44.8. It was a remarkable censorship and full of quarrels, which occupied Marcus Porcius, to whom the severity was attributed, through his whole life. In the same year two colonies, Potentia in the Picene territory, Pisaurum in the Gallic, were founded.
44.8. quas locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis victus publicanorum induci et de integro locari iussisset, censores edicto submotis ab hasta, qui ludificati priorem locationem erant, omnia eadem paululum inminutis pretiis locaverunt.
44.9. Six iugera were given to each colonist. The division of the land and the organization of the colonies were the work of the same commissioners, Quintus Fabius Labeo, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Quintus Fulvius Nobilior.
44.9. nobilis censura fuit simultatiumque plena, quae M. Porcium, cui acerbitas ea adsignabantur, per omnem vitam exercuerunt.
44.10. The consuls of this year did nothing noteworthy either at home or in the field. For the following year they announced the election of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Quintus Fabius Labeo as consuls. Marcus Claudius and Quintus Fabius, on the Ides of March, the day on which they were inaugurated, brought up the question of provinces for themselves and the praetors.
44.10. eodem anno coloniae duae, Potentia in Picenum, Pisaurum in Gallicum agrum, deductae sunt. sena iugera in singulos data. diviserunt agrum coloniasque deduxerunt iidem tres viri, Q. Fabius Labeo et M. et Q. Fulvii, Flaccus et Nobilior. consules eius anni nec domi nec militiae memorabile quicquam egerunt. in insequentem annum crearunt consules M. Claudium Marcellum Q. Fabium Labeonem. M. Claudius Q. Fabius idibus Martiis, quo die consulatum inierunt, de provinciis suis praetorumque rettulerunt.
45.2. The praetors who had been elected were Gaius Valerius, the flamen Dialis, who had been a candidate the preceding year also, and Spurius Postumius Albinus and Publius Cornelius Sisenna, Lucius Pupius, Lucius Julius, Gnaeus Sicinius.
45.2. praetores creati erant C. Valerius flamen Dialis, qui et priore anno petierat, et Sp. Postumius Albinus et P. Cornelius Sisenna L. Pupius L. Iulius Cn. Sicinius.
45.3. To the consuls the Ligurians were decreed as their province, with the same armies which Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius had had. The Spains, excluded from the lot, were reserved for the praetors of the previous year, along with their armies.
45.3. consulibus Ligures cum iisdem exercitibus, quos P. Claudius et L. Porcius habuerant, provincia decreta est.
45.4. The praetors were ordered to draw lots with the provision that the province of the flamen Dialis should be one of the jurisdictions in Rome: the praetorship which he drew dealt with cases between citizens and aliens.
45.4. Hispaniae extra sortem prioris anni praetoribus cum suis exercitibus servatae. praetores ita sortiri iussi, uti flamini Diali utique altera iuris dicendi Romae provincia esset; peregrinam est sortitus.
45.5. The civil jurisdiction fell to Cornelius Sisenna, Sicily to Spurius Postumius, Apulia to Lucius Pupius, Gaul to Lucius Julius, Sardinia to Gnaeus Sicinius. Lucius Julius was directed to hasten his departure.
45.5. Sisennae Cornelio urbana, Sp. Postumio Sicilia, L. Pupio Apulia, L. Iulio Gallia, Cn. Sicinio Sardinia evenit. L. Iulius maturare est iussus.
45.6. Transalpine Gauls, as has been said before, crossing into Italy by a pass hitherto unknown, were building a city in the territory which now belongs to Aquileia.
45.6. Galli Transalpini per saltus ignotae antea viae, ut ante dictum est, in Italiam transgressi oppidum in agro, qui nunc est Aquileiensis, aedificabant.
45.7. The praetor was instructed to prevent them from doing this, so far as it was possible for him to do so without war. If they had to be prevented by arms, he was to inform the consuls: it was the senate's desire that one of them should lead the legions against the Gauls.
45.7. id eos ut prohiberet, quod eius sine bello posset, praetori mandatum est; si armis prohibendi essent, consules certiores faceret; ex his placere alterum adversus Gallos ducere legiones.
45.8. At the end of the preceding year an election had been held to choose an augur in the place of Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus, who had died; Spurius Postumius Albinus had been elected.
45.8. extremo prioris anni comitia auguris creandi habita erant in demortui Cn. Corneli Lentuli locum; creatus erat Sp. Postumius Albinus.
46.1. In the beginning of this year Publius Licinius Crassus, the pontifex maximus, died, and in his stead Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus was co-opted as pontiff; Gaius Servilius Geminus was elected pontifex maximus.
46.1. huius principio anni P. Licinius Crassus pontifex maximus mortuus est, in cuius locum M. Sempronius Tuditanus pontifex est cooptatus; pontifex maximus est creatus C. Servilius Geminus.
46.2. On the occasion of the funeral of Publius Licinius a public distribution of meats took place, and one hundred and twenty gladiators fought and funeral games were given for three days, and after the games a banquet.
46.2. P. Licini funeris causa visceratio data et gladiatores centum viginti pugnarunt et ludi funebres per triduum facti, post ludos epulum.
46.3. During this, when the banqueting tables had been arranged through the whole Forum, a storm coming up with great gusts of wind drove most people to set up tents in the Forum: these, a little later, when it had cleared up all around, were taken down;
46.3. in quo cum toto foro triclinia strata essent, tempestas cum magnis procellis coorta coegit plerosque tabernacula statuere in foro;
46.4. and the general talk was that the omen had been fulfilled, because the soothsayers had declared that it was among the decrees of the fates that it was destined that tents should be set up in the Forum.
46.4. eadem paulo post, cum undique disserenasset, sublata, defunctosque vulgo ferebant, quod inter fatalia vates cecinissent, necesse esse tabernacula in foro statui.
46.5. When they were freed from this fear another came upon them, because for two days it had rained blood in the precinct of Vulcan; and a period of prayer was proclaimed by the decemvirs as expiation for this prodigy.
46.5. hac religione levatis altera iniecta, quod sanguine per biduum pluvisset in area Vulcani; et per decemviros supplicatio indicta erat eius prodigii expiandi causa.
46.6. Before the consuls set out for their provinces, they introduced the embassies from across the seas to the senate. Never before had there been so many people from this region in Rome.
46.6. priusquam consules in provincias proficiscerentur, legationes transmarinas in senatum introduxerunt. nec umquam ante tantum regionis eius hominum Romae fuerat.
46.7. For from the time that the news spread among the tribes that live near Macedonia that charges and complaints against Philip were listened to not inattentively by the Romans, and that many had found it profitable to make complaints, each city and tribe for itself and many individuals privately —for everyone found him a neighbour hard to get along with —came to Rome either in the hope of redressing their wrongs or for the consolation of lamenting them.
46.7. nam ex quo fama per gentes, quae Macedoniam adcolunt, vulgata est, crimina querimoniasque de Philippo non neglegenter ab Romanis audiri, multis operae pretium fuisse queri, pro se quaeque civitates gentesque, singuli etiam privatim—gravis enim adcola omnibus erat—Romam aut ad spem levandae iniuriae aut ad deflendae solacium venerunt.
46.9. From King Eumenes also came an embassy, including his brother Athenaeus, to complain both because the garrisons were not withdrawn from the cities in Thrace and because aid had been sent to Prusias in Bithynia, who was waging war against Eumenes.
46.9. et ab Eumene rege legatio cum fratre eius Athenaeo venit ad querendum, simul quod non deducerentur ex Thracia praesidia, simul quod in Bithyniam Prusiae bellum adversus Eumenem gerenti auxilia missa forent.
47.1. Demetrius, who was then quite a young man, had to answer all these complaints. Since it was not easy to remember either all the charges which were made or what was to be said in reply to them —for they were not only numerous but many of them also trivial in the extreme, dealing with boundary disputes, men abducted or animals driven off, justice either administered by caprice or not administered, decisions rendered as a result of violence or influence —when
47.1. respondendum ad omnia iuveni tum admodum Demetrio erat. cum haud facile esset aut ea, quae obicerentur, aut quae adversus ea dicenda erant, memoria complecti— nec enim multa solum, sed etiam pleraque oppido quam parva erant, de controversia finium, de hominibus raptis pecoribusque abactis, de iure aut dicto per libidinem aut non dicto, de rebus per vim aut per gratiam iudicatis—
47.3. the senate saw that Demetrius could give no intelligent information on any of these points and that they could learn nothing explicit from him, and when they were moved by both the inexperience and the embarrassment of the young man, they ordered that the question be asked of him whether he had received any notes from his father on these matters.
47.3. ,nihil horum neque Demetrium docere dilucide nec se satis liquido discere ab eo senatus cum cerneret posse, simul et tirocinio et perturbatione iuvenis moveretur, quaeri iussit ab eo, ecquem de his rebus commentarium a patre accepisset.
47.4. When he replied that he had received them, it was resolved that nothing should have preference or precedence over hearing the answers of the king himself to these several charges. They immediately demanded the book and then allowed him to read it.
47.4. cum respondisset accepisse se, nihil prius nec potius visum est quam regis ipsius de singulis responsa accipere. librum extemplo poposcerunt, deinde ut ipse recitaret permiserunt.
47.5. The arguments, however, on single items were given in a brief digest; for example, that he had done some things in accordance with the decrees of commissioners, other things he had been prevented from doing, not through his own fault, but that of the very persons who made the accusations.
47.5. erant autem de singulis rebus in breve coactae causae, ut alia fecisse se secundum decreta legatorum diceret, alia non per se stetisse, quo minus faceret, sed per eos ipsos, qui accusarent.
47.6. He had included also complaints about the injustice of the decrees and how unfair had been the discussion before Caecilius, and how he had been trampled upon by everyone unjustifiably and in no wise as he deserved.
47.6. interposuerat et querellas de iniquitate decretorum et quam non ex aequo disceptatum apud Caecilium foret indigneque sibi nec ullo suo merito insultatum ab omnibus esset.
47.7. The senate took these to be indications of his irritation; but when the young man apologized for some things and undertook that in the future other things should be done as the senate specifically desired, it was decided to reply that his father had done nothing more correctly or more in accordance with the senate's wishes than that, whatever his own conduct had been, he had wished to be justified in the eyes of the Romans through his son Demetrius. The senate, they said, could close its eyes to much and could forget and let the past be past and continue to trust to Demetrius.
47.7. has notas irritati eius animi conlegit senatus; ceterum alia excusanti iuveni, alia recipienti futura ita, ut maxime vellet senatus, responderi placuit, nihil patrem eius neque rectius nec magis quod ex voluntate senatus esset, fecisse, quam quod, utcumque ea gesta essent, per Demetrium filium satisfieri voluisset Romanis.
47.9. For they held his soul hostage, even though his body had been restored to his father, and they knew that, so far as his loyalty to his father would permit, he would be a friend to the Roman people, and for the sake of doing him honour they would send ambassadors to Macedonia, to say that if anything had not been done which should have been done, it might even then be done without any atonement being required for previous omissions.
47.9. multa et dissimulare et oblivisci et pati praeterita senatum posse, et credere etiam, Demetrio credendum esse: obsidem enim se animum eius habere, etsi corpus patri reddiderit, et scire, quantum salva in patrem pietate possit, amicum eum populi Romani esse, honorisque eius causa missuros in Macedoniam legatos, ut, si quid minus factum sit, quam debuerit, tum quoque sine piaculo rerum praetermissarum fiat.
47.11. They said that they wished Philip to know that all things were unchanged between him and the Roman people, thanks to his son Demetrius.
47.11. velle etiam sentire Philippum, integra omnia sibi cum populo Romano Demetri filii beneficio esse.
48.1. These things, which were done in order to enhance his distinction, were immediately turned into a cause of unpopularity and presently even of ruin to the young man. Then the Lacedaemonians were brought in.
48.1. haec, quae augendae amplitudinis eius causa facta erant, extemplo in invidiam, mox etiam in perniciem adulescenti verterunt.
48.2. Many and trivial subjects of dispute were talked about; but those which contained the real gist of the matter had to do with the question whether the men whom the Achaeans had condemned should be restored or not; whether those who had been killed had been killed justly or unjustly; and whether the Lacedaemonians should remain in the Achaean League or, as had been the case before, their state, alone in the Peloponnesus, should have a separate
48.2. Lacedaemonii deinde introducti sunt. multae et parvulae disceptationes iactabantur; sed, quae maxime rem continerent, erant, utrum restituerentur, quos Achaei damnaverant, necne, inique an iure occidissent, quos occiderant, vertebatur, et, utrum manerent in Achaico concilio Lacedaemonii, an, ut ante fuerat, secretum eius unius in Peloponneso civitatis ius esset.
48.4. constitution. It was decided that the exiles should be restored and the judgments passed against them reversed, and that Lacedaemon should remain in the Achaean League, and that this decree should be written down and signed by the Lacedaemonians and Achaeans.
48.4. restitui iudiciaque facta tolli placuit, Lacedaemonem manere in Achaico concilio, scribique id decretum et consignari a Lacedaemoniis et Achaeis.
48.5. Quintus Marcius was sent as a commissioner to Macedonia, and was likewise instructed to look into the affairs of the allies in the Peloponnesus. For there were also both the troubles that were survivals from ancient discords, and Messenê had seceded from the Achaean League.
48.5. legatus in Macedoniam Q. Marcius est missus, iussus idem in Peloponneso sociorum res aspicere. nam ibi quoque et ex veteribus discordiis residui motus erant, et Messene desciverat a concilio Achaico.
48.6. If I should wish to set forth both the causes and the events of this war, I should be unmindful of my purpose, according to which I have determined not to touch further upon foreign affairs except as they are inseparable from Roman history.
48.6. cuius belli et causas et ordinem si expromere velim, inmemor sim propositi, quo statui non ultra adtingere externa, nisi qua Romanis cohaererent rebus:
49.1. One event worthy of record occurred: although the Achaeans had the advantage in the war, their praetor Philopoemen was captured, who, in order to get the lead in occupying Coronê, for which the enemy was making, entered a dangerous valley, accompanied by a small guard of cavalry, and was surprised.
49.1. eventus memorabilis est, quod, cum bello superiores essent Achaei, Philopoemen praetor eorum capitur ad praeoccupandam Coronen, quam hostes petebant, profectus atque ibi in valle iniqua cum equitibus paucis obpressus.
49.2. They say that he himself could have escaped with the aid of the Thracians and Cretans; but the shame, if he should abandon the cavalry, the noblest of the people, and recently chosen by him personally, restrained him.
49.2. ipsum potuisse effugere Thracum Cretensiumque auxilio tradunt; sed pudor relinquendi equites, nobilissimos gentis, ab ipso nuper lectos, tenuit.
49.3. While he was offering them a way of escape from the narrow pass by holding the rear in person, sustaining the charge of the enemy, his horse fell and he himself was very near to perishing from the shock to himself and the weight of the horse which came down upon him, being now seventy years old and much weakened in strength as the result of a long illness from which he was then just recovering.
49.3. quibus dum locum ad evadendas angustias cogendo ipse agmen praebet, sustinens impetus hostium, prolapso equo et suo ipse casu et onere equi super eum ruentis haud multum afuit, quin exanimaretur, septuaginta annos iam natus et diutino morbo, ex quo tum primum reficiebatur, viribus admodum adtenuatis.
49.5. The enemy, rushing past, came upon him lying there; recognizing him at once, because of their veneration for him and their recollection of his past services, they raised him up as if he were their own leader, revived him and carried him out of the retired valley to the high-road, scarcely believing their own eyes for this unexpected joy; part of them sent messengers ahead to Messenê to say that the war was over and that they were bringing Philopoemen a prisoner.
49.5. iacentem hostes superfusi obpresserunt; cognitumque primum a verecundia memoriaque meritorum haud secus quam ducem suum adtollunt reficiuntque et ex valle devia in viam portant, vix sibimet ipsi prae necopinato gaudio credentes; pars nuntios Messenen praemittunt, debellatum esse, Philopoemenem captum adduci.
49.7. At first this seemed so incredible that his words were listened to, not merely as vain, but as the words of a messenger who was scarcely sane.
49.7. primum adeo incredibilis visa res, ut non pro vano modo, sed vix pro sano nuntius audiretur. deinde ut super alium alius idem omnes adfirmantes veniebant, tandem facta fides;
49.8. Then, as one after another came, all bringing the same tidings, at length they were convinced; and before they knew for certain that he was approaching the city, all alike, free and slave, children along with the women, rushed out. So the crowd had blocked the gate, while each for himself, if he had not seen it with his own eyes, would scarcely accept so great a thing as true.
49.8. et priusquam adpropinquare urbi satis scirent, ad spectaculum omnes simul liberi ac servi, pueri quoque cum feminis, effunduntur. itaque clauserat portam turba, dum pro se quisque, nisi ipse oculis suis credidisset, vix pro comperta tantam rem habiturus videretur.
49.9. The men who were bringing Philopoemen were hardly able to thrust aside the bystanders and enter the gate.
49.9. aegre submoventes obvios intrare portam, qui adducebant Philopoemenem, potuerunt. aeque conferta turba iter reliquum clauserat;
49.10. An equally crowded mass had blocked the rest of the way; and when the largest part had been excluded from the spectacle, they suddenly filled the theatre, which adjoined the street, and with one voice all demanded that he should be brought there to be seen by the people.
49.10. et cum pars maxima exclusa a spectaculo esset, theatrum repente, quod propinquum viae erat, compleverunt et, ut eo adduceretur in conspectum populi, una voce omnes exposcebant.
49.11. The magistrates and leading citizens, fearing that pity for so great a man, present before their eyes, might cause some disturbance, since regret at his former greatness compared with his present fortune would move some and recollection of his tremendous services others, placed him in sight but at a distance, and then speedily removed him from the eyes of men, the praetor Dinocrates saying that there were matters pertaining to the final issue of the war on which the magistrates wished to question him.
49.11. magistratus et principes veriti, ne quem motum misericordia praesentis tanti viri faceret, cum alios verecundia pristinae maiestatis conlatae praesenti fortunae, alios recordatio ingentium meritorum motura esset, procul in conspectu eum statuerunt, deinde raptim ex oculis hominum abstraxerunt dicente praetore Dinocrate, esse, quae pertinentia ad summam belli percunctari eum magistratus vellent.
49.12. Then, after taking him to the senate-house and calling the council, they began their deliberations.
49.12. inde abducto eo in curiam et senatu vocato consultari coeptum.
50.1. It was now growing dark, and not only were all other things uncertain, but even where they could guard him with sufficient safety even for the ensuing night.
50.1. iam invesperascebat, et non modo cetera, sed ne in proximam quidem noctem ubi satis tuto custodiretur, expediebant.
50.2. They had been awed by the greatness of his former success and courage, and neither did they dare to receive him into their own homes for guarding nor were they satisfied to entrust the guardianship of him to any one man.
50.2. obstupuerant ad magnitudinem pristinae eius fortunae virtutisque, et neque ipsi domum recipere custodiendum audebant nec cuiquam uni custodiam eius satis credebant.
50.3. Then someone reminded them that there was a public treasury underground, walled in by hewn stones. Bound, he was let down into it and a great stone by which it was closed placed by machinery over it.
50.3. admonent deinde quidam esse thesaurum publicum sub terra, saxo quadrato saeptum. eo vinctus demittitur, et saxum ingens, quo operitur, machina superinpositum est.
50.4. So, thinking that they should trust the place, rather than any man, to keep him safe, they waited for the coming morning.
50.4. ita loco potius quam homini cuiquam credendam custodiam rati lucem insequentem expectaverunt.
50.5. The next day the whole multitude, mindful of his former services to the state, considered that he should be spared and that through him remedies should be sought out for their present troubles:
50.5. postero die multitudo quidem integra, memor pristinorum eius in civitatem meritorum, parcendum ac per eum remedia quaerenda esse praesentium malorum censebant;
50.6. the authors of the revolt, who had the administration in' their hands, held a secret consultation, and all were agreed upon his death. But it was not agreed whether they should act at once or delay.
50.6. sed defectionis auctores, quorum in manu res publica erat, in secreto consultantes omnes ad necem eius consentiebant, sed, utrum maturarent an differrent, ambigebatur.
50.7. The faction that was more insistent on punishment prevailed, and a man was sent to take him the poison. Receiving the cup, he asked only if Lycortas —he was the other commander of the Achaeans —was safe and if the cavalry had escaped.
50.7. vicit pars avidior poenae; missusque qui venenum ferret. accepto poculo nihil aliud locutum ferunt quam quaesisse, si incolumis Lycortas—is alter imperator Achaeorum erat— equitesque evasissent.
50.8. When he was assured that they were safe, he said “it is well,” and courageously draining the cup perished no long time afterwards. The persons responsible for this act of cruelty had no great time in which to rejoice in his death.
50.8. postquam dictum est incolumes esse, “bene habet” inquit, et poculo inpavide exhausto haud ita multo post exspiravit.
50.9. For Messenê, being conquered in the war, at the demand of the Achaeans handed over the guilty persons, and the bones of Philopoemen were given back and he was buried by the whole Achaean League, all human distinctions being heaped upon him to such a degree that they did not even refrain from divine honours.
50.9. non diuturnum mortis eius gaudium auctoribus crudelitatis fuit. victa namque Messene bello exposcentibus Achaeis dedidit noxios, ossaque reddita Philopoemenis sunt et sepultus ab universo Achaico est concilio, adeo omnibus humanis congestis honoribus, ut ne divinis quidem abstineretur.
50.10. Greek and Latin historians pay such tribute to this man that some of them have put it on record, as if it were a conspicuous brand of infamy set against this year, that three famous generals died during this year —Philopoemen, Hannibal, Publius Scipio:
50.10. ab scriptoribus rerum Graecis Latinisque tantum huic viro tribuitur, ut a quibusdam eorum, velut ad insignem notam huius anni, memoriae mandatum sit, tres claros imperatores eo anno decessisse, Philopoemenem Hannibalem P. Scipionem.
50.11. on terms of such equality have they placed him with the greatest commanders of the two most. powerful nations.
50.11. adeo in aequo eum duarum potentissimarum gentium summis imperatoribus posuerunt.
51.1. Titus Quinctius Flamininus went as an ambassador to King Prusias, whom the Romans suspected both because he had given shelter to Hannibal after the flight of Antiochus and because he had begun and was carrying on war against Eumenes.
51.1. ad Prusiam regem legatus T. Quinctius Flamininus venit; quem suspectum Romanis et receptus post fugam Antiochi Hannibal et bellum adversus Eumenem motum faciebat.
51.2. There, whether Prusias was reproached by Flamininus on this ground among others, because of all living men the one who was most dangerous to the Roman people was at his court, the man who had first urged his own country and then, after its defeat, King Antiochus to war upon the Roman people, or whether Prusias himself, in order to do a favour to Flamininus when he came and to the Romans, formed the plan of killing him or giving him into custody; for whatever reason, immediately after the first conference with Flamininus he sent soldiers to put the house of Hannibal under guard.
51.2. ibi seu quia a Flaminino inter cetera obiectum Prusiae erat hominem omnium, qui viverent, infestissimum populo Romano apud eum esse, qui patriae suae primum, deinde fractis eius opibus Antiocho regi auctor belli adversus populum Romanum fuisset, seu quia ipse Prusias, ut gratificaretur praesenti Flaminino Romanisque, per se necandi aut tradendi eius in potestatem consilium cepit, a primo conloquio Flaminini milites extemplo ad domum Hannibalis custodiendam missi sunt.
51.4. Hannibal had always foreseen such an end to his life, both from his knowledge of the insatiable hatred of the Romans for him and from his lack of faith in the loyalty of kings: as for Prusias, he had in fact experienced his fickleness; then too the arrival of Flamininus had made him tremble as at the signal for his doom.
51.4. semper talem exitum vitae suae Hannibal prospexerat animo et Romanorum inexpiabile odium in se cernens et fidei regum nihil sane fretus, Prusiae vero levitatem etiam expertus erat; Flaminini quoque adventum velut fatalem sibi horruerat.
51.5. Having regard to the dangers which were all around him, in order that he might always have some way of escape in readiness, he had made seven exits from his house, and some of these were secret, lest he might be hemmed in by guards.
51.5. ad omnia undique infesta, ut iter semper aliquod praeparatum fugae haberet, septem exitus e domo fecerat, et ex iis quosdam occultos, ne custodia saepirentur.
51.6. But the dread power of kings leaves nothing unexplored when they want it traced down. They surrounded the whole area about the house with guards, so that no one could escape from it.
51.6. sed grave imperium regum nihil inexploratum, quod vestigari volunt, efficit. totius circuitum domus ita custodiis complexi sunt, ut nemo inde elabi posset.
51.7. When the word was brought to him that the king's troops were in the vestibule, Hannibal attempted to escape by a side door which was out of the way and especially adapted to a stealthy departure, and when he found that this too was blocked by guards stationed around it, he called for the poison which he had long kept ready for such emergencies.
51.7. Hannibal, postquam est nuntiatum milites regios in vestibulo esse, postico, quod devium maxime atque occultissimi exitus erat, fugere conatus, ut id quoque obcursu militum obsaeptum sensit et omnia circa clausa custodiis dispositis esse, venenum, quod multo ante praeparatum ad tales habebat casus, poposcit.
51.9. “Let us,” he said, “relieve the Roman people of their long anxiety, since they find it tedious to wait for the death of an old man.”
51.9. “liberemus” inquit “diuturna cura populum Romanum, quando mortem senis expectare longum censent.
51.10. “Neither magnificent nor memorable will be the victory which Flamininus will win over a man unarmed and betrayed. How much the manners of the Roman people have changed, this day in truth will ” “prove.
51.10. nec magnam nec memorabilem ex inermi proditoque Flamininus victoriam feret. mores quidem populi Romani quantum mutaverint, vel hic dies argumento erit.
51.11. Their fathers sent word to King Pyrrhus, an enemy in arms, commanding an army in Italy, warning him to beware of poison: these Romans have sent an ambassador of consular rank to urge upon Prusias the crime of murdering his ” “guest.”
51.11. horum patres Pyrrho regi, hosti armato, exercitum in Italia habenti, ut a veneno caveret, praedixerunt; hi legatum consularem, qui auctor esset Prusiae per scelus occidendi hospitis, miserunt.
51.12. Then, cursing the person and the kingdom of Prusias and calling upon the gods of hospitality to bear witness to his breach of faith, he drained the cup. This was the end of the life of Hannibal.
51.12. ” exsecratus deinde in caput regnumque Prusiae et hospitales deos violatae ab eo fidei testes invocans, poculum exhausit. hic vitae exitus fuit Hannibalis.
52.1. Scipio also, as both Polybius and Rutilius write, died this year. For my part, I agree neither with them nor with Valerius —not with them, because in the censorship of Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius I find that the princeps senatus chosen was the same Lucius Valerius who was censor, whereas in the two preceding lustra Africanus had held this distinction, and while he lived, unless he had been expelled from the senate, a disgrace which no one has recorded, another princeps would not have been chosen in his stead. The refutation of Antias as an authority is the tribune of the people Marcus Naevius, against whom was directed, according to the title, the speech of Publius Africanus. This Naevius, in the books of the magistrates, is named as tribune of the people in the consulship of Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius, but he entered upon the tribunate in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius, on the fourth day before the Ides of December.
52.1. Scipionem et Polybius et Rutilius hoc anno mortuum scribunt. ego neque his neque Valerio adsentior, his, quod censoribus M. Porcio L. Valerio L. Valerium principem senatus ipsum censorem lectum invenio, cum superioribus duobus lustris Africanus fuisset, quo vivo, nisi ut ille senatu moveretur, quam notam nemo memoriae prodidit, alius princeps in locum eius lectus non esset.
52.3. From that time it is three months to the Ides of March, when Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius were inaugurated.
52.3. Antiatem auctorem refellit tribunus plebis M. Naevius, adversus quem oratio inscripta P. Africani est.
52.4. Thus it seems that he lived in the tribunate of Naevius and that he might have been accused by him, but died before the censorship of Lucius Valerius and Marcus Porcius.
52.4. hic Naevius in magistratuum libris est tribunus plebis P. Claudio L. Porcio consulibus, sed iniit tribunatum Ap. Claudio M. Sempronio consulibus ante diem quartum idus Decembres.
52.5. It seems that the deaths of these three men, each the most famous among his own people, are comparable not so much because of the coincidence of their times, as because no one of them met an end worthy of the brilliance of his life. In the first place, none of them either died or was buried in his B.C. 183 native land. Hannibal and Philopoemen were carried off by poison; Hannibal was an exile, betrayed by his host, Philopoemen, a captive, died in prison and in chains; Scipio, although not an exile or condemned, yet, because he was absent when summoned, on the day he failed to stand trial, pronounced a sentence of voluntary exile not only upon himself but upon his funeral.
52.5. inde tres menses ad idus Martias sunt, quibus P. Claudius L. Porcius consulatum inierunt. ita [et] vixisse in tribunatu Naevi videtur diesque ei dici ab eo potuisse, decessisse autem ante L. Valeri et M. Porci censuram. trium clarissimorum suae cuiusque gentis virorum non tempore magis congruente comparabilis mors videtur esse, quam quod nemo eorum satis dignum splendore vitae exitum habuit. iam primum omnes non in patrio solo mortui nec sepulti sunt. veneno absumpti Hannibal et Philopoemen; exul Hannibal, proditus ab hospite, captus Philopoemen in carcere et in vinculis exspiravit; Scipio etsi non exul neque damnatus, die tamen dicta, ad quam non adfuerat reus, absens citatus, voluntarium non sibimet ipse solum, sed etiam funeri suo exilium indixit.
53.1. While these events, from which my narrative turned aside, were occurring in the Peloponnesus, the return of Demetrius and the other ambassadors to Macedonia had made different impressions upon different minds.
53.1. dum ea in Peloponneso, a quibus devertit oratio, geruntur, reditus in Macedoniam Demetri legatorumque aliter aliorum adfecerat animos.
53.2. The mass of the Macedonians, terrified by the fear of the war which threatened from the Romans, looked with very great favour upon Demetrius as the author of peace, and at the same time marked him with assured hope for the throne after the death of his father.
53.2. vulgus Macedonum, quos belli ab Romanis inminentis metus terruerat, Demetrium ut pacis auctorem cum ingenti favore conspiciebant, simul et spe haud dubia regnum ei post mortem patris destinabant.
53.3. For although he was younger in years than Perseus, men recalled that Demetrius was born of a legal wife, the other of a concubine; that the elder, the offspring of a body accessible to all, bore no sure mark of his father, while Demetrius displayed a notable resemblance to Philip.
53.3. nam etsi minor aetate quam Perseus esset, hunc iusta matre familiae, illum paelice ortum esse; illum ut ex vulgato corpore genitum nullam certi patris notam habere, hunc insignem Philippi similitudinem prae se ferre;
53.4. Besides, they said, the Romans would establish Demetrius upon his father's throne, while Perseus would have no influence with them. Such was the general talk.
53.4. ad hoc Romanos Demetrium in paterno solio locaturos, Persei nullam apud eos gratiam esse.
53.5. Accordingly Perseus, on the one hand, was anxiously afraid that his age by itself would not carry sufficient weight in his behalf, while his brother had the advantage in all other respects, and on the other, Philip himself, believing that it would hardly be in his power to decide which son, he should leave as heir to his throne, kept saying that his younger son was a greater burden to him than he wished.
53.5. haec vulgo loquebantur. itaque et Persea cura augebat, ne parum pro se una aetas valeret, cum aliis omnibus rebus frater superior esset; et Philippus ipse, vix sui arbitrii fore, quem heredem regni relinqueret credens, sibi quoque graviorem esse, quam vellet, minorem filium censebat.
53.7. He was displeased at times by the throngs of Macedonians who visited his son, and was indignant that while he lived there should be a second court.
53.7. offendebatur interdum concursu Macedonum ad eum, et alteram iam se vivo regiam esse indignabatur;
53.8. And there is no doubt that the young man had returned too much puffed up regarding himself, relying somewhat on the judgments of the senate about him, and on the concessions made to him of what had been refused to his father;
53.8. et ipse iuvenis haud dubie inflatior redierat, subnisus erga se iudiciis senatus concessisque sibi, quae patri negata essent;
53.9. and whatever importance every reference to the Romans brought to him with the rest of the Macedonians, it brought him also exactly as much ill-will, not only with his brother but even with his father, especially after other Roman commissioners came and Philip was compelled to evacuate Thrace and withdraw his garrisons and do other things in accordance with either the decisions of previous commissioners or the new arrangements of the senate. But, although it was with grief and lamentation, the more because he saw his son more frequently in the company of the commissioners than with himself, he nevertheless obeyed the Romans in everything, in order to give them no reason for immediately declaring war.
53.9. et omnis mentio Romanorum quantam dignitatem ei apud ceteros Macedonas, tantam invidiam non apud fratrem modo, sed etiam apud patrem conciliabat, utique postquam legati alii Romani venerunt, et cogebatur decedere Thracia praesidiaque deducere et alia aut ex decreto priorum legatorum aut ex nova constitutione senatus facere. sed omnia maerens quidem et gemens, eo magis quod filium frequentiorem prope cum illis quam secum cernebat, oboedienter tamen adversus Romanos faciebat, ne quam movendi extemplo belli causam praeberet.
53.12. Thinking also that their thoughts should be diverted from any suspicion of such designs, he led his army through the interior of Thrace against the Odrysae and Dentheleti and Bessi: he took the city of Philippopolis, deserted by the flight of its citizens, who with their families had fled to the nearest mountains, and received in surrender the barbarians of the plain, after plundering their farms.
53.12. avertendos etiam animos a suspicione talium consiliorum ratus, mediam in Thraciam exercitum in Odrysas et Dentheletos et Bessos duxit; Philippopolin urbem fuga desertam oppidanorum, qui in proxima montium iuga cum familiis receperant sese, cepit, campestresque barbaros, depopulatus agros eorum, in deditionem accepit.
53.14. Leaving a garrison in Philippopolis (it was expelled a little later by the Odrysae), he decided to found a city in Deuriopus —this is a district in Paeonia —near the Erigonus river, which flows from Illyricum through Pelagonia and empties into the Axius river not far from the ancient city of Stobi:
53.14. relicto inde ad Philippopolin praesidio, quod haud multo post ab Odrysis expulsum est, oppidum in Deuriopo condere instituit— Paeoniae ea regio est—prope Erigonum fluvium, qui ex Illyrico per Paeoniam fluens in Axium editur amnem, haud procul Stobis, vetere urbe;
53.15. to the new city he ordered the name of Perseis to be given, so as to show honour to his elder son.
53.15. novam urbem Perseida, ut is filio maiori haberetur honos, adpellari iussit.
54.1. While this was going on in Macedonia, the consuls departed for their provinces.
54.1. dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, consules in provincias profecti.
54.2. Marcellus sent a messenger ahead to the proconsul Lucius Porcius, ordering him to move the legions to the new town of the Gauls.
54.2. Marcellus nuntium praemisit ad L. Porcium proconsulem, ut ad novum Gallorum oppidum legiones admoveret.
54.3. On the arrival of the consul the Gauls surrendered. There were twelve thousand armed men: most of them had weapons picked up in the country;
54.3. advenienti consuli Galli sese dediderunt. duodecim milia armatorum erant, plerique arma ex agris rapta habebant;
54.4. these were taken from them, to their great displeasure, and whatever else they had either carried off while ravaging the fields or had brought with them. They sent ambassadors to Rome to complain of this treatment.
54.4. ea aegre patientibus iis adempta quaeque alia aut populantes agros rapuerant aut secum adtulerant. de his rebus qui quererentur legatos Romam miserunt.
54.5. Introduced to the senate by Gaius Valerius the praetor, they explained that since the population of Gaul was too great, compelled by poverty and the unproductiveness of the soil, they had crossed the Alps in search of a home, and when they found a region which was untilled for lack of settlers, there they established themselves without injuring anyone.
54.5. introducti in senatum a C. Valerio praetore exposuerunt se superante in Gallia multitudine inopia coactos agri et egestate ad quaerendam sedem Alpes transgressos, quae inculta per solitudines viderent, ibi sine ullius iniuria consedisse;
54.6. They had even, they said, begun to build a town, which was an indication that they had come with no design to harm either farm or city. Recently Marcus Claudius had sent a message to them that he would make war upon them if they did-not surrender.
54.6. oppidum quoque aedificare coepisse, quod indicium esset nec agro nec urbi ulli vim adlaturos venisse. nuper M. Claudium ad se nuntium misisse bellum se cum iis, ni dederentur, gesturum.
54.7. Preferring an assured though unattractive peace to the uncertainties of war, they had entrusted themselves to the good faith rather than to the power of the Roman people. When, a few days later, they were ordered to leave the town and the country as well, they had planned to go away in silence, wherever in the world they could. Then, they went on to say, their arms were taken from them, and finally everything else which they were carrying or driving. They begged the senate and the Roman people not to treat innocent persons who had surrendered more harshly than enemies.
54.7. se certam etsi non speciosam pacem quam incerta belli praeoptantes dedidisse se prius in fidem quam in potestatem populi Romani. post paucos dies iussos et urbe et agro decedere sese tacitos abire, quo terrarum possent, in animo habuisse. arma deinde sibi et postremo omnia alia, quae ferrent agerentque, adempta.
54.9. The senate ordered the reply to be given to this appeal, that neither had they acted properly when they came into Italy and attempted to build a town on others' land, without the permission of any Roman magistrate who was in charge of that province; nor did it please the senate to despoil men who had surrendered. Accordingly, the senate would send with them ambassadors to the consul who would direct him, on condition that they would return whence they had come, to give back all their property, and who would then cross the Alps and warn the Gallic tribes to keep their population at home: the Alps were an almost insuperable boundary between them: in any case they would fare no better than those who had first made them passable.
54.9. orare se senatum populumque Romanum, ne in se innoxios deditos acerbius quam in hostes saevirent. huic orationi senatus ita responderi iussit: neque illos recte fecisse, cum in Italiam venerint oppidumque in alieno agro nullius Romani magistratus, qui ei provinciae praeesset, permissu aedificare conati sint, neque senatui placere deditos spoliari.
54.11. The ambassadors who were sent were Lucius Furius Purpurio, Quintus Minucius, Lucius Manlius Acidinus. The Gauls, having recovered all the property which they acquired without injuring anyone, left Italy. The Roman ambassadors were graciously answered by the Transalpine peoples. Their elders reproved the Roman people for their excessive lenience, because those men who had set out without the permission of their state and had attempted to occupy land belonging to the Roman empire and to build a town on others' soil had been let go unpunished: they should have been made to pay a heavy toll for their rash action.
54.11. itaque se cum iis legatos ad consulem missuros, qui, si redeant, unde venerint, omnia iis sua reddi iubeant, quique protinus eant trans Alpes et denuntient Gallicis populis, multitudinem suam domi contineant: Alpes prope inexsuperabilem finem in medio esse; non utique iis melius fore, qui eas primi pervias fecissent. legati missi L. Furius Purpurio Q. Minucius L. Manlius Acidinus. Galli redditis omnibus, quae sine cuiusquam iniuria habebant, Italia excesserunt. legatis Romanis Transalpini populi benigne responderunt. seniores eorum nimiam lenitatem populi Romani castigarunt, quod eos homines, qui gentis iniussu profecti occupare agrum imperii Romani et in alieno solo aedificare oppidum conati sint, inpunitos dimiserint;
55.3. Moreover, as to the restoration of their property, the elders feared that such generosity might tempt more peoples to try the same venture.
55.3. debuisse gravem temeritatis mercedem statui; quod vero etiam sua reddiderint, vereri, ne tanta indulgentia plures ad talia audenda inpellantur.
55.4. The ambassadors were both received and sent on their way with gifts. Marcus Claudius the consul, having expelled the Gauls from the province, began to scheme for a war with the Histrians, sending letters to the senate for permission to lead the legions into Histria.
55.4. et exceperunt et prosecuti cum donis legatos sunt. M. Claudius consul Gallis ex provincia exactis Histricum bellum moliri coepit litteris ad senatum missis, ut sibi in Histriam traducere legiones liceret.
55.5. This did not please the senate. They were discussing the question of establishing a colony at Aquileia, but it was not generally agreed whether it should be a Latin colony or one of Roman citizens. Finally, the Fathers voted that a Latin colony rather should be founded.
55.5. id senatui placuit. illud agitabant, uti colonia Aquileia deduceretur, nec satis constabat, utrum Latinam an civium Romanorum deduci placeret. postremo Latinam potius coloniam deducendam patres censuerunt.
55.6. The three commissioners elected were Publius Scipio Nasica, Gaius Flaminius, Lucius Manlius Acidinus. In the same year Mutina and Parma, colonies of Roman citizens, were established.
55.6. triumviri creati sunt P. Scipio Nasica C. Flaminius L. Manlius Acidinus.
55.7. Two thousand men in each case were settled on the land that had recently belonged to the Boi and previously to the Etruscans, and the allotments at Parma were eight iugera each, at Mutina five.
55.7. eodem anno Mutina et Parma coloniae civium Romanorum sunt deductae. bina milia hominum in agro, qui proxime Boiorum, ante Tuscorum fuerat, octona iugera Parmae, quina Mutinae acceperunt.
55.8. The board of three which founded them consisted of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Titus Aebutius Parrus, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus.
55.8. deduxerunt triumviri M. Aemilius Lepidus T. Aebutirus Carus L. Quinctius Crispinus.
55.9. Also, a colony of Roman citizens was established at Saturnia in the ager Caletranus. The board of three which founded it consisted of Quintus Fabius Labeo, Gaius Afranius Stellio, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Ten iugera were given to each colonist.
55.9. et Saturnia colonia civium Romanorum in agrum Caletranum est deducta. deduxerunt triumviri Q. Fabius Labeo C. Afranius Stellio Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. in singulos iugera data decem.
56.1. In the same year the proconsul Aulus Terentius, not far from the river Ebro, in the country of the Ausetani, both fought successful battles with the Celtiberians and captured a number of towns which they had fortified.
56.1. eodem anno A. Terentius proconsul haud procul flumine Hibero in agro Ausetano et proelia secunda cum Celtiberis fecit et oppida quae ibi communierant aliquot expugnavit.
56.2. Farther Spain that year was at peace, partly because Publius Sempronius the proconsul was suffering from a long illness, and with no one to provoke them the Lusitanians very fortunately remained quiet.
56.2. ulterior Hispania eo anno in pace fuit, quia et P. Sempronius proconsul diutino morbo est inplicitus et nullo lacessente peropportune quieverunt Lusitani.
56.3. Nor was anything worth recording done by the consul Quintus Fabius among the Ligurians. Marcus Marcellus, recalled from Histria, disbanded his army and returned to Rome to hold the elections.
56.3. nec in Liguribus memorabile quicquam a Q. Fabio consule gestum. ex Histria revocatus M. Marcellus exercitu dimisso Romam comitiorum causa rediit.
56.4. He returned as consuls Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus and Lucius Aemilius Paulus. The latter had been curule aedile with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus; this was the fifth year after the consulship of Lepidus, although Lepidus himself became consul after two defeats.
56.4. creavit consules Cn. Baebium Tamphilum et L. Aemilium Paulum, cum M. Aemilio Lepido hic aedilis curulis fuerat, a quo consule quintus annus erat, cum is ipse Lepidus post duas repulsas consul factus esset.
56.5. Next the praetors were chosen, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Valerius Laevinus, Publius Manlius (for the second time), Marcus Ogulnius Gallus, Lucius Caecilius Denter, Gaius Terentius Istra. At the end of the year there was a period of prayer by reason of the prodigies, because the Romans were well persuaded that there had been a shower of blood, lasting two days, in the precinct of Concord, and because it was reported that not far from Sicily, a new island which had not been there before had risen from the sea.
56.5. praetores inde facti Q. Fulvius Flaccus M. Valerius Laevinus P. Manlius iterum M. Ogulnius Gallus L. Caecilius Denter C. Terentius Istra. supplicatio extremo anno fuit prodigiorum causa, quod sanguine per biduum pluvisse in area Concordiae satis credebant, nuntiatumque erat haud procul Sicilia insulam, quae non ante fuerat, novam editam e mari esse.
56.7. Valerius Antias says that Hannibal died this year, ambassadors having been sent to Prusias for this purpose, namely, Lucius Scipio Asiaticus and Publius Scipio Nasica, in addition to Titus Quinctius Flamininus, whose name is best known in this connection.
56.7. Hannibalem hoc anno Antias Valerius decessisse est auctor legatis, ad eam rem ad Prusiam missis praeter T Quinctium Flamininum, cuius in ea re celebre est nomen, L. Scipione Asiatico et P. Scipione Nasica.