---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 41 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 41. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 41. Book XL · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/41/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. In the beginning of the following year the consuls and praetors drew lots for their provinces. For the consuls there was no province to be decreed except the Ligurians.

> Latin: 1.1. principio insequentis anni consules praetoresque sortiti provincias sunt. consulibus nulla praeter Ligures quae decerneretur erat. iuris dicto urbana M. Ogulnio Gallo, inter peregrinos M. Valerio evenit, Hispaniarum Q.

[¶1] 1.2. The civil jurisdiction fell to Marcus Ogulnius Gallus, that between citizens and aliens to Marcus Valerius, Nearer Spain to Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Farther Spain to Publius Manlius, Sicily to Lucius Caecilius Denter, Sardima to Gaius Terentius Istra.

> Latin: 1.2. Fulvio Flacco citerior, P. Manlio ulterior, L. Caecilio Dentri Sicilia, C. Terentio Istrae Sardinia.

[¶2] 1.3. The consuls were directed to conduct the levies. Quintus Fabius had written from the Ligurian country that the Apuani were meditating rebellion and that there was danger that they would invade the territory of Pisa.

> Latin: 1.3. dilectus habere consules iussi. Q. Fabius ex Liguribus scripserat Apuanos ad rebellionem spectare periculumque esse, ne impetum in agrum Pisanum facerent;

[¶3] 1.4. As to the Spains also, they knew that the nearer province was in arms and that there was war with the Celtiberians; in the farther province, because the praetor had long been sick, they knew that military discipline had grown slack from easy living and idleness.

> Latin: 1.4. et ex Hispaniis citeriorem in armis esse et cum Celtiberis bellari sciebant, in ulteriore, quia diu aeger esset praetor, luxuria et otio solutam disciplinam militarem esse.

[¶4] 1.5. For these reasons it was determined to enlist new armies, four legions for service against the Ligurians, each to consist of fifty-two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry, and, in addition thereto, fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy. These were to be the two consular armies.

> Latin: 1.5. ob ea novos exercitus conscribi placuit, quattuor legiones in Ligures, uti singulae quina milia et ducenos pedites, trecenos haberent equites; sociorum iisdem Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum addita et octingenti equites; hi duo consulares exercitus essent.

[¶5] 1.6. In addition, they were ordered to enlist seven thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy and to send them to Marcus Marcellus in Gaul, his imperium having been prolonged after his consulship.

> Latin: 1.6. scribere praeterea iussi septem milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et quadringentos equites et mittere ad M. Marcellum in Galliam, cui ex consulatu prorogatum imperium erat.

[¶6] 1.7. They were also directed to enroll troops which were to be conducted to the two Spains, four thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of Roman citizens and of the allies seven thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 1.7. in Hispaniam utramque quae ducerentur quattuor milia peditum civium Romanorum et ducenti equites et sociorum septem milia peditum cum trecentis equitibus scribi iussa.

[¶7] 1.8. Also the imperium of Quintus Fabius Labeo among the Ligurians, along with the army which he had, was extended for a year.

> Latin: 1.8. et Q. Fabio Labeoni cum exercitu, quem habebat, in Liguribus prorogatum in annum imperium esset.

[¶8] 2.1. The spring was stormy that year. The day before the Parilia, about noon, a heavy storm accompanied by wind came and caused damage to many places sacred and profane, overthrew bronze statues on the Capitoline, tore a door from the temple of Luna which is on the Aventine, carried it to the rear walls of the temple of Ceres and fastened it there, blew down other statues in the Circus Maximus, together with the columns on which they rested, and violently tore loose from their tops the roofs of a number of temples and scattered them.

> Latin: 2.1. Ver procellosum eo anno fuit. pridie Parilia, medio ferme die, atrox cum vento tempestas coorta multis sacris profanisque locis stragem fecit, signa aenea in Capitolio deiecit; forem ex aede Lunae, quae in Aventino est, raptam tulit et in posticis parietibus Cereris templi adfixit, signa alia in circo maximo cum columnis, quibus superstabant, evertit;

[¶9] 2.3. Therefore this storm was turned into a prodigy, and the haruspices ordered atonement to be made.

> Latin: 2.3. fastigia aliquot templorum a culminibus abrupta foede dissipavit. itaque in prodigium versa ea tempestas, procurarique haruspices iusserunt.

[¶10] 2.4. At the same time atonement was made because news had come from Reate that a mule with three feet had been born and from Formiae that the temple of Apollo at Caieta had been struck by lightning. By reason of these prodigies a sacrifice of twenty fullgrown victims was offered and one day of prayer celebrated.

> Latin: 2.4. simul procuratum est, quod tripedem mulum Reate natum nuntiatum erat et a Formiis aedem Apollinis Caietae de caelo tactam. ob ea prodigia viginti hostiis maioribus sacrificatum est et diem unum supplicatio fuit.

[¶11] 2.5. During this period it was learned from dispatches from Aulus Terentius the propraetor that Publius Sempronius had died in the farther province after an illness of more than a year. For this reason the praetors were directed to set out earlier for Spain.

> Latin: 2.5. per eos dies ex litteris A. Terenti propraetoris cognitum P. Sempronium in ulteriore provincia, cum plus annum aeger fuisset, mortuum esse. eo maturius in Hispaniam praetores iussi proficisci.

[¶12] 2.6. Then embassies from overseas were introduced into the senate, first those of the kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces, and of the Rhodians, who were complaining of the slaughter of the people of Sinopê.

> Latin: 2.6. legationes deinde transmarinae introductae sunt, primae Eumenis et Pharnacis regum et Rhodiorum querentium de Sinopensium clade.

[¶13] 2.7. Ambassadors from Philip also and from the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians arrived about the same time. After first hearing the report of Marcius, who had been sent to investigate conditions in Greece and Macedonia, answers were given them.

> Latin: 2.7. Philippi quoque legati et Achaeorum et Lacedaemoniorum sub idem tempus venerunt. iis prius Marcio audito, qui ad res Graeciae Macedoniaeque visendas missus erat, responsa data sunt.

[¶14] 2.8. The kings of Asia and the Rhodians received the reply that the senate would send commissioners to look into these matters.

> Latin: 2.8. Asiae regibus ac Rhodiis responsum est legatos ad eas res visendas senatum missurum.

[¶15] 3.1. With regard to Philip, Marcius had increased the senate's concern: for he admitted that Philip had done what it had demanded, but in such a way that it was clearly evident that he would not continue to do so longer than was necessary.

> Latin: 3.1. de Philippo auxerat curam Marcius: nam ita fecisse eum, quae senatui placuissent, fatebatur, ut facile adpareret, non diutius, quam necesse esset, facturum.

[¶16] 3.2. Nor was it a secret that he would resort to arms, and that everything that he did and said had this in view.

> Latin: 3.2. neque obscurum erat rebellaturum, omniaque, quae tunc ageret diceretque, eo spectare.

[¶17] 3.3. In the first place he moved almost the entire population of citizens, families and all, from the towns along the coast to what is now called Emathia and was formerly Paeonia, and the cities he gave as homes to Thracians and other barbarians, thinking B.C. 182 that these tribes would be more loyal in a Roman war.

> Latin: 3.3. iam primum omnem fere multitudinem civium ex maritimis civitatibus cum familiis suis in Emathiam quae nunc dicitur, quondam adpellata Paeonia est, traduxit, Thracibusque et aliis barbaris urbes tradidit habitandas, fidiora haec genera hominum fore ratus in Romano bello.

[¶18] 3.5. This act caused tremendous lamentation throughout all Macedonia, and few, as they left their ancestral homes with their wives and children, kept their grief concealed; and from the columns of migrants curses upon the king were heard, hatred getting the better of their fear.

> Latin: 3.5. ingentem ea res fremitum Macedonia tota fecit; relinquentesque penates suos cum coniugibus ac liberis pauci tacitum dolorem continebant, exsecrationesque in agminibus proficiscentium in regem vincente odio metum exaudiebantur.

[¶19] 3.6. The king's temper, made fierce by these things, held all men, all places and occasions in suspicion.

> Latin: 3.6. his ferox animus omnes homines, omnia loca temporaque suspecta habebat.

[¶20] 3.7. Finally he began to say publicly that he could not find any real security unless the children of those whom he had executed were arrested, kept under guard, and killed one by one, as occasion offered.

> Latin: 3.7. postremo negare propalam coepit satis tutum sibi quicquam esse, nisi liberos eorum, quos interfecisset, comprehensos in custodia haberet et tempore alium alio tolleret.

[¶21] 4.1. This cruelty, dreadful in itself, was made more dreadful by the destruction of one household.

> Latin: 4.1. eam crudelitatem, foedam per se, foediorem unius domus clades fecit.

[¶22] 4.2. Herodicus, a leading man among the Thessalians, had been put to death many years before; his sons-in-law also had been killed later. His daughters were left in widowhood, each having one small son.

> Latin: 4.2. Herodicum, principem Thessalorum, multis ante annis occiderat; generos quoque eius postea interfecit; in viduitate relictae filiae singulos filios parvos habentes, Theoxena et Archo nomina iis erant mulieribus.

[¶23] 4.3. Theoxena and Archo were the names of these women. Theoxena, though she had many suitors, disdained marriage: Archo married a certain Poris, by far the first citizen among the Aeneans, and after bearing several children, all left quite small, she died in his house.

> Latin: 4.3. Theoxena multis petentibus aspernata nuptias est, Archo Poridi cuidam, longe principi gentis Aenianum, nupsit et apud eum plures enisa partus, parvis admodum relictis omnibus, decessit.

[¶24] 4.5. Theoxena, in order that the children of her sister might be brought up in her hands, married Poris; and as if she were the mother of them all, she devoted the same care to her own child and her sister's children.

> Latin: 4.5. Theoxena, ut in suis manibus liber sororis educarentur, Poridi nupsit, et tamquam omnes ipsa enisa foret, suum sororisque filios in eadem habebat cura.

[¶25] 4.6. After she received the king's proclamation about the arrest of the children of the men who had been put to death, thinking that they would be exposed not only to the mockery of the king but even to the lust of the guards, she turned her thoughts to a deed of horror, and dared to say that she would rather kill them all with her own hand than let them fall into the power of Philip.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam regis edictum de comprehendendis liberis eorum, qui interfecti essent, accepit, ludibrio futuros non regis modo, sed custodum etiam libidini rata, ad rem atrocem animum adiecit ausaque est dicere se sua manu potius omnes interfecturam, quam in potestatem Philippi venirent.

[¶26] 4.8. Poris, hating even the thought of so dreadful a deed, said that he would take them to faithful friends in Athens and would himself be their companion in exile.

> Latin: 4.8. Poris abominatus mentionem tam foedi facinoris Athenas deportaturum eos ad fidos hospites dixit comitemque ipsum fugae futurum esse.

[¶27] 4.9. They set out from Thessalonica to Aenea to an appointed sacrifice which they make every year to Aeneas, their founder, with elaborate ceremony.

> Latin: 4.9. proficiscuntur ab Thessalonica Aeniam ad statum sacrificium, quod Aeneae conditori cum magna caerimonia quotannis faciunt.

[¶28] 4.10. Having spent a day there in the ritual feasts, when all were asleep, about the third watch they went aboard a ship made ready in advance by Poris, as if to return to Thessalonica; their plan, however, was to cross to Euboea. But strain as they might in vain against an opposing wind, day caught them near the shore, and the king's troops who were in charge of the guarding of the harbour sent an armed brig to bring back that ship, with strict orders not to return without it.

> Latin: 4.10. ibi die per sollemnes epulas consumpto navem praeparatam a Poride sopitis omnibus de tertia vigilia conscendunt tamquam redituri [in] Thessalonicam; sed traicere in Euboeam erat propositum, ceterum in adversum ventum nequiquam eos tendentes prope terram lux obpressit, et regii, qui praeerant custodiae portus, lembum armatum ad retrahendam eam navim miserunt cum gravi edicto, ne reverterentur sine ea.

[¶29] 4.12. When they were now close to shore, Poris was engaged in urging on the rowers and sailors; sometimes stretching out his hands to heaven, he would pray that the gods would send help.

> Latin: 4.12. cum iam adpropinquabant, Poris quidem ad hortationem remigum nautarumque intentus erat; interdum manus ad caelum tendens deos, ut ferrent opem, orabat.

[¶30] 4.13. Meanwhile the maddened woman, turning to the crime she had long been planning, mixed the poison and displayed the steel, and placing the cup in sight and drawing the swords, she said, “Death is the one way to freedom. These are the ways to death: by whichever your mind prefers, escape the tyranny of the king.”

> Latin: 4.13. ferox interim femina ad multo ante praecogitatum revoluta facinus venenum diluit ferrumque promit et posito in conspectu poculo strictisque gladiis “mors” inquit “una vindicta est.

[¶31] 4.14. “Come, my children, first you who are the elder, take the sword or drain the cup, if you like the slower death.” From the one side the enemy was approaching, from the other the author of death was urging them. One carried off by one death, another by another, still half-living they were thrown into the sea.

> Latin: 4.14. viae ad mortem hae sunt; qua quemque animus fert, effugite superbiam regiam. agite, iuvenes mei, primum, qui maiores estis, capite ferrum aut haurite poculum, si segnior mors iuvat.” et hostes aderant et auctor mortis instabat.

[¶32] 4.15. Then the woman herself, embracing her husband, the partner in her death, threw herself into the sea. The king's troops captured a ship empty of its masters.

> Latin: 4.15. alli alio leto absumpti semianimes e nave praecipitantur. ipsa deinde virum comitem mortis complexa in mare sese deiecit. nave vacua dominis regii potiti sunt.

[¶33] 5.1. The horror of this act added, as it were, a new spark to the resentment against the king, so that people generally were cursing him and his sons; and these curses, heard by all the gods, presently brought it to pass that he himself took violent measures against his own kin.

> Latin: 5.1. huius atrocitas facinoris novam velut flammam regis invidiae adiecit, ut vulgo ipsum liberosque exsecrarentur; quae dirae brevi ab omnibus diis exauditae, ut saeviret ipse in suum sanguinem, effecerunt.

[¶34] 5.2. For when Perseus saw that the popularity and honour of his brother Demetrius were, among the Macedonian people, growing every day, as well as his influence with the Romans, thinking that no hope for the throne was left to him except through crime, he turned all his thoughts in that one direction.

> Latin: 5.2. Perseus enim cum in dies magis cerneret favorem et dignitatem Demetrii fratris apud multitudinem Macedonum crescere et gratiam apud Romanos, sibi spem nullam regni superesse nisi in scelere ratus, ad id unum omnes cogitationes intendit.

[¶35] 5.3. But since he believed that by himself he was not strong enough even for what he was planning in his effeminate mind, he began to make trial of individuals among his father's friends with ambiguous remarks.

> Latin: 5.3. ceterum cum se ne ad id quidem, quod muliebri cogitabat animo, satis per se validum crederet, singulos amicorum patris temptare sermonibus perplexis institit.

[¶36] 5.4. And at first some of them gave the appearance of rejecting any such suggestion, since they placed more hope in Demetrius;

> Latin: 5.4. et primo quidam ex his aspernantium tale quicquam praebuerunt speciem, quia plus in Demetrio spei ponebant;

[¶37] 5.5. then, as Philip's hatred for the Romans increased daily, and Perseus nursed it and Demetrius tried with all his might to oppose it, foreseeing the destruction of the young man, off his guard against his brother's trickery, and, thinking that what was bound to happen should be helped along and that the aspirations of the stronger should be encouraged, they allied themselves with Perseus.

> Latin: 5.5. deinde crescente in dies Philippi odio in Romanos, cui Perseus indulgeret, Demetrius summa ope adversaretur, prospicientes animo exitum incauti a fraude fraterna iuvenis, adiuvandum, quod futurum erat, rati fovendamque spem potentioris, Perseo se adiungunt.

[¶38] 5.6. Everything else they put off until the proper time for action: for the present it was decided to enkindle the king in every way against the Romans and to turn him to thoughts of war, to which he had already spontaneously turned his mind.

> Latin: 5.6. cetera in suum quaeque tempus agenda differunt; in praesentia placet omni ope in Romanos accendi regem inpellique ad consilia belli, ad quae iam sua sponte animum inclinasset.

[¶39] 5.7. At the same time, that Demetrius might day by day become more an object of suspicion, they agreed that they would draw the conversation again and again to Roman topics. Then, when some would poke fun at their manners and customs, others at their achievements, others at the appearance of the city itself, which was not yet made beautiful in either its public or its private sections, others at individual leaders, the young man, being off his guard both because of his love for the Roman people and because of his rivalry with his brother, by defending the Romans in everything made himself suspicious in his father's eyes and a fair target for

> Latin: 5.7. simul ut Demetrius in dies suspectior esset, ex composito sermones ad rem Romanorum trahebant. ibi cum alii mores et instituta eorum, alii res gestas, alii speciem ipsius urbis nondum exornatae neque publicis neque privatis locis, alii singulos principum eluderent, iuvenis incautus et amore nominis Romani et certamine adversus fratrem omnia tuendo suspectum se patri et opportunum criminibus faciebat.

[¶40] 5.9. attack. And so his father kept him excluded from all his deliberations about Roman affairs: turning entirely to Perseus he considered with him all the plans for the war by day and night.

> Latin: 5.9. itaque expertem eum pater omnium de rebus Romanis consiliorum habebat, totus in Persea versus cum eo cogitationes eius rei dies ac noctes agitabat.

[¶41] 5.10. It happened that the agents had returned whom Philip had sent to the Bastarnae to summon aid and had brought from there noble young men and some of royal birth, one of whom promised his sister in marriage to a son of Philip; alliance with this tribe had cheered the spirits of the king. Then Perseus said: “What good do such things ” “do?

> Latin: 5.10. redierant forte, quos miserat in Bastarnas ad arcessenda auxilia, adduxerantque inde nobiles iuvenes et regii quosdam generis, quorum unus sororem suam in matrimonium Philippi filio pollicebatur; erexeratque consociatio gentis eius animum regis.

[¶42] 5.11. There is by no means as much protection in auxiliaries outside as there is danger in treachery at home. I do not want to say a traitor, but we have in our bosom at least a spy, whose body, after he was a hostage at Rome, the Romans gave back to us but keep his soul ” “themselves.

> Latin: 5.11. tum Perseus “quid ista prosunt?” inquit. “nequaquam tantum in externis auxiliis est praesidii quantum periculi in fraude domestica.

[¶43] 5.12. The eyes of almost all the Macedonians are turned towards him, and they say that they will have no other king than the one whom the Romans shall have given ” “them.”

> Latin: 5.12. proditorem nolo dicere, certe speculatorem habemus in sinu, cuius, ex quo obses Romae fuit, corpus nobis reddiderunt Romani, animum ipsi habent.

[¶44] 5.13. Sick as the old man's mind already was, anyhow, it was by these means roused to passion, and he retained these insinuations in his heart rather than in his looks.

> Latin: 5.13. omnium paene Macedonum in eum ora conversa sunt, nec regem se alium rentur habituros esse, quam quem Romani dedissent. ” his per se aegra mens senis stimulabatur et animo magis quam vultu ea crimina accipiebat.

[¶45] 6.1. It so happened that the time for purifying the army had come, for which there is a ritual of this sort: the fore part of a dog is cut off and placed on the right side of the road, the hind part, with the entrails, on the left; between the parts of the victim, thus divided, the troops are marched.

> Latin: 6.1. forte lustrandi exercitus advenit tempus, cuius sollemne est tale: caput mediae canis praecisae et pars ad dexteram, cum extis posterior ad laevam viae ponitur, inter hanc divisam hostiam copiae armatae traducuntur.

[¶46] 6.2. At the head of the column are carried the arms and standards of all the kings from the earliest beginnings of Macedonia, then the present king, accompanied by his children, follows, next is the royal cohort and the bodyguard, and the rest, the rank and file of the Macedonians brings up the rear.

> Latin: 6.2. praeferuntur primo agmini arma insignia omnium ab ultima origine Macedoniae regum, deinde rex ipse cum liberis sequitur, proxima est regia cohors custodesque corporis, postremum agmen Macedonum cetera multitudo claudit.

[¶47] 6.4. The two youthful sons of the king were riding at his sides, Perseus being now in his thirtieth year, Demetrius five years younger, the former in the full strength of young manhood, the latter in its flower, the mature offspring of a father blessed by fortune, had a sound mind but been his.

> Latin: 6.4. latera regis duo filii iuvenes cingebant, Perseus iam tricesimum annum agens, Demetrius quinquennio minor, medio iuven tae robore ille, hic flore, fortunati patris matura suboles, si mens sana esset.

[¶48] 6.5. It was the custom when the ceremony of purification was finished to manoeuvre the army and dividing it into battle-lines to clash in a sham battle.

> Latin: 6.5. mos erat lustrationis sacro peracto decurrere exercitum et divisas bifariam duas acies concurrere ad simulacrum pugnae.

[¶49] 6.6. The princes were assigned as commanders for this mock engagement: yet it was not the imitation of a battle, but they came together just as if it were a struggle for the throne, and many wounds were dealt by the pointless weapons, nor was anything but iron wanting to make it look like a regular battle.

> Latin: 6.6. regii iuvenes duces ei ludicro certamini dati; ceterum non imago fuit pugnae, sed tamquam de regno dimicaretur, ita concurrerunt, multaque vulnera rudibus facta, nec praeter ferrum quicquam defuit ad iustam belli speciem.

[¶50] 6.7. The division which was under Demetrius was far superior. When Perseus was angered at this, his shrewder friends rejoiced and said that this was just the thing that would give grounds for accusing the young man.

> Latin: 6.7. pars ea, quae sub Demetrio erat, longe superior fuit. id aegre patiente Perseo laetari prudentes amici eius, eamque rem ipsam dicere praebituram causam criminandi iuvenis.

[¶51] 7.1. Each of the two that day held a banquet for his companions who had taken part in the charge with him, after Perseus had refused when invited to dinner by Demetrius.

> Latin: 7.1. convivium eo die sodalium, qui simul decurrerant, uterque habuit, cum vocatus ad cenam ab Demetrio Perseus negasset.

[¶52] 7.2. On the holiday courteous invitations and youthful jollity encouraged both parties to drinking.

> Latin: 7.2. festo die invitatio benigna et hilaritas iuvenalis utrosque in vinum traxit.

[¶53] 7.3. There reminiscences of the sham battle and jokes at their opponents were bandied about, so that not even the leaders themselves were spared.

> Latin: 7.3. commemoratio ibi certaminis ludicri et iocosa dicta in adversarios, ita ut ne ipsis quidem ducibus abstineretur, iactabantur.

[¶54] 7.4. When a spy, sent from the party of Perseus to catch remarks, was hovering incautiously too close, he was captured and roughly handled by some young men who happened to be leaving the dining room.

> Latin: 7.4. ad has excipiendas voces speculator ex convivis Persei missus cum incautior obversaretur, exceptus a iuvenibus forte triclinio egressis male mulcatur.

[¶55] 7.5. Demetrius, knowing nothing of this occurrence, said, “Why don't we pursue our revels at my brother's, and by our openness and cheerfulness soothe his anger, if any is left from the battle?” All shouted out to go, except those who feared immediate vengeance for the spy whom they had beaten.

> Latin: 7.5. huius rei ignarus Demetrius ”quin comisatum “inquit” ad fratrem imus et iram eius, si qua ex certamine residet, simplicitate et hilaritate nostra lenimus?

[¶56] 7.6. When Demetrius was for taking them also with him, they concealed under their cloaks weapons wherewith to defend themselves if an attack should be made. There can be no secrets in internal strife. Each house was full of spies and traitors.

> Latin: 7.6. “omnes ire se conclamarunt praeter eos, qui speculatoris ab se pulsati praesentem ultionem metuebant. cum eos quoque Demetrius traheret, ferrum veste abdiderunt, quo se tutari, si qua vis fieret, possent.

[¶57] 7.7. An informer went ahead to Perseus, bearing the news that four young men armed with swords were coming with Demetrius. Although their reason was obvious —for he had heard that his companion had been beaten by them —he ordered the door to be bolted in order to make the affair look serious, and from the upper part of the house and the windows that faced the street he kept the revellers, as if they were coming to murder him, from approaching the door.

> Latin: 7.7. nihil occulti esse in intestina discordia potest. utraque domus speculatorum et proditorum plena erat. praecucurrit index ad Persea ferro subcinctos nuntians cum Demetrio quattuor adulescentes venire. etsi causa adparebat—nam ab iis pulsatum convivam suum audierat—,infamandae rei causa ianuam obserari iubet et ex parte superiore aedium versisque in viam fenestris comisatores, tamquam ad caedem suam venientes, aditu ianuae arcet.

[¶58] 7.9. Demetrius, under the influence of wine, after shouting for a while because he was shut out, returned to his banquet, ignorant of the significance of the whole affair.

> Latin: 7.9. Demetrius per vinum, quod excluderetur, paulisper vociferatus in convivium redit, totius rei ignarus.

[¶59] 8.1. The next day Perseus, as soon as he had the opportunity to see his father, entered the palace with a troubled look and stood in sight of his father, but at a distance, without speaking.

> Latin: 8.1. postero die Perseus, cum primum conveniendi potestas patris fuit, regiam ingressus perturbato vultu in conspectu patris tacitus procul constitit.

[¶60] 8.2. When his father said “Is it all right with you?” and asked what was the cause of his sadness, he replied, “You may count it as clear gain, I tell you, that I am alive. No longer are we being attacked by my brother with secret plots; he came last night with armed men to my house to kill me, and closing the doors I defended myself against his madness by the walls' protection.”

> Latin: 8.2. [cui] cum pater ” satin salve? “et quaenam ea maestitia esset interrogaret eum,” de lucro tibi “inquit” vivere me scito. iam non occultis a fratre petimur insidiis; nocte cum armatis domum ad interficiendum me venit, clausisque foribus parietum praesidio me a furore eius sum tutatus.

[¶61] 8.3. When he had inspired in his father fear mixed with wonder, he went on: “But if you can give this your attention, I shall cause you to grasp it clearly.”

> Latin: 8.3. “cum pavorem mixtum admiratione patri iniecisset,” atqui si aures praebere potes “ inquit,” manifestam rem teneas faciam.

[¶62] 8.4. Philip said that he would indeed listen, and immediately ordered Demetrius to be summoned; he also sent for two older men, his friends, who took no part in the youthful rivalries between the brothers and nowadays were rarely at the court, Lysimachus and Onomastus, to serve as his counsellors.

> Latin: 8.4. “enimvero se Philippus dicere auditurum, vocarique extemplo Demetrium iussit, et seniores amicos duos, expertes iuvenalium inter fratres certaminum, infrequentes iam in regia, Lysimachum et Onomastum, accersit, quos in consilio haberet.

[¶63] 8.5. While his friends were coming, he walked up and down alone, turning over many things in his mind, while his son stood apart.

> Latin: 8.5. dum veniunt amici, solus filio procul stante multa secum animo volutans inambulavit.

[¶64] 8.6. When it was announced that they had come he retired into the interior part of the palace with his two friends and as many bodyguards; he permitted his sons to bring in three unarmed men each.

> Latin: 8.6. postquam venisse eos nuntiatum est, secessit in partem interiorem cum duobus amicis, totidem custodibus corporis; filiis, ut ternos inermes secum introducerent, permisit.

[¶65] 8.7. When he had taken his seat there, he spoke as follows: “Here I sit, a most wretched father, as judge between my two sons, accuser and accused on a charge of parricide, doomed as I am to discover in my own household the dishonour of either the invention or the commission of a crime.”

> Latin: 8.7. ibi cum consedisset,” sedeo“inquit” miserrimus pater, iudex inter duos filios, accusatorem parricidii et reum, aut conficti aut admissi criminis labem apud meos inventurus.

[¶66] 8.8. “For a long time, indeed, I had been fearing this threatening storm, when I saw your looks at one another, looks in no wise brotherly, and when I heard certain words.”

> Latin: 8.8. iam pridem quidem hanc procellam inminentem timebam, cum vultus inter vos minime fraternos cernerem, cum voces quasdam exaudirem.

[¶67] 8.9. “But sometimes hope entered my mind that your passions might burn out, that your suspicions might be cleared away. I told myself that even hostile nations had laid down their arms and made treaties and that the private quarrels of many had been ended;”

> Latin: 8.9. sed interdum spes animum subibat deflagrare iras vestras, purgari suspiciones posse: etiam hostes armis positis foedus icisse et privatas multorum simultates finitas;

[¶68] 8.10. “I hoped that some day a recollection of your kinship would come to you, of your one-time boyish frankness and mutual intercourse, and finally of my teachings, which I fear that I have recited in vain to unhearing ears.”

> Latin: 8.10. subituram vobis aliquando germanitatis memoriam, puerilis quondam simplicitatis consuetudinisque inter vos, meorum denique praeceptorum, quae, vereor, ne vana surdis auribus cecinerim.

[¶69] 8.11. “How often in your presence, hating the examples of discord between brothers, I have reviewed the dreadful fates of those men who had utterly destroyed themselves, their houses, their homes, their kingdoms!”

> Latin: 8.11. quotiens ego audientibus vobis detestatus exempla discordiarum fraternarum horrendos eventus eorum rettuli, quibus se stirpemque suam, domos, regna funditus evertissent!

[¶70] 8.12. “On the other side also I set better examples: the harmonious compact between the pairs of Lacedaemonian kings, beneficial for many ages to themselves and to the state;”

> Latin: 8.12. meliora quoque exempla parte altera posui, sociabilem consortionem inter binos Lacedaemoniorum reges, salutarem per multa saecula ipsis patriaeque;

[¶71] 8.13. “the destruction of the same city after the custom had grown up that each should seize the tyranny for himself. Again I pointed out that the brothers Attalus ” “and Eumenes, from beginnings so small that one would almost be ashamed to use the name of king, have made their kingdom equal to me, to Antiochus, to any king whatever of this age, and for no other reason than brotherly harmony.”

> Latin: 8.13. eandem civitatem, postquam mos sibi cuique rapiendi tyrannidem exortus sit, eversam; iam hos Eumenem Attalumque fratres, a tam exiguis rebus, prope ut puderet regii nominis, mihi, Antiocho, cuilibet regum huius aetatis nulla re magis quam fraterna unanimitate regnum aequasse.

[¶72] 8.15. “I did not avoid even Roman examples which I had either seen or heard of, that of Titus and Lucius Quinctius, who carried on the war against me, that of Publius and Lucius Scipio, who overthrew Antiochus, or of their father and uncle, whose enduring companionship in life death also cemented fast. Neither has the guilt of the former cases and the result, which was as horrible as the guilt, been able to deter you from your mad quarrelling nor the good feeling and good fortune which attended the latter to urge you to sanity.”

> Latin: 8.15. ne Romanis quidem exemplis abstinui, quae aut visa aut audita habebam, T. et L. Quinctiorum, qui bellum mecum gesserunt, P. et L. Scipionum, qui Antiochum devicerunt, patris patruique eorum, quorum perpetuam vitae concordiam mors quoque miscuit.

[¶73] 8.16. “While I live and breathe, you, with wicked hopes and wicked desires as well, have both entered into my heritage.”

> Latin: 8.16. neque vos illorum scelus similisque sceleri eventus deterrere a vaecordi discordia potuit, neque horum bona mens, bona fortuna ad sanitatem flectere.

[¶74] 8.17. “You wish me to live only until the time when, by surviving one of you, I shall by my death make the other an unquestioned king.”

> Latin: 8.17. vivo et spirante me hereditatem meam ambo et spe et cupiditate inproba crevistis.

[¶75] 8.18. “You cannot brook either a brother or a father. Nothing dear, nothing sacred, exists for you. In place of everything else there has come an insatiable desire for one thing —the throne. Come, pollute your father's ears, reach by means of accusations the decision which you will presently reach with the sword, say openly whatever you can that is true or whatever you are pleased to invent:”

> Latin: 8.18. eo usque me vivere vultis, donec alterius vestrum superstes haud ambiguum regem alterum mea morte faciam. nec fratrem nec patrem potestis pati; nihil cari, nihil sancti est; in omnium vicem regni unius insatiabilis amor successit.

[¶76] 8.19. “my ears are open which hereafter will be closed to secret charges made by the one against the other.”

> Latin: 8.19. agite, conscelerate aures paternas, decernite criminibus, mox ferro decreturi; dicite palam, quidquid aut veri potestis aut libet comminisci;

[¶77] 8.20. When he had said this in a frenzy of rage, tears were shed by all, and for a long time a gloomy silence prevailed.

> Latin: 8.20. reseratae aures sunt, quae posthac secretis alterius ab altero criminibus claudentur. “haec furens ira cum dixisset, lacrimae omnibus obortae et diu maestum silentium tenuit.

[¶78] 9.1. Then Perseus spoke: "I should forsooth have opened my doors last night and admitted the armed revellers and offered my throat to their weapons, since a crime is not believed unless it has been committed, and I, after being attacked from ambush, hear the same reproaches as the brigand and the plotter.

> Latin: 9.1. tum Perseus” aperienda nimirum nocte ianua fuit et armati comisatores accipiendi praebendumque ferro iugulum, quoniam non creditur nisi perpetratum facinus, et eadem petitus insidiis audio, quae latro atque insidiator.

[¶79] 9.2. Not without reason do those people say that you have one son, Demetrius, and that I am illegitimate and born of a concubine.

> Latin: 9.2. non nequiquam isti unum Demetrium filium te habere, me subditum et paelice genitum adpellant.

[¶80] 9.3. For if I had any standing with you, or any of the affection due a son, you would not be enraged at me for complaining of detected plots, but at him who had contrived them, nor would my life be so cheap in your sight that you would be moved neither by my past nor by my future danger if the plotters go unpunished.

> Latin: 9.3. nam si gradum, si caritatem filii apud te haberem, non in me querentem deprehensas insidias, sed in eum, qui fecisset, saevires, nec adeo vilis tibi vita esset nostra, ut nec praeterito periculo meo movereris neque futuro, si insidiantibus sit inpune.

[¶81] 9.5. And so, if it is right that I should die in silence, let me be silent, praying only to the gods that the crime which began with me may have its end with me, and that the sword may not reach through my body to yours.

> Latin: 9.5. itaque si mori tacitum oportet, taceamus, precati tantum deos, ut a me coeptum scelus in me finem habeat, nec per meum latus tu petaris;

[¶82] 9.6. But if, however, as nature herself suggests when men are set upon in a lonely place, that they shall nevertheless implore the aid of men whom they have never seen, so, if I too, when I see the sword drawn against me, am permitted to cry out, by your life and by the name of father (and you have long since seen by which of us that name is more respected), I beg that you will listen to me as if you, aroused during the night by my cries and laments, had yourself responded to my appeal, and had caught Demetrius and his armed band in the dead of night at my vestibule.

> Latin: 9.6. sin autem, quod circumventis in solitudine natura ipsa subicit, ut hominum, quos numquam viderint, fidem tamen inplorent, mihi quoque ferrum in me strictum cernenti vocem mittere liceat, per te patriumque nomen, quod utri nostrum sanctius sit, iam pridem sentis, ita me audias, precor, tamquam si voce et comploratione nocturna excitus mihi quiritanti intervenisses, Demetrium cum armatis nocte intempesta in vestibulo meo deprehendisses.

[¶83] 9.7. My cry at that time, as I trembled at the presence of danger, is now, the next day, my complaint.

> Latin: 9.7. quod tum vociferarer in re praesenti pavidus, hoc nunc postero die queror.

[¶84] 9.8. My brother, we have long lived with one another in no spirit of boon companions. You wish of course to be king. In the way of this ambition of yours stand my age, the rule of nations, the ancient custom of Macedonia, and indeed also the decision of our father.

> Latin: 9.8. frater, non comisantium in vicem more iam diu vivimus inter nos. regnare utique vis. huic spei tuae obstat aetas mea, obstat gentium ius, obstat vetustus Macedoniae mos, obstat vero etiam patris iudicium.

[¶85] 9.9. You cannot surmount these obstacles except by killing me. You try and attempt everything. Thus far either my care or my good fortune has thwarted your murderous designs.

> Latin: 9.9. haec transcendere nisi per meum sanguinem non potes. omnia moliris et temptas. adhuc seu cura mea seu fortuna restitit parricidio tuo.

[¶86] 9.10. Yesterday, in the purification and the manoeuvres and the holiday's sham battle, you almost made the fight fatal, nor did anything else save me from death except that I permitted myself and my force to be defeated. From this warlike combat, as though it had been a game between brothers, you tried to entice me to your dinner.

> Latin: 9.10. hesterna die in lustratione et decursu et simulacro ludicro pugnae funestum prope proelium fecisti, nec me aliud a morte vindicavit, quam quod me ac meos vinci passus sum.

[¶87] 9.11. Do you think, father, that I should have dined among unarmed guests, when armed men came to my house to conduct their revels? Do you think that I should not have been in danger from swords at night when in the day-time, before your eyes, they had well-nigh killed me with headless spears? Why, Demetrius, do you come late at night, why in hostile mood to an angry man, why accompanied by young men equipped with swords?

> Latin: 9.11. ab hostili proelio tamquam fraterno lusu pertrahere me ad cenam voluisti. credis me, pater, inter inermes convivas cenaturum fuisse, ad quem armati comisatum venerunt? credis nihil mihi a gladiis nocte periculi fuisse, quem rudibus te inspectante prope occiderunt?

[¶88] 9.12. I did not dare to entrust myself to you as a dinner-guest: should I receive you when you came as a reveller with armed attendants?

> Latin: 9.12. quid hoc noctis, quid inimicus ad iratum, quid cum ferro subcinctis iuvenibus venis? convivam me tibi committere ausus non sum;

[¶89] 9.13. If my door had been open, father, you would be preparing my funeral at this very moment when you are hearing my complaint. I am not, like a prosecutor, pleading by innuendo nor deducing uncertain consequences from evidence. What now? Does he deny that he came to my door with a crowd or that there were armed men with him?

> Latin: 9.13. comisatorem te cum armatis venientem recipiam? si aperta ianua fuisset, funus meum parares hoc tempore, pater, quo querentem audis. nihil ego tamquam accusator criminose nec dubia argumentis colligendo ago.

[¶90] 9.14. Summon those men whom I shall name. They can indeed dare anything who have dared this: yet they will not dare to deny it.

> Latin: 9.14. quid enim? negat venisse se cum multitudine ad ianuam meam, an ferro subcinctos secum fuisse? quos nominavero, arcesse. possunt quidem omnia audere, qui hoc ausi sunt, non tamen audebunt negare.

[¶91] 9.15. If I should bring them before you, having arrested them with weapons within my threshold, you would consider the case as clear: pray consider them, since they admit their guilt, as men arrested.

> Latin: 9.15. si deprehensos intra limen meum cum ferro ad te deducerem, rem pro manifesto haberes;

[¶92] 10.1. "Curse now this lust for the throne, and awake the furies that avenge a brother's death. But, father, lest your curses be blind, sort out and distinguish between the plotter and the intended victim of the plot: let your wrath fall upon the guilty head.

> Latin: 10.1. fatentes pro deprehensis habe. exsecrare nunc cupiditatem regni et furias fraternas concita. sed ne sint caecae, pater, exsecrationes tuae; discerne, dispice insidiatorem et petitum insidiis;

[¶93] 10.2. Let him who planned to kill his brother find also his father's gods incensed; let him who was to perish by his brother's crime find refuge in the mercy and justice of his father.

> Latin: 10.2. noxium incesse caput. qui occisurus fratrem fuit, habeat etiam iratos paternos deos; qui periturus fraterno scelere fuit, perfugium in patris misericordia et iustitia habeat.

[¶94] 10.3. For whither else am I to flee, for whom the ritual purification of your army, the manoeuvres of the troops, my home, the feast, the night, which nature in her kindness gave as a time of rest for mortals, are not safe?

> Latin: 10.3. quo enim alio confugiam, cui non sollemne lustrale exercitus tui, non decursus militum, non domus, non epulae, non nox ad quietem data naturae beneficio mortalibus tuta est?

[¶95] 10.4. If I go to my brother on his invitation, I must die; if I receive my brother on his revels within my gates, I must die: neither by going nor by staying do I avoid the ambush.

> Latin: 10.4. si iero ad fratrem invitatus, moriendum est; si recepero intra ianuam comisatum fratrem, moriendum est: nec eundo nec manendo insidias evito. quo me conferam?

[¶96] 10.5. Whither shall I turn? To nought have I done reverence, father, save to the gods and you. It is not the Romans to whom I can flee: they wish my death because I grieve at the wrongs which have been done to you, because I am angry that so many cities, so many tribes, and now the coast of Thrace, have been taken from you.

> Latin: 10.5. nihil praeter deos, pater, et te colui. non Romanos habeo, ad quos confugiam: perisse expetunt, quia tuis iniuriis doleo, quia tibi ademptas tot urbes, tot gentes, modo Thraciae maritimam oram indignor. nec me nec te incolumi Macedoniam suam futuram sperant;

[¶97] 10.6. While either I or you survive, they have no hope that Macedonia will be theirs. If a brother's crime shall carry me off and old age you, or if they do not even wait for that, they know that the king and kingdom of Macedonia will be theirs. If the Romans had left you anything outside of Macedonia, I should believe that what was left would be a safe hiding-place for me also.

> Latin: 10.6. si me scelus fratris, te senectus absumpserit aut ne ea quidem expectata fuerit, regem regnumque Macedoniae sua futura sciunt. si quid extra Macedoniam tibi Romani reliquissent, mihi quoque id relictum crederem receptaculum.

[¶98] 10.7. But, some one may say, there is sufficient protection in the Macedonians. You saw yesterday the attack of the soldiers upon me. What was lacking to them except steel?

> Latin: 10.7. at in Macedonibus satis praesidii est. vidisti hesterno die inpetum militum in me. quid illis defuit nisi ferrum? quod illis defuit interdiu, convivae fratris noctu sumpserunt.

[¶99] 10.8. What was lacking to them by day my brother's guests took up at night. What shall I say about the great proportion of our leading men, who have placed in the Romans all hopes of advancement and power, and in him who is all-powerful with the Romans? Nor, by Hercules, is it merely that they prefer him to me, his elder brother, but it is not far from true that they prefer him even to you yourself, king and father though you are.

> Latin: 10.8. quid de magna parte principum loquar, qui in Romanis spem omnem dignitatis et fortunae posuerunt et in eo, qui omnia apud Romanos potest? neque hercule istum mihi tantum fratri maiori, sed prope est, ut tibi quoque ipsi, regi et patri, praeferant.

[¶100] 10.9. For he it is through whose generosity the senate remitted the penalty to you, who now safeguards you from Roman arms, who deems it right that your old age should be bound and beholden to his youth.

> Latin: 10.9. iste enim est, cuius beneficio poenam tibi senatus remisit, qui nunc te ab armis Romanis protegit, qui tuam senectutem obligatam et obnoxiam adulescentiae suae esse aequum censet.

[¶101] 10.10. For him stand the Romans, for him, all the cities liberated from your authority, for him the Macedonians who rejoice in the Roman peace. For me, father, what hope or support is there anywhere except in you?

> Latin: 10.10. pro isto Romani stant, pro isto omnes urbes tuo imperio liberatae, pro isto Macedones, qui pace Romana gaudent: mihi praeter te, pater, quid usquam aut spei aut praesidii est?

[¶102] 11.1. “What do you think is the purpose of that letter which has just been sent to you by Titus Quinctius, in which he says first that you took good care of your interests when you sent Demetrius to Rome, and then urges that you send him again, accompanied by a longer train of ambassadors and chieftains of the Macedonians?”

> Latin: 11.1. quo spectare illas litteras ad te nunc missas T. Quincti credis, quibus et bene te consuluisse rebus tuis ait, quod Demetrium Romam miseris, et hortatur, ut iterum et cum pluribus legatis et primoribus eum remittas Macedonum?

[¶103] 11.2. “Titus Quinctius is now his guide and teacher in all matters. You, his father, have been pushed aside, and he has chosen Quinctius to put in your place. There above all have secret plans been devised.”

> Latin: 11.2. T. Quinctius nunc est auctor omnium rerum isti et magister; eum sibi te abdicato patre in locum tuum substituit; illic ante omnia clandestina cocta sunt consilia.

[¶104] 11.3. “It is assistants in carrying out these plans that they are seeking, since he bids you send with him more Macedonians and chiefs of the state. Those who go to Rome from here sound and untainted, believing that they have Philip for their king, return from there stained and corrupted by Roman enchantments.”

> Latin: 11.3. quaeruntur adiutores consiliis, cum te plures et principes Macedonum cum isto mittere iubet. qui hinc integri et sinceri Romam eunt, Philippum regem se habere credentes, imbuti illinc et infecti Romanis delenimentis redeunt. Demetrius iis unus omnia est; eum iam regem vivo patre adpellant.

[¶105] 11.4. “Demetrius alone is everything to them, and even now, while his father is alive, they hail him as king. If I am indignant at these things, I must at once listen to the charge, not from others alone, but even from you, father, that I am coveting the throne! But for my part, if this charge is put forward openly, I do not admit its truth.” “For whom am I removing from his proper place, that I may step into his place? Only my father is before me, and I pray the gods that he may long be there.”

> Latin: 11.4. haec si indignor, audiendum est statim non ab aliis solum, sed etiam a te, pater, cupiditatis regni crimen. ego vero, si in medio ponitur, non agnosco. quem enim suo loco moveo, ut ipse in eius locum succedam? unus ante me pater est, et, ut diu sit, deos rogo.

[¶106] 11.6. “Should I survive —and may I so behave that he may himself wish me to survive, if I deserve it —I shall receive the inheritance of the kingship if my father will hand it on to me.”

> Latin: 11.6. superstes—et ita sim, si merebor, ut ipse me esse velit—hereditatem regni, si pater tradet, accipiam.

[¶107] 11.7. “He covets the throne and indeed covets it to the point of crime, since he hastens to leap over precedence in age, in nature, the usage of the Macedonians, the law of nations. ' My elder brother' says Demetrius, 'stands in my way, to whom the kingdom belongs by law and also by our father's wish.”

> Latin: 11.7. cupit regnum, et quidem scelerate cupit, qui transcendere festinat ordinem aetatis, naturae, moris Macedonum, iuris gentium. “obstat frater maior, ad quem iure, voluntate etiam patris, regnum pertinet;

[¶108] 11.8. “Let him be removed: I shall not have been the first to seek a kingdom by murdering a brother. Our father, an old man and lonely, bereaved of his son, will fear too much for himself to avenge the death of his son.” “The Romans will rejoice, will applaud, will defend my act.' ” “Such hopes, father, are uncertain but not groundless.

> Latin: 11.8. tollatur: non primus regnum fraterna caede petiero, pater senex et [filio] solus [orbatus] de se magis timebit, quam ut filii necem ulciscatur. Romani laetabuntur, probabunt, defendent factum, “ hae spes incertae, pater, sed non inanes sunt.

[¶109] 11.10. For such is the situation: you can avert the peril to my life by punishing those who have armed themselves against me; if success attends their crime, you yourself will be unable to avenge my death.”

> Latin: 11.10. ita enim se res habet: periculum vitae propellere a me potes puniendo eos, qui ad me interficiendum ferrum sumpserunt; si facinori eorum successerit, mortem mean idem tu persequi non poteris.”.

[¶110] 12.1. When Perseus had finished speaking, the eyes of all who were present were turned on Demetrius, as if he would instantly reply.

> Latin: 12.1. postquam dicendi finem Perseus fecit, coniecti eorum, qui aderant, oculi in Demetrium sunt, velut confestim responsurus esset.

[¶111] 12.2. Then a long silence followed, in which it was clear to all that, choked with tears, he could not speak. At length his grief was overcome by his real necessity, when they commanded him to speak, and he thus began: "All those devices, father, which used to be of assistance to the accused, my accuser has been beforehand in seizing.

> Latin: 12.2. deinde diu fuit silentium, cum perfusum fletu adpareret omnibus loqui non posse. tandem vicit dolorem ipsa necessitas, cum dicere iuberent, atque ita orsus est “ omnia, quae reorum antea fuerant auxilia, pater, praeoccupavit accusator.