pabulatores pugna orta est, quibus dum utrimque subvenitur a castris, paulatim omnes copiae in aciem eductae sunt.
30.3. In this sudden engagement both the familiar ground and the nature of the fighting favoured the enemy. The two Roman armies were routed and driven back into camp. The enemy did not keep up their pressure on the defeated foe.
30.3. in eo tumultuario certamine et loca sua et genus pugnae pro hoste fuere. duo exercitus Romani fusi atque in castra compulsi sunt.
30.4. The Roman praetors, in order that their camp might not be attacked the next day, in the quiet of the following night with silent signals led the army away.
30.4. non institere perculsis hostes. praetores Romani, ne postero die castra obpugnarentur, silentio proximae noctis tacito signo exercitum abduxerunt.
30.5. At daybreak the Spaniards approached the rampart in battle-line and entering an empty camp, contrary to expectations, plundered what had been left behind in the confusion of the night, and returning to their own camp remained quietly in their quarters for a few days.
30.5. luce prima Hispani acie instructa ad vallum accesserunt vacuaque praeter spem castra ingressi, quae relicta inter nocturnam trepidationem erant, diripuerunt regressique in castra sua paucos dies quieti in stativis manserunt.
30.6. About five thousand of the Romans and allies fell in the battle and rout, and with their spoils the enemy armed themselves. Then they moved away to the river Tagus.
30.6. Romanorum sociorumque in proelio fugaque ad quinque milia occisa, quorum se spoliis hostes armarunt. inde ad Tagum flumen profecti sunt.
30.7. Meanwhile the Roman praetors spent all their time in collecting auxiliaries from the allied towns of the Spaniards and in restoring the courage of the men after the panic of the defeat.
30.7. praetores interim Romani omne id tempus contrahendis ex civitatibus sociis Hispanorum auxiliis et reficiendis ab terrore adversae pugnae militum animis consumpserunt.
30.8. When their strength was sufficient and even the soldiers were now demanding the enemy in order to wipe out the previous disgrace, they encamped twelve miles from the river Tagus. Thence, breaking camp in the third watch, they marched in a hollow square at dawn to the banks of the Tagus.
30.8. ubi satis placuere vires, et iam miles quoque ad delendam priorem ignominiam hostem poscebat, profecti, duodecim milia passuum ab Tago flumine posuerunt castra.
30.9. Across the river on a hill was the camp of the enemy. Immediately, where the river revealed fords in two places, Calpurnius on the right, Quinctius on the left, led the army across, the enemy quietly watching while they marvelled at their sudden advance and talked about how they might have caused confusion while the Romans were disorganized in the act of crossing the river.
30.9. inde tertia vigilia sublatis signis quadrato agmine principio lucis ad Tagi ripam pervenerunt. trans fluvium in colle hostium castra erant. extemplo, qua duobus locis vada nudabat amnis, dextra parte Calpurnius, laeva Quinctius exercitus traduxerunt quieto hoste, dum miratur subitum adventum consultatque, qui tumultum inicere trepidantibus in ipso transitu amnis potuisset.
30.11. Meanwhile the Romans, having brought over all their trains and massed them in one place, because they saw the enemy already in motion and there was no opportunity to fortify a camp, drew up their line of battle. In the centre were posted the fifth legion of Calpurnius and the eighth of Quinctius: these constituted the strength of the whole army.
30.11. interim Romani inpedimentis quoque omnibus traductis contractisque in unum locum, quia iam moveri videbant hostem, nec spatium erat castra communiendi, aciem instruxerunt.
30.12. They had an open plain as far as the camp of the enemy, free from any danger of ambuscade. When the Spaniards saw the two Roman columns on the nearer bank, in order to catch them before they could unite and form their ranks, rushing hastily out of their camp they hastened to the conflict.
30.12. in medio locatae quinta Calpurni legio et octava Quincti; id robur toto exercitu erat. campum apertum usque ad hostium castra habebant, liberum a metu insidiarum. Hispani postquam in citeriore ripa duo Romanorum agmina conspexerunt, ut, priusquam se iungere atque instruere possent, occuparent eos, castris repente effusi cursu ad pugnam tendunt.
31.2. There was a fierce fight at the outset, the Spaniards on the one side being puffed up by their recent victory, the Roman soldiers on the other incensed by their unaccustomed defeat.
31.2. atrox in principio proelium fuit et Hispanis recenti victoria ferocibus et insueta ignominia milite Romano accenso.
31.3. The fiercest fight was in the centre of the line, composed of the two bravest legions. When the enemy saw that they could be dislodged in no other way, they began to attack in wedge formation; and ever more men, more closely massed, were pressing on the centre.
31.3. acerrime media acies, duae fortissimae legiones, dimicabant; quas cum aliter moveri loco non posse hostis cerneret, cuneo institit pugnare; et usque plures confertioresque medios urgebant.
31.4. After Calpurnius the praetor saw that the line was in distress there, he sent Titus Quinctilius Varus and Lucius Juventius Talna, the lieutenants, at full speed to encourage the single legions;
31.4. ibi postquam laborare aciem Calpurnius praetor vidit, T. Quinctilium Varum et L. Iuventium Thalnam legatos ad singulas legiones adhortandas propere mittit;
31.5. he ordered them to instruct and remind the troops that in them lay all their hopes of victory and of holding Spain: if they retired from that spot, no one in that army would ever see —not to mention Italy —even the farther bank of the Tagus river.
31.5. docere et monere iubet in illis spem omnem vincendi et retinendae Hispaniae esse: si illi loco cedant, neminem eius exercitus non modo Italiam, sed ne Tagi quidem ulteriorem ripam unquam visurum.
31.6. He himself with the cavalry of the two legions, making a short detour, took in flank the wedge of the enemy which was pressing on the centre.
31.6. ipse cum equitibus duarum legionum paullum circumvectus in cuneum hostium, qui mediam urgebat aciem, ab latere incurrit.
31.7. Quinctius with the allied cavalry attacked the other flank of the enemy. But the cavalry of Calpurnius fought far more furiously, and the praetor beyond the rest:
31.7. Quinctius cum suis equitibus alterum hostium latus invadit. sed longe acrius Calpurniani equites pugnabant, et praetor ante alios:
31.8. for he was both the first to strike down an enemy and so threw himself into the midst that it could scarcely be told to which side he belonged; and the cavalry were inspired by the remarkable valour of the praetor and in turn inspired the infantry.
31.8. nam et primus hostem percussit et ita se inmiscuit mediis, ut vix, utrius partis esset, nosci posset;
31.9. Shame moved the senior centurions when they saw the praetor amid the weapons of the enemy. And so each for himself urged on the standard-bearers, ordered them to advance and the soldiers to follow at once.
31.9. et equites praetoris eximia virtute et equitum pedites accensi sunt. pudor movit primos centuriones, qui inter tela hostium praetorem conspexerunt. itaque urgere signiferos pro se quisque, iubere inferre signa et confestim militem sequi.
31.10. The shouting was renewed by all: an attack was launched as if from higher ground. And so they swept forward like a torrent and overwhelmed the panic-stricken enemy, nor as they charged wave after wave could they be resisted.
31.10. renovatur ab omnibus clamor, inpetus fit velut ex superiore loco. haud secus ergo quam torrentis modo fundunt sternuntque perculsos, nec sustineri alii super alios inferentes sese possunt.
31.11. The cavalry pursued the fugitives to the camp, and mingling with the throng of the enemy made their way inside the rampart; there the battle was renewed by the troops who had been left to guard the camp, and the Roman cavalry were forced to dismount.
31.11. fugientes in castra equites persecuti sunt et permixti turbae hostium intra vallum penetraverunt, ubi ab relictis in praesidio castrorum proelium instauratum;
31.12. While they were fighting thus the fifth legion came up; then, as they could, new forces were joining the battle. Spaniards were being slaughtered everywhere through the whole camp, and not more than four thousand men escaped.
31.12. coactique sunt Romani equites descendere ex equis. dimicantibus iis legio quinta supervenit, deinde, ut quaeque potuerant, copiae adfluebant.
31.13. About three thousand of them, who had kept their weapons, occupied a mountain near by; a thousand, most of them partially armed, straggled through the fields. There had been more than thirty-five thousand of the enemy, of whom so small a remnant survived the battle. One hundred and thirty-three standards were taken.
31.13. caeduntur passim Hispani per tota castra, nec plus quam quattuor milia hominum effugerunt. inde tria milia fere, qui arma retinuerant, montem propinquum ceperunt, mille semermes maxime per agros palati sunt.
31.14. Of the Romans and allies a few more than six hundred fell, and of the auxiliaries from the province about a hundred and fifty.
31.14. supra triginta quinque milia hostium fuerant, ex quibus tam exigua pars pugnae superfuit.
31.15. The loss of five tribunes of the soldiers and of a few Roman knights particularly gave the appearance of a bloody victory.
31.15. signa capta centum triginta duo. Romani sociique paulo plus sexcenti et provincialium auxiliorum centum quinquaginta ferme ceciderunt.
31.16. They remained in the camp of the enemy because there had been no opportunity to fortify their own. Before an assembly the next day Gaius Calpurnius praised and decorated the cavalry with trappings for their horses and proclaimed publicly that the enemy had been defeated and his camp taken and captured mainly through their efforts. Quinctius, the other praetor, decorated his cavalry with chains and clasps.
31.16. tribuni militum quinque amissi et pauci equites Romani cruentae maxime victoriae speciem fecerunt, in castris hostium, quia ipsis spatium sua communiendi non fuerat, manserunt. pro contione postero die laudati donatique a C. Calpurnio equites phaleris, pronuntiavitque eorum maxime opera hostes fusos, castra capta et expugnata esse.
31.18. Also many centurions from both armies were honoured, especially those who had held the centre of the line.
31.18. Quinctius alter praetor suos equites catellis ac fibulis donavit. donati et centuriones ex utriusque exercitu permulti, maxime qui mediam aciem tenuerunt.
32.1. The consuls, having finished the levies and the other business which had to be transacted in Rome, led the army against the Ligurians, who constituted their province.
32.1. consules dilectibus aliisque, quae Romae agendae erant, peractis rebus in Ligures provinciam exercitum duxerunt.
32.2. Sempronius, setting out from Pisa against the Ligurian Apuani, devastating their lands and burning the villages and forts, opened up the pass as far as the river Macra and the harbour of Luna.
32.2. Sempronius a Pisis profectus in Apuanos Ligures vastando agros urendoque vicos et castella eorum aperuit saltum usque ad fluvium Macram et Lunae portum.
32.3. The enemy retired to a mountain, the ancient seat of their forefathers; even from there, the handicap of unfavourable ground having been overcome, they were dislodged by an attack.
32.3. hostes montem, antiquam sedem maiorum suorum, ceperunt, et inde superata locorum iniquitate proelio deiecti sunt.
32.4. Appius Claudius too equalled the good fortune and valour of his colleague among the Ligurian Ingauni in a number of victories. In addition he captured six of their towns; in them he took many thousands of men; forty-three, who had been responsible for the war, he beheaded.
32.4. et Appius Claudius felicitatem virtutemque collegae in Liguribus Ingaunis aequavit secundis aliquot proeliis. sex praeterea oppida eorum expugnavit, multa milia hominum in iis cepit, belli auctores tres et quadraginta securi percussit.
32.5. The time for the elections was now approaching. But Claudius arrived in Rome earlier than Sempronius, to whom had fallen by lot the conduct of the elections, because his brother Publius Claudius was seeking the consulship.
32.5. iam comitiorum adpetebat tempus. prior tamen Claudius quam Sempronius, cui sors comitia habendi obtigerat, Romam venit, quia P.
32.6. He had as patrician competitors Lucius Aemilius, Quintus Fabius, Servius Sulpicius Galba, all perennial candidates, who after defeats were again seeking an office which was due them all the more because it had been at first refused.
32.6. Claudius frater eius consulatum petebat, competitores habebat patricios L. Aemilium Q. Fabium Ser. Sulpicium Galbam, veteres candidatos, et ab repulsis eo magis debitum, quia primo negatus erat, honorem repetentes.
32.7. Also, because it was not lawful that more than one from the patricians should be elected, there was a closer race among the four candidates.
32.7. etiam quia plus quam unum ex patriciis creari non licebat, artior petitio quattuor petentibus erat.
32.8. Influential plebeians also were contending for the office, Lucius Porcius, Quintus Terentius Culleo, Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, and these too, having suffered defeat, were put off in the hope that some day they would at last win in the election.
32.8. plebeii quoque gratiosi homines petebant, L. Porcius Q. Terentius Culleo Cn. Baebius Tamphilus; et hi repulsis in spem impetrandi tandem aliquando honoris dilati.
32.9. Claudius was the only new candidate of them all. In the general opinion of men Quintus Fabius Labeo and Lucius Porcius Licinus were almost certain of success.
32.9. Claudius ex omnibus unus novus candidatus erat. opinione hominum haud dubie destinabantur Q. Fabius Labeo et L. Porcius Licinus.
32.10. But the consul Claudius, without his lictors, flitting with his brother around the whole Forum, though his adversaries and the greater part of the senate kept crying out that he should remember that he was the consul of the Roman people rather than the brother of Publius Claudius (why should he not take his seat on the tribunal and act either as an umpire or else as a silent spectator of the elections?), nevertheless could not be restrained from his zealous canvass.
32.10. sed Claudius consul sine lictoribus cum fratre toto foro volitando, clamitantibus adversariis et maiore parte senatus, meminisse eum debere se prius consulem populi Romani quam fratrem P. Claudi esse; quin ille sedens pro tribunali aut arbitrum aut tacitum spectatorem comitiorum se praeberet?—coerceri tamen ab effuso studio nequiit.
32.12. Great contentions among the tribunes of the people, as well, who took part in the fight either against the consul or on his side, disturbed the elections several times, until Appius succeeded in bringing in his brother, Fabius being defeated.
32.12. magnis contentionibus tribunorum quoque plebis, qui aut contra consulem aut pro studio eius pugnabant, comitia aliquotiens turbata, donec pervicit Appius, ut deiecto Fabio fratrem traheret.
32.13. Publius Claudius Pulcher was elected contrary to his own expectations and those of others. Lucius Porcius Licinus held his place because among the plebeians the contest was conducted with moderate partisanship, not with Claudian violence.
32.13. creatus P. Claudius Pulcher praeter spem suam et ceterorum. locum suum tenuit L. Porcius Licinus, quia moderatis studiis, non vi Claudiana inter plebeios certatum est.
32.14. Then the praetorian elections were held: Gaius Decimius Flavus, Publius Sempronius Longus, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus Naevius Matho, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Aulus Terentius Varro were chosen praetors.
32.14. praetorum inde comitia sunt habita: C. Decimius Flavus P. Sempronius Longus P. Cornelius Cethegus Q. Naevius Matho C. Sempronius Blaesus A. Terentius Varro praetores facti.
32.15. Such were the events, at home and abroad, of the consular year of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius.
32.15. haec eo anno, quo Ap. Claudius M. Sempronius consules fuerunt, domi militiaeque gesta.
33.1. In the beginning of the following year, when Quintus Caecilius, Marcus Baebius and Tiberius Sempronius, who had been sent to arbitrate between the kings, Philip and Eumenes, and the cities of the Thessalians, had reported on their mission, the consuls Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius also introduced into the senate the ambassadors of these kings and of the cities.
33.1. principio insequentis anni P. Claudius L. Porcius consules, cum Q. Caecilius M. Baebius Ti. Sempronius, qui ad disceptandum inter Philippum et Eumenem reges Thessalorumque civitates missi erant, legationem renuntiassent, regum quoque eorum civitatiumque legatos in senatum introduxerunt. eadem utrimque iterata, quae dicta apud legatos in Graecia erant, aliam deinde novam legationem patres, cuius princeps Ap.
33.3. The same arguments were repeated on both sides that had been used before the commissioners in Greece. Then the Fathers decreed another new commission, of which Appius Claudius was the chief, to go to Greece and Macedonia to see whether the cities had been restored to the Thessalians and Perrhaebians.
33.3. Claudius fuit, in Graeciam et Macedoniam decreverunt ad visendum, redditaene civitates Thessalis et Perrhaebis essent.
33.4. They were also instructed that the garrisons were to be withdrawn from Aenus and Maronea and that the whole sea coast should be freed from Philip and the Macedonians.
33.4. iisdem mandatum, ut ab Aeno et Maronea praesidia deducerentur maritimaque omnis Thraciae ora a Philippo et Macedonibus liberaretur.
33.5. They were directed to visit the Peloponnesus also, from which the previous commission had come away leaving the position of things more uncertain than if they had not gone: for in addition to everything else they had even been sent away without an answer, and the Achaean council had not been summoned as they requested.
33.5. Peloponnesum quoque adire iussi, unde prior legatio discesserat incertiore statu rerum, quam si non venissent: nam super cetera etiam sine responso dimissi nec datum petentibus erat Achaeorum concilium.
33.6. When Quintus Caecilius complained bitterly of this conduct and the Lacedaemonians at the same time lamented that their walls had been destroyed, their common people taken away to Achaia and enslaved, the laws of Lycurgus, on which their state had been based up to that time, annulled, the principal reply of the Achaeans to the charge that a council had been refused was to read the law which forbade the calling of the council except when it was a question of peace or war or when ambassadors arrived from the senate with letters or written
33.6. de qua re querente graviter Q. Caecilio et simul Lacedaemoniis deplorantibus moenia diruta, abductam plebem in Achaiam et venumdatam, ademptas, quibus ad eam diem civitas stetisset, Lycurgi leges, Achaei maxime concilii negati crimen excusabant recitando legem, quae, nisi belli pacisve causa et cum legati ab senatu cum litteris aut scriptis mandatis venirent, vetaret indici concilium.
33.8. instructions. That this excuse might not be given again, the senate made it plain that it was their duty to see that Roman commissioners should always have the opportunity to address the council of the people, just as to them too the senate was open as often as they wished.
33.8. ea ne postea excusatio esset, ostendit senatus curae iis esse debere, ut legatis Romanis semper adeundi concilium gentis potestas fieret, quem ad modum et illis, quotiens vellent, senatus daretur.
34.1. When these embassies had been dismissed, Philip was informed by his representatives that he was to retire from the cities and withdraw his garrisons; being angered at everyone, he vented his wrath on the Maroneans.
34.1. dimissis iis legationibus, Philippus a suis certior factus cedendum civitatibus deducendaque praesidia esse, infensus omnibus in Maronitas iram effundit.
34.2. He sent word to Onomastus, who was in command of the sea coast, to kill the leading men of the opposing party. Onomastus, through the agency of a certain Casander, one of the king's supporters who had long been a resident of Maronea, admitting the Thracians by night, caused a slaughter as if the town had been captured in war.
34.2. Onomasto, qui praeerat maritimae orae, mandat, ut partis adversae principes interficeret. ille per Casandrum quendam, unum ex regiis iam diu habitantem Maroneae, nocte Thracibus intromissis velut in bello capta urbe caedem fecit.
34.3. When the Roman commissioners complained of such cruel treatment of the unoffending Maroneans and of such arrogant conduct towards the Roman people, that those men whose liberty the senate had declared was to be restored were murdered as if they were enemies, Philip in reply denied that any of this concerned himself or any one of his subjects;
34.3. inde apud legatos Romanos querentes tam crudeliter adversus innoxios Maronitas, tam superbe adversus populum Romanum factum, ut, quibus libertatem restituendam senatus censuisset, ii pro hostibus trucidarentur, abnuebat quicquam eorum ad se aut quemquam suorum pertinere:
34.4. there had been fighting as a consequence of internal strife, since some were for transferring the city to him, others to the Romans; this fact they could easily ascertain; let them, he said, question the Maroneans themselves —not doubting that when all were smitten with the terror of so recent a massacre no one would dare to open his mouth against him.
34.4. seditione inter ipsos dimicatum, cum alii ad se, alii ad Eumenem civitatem traherent; id facile scituros esse, si percunctarentur ipsos Maronitas, haud dubius perculsis omnibus terrore tam recentis caedis neminem hiscere adversus se ausurum.