---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 42 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 42. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 42. Book XL · chapters 12–22

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/42/#p-N

[¶0] 12.3. With tears forced for the ruin of his opponent he has made my genuine tears suspicious in your sight.

> Latin: 12.3. simulatis lacrimis in alterius perniciem veras meas lacrimas suspectas tibi fecit.

[¶1] 12.4. Although he himself, ever since I returned from Rome, has been plotting day and night in secret conferences with his friends, he has taken the lead and put upon me the appearance, not merely of a conspirator, but of a professed bandit and murderer.

> Latin: 12.4. cum ipse, ex quo ab Roma redii, per occulta cum suis conloquia dies noctesque insidietur, ultro mihi non insidiatoris modo, sed latronis manifesti et percussoris speciem induit.

[¶2] 12.5. He terrifies you with his own danger, in order that through your help he may hasten the ruin of his innocent brother. He claims that he has no place of refuge anywhere in the world, and so brings it to pass that I have no remnant of hope even in you.

> Latin: 12.5. periculo suo te exterret, ut innoxio fratri per eundem te maturet perniciem. perfugium sibi nusquam gentium esse ait, ut ego ne apud te quidem spei quicquam reliquae habeam, circumventum, solum, inopem, invidia gratiae externae, quae obest potius quam prodest, onerat.

[¶3] 12.6. Me, encompassed with foes, abandoned, poor, he loads with the reproach of having influence abroad, which is a hindrance rather than a help. Again, see how like an accuser he was in mingling last night's offence with an indictment of my general mode of life, with the result that this incident, whose nature you will soon understand, he made suspicious by the conduct of my life in other respects, and that he bolstered up that mass of innuendo about my hopes, desires, plans, by this invented and fictitious dramatization of last night's affair.

> Latin: 12.6. iam illud quam accusatorie, quod noctis huius crimen miscuit cum cetera insectatione vitae meae, ut et hoc, quod iam quale sit scies, suspectum alio vitae nostrae tenore faceret et illam vanam criminationem spei, voluntatis, consiliorum meorum nocturno hoc ficto et composito argumento fulciret?

[¶4] 12.8. At the same time the object that he sought was that his accusation might seem sudden and entirely uncalculated, arising forsooth out of the fear and sudden tumult of last night.

> Latin: 12.8. simul et illud quaesivit, ut repentina et minime praeparata accusatio videretur, quippe ex noctis huius metu et tumultu repentino exorta.

[¶5] 12.9. But, Perseus, if I was the betrayer of my father and the kingdom, if I had conspired with the Romans and other enemies of my father, you should not have waited for the drama of last night, but should long before have impeached me for treason:

> Latin: 12.9. oportuit autem, Perseu, si proditor ego patris regnique eram, si cum Romanis, si cum aliis inimicis patris inieram consilia, non expectatam fabulam esse noctis huius, sed proditionis [meae] ante me accusatum;

[¶6] 12.10. but if, when this recent episode was left out of account, that former accusation was baseless and was likely to prove your ill-will toward me rather than my guilt, you should either have omitted it to-day also or have postponed it to another occasion, so that the question might be investigated independently as to whether I had plotted against you or you against me, employing indeed a new and remarkable form of hatred. I, nevertheless, so far as I shall be able in this unexpected confusion, shall take apart those things which you have made into one and shall reveal last night's plot, whether yours or mine.

> Latin: 12.10. si illa, separata ab hac, vana accusatio erat invidiamque tuam adversus me magis quam crimen meum indicatura, hodie quoque eam aut praetermitti aut in aliud tempus differri, ut per se quaereretur, utrum ego tibi an tu mihi, novo quidem et singulari genere odii, insidias fecisses.

[¶7] 12.12. Perseus wishes it to appear that I had formed a conspiracy to kill him, with the apparent design that after removing my elder brother, to whom the throne was destined to come by the law of nations, by the custom of the Macedonians, and also (so he says) by your decision, I, the younger, might succeed to the place of him whom I had killed.

> Latin: 12.12. ego tamen, quantum in hac subita perturbatione potero, separabo ea, quae tu confudisti, et noctis huius insidias aut tuas aut meas detegam.

[¶8] 12.13. What, then, does that second part of his speech mean, in which he asserts that I have paid court to the Romans and have formed hopes for the throne through reliance on them?

> Latin: 12.13. occidendi sui consilium inisse me videri vult, ut scilicet maiore fratre sublato, cuius iure gentium, more Macedonum, tuo etiam, ut ait, iudicio regnum est futurum, ego minor in eius, quem occidissem, succederem locum.

[¶9] 12.14. For if I thought that the Romans possessed so much influence that they could make whomever they chose king of Macedonia, and if, moreover, I trusted that my influence with them was so strong, what need was there of murder?

> Latin: 12.14. quid ergo illa sibi vult pars altera orationis, qua Romanos a me cultos ait atque eorum fiducia in spem regni me venisse?

[¶10] 12.15. Was it in order that I might wear a crown besprinkled with a brother's blood? In order that to those very people among whom I have influence, if I have any, gained by an integrity which is either real or at least assumed, I might be the object of execration and hatred? Unless you think that Titus Quinctius, by whose nod and advice you now accuse me of being ruled, although he himself lives on such terms of devotion with his brother, has counselled me to murder my brother.

> Latin: 12.15. nam si et in Romanis tantum momenti credebam esse, ut quem vellent inponerent Macedoniae regem, et meae tantum apud eos gratiae confidebam, quid opus parricidio fuit? an ut cruentum diadema fraterna caede gererem? ut illis ipsis, apud quos aut vera aut certe simulata probitate partam gratiam habeo, si quam forte habeo, exsecrabilis et invisus essem?

[¶11] 12.17. This same brother of mine has adduced, not only my influence with the Romans, but also the opinions of the Macedonians and the agreement, almost, of all gods and men, and by reason of all these things he believed that he would not be equal to me in a contest:

> Latin: 12.17. nisi T. Quinctium credis, cuius virtute et consiliis me nunc arguis regi, cum et ipse tali pietate vivat cum fratre, mihi fraternae caedis fuisse auctorem.

[¶12] 12.18. at the same time, as if I were inferior in everything else, he charges that I have fled to the last refuge of crime.

> Latin: 12.18. idem non Romanorum gratiam solum, sed Macedonum iudicia ac paene omnium deorum hominumque consensum conlegit, per quae omnia se mihi parem in certamine non futurum crediderit;

[¶13] 12.19. Do you wish, Perseus, the rule to be applied to the investigation, that whichever of us fears that the other might seem more worthy of the kingship should be judged to have formed the plan of killing his brother?

> Latin: 12.19. idem, tamquam in aliis omnibus rebus inferior essem, ad sceleris ultimam spem confugisse me insimulat. vis hanc formulam cognitionis esse, ut uter timuerit, ne alter dignior videretur regno, is consilium obprimendi fratris iudicetur cepisse?”

[¶14] 13.1. "Let us, however, follow out the details of this charge, in whatever way it was concocted. His charge is that he was attacked in many ways, and he has brought together all these methods of attack into a single day.

> Latin: 13.1. ”exsequamur tamen quocumque modo conficti ordinem criminis. pluribus modis se petitum criminatus est et omnes insidiarum vias in unum diem contulit.

[¶15] 13.2. I wished to slay him by day, after the purification, when we clashed, and more than that (heaven help us!) on the day of purifications; I wished to kill him, I suppose by poison, when I invited him to dinner; I wished, when men armed with swords attended me on my revels, to kill him with the steel.

> Latin: 13.2. volui interdiu eum post lustrationem, cum concurrimus, et quidem, si diis placet, lustrationum die, occidere; volui, cum ad cenam invitavi, veneno scilicet tollere; volui, cum comisatum gladiis adcincti me secuti sunt, ferro interficere.

[¶16] 13.3. You see, indeed, what sorts of occasions are selected for this murder: times of sport, of feasting, of revelry. Well, what sort of day was it? The day when the army was purified, when between the parts of the divided victim, with the royal arms of all the kings who have ever ruled in Macedonia borne before us, we two alone, riding at your side, father, led the way and the host of the Macedonians followed: on this day, even if I had previously committed some act demanding atonement, was I, purified and with atonement made by the rite, at the very time when I could see the sacrificial victim lying on either side of our line of march, was I, I say, then revolving in my mind murder, poisons, swords made ready for the revels —that I might find in what other rites expiation for a conscience stained with every crime?

> Latin: 13.3. tempora quidem qualia sint ad parricidium electa vides, lusus, convivii, comisationis. quid? dies qualis? quo lustrans exercitus, quo inter divisam victimam, praelatis omnium, qui umquam fuere, Macedoniae regum armis regiis, duo soli tua tegentes latera, pater, praevecti sumus et secutum est Macedonum agmen— ,hoc ego, etiam si quid antea admisissem piaculo dignum, lustratus et expiatus sacro, tum cum maxime in hostiam itineri nostro circumdatam intuens, parricidium, venena, gladios in comisationem praeparatos volutabam in animo, ut quibus aliis deinde sacris contaminatam omni scelere mentem expiarem?

[¶17] 13.5. But a mind blinded by the desire to find grounds for accusation, while it tries to make everything seem suspicious, confuses one thing with another.

> Latin: 13.5. sed caecus criminandi cupiditate animus, dum omnia suspecta efficere vult, aliud alio confundit.

[¶18] 13.6. For, Perseus, if I wished to kill you with poison at the dinner, what was less suitable than by a stubborn contest and clash to make you angry, so that you would justly refuse, as you did, to come when I invited you to dinner? But when you had in your anger refused, which should I have done?

> Latin: 13.6. nam si veneno te inter cenam tollere volui, quid minus aptum fuit quam pertinaci certamine et concursu iratum te efficere, ut merito, sicut fecisti invitatus ad cenam abnueres?

[¶19] 13.7. Should I have tried every means to appease you, that I might find another opportunity, since I had the poison once made ready? Or should I leap, so to speak, from that plan straight to another, namely, to kill you with a sword, and on that very same day, under the pretence of a revel?

> Latin: 13.7. cum autem iratus negasses, utrum, ut placarem te, danda opera fuit, ut aliam quaererem occasionem, quoniam semel venenum paraveram, an ab illo consilio velut transiliendum ad aliud fuit, ut ferro te, et quidem eo die, per speciem comisationis occiderem?

[¶20] 13.9. Further, on what line of reasoning, if I believed that it was from fear of death that you avoided my dinner, could I think that after that you would not from the same fear avoid my revel also?

> Latin: 13.9. quo deinde modo, si te metu mortis credebam cenam evitasse meam, non ab eodem metu comisationem quoque evitaturum existimabam?”

[¶21] 14.1. "There is no reason, father, why I should blush if, on a day of feasting with companions of my own age I indulged too lavishly in wine.

> Latin: 14.1. “Non est res, qua erubescam, pater, si die festo inter aequales largiore vino sum usus.

[¶22] 14.2. Even you, brother, I should like to have you ask with what rejoicing, with what merriment last night's banquet was conducted at my house, heightened, too, by our delight —base, perhaps —in the fact that in the youthful contest of arms our side had not been inferior.

> Latin: 14.2. tu quoque velim inquiras, qua laetitia quo lusu apud me celebratum hesternum convivium sit illo etiam, pravo forsitan, gaudio provehente, quod in iuvenali armorum certamine pars nostra non inferior fuerat. miseria haec et metus crapulam facile excusserunt;

[¶23] 14.3. My present wretchedness and fear easily shook off my drunken stupor; had it not been for them, we 'plotters' would now be lying asleep.

> Latin: 14.3. quae si non intervenissent, insidiatores nos sopiti iaceremus.

[¶24] 14.4. If I had intended to take your house by storm and having taken it to put its owner to death, should I not have refrained from wine for one day and caused my soldiers to abstain?

> Latin: 14.4. si domum tuam expugnaturus, capta domo dominum interfecturus eram, non temperassem vino in unum diem, non milites meos abstinuissem?

[¶25] 14.5. And, that I may not be the only one to defend myself on the basis of too much simplicity, even that brother of mine, utterly innocent and unsuspecting, no doubt, says, 'I know nothing else, I make no charge, except that they came to their revels armed.'

> Latin: 14.5. et ne ego me solus nimia simplicitate tuear, ipse quoque minime malus ac suspicax frater “nihil aliud scio” inquit, “nihil arguo, nisi quod cum ferro comisatum venerunt.

[¶26] 14.6. If I should ask how you know even that, you must needs confess either that my house was full of your spies or that they took up their weapons so openly that all men saw them.

> Latin: 14.6. ” si quaeram, unde id ipsum scias, necesse erit te fateri, aut speculatorum tuorum plenam domum fuisse meam aut illos ita aperte sumpsisse ferrum, ut omnes viderent.

[¶27] 14.7. And, father, lest he himself might appear either to have made some previous inquiry or now to be making calumnious charges, he bade you ask of those whom he should name whether they had had weapons, in order that, as if it were a case admitting doubt, when you had asked about a thing they admit, they might be held as convicted.

> Latin: 14.7. et ne quid ipse aut prius inquisisse aut nunc criminose argumentari videretur, te quaerere ex iis, quos nominasset, iubebat, an ferrum habuissent, ut tamquam in re dubia, cum id quaesisses, quod ipsi fatentur, pro convictis haberentur.

[¶28] 14.8. Why do you not, Perseus, bid him to ask these questions also —whether they had armed themselves for the purpose of killing you, whether it was at my suggestion and with my knowledge? For you wish one thing to be supposed, while what they confess and what is manifest is another. They say that they armed themselves in self-defence.

> Latin: 14.8. quin tu illud quaeri iubes, num tui occidendi causa ferrum sumpserint, num me auctore et sciente? hoc enim videri vis, non illud, quod fatentur et palam est.

[¶29] 14.9. Whether they acted rightly or wrongly they will themselves give account of their own actions: do not confuse their case with mine, which has nothing to do with that affair. Or tell us, Perseus, whether we purposed to attack you openly or secretly. If openly, why were not all of us armed? Why was no one armed except those who had beaten your spy?

> Latin: 14.9. sed sui se tuendi causa sumpsisse dicunt. recte an perperam fecerint, ipsi sui facti rationem reddent; meam causam, quae nihil eo facto contingitur, ne miscueris, aut explica, utrum aperte an clam te adgressuri fuerimus.

[¶30] 14.10. If secretly, what was the plan of campaign? When the banquet was over and I had departed on my revels, would the four have stayed behind to fall upon you in your sleep?

> Latin: 14.10. si aperte, cur non omnes ferrum habuimus? cur nemo praeter eos, qui tuum speculatorem pulsaverunt?

[¶31] 14.11. How would they have passed unnoticed, being strangers and my friends, and under suspicion especially because a little while before they had been involved in the quarrel? How, again, had they planned to escape after killing you? Could your house have been taken and captured by four swords?

> Latin: 14.11. si clam, quis ordo consilii fuit? convivio soluto cum comisator ego discessissem, quattuor substitissent, ut sopitum te adgrederentur, quomodo fefellissent et alieni et mei et maxime suspecti, quia paulo ante in rixa fuerant? quomodo autem trucidato te ipsi evasuri fuerunt? quattuor gladiis domus tua capi et expugnari potuit?”

[¶32] 15.1. “Why do you not, dropping that fairy-tale of last night, come back to that which irks you and causes you to burn with jealousy?”

> Latin: 15.1. “Quin tu omissa ista nocturna fabula ad id, quod doles, quod invidia urit, reverteris?

[¶33] 15.2. 'Why in the world, Demetrius,' you ask, 'do people ever talk of your becoming king? Why do some regard you as a worthier successor to our father's fortune than I? Why do you cause my hopes, which would be sure if you were not here, to be uncertain and confused?

> Latin: 15.2. “cur usquam regni tui mentio fit, Demetri? cur dignior patris fortunae successor quibusdam videris quam ego? cur sur spem meam, quae, si tu non esses, certa erat, dubiam et sollicitam facis?

[¶34] 15.3. ' This is what Perseus thinks, even if he does not say it; these are the thoughts that make him my enemy and my accuser, and that fill your home and your kingdom with charges and suspicions.

> Latin: 15.3. ” haec sentit Perseus, etsi non dicit; haec istum inimicum, haec accusatorem faciunt; haec domum, haec regnum tuum criminibus et suspicionibus replent.

[¶35] 15.4. “But I, father, as it may perhaps be my duty neither now to hope for the kingship nor ever to raise the question of it, since I am the younger, since you wish me to make way for the elder, so it neither was nor is my duty to seem unworthy of you my father, unworthy of all men.”

> Latin: 15.4. ego autem, pater, quem ad modum nec nunc sperare regnum nec ambigere umquam de eo forsitan debeam, quia minor sum, quia tu me maiori cedere vis, sic illud nec debui facere nec debeo, ut indignus, te patre indignus, omnibus videar.

[¶36] 15.5. “For this position I should attain by vices, not by modesty in making way for one to whom it is right and just that I should yield. You cast the Romans in my face, and things which should be a source of pride you turn into charges against me.”

> Latin: 15.5. id enim vitiis meis, non cedendi cui ius fasque est modestia consequar. Romanos obicis mihi et ea, quae gloriae esse debent, in crimen vertis.

[¶37] 15.6. “I did not ask either that I be given as a hostage to the Romans or sent as an ambassador to Rome. When sent by you, father, I did not refuse to go. On both occasions I so conducted myself as to bring no shame to you, your kingdom, or the Macedonian people.”

> Latin: 15.6. ego nec obses Romanis ut traderer nec ut legatus mitterer Romam, petii; a te missus ire non recusavi. utroque tempore ita me gessi, ne tibi pudori, ne regno tuo, ne genti Macedonum essem.

[¶38] 15.7. “And so, father, you were the cause of my friendship with the Romans. So long as the peace shall endure between you and them, so long will the friendship between me and them endure: if war shall break out, I, who have not been without usefulness as a hostage and an ambassador for my father, shall likewise be their bitterest foe.”

> Latin: 15.7. itaque mihi cum Romanis, pater, causa amicitiae tu fuisti. quoad tecum illis pax manebit, mecum quoque gratia erit; si bellum esse coeperit, qui obses, qui legatus pro patre non inutilis fui, idem hostis illis acerrimus ero.

[¶39] 15.8. “I do not ask that my friendship with the Romans shall help me to-day: I beg merely that it shall not hinder me. It did not begin in war and is not reserved for war: I was a pledge of peace, I was sent as an envoy to maintain the peace: let neither bring me either praise or blame.”

> Latin: 15.8. nec hodie, ut prosit mihi Romanorum gratia, postulo, ne obsit tantum, deprecor. nec in bello coepit, nec ad bellum reservatur; pacis pignus fui, ad pacem retinendam legatus missus sum: neutra res mihi nec gloriae nec crimini sit.

[¶40] 15.9. “If I have done anything unfilial to you, father, or criminal to my brother, I object to no punishment: if I am innocent, I beg that jealousy may not consume me, since guilt cannot.”

> Latin: 15.9. ego si quid inpie in te, pater, si quid scelerate in fratrem admisi, nullam deprecor poenam; si innocens sum, ne invidia conflagrem, cum crimine non possim, deprecor.

[¶41] 15.10. “To-day is not the first time my brother has accused me, but to-day for the first time he accuses me openly, with no act of mine to justify him. If my father were angry at me, your duty, as my older brother, would be to intercede for the younger, to win forgiveness for my youth and my mistake. Where there should have been protection there is deadly peril. From the banquet and the revel, still half-asleep, I was hurried away to plead my defence on the charge of murder.”

> Latin: 15.10. non hodie me primum frater accusat, sed hodie primum aperte, nullo meo in se merito. si mihi pater succenseret, te maiorem fratrem pro minore deprecari oportebat, te adulescentiae, te errori veniam impetrare meo. ubi praesidium esse oportebat, ibi exitium est.

[¶42] 15.11. “Without advisors, without counsel, I am compelled to speak on my own behalf.” “If I had had to speak for another, I should have taken time to prepare and arrange my speech, and then what else would be at stake except my reputation for ability? While still in ignorance of the reason for my summons, I have listened to you in your anger ordering me to defend myself and my brother bringing charges against me.”

> Latin: 15.11. e convivio et comisatione prope semisomnus raptus sum ad causam parricidii dicendam. sine advocatis, sine patronis ipse pro me dicere cogor. si pro alio dicendum esset, tempus ad meditandum et componendam orationem sumpsissem, cum quid aliud quam ingenii fama periclitarer? ignarus, quid arcessitus essem, te iratum et iubentem dicere causam, fratrem accusantem audivi.

[¶43] 15.13. “He employed against me a speech arranged and rehearsed long in advance: I had only the time during which I was accused to find out what was at issue. Should I in that brief space of time have listened to my accuser or planned my defence?”

> Latin: 15.13. ille diu ante praeparata ac meditata in me oratione est usus; ego id tantum temporis, quo accusatus sum, ad cognoscendum, quid ageretur, habui.

[¶44] 15.14. “Stricken by this sudden and unexpected calamity, I could scarce understand what charges were brought against me, to say nothing of knowing how to defend myself. What hope should I have were my father not the judge?”

> Latin: 15.14. utrum momento illo horae accusatorem audirem, an defensionem meditarer? adtonitus repentino atque inopinato malo, vix quid obiceretur intellegere potui;

[¶45] 15.15. “If his love for me is less than for my elder brother, certainly his pity ought not to be less for me on my trial. For my prayer is that you will preserve me for myself and you; his demand is that you kill me for his security.”

> Latin: 15.15. nedum satis sciam, quo modo me tuear. quid mihi spei esset, nisi patrem iudicem haberem? apud quem etiam si caritate a fratre maiore vincor, misericordia certe reus vinci non debeo.

[¶46] 15.16. “What, father, do you think will become of me when you have turned the kingdom over to him, when even now he thinks it proper that he be gratified by my death?”

> Latin: 15.16. ego enim, ut me mihi tibique serves, precor; ille, ut me in securitatem suam occidas, postulat. quid eum, cum regnum ei tradideris, facturum credis in me esse, qui iam nunc sanguinem meum sibi indulgeri aequum censet?”

[¶47] 16.1. As he spoke thus, tears at once stopped his breath and choked his utterance. Philip, sending them away, after conferring for some time with his friends, gave judgment that he would not decide their case on the basis of words nor the discussion of a single hour, but, after inquiring into the life and manners of each and observing their words and actions in matters great and small, so that it was clear to all that the accusation regarding the preceding night had been easily refuted, but that Demetrius was suspected by reason of his excessive popularity with the Romans.

> Latin: 16.1. dicenti haec lacrimae simul spiritum et vocem intercluserunt. Philippus submotis iis paulisper conlocutus cum amicis pronuntiavit, non verbis se nec unius horae disceptatione causam eorum diiudicaturum, sed inquirendo in utriusque vitam ac mores, et dicta factaque in magnis parvisque rebus observando,

[¶48] 16.3. Such, in general, were the seeds, so to speak, of the Macedonian war which were sown while Philip was still alive, but the war for the most part was to be waged with Perseus.

> Latin: 16.3. ut omnibus adpareret, noctis proximae crimen facile revictum, suspectam nimiam cum Romanis Demetrii gratiam esse. haec vivo Philippo velut semina iacta sunt Macedonici belli, quod maxime cum Perseo gerendum erat.

[¶49] 16.4. Both consuls departed for the Ligurians, this being at the time the only consular province. And because their campaigns were successful there, a thanksgiving for one day was voted.

> Latin: 16.4. consules ambo in Ligures, quae tum una consularis provincia erat, proficiscuntur. et quia prospere ibi res gesserunt, supplicatio in unum diem decreta est.

[¶50] 16.5. About two thousand Ligurians came to the most remote boundary of the province of Gaul, where Marcellus was encamped, and asked that they be received under his protection. Marcellus, ordering the Ligurians to wait in the same place, consulted the senate by letter.

> Latin: 16.5. Ligurum duo milia fere ad extremum finem provinciae Galliae, ubi castra Marcellus habebat, venerunt, uti reciperentur orantes. Marcellus operiri eodem loco Liguribus iussis senatum per litteras consuluit.

[¶51] 16.6. The senate directed Marcus Ogulnius the praetor to reply to Marcellus that it was more correct for the consuls, whose province it was, than for them, to decide what was to the advantage of the state; on this occasion, also, that it was not their pleasure that the Ligurians should be received except in surrender, that the senate deemed it just that, if received, their arms should be taken from them, and that the Ligurians should be sent to the consuls.

> Latin: 16.6. senatus rescribere M. Ogulnium praetorem Marcello iussit, verius fuisse consules, quorum provincia esset, quam se, quid e re publica esset, decernere: tum quoque non placere, si per deditionem Ligures recipiat, receptis arma adimi; atque eos ad consules mitti senatum aequum censere.

[¶52] 16.7. At the same time the praetors Publius Manlius and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus arrived in their provinces, the former in Farther Spain, which province he had held in his first praetorship also, Spain as an assistant to the consul. This, however, gave him a sort of roving commission, and he operated in Farther Spain as well (XXXIV. xvii. 1 and the note).

> Latin: 16.7. praetores eodem tempore, P. Manlius in ulteriorem Hispaniam, quam et priore praetura provinciam obtinuerat, Q. Fulvius Flaccus in citeriorem pervenit exercitumque ab A. Terentio accepit; nam ulterior morte P. Semproni proconsulis sine imperio fuerat.

[¶53] 16.8. the latter in Nearer Spain, where he took over the army from Aulus Terentius: for the farther province had been without a governor since the death of Publius Sempronius the proconsul. The Celtiberians attacked Fulvius Flaccus while he was besieging a Spanish town, Urbicna by name. A number of hard battles were fought there, and many Roman soldiers suffered wounds and death. Fulvius prevailed by stubbornness, since by no attack could he be drawn away from the siege: the Celtiberians, worn out by the repeated battles, withdrew.

> Latin: 16.8. Fulvium Flaccum oppidum Hispanum Vrbicuam nomine obpugnantem Celtiberi adorti sunt. dura ibi proelia aliquot facta, multi Romani milites et vulnerati et interfecti sunt. vicit perseverantia Fulvius, quod nulla vi abstrahi ab obsidione potuit. Celtiberi fessi proeliis variis abscesserunt.

[¶54] 16.9. When their aid was lost, the city was within a few days captured and plundered; the praetor bestowed the booty upon the soldiers.

> Latin: 16.9. urbs amoto auxilio eorum intra paucos dies capta et direpta est; praedam militibus praetor concessit.

[¶55] 16.10. Fulvius, after taking this town, retired into winter-quarters, and Manlius did the same, having merely collected into one place the army which had been scattered and having done nothing else worth mentioning.

> Latin: 16.10. Fulvius hoc oppido capto, P. Manlius exercitu tantum in unum coacto, qui dissipatus fuerat, nulla alia memorabili gesta re exercitus in hiberna deduxerunt. haec ea aestate in Hispania gesta.

[¶56] 16.11. These were the events of this summer in Spain. Terentius, who had retired from that province, entered the City in ovation. In his procession he carried nine thousand three hundred and twenty pounds of silver, eighty-two pounds of gold and sixty-seven golden crowns.

> Latin: 16.11. Terentius, qui ex ea provincia decesserat, ovans urbem iniit. translatum argenti pondo novem milia trecenta viginti, auri octoginta pondo et duo, coronae aureae pondo sexaginta septem.

[¶57] 17.1. In the same year Roman arbitrators who were on the ground took part in a dispute about land-ownership between the Carthaginian people and King Masinissa.

> Latin: 17.1. eodem anno inter populum Carthaginiensem et regem Masinissam in re praesenti disceptatores Romani de agro fuerunt.

[¶58] 17.2. Gala, the father of Masinissa, had taken it from the Carthaginians; Syphax had driven Gala out of it and later, as a favour to his father-in-law Hasdrubal, had presented it as a gift to the Carthaginians; Masinissa had that year expelled the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 17.2. ceperat eum ab Carthaginiensibus pater Masinissae Gala; Galam Syphax inde expulerat, postea in gratiam soceri Hasdrubalis Carthaginiensibus dono dederat;

[¶59] 17.3. The case was argued before the Romans with no less ardour of temper than when they fought with arms in the line of battle.

> Latin: 17.3. Carthaginienses eo anno Masinissa expulerat. haud minore certamine animorum, quam cum ferro et acie dimicarunt, res acta apud Romanos.

[¶60] 17.4. The Carthaginians were reclaiming it because it had belonged to their forefathers and had then come again to them from Syphax. Masinissa maintained, first that he had recovered land belonging to his father's kingdom and second, that he was holding it under the law of nations;

> Latin: 17.4. Carthaginienses, quod maiorum suorum fuisset, deinde ab Syphace ad se pervenisset, repetebant. Masinissa paterni regni agrum se et recepisse et habere gentium iure aiebat; et causa et possessione superiorem esse;

[¶61] 17.5. he said that he had the advantage both of a good case and of actual possession; he was afraid of nothing else in the dispute except that a sense of shame on the part of the Romans, as they might be reluctant to give the appearance of having favoured an allied and friendly king as against the common enemy of themselves and him, might do him injury.

> Latin: 17.5. nihil aliud se in ea disceptatione metuere, quam ne pudor Romanorum, dum vereantur, ne quid socio atque amico regi adversus communes suos atque illius hostes indulsisse videantur, damno sit.

[¶62] 17.6. The commissioners did not change the right of possession, but referred the case without prejudice to the senate. Among the Ligurians nothing more happened. They had in the beginning retired into out-of-theway defiles, then disbanded their army and scattered everywhere to their own villages and strongholds.

> Latin: 17.6. legati possessionis ius non mutarunt, causam integram Romam ad senatum reiecerunt. in Liguribus nihil postea gestum. recesserant primum in devios saltus, deinde dimisso exercitu passim in vicos castellaque sua dilapsi sunt.

[¶63] 17.7. The consuls also wished to discharge their armies and consulted the senate on the matter. The Fathers directed that one of them should disband his army and come to Rome to conduct the election of magistrates for the coming year, and that the other with his legions should winter at Pisa.

> Latin: 17.7. consules quoque dimittere exercitum voluerunt, ac de ea re patres consuluerunt. alterum ex iis dimisso exercitu ad magistratus in annum creandos venire Romam iusserunt, alterum cum legionibus suis Pisis hiemare.

[¶64] 17.8. It was reported that the Transalpine Gauls were arming their young men and it was unknown into what part of Italy the multitude would pour. So the consuls arranged between themselves that Gnaeus Baebius should go to the elections because his brother Marcus Baebius was a candidate for the consulship.

> Latin: 17.8. fama erat Gallos Transalpinos iuventutem armare, nec, in quam regionem Italiae effusura se multitudo esset, sciebatur. ita inter se consules compararunt, ut Cn. Baebius ad comitia iret, quia M. Baebius frater eius consulatum petebat.

[¶65] 18.1. The election of consuls took place: the successful candidates were Publius Cornelius Lentulus and Marcus Baebius Tamphilus.

> Latin: 18.1. comitia consulibus rogandis fuere; creati P. Cornelius Lentulus M.

[¶66] 18.2. Next the praetors were chosen, two named Quintus Fabius, Maximus and Buteo, Tiberius Claudius Nero, Quintus Petilius Spurinus, Marcus Pinarius Rusca, Lucius Duronius. When they had been inaugurated, the provinces were assigned by lot.

> Latin: 18.2. Baebius Tamphilus. praetores inde facti duo Q. Fabii, Maximus et Buteo, Ti. Claudius Nero Q. Petilius Spurinus M. Pinarius Rusca L. Duronius.

[¶67] 18.3. Liguria was given to the consuls. Among the praetors, the civil jurisdiction was allotted to Quintus Petilius, that between citizens and aliens to Quintus Fabius Maximus, Gaul to Quintus Fabius Buteo, Sicily to Tiberius Claudius Nero, Sardinia to Marcus Pinarius, Apulia to Lucius Duronius;

> Latin: 18.3. his inito magistratu provinciae ita sorte evenerunt: Ligures consulibus, praetoribus Q. Petilio urbana, Q. Fabio Maximo peregrina, Q. Fabio Buteoni Gallia, Ti. Claudio Neroni Sicilia, M. Pinario Sardinia, L. Duronio Apulia;

[¶68] 18.4. the Histrians were also added because the news had come from Tarentum and Brundisium that the lands along the coasts were endangered by piracy on the part of the ships from across the sea. The Massilians made the same complaint about the ships of the Ligurians.

> Latin: 18.4. et Histri adiecti, quod Tarentini Brundisinique nuntiabant maritimos agros infestos transmarinarum navium latrociniis esse. eadem Massilienses de Ligurum navibus querebantur.

[¶69] 18.5. Then the armies were decreed —four legions for the consuls, each to consist of fifty-two hundred Roman infantry, and three hundred cavalry, and fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy.

> Latin: 18.5. exercitus inde decreti: quattuor legiones consulibus, quae quina milia ducenos Romanos pedites, trecenos haberent equites, et quindecim milia socium ac Latini nominis, octingenti equites.

[¶70] 18.6. In the Spains the imperium of the old praetors was extended, with the armies which they had, and they decreed as reinforcements three thousand Roman citizens and two hundred cavalry and of the allies of the Latin confederacy six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. Nor was care for the fleet omitted.

> Latin: 18.6. in Hispaniis prorogatum veteribus praetoribus imperium est cum exercitibus, quos haberent, et in supplementum decreta tria milia civium Romanorum, ducenti equites, et socium Latini nominis sex milia peditum, trecenti equites.

[¶71] 18.7. The consuls were directed to secure the election of a board of two for this purpose, by whom twenty ships, launched from the yards, would be manned by Roman citizens who had been slaves, serving as marines, employing free-born citizens only as commanders.

> Latin: 18.7. nec rei navalis cura omissa. duumviros in eam rem consules creare iussi, per quos naves viginti deductae navalibus sociis civibus Romanis, qui servitutem servissent, complerentur, ingenui tantum ut iis praeessent.

[¶72] 18.8. The defence of the coast was divided between the duumvirs, ten ships being assigned to each, in such a way that the promontory of Minerva was, so to speak, the joint between them; thence one should defend the right sector as far as Massilia, the other the left as far as Barium.

> Latin: 18.8. inter duumviros ita divisa tuenda denis navibus maritima ora, ut promunturium iis Minervae velut cardo in medio esset; alter inde dextram partem usque ad Massiliam, laevam alter usque ad Barium tueretur.

[¶73] 19.1. Many dreadful prodigies were both observed in Rome that year and reported from elsewhere.

> Latin: 19.1. prodigia multa foeda et Romae eo anno visa et nuntiata peregre.

[¶74] 19.2. In the precinct of Vulcan and Concord there was a shower of blood; and the pontiffs announced that the spears had been shaken, and the people of Lanuvium sent word that the image of Juno Sospita had shed tears.

> Latin: 19.2. in area Volcani et Concordiae sanguinem pluvit; et pontifices hastas motas nuntiavere et Lanuvii simulacrum Iunonis Sospitae lacrimasse.

[¶75] 19.3. The pestilence was so severe in the country and in the villages and rural communities and in the City that Libitina could scarce take care of so many funerals.

> Latin: 19.3. pestilentia in agris forisque et conciliabulis et in urbe tanta erat, ut Libitina ad funera vix sufficeret.

[¶76] 19.4. Being disturbed by these prodigies and deaths, the Fathers decreed, both that the consuls should sacrifice full-grown victims to whatever gods it seemed proper, and that the decemvirs should consult the Books.

> Latin: 19.4. his prodigiis cladibusque anxii patres decreverunt, ut et consules, quibus diis videretur, hostiis maioribus sacrificarent et decemviri libros adirent.

[¶77] 19.5. According to their decree one day of prayer was proclaimed at all the banquet-tables of the gods in Rome. On their suggestion also there was both a decree of the senate and an edict of the consuls that for three days throughout Italy there should be a supplication and festival.

> Latin: 19.5. eorum decreto supplicatio circa omnia pulvinaria Romae in diem unum indicta est. iisdem auctoribus et senatus censuit et consules edixerunt, ut per totam Italiam triduum supplicatio et feriae essent.

[¶78] 19.6. The violence of the plague was so great that when, on account of a rising of the Corsicans and a revolt begun by the Ilienses in Sardinia, it was decided to enlist eight thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry among the allies of the Latin confederacy, whom Marcus Pinarius the praetor should take with him to Sardinia, the consuls reported that so many deaths had occurred among the men and so great was the number of sick that this number of troops could not be raised.

> Latin: 19.6. pestilentiae tanta vis erat, ut, cum propter defectionem Corsorum bellumque ab Iliensibus concitatum in Sardinia octo milia peditum ex sociis Latini nominis placuisset scribi et trecentos equites, quos M. Pinarius praetor secum in Sardiniam traiceret, tantum hominum demortuum esse, tantum ubique aegrorum consules renuntiaverint, ut is numerus effici militum non potuerit.

[¶79] 19.8. The shortage in the number of troops the praetor was directed to make up from the army of Gnaeus Baebius the proconsul, who was wintering at Pisa, and thence to cross to Sardinia.

> Latin: 19.8. quod deerat militum, sumere a Cn. Baebio proconsule, qui Pisis hibernabat, iussus praetor atque inde in Sardiniam traicere.

[¶80] 19.9. To Lucius Duronius, the praetor to whom the province of Apulia had been allotted, has also been assigned an investigation to the Bacchanalia, from which some seeds, as it were, left over from the earlier troubles, had already begun to show themselves in the previous year; but the inquiries had been begun before the praetor Lucius Pupius rather than brought to any conclusion.

> Latin: 19.9. L, Duronio praetori, cui provincia Apulia evenerat, adiecta de Bacchanalibus quaestio est, cuius residua quaedam velut semina ex prioribus malis iam priore anno adparuerant;

[¶81] 19.10. The Fathers ordered the new praetor to extirpate the trouble, to prevent it from again secretly spreading furthur.

> Latin: 19.10. sed magis inchoatae apud L. Pupium praetorem quaestiones erant quam ad exitum ullum perductae. id persecare novum praetorem, ne serperet iterum latius, patres iusserunt.

[¶82] 19.11. Also the consuls, with the authority of the senate, brought before the people a law on bribery.

> Latin: 19.11. et legem de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt.

[¶83] 20.1. Then they introduced the embassies into the senate, first those of the kings, Eumenes, and Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Pharnaces of Pontus. No further reply was given to them than that the senate would send men to investigate their differences and give judgment.

> Latin: 20.1. legationes deinde in senatum introduxerunt, regum primas, Eumenis et Ariarathis Cappadocis et Pharnacis Pontici. nec ultra quicquam eis responsum est quam missuros, qui de controversiis eorum cognoscerent statuerentque.

[¶84] 20.2. Then the representatives of the Lacedaemonian exiles and of the Achaeans were brought in, and hope was held out to the exiles that the senate would write to the Achaeans directing that they be restored. The Achaeans explained to the satisfaction of the Fathers regarding the recovery of Messene and the solution of the problems there.

> Latin: 20.2. Lacedaemoniorum deinde exulum et Achaeorum legati introducti sunt; et spes data exulibus est scripturum senatum Achaeis, ut restituerentur; Achaei de Messene recepta compositisque ibi rebus cum adsensu patrum exposuerunt.

[¶85] 20.3. Philip, king of the Macedonians, also sent two envoys, Philocles and Apelles, with no particular request to make of the senate, but rather to collect information and make inquiry about those conversations which Perseus had accused Demetrius of holding with the Romans and specifically with Titus Quinctius about the kingship which were prejudicial to the interests of his brother.

> Latin: 20.3. et a Philippo rege Macedonum duo legati venerunt, Philocles et Apelles, nulla super re, quae petenda ab senatu esset; speculatum magis inquisitumque missi de iis quorum Perseus Demetrium insimulasset sermonum cum Romanis, maxime cum T. Quinctio adversus fratrem de regno habitorum.

[¶86] 20.4. These envoys the king had sent as neutral and not predisposed to favour either disputant: but as matters turned out they also were servants and helpers of Perseus in his treachery toward his brother.

> Latin: 20.4. hos tamquam medios nec in alterius favorem inclinatos miserat rex; erant autem et hi Persei fraudis in fratrem ministri et participes.

[¶87] 20.5. Demetrius, at first ignorant of everything, except what had been revealed by his brother's wickedness, had no great hope but was not altogether without hope that his father could be appeased; he trusted less every day to his father's intentions, since he perceived that his father's attention was engrossed by his brother.

> Latin: 20.5. Demetrius omnium praeterquam fraterno scelere, quod nuper eruperat, ignarus primo neque magnam neque nullam spem habebat patrem sibi placari posse; minus deinde in dies patris animo fidebat, cum obsideri aures a fratre cerneret.

[¶88] 20.6. And so, reflecting carefully on everything he said or did, lest he increase the suspicions of anyone, he refrained particularly from all reference to or contact with the Romans, to such a degree that he did not even want them to write to him, because he knew that his father's mind was especially irritated by charges of this kind.

> Latin: 20.6. itaque circumspiciens dicta factaque sua, ne cuius suspiciones augeret, maxime ab omni mentione et contagione Romanorum abstinebat, ut neque scribi sibi vellet, quia hoc praecipue criminum genere exasperari patris animum sentiebat.

[¶89] 21.1. Philip, in order partly to prevent his troops from growing slack through idleness, partly to avert suspicion that he was thinking at all about a war with Rome, summoned his army to Stobi in Paeonia and began to lead it into Maedica.

> Latin: 21.1. Philippus, simul ne otio miles deterior fieret, simul avertenda suspicionis causa quicquam a se agitari de Romano bello, Stobos Paeoniae exercitu indicto in Maedicam ducere pergit.

[¶90] 21.2. The desire had seized him of climbing to the top of the Haemus mountains, because he had accepted the common opinion that from there could be seen all at once the Pontic and Adriatic seas, the Hister river and the Alps. To have these spread out before his eyes would have, he thought, no small weight in determining his strategy in a war with Rome.

> Latin: 21.2. cupido eum ceperat in verticem Haemi montis ascendendi, quia vulgatae opinioni crediderat Ponticum simul et Hadriaticum mare et Histrum amnem et Alpes conspici posse: subiecta oculis ea haud parvi sibi momenti futura ad cogitationem Romani belli.

[¶91] 21.3. Having questioned men who knew the country about the ascent of the Haemus, since it was generally agreed by all that there was no way for an army, but that with a few light troops it could be climbed by a very difficult road, wishing to console his younger son by an intimate talk (he had decided not to take him with him), he first asked him whether, since the difficulty of the journey was so great, he should persist in the plan or abandon it.

> Latin: 21.3. percunctatus regionis peritos de ascensu Haemi, cum satis inter omnes constaret viam exercitui nullam esse, paucis et expeditis per difficillimum aditum, ut sermone familiari minorem filium permulceret, quem statuerat non ducere secum, primum quaerit ab eo, cum tanta difficultas itineris proponatur, utrum perseverandum sit in incepto an abstinendum;

[¶92] 21.5. If after all he should decide to go, he could not forget, in such a situation, Antigonus, who, when tossed about by a dreadful storm, at a time when he had all his family in the same ship with him, was said to have given his children the warning, which they should both remember for themselves and pass on to their children, that no man should venture to endanger himself and his whole house at once in a doubtful situation.

> Latin: 21.5. si pergat tamen ire, non posse oblivisci se in talibus rebus Antigoni, qui saeva tempestate iactatus, cum in eadem nave secum suos omnes habuisset, praecepisse liberis diceretur, ut et ipsi meminissent et ita posteris proderent, ne quis cum tota gente simul in rebus dubiis periclitari auderet.

[¶93] 21.6. Therefore, he said, remembering that precept, he would not expose both his sons at once to the chance of disaster which confronted them; and since he was taking his older son with him, he intended to send the younger back to Macedonia to furnish some support to his hopes and for the future to guard the kingdom.

> Latin: 21.6. memorem ergo se praecepti eius duos simul filios non commissurum in aleam eius, qui proponeretur, casus; et quoniam maiorem filium secum duceret, minorem ad subsidia spei et custodiam regni remissurum in Macedoniam esse.

[¶94] 21.7. Demetrius did not fail to perceive that he was being banished, in order that he might not be present at the council when the decision would be reached, in sight of the theatre of operations, what routes would lead most directly to the Adriatic sea and to Italy, and what would be the general strategy of the war.

> Latin: 21.7. non fallebat Demetrium ablegari se, ne adesset consilio, cum in conspectu locorum consultaret, qua proxime itinera ad mare Hadriaticum atque Italiam ducerent, quaeque ratio belli futura esset.

[¶95] 21.8. But he had not merely to obey his father but to agree with him, lest he should beget suspicion that he was obeying unwillingly.

> Latin: 21.8. sed non solum parendum patri [tutum], sed etiam adsentiendum erat, ne invitum parere suspicionem faceret.

[¶96] 21.9. Nevertheless, in order that he might have a safe journey into Macedonia, Didas, one of the king's generals, who was in charge of Paeonia, was ordered to escort him with a moderately large guard.

> Latin: 21.9. ut tamen iter ei tutum in Macedoniam esset, Didas ex praetoribus regiis unus, qui Paeoniae praeerat, iussus est prosequi eum cum modico praesidio.

[¶97] 21.10. Didas too, like most of the friends of the king, from the time when it began to be clear to everyone to whom, since the king's mind inclined that way, the inheritance of the kingdom would fall, Perseus had associated with the conspiracy for his brother's ruin.

> Latin: 21.10. hunc quoque Perseus, sicut plerosque patris amicorum, ex quo haud cuiquam dubium esse coeperat, ad quem regis animo ita inclinato hereditas regni pertineret, inter coniuratos in fratris perniciem habuit.

[¶98] 21.11. For the present, he instructed Didas to make for himself, by every form of attention, a place among the intimates of Demetrius, that he might be able to get from him all his secrets and to spy upon his inmost thoughts. Thus Demetrius departed, accompanied by guards whose presence was more dangerous than if he had been travelling alone.

> Latin: 21.11. in praesentia dat ei mandata, ut per omne obsequium insinuaret se in quam maxime familiarem usum, ut elicere omnia arcana specularique abditos eius sensus posset. ita digreditur Demetrius cum infestioribus, quam si solus iret, praesidiis.

[¶99] 22.1. Philip, crossing Maedica first and then the waste lands lying between Maedica and the Haemus, on the seventh march at last came to the foot of the mountain. There he delayed for a day to choose the men whom he should take with him and on the third day began his journey.

> Latin: 22.1. Philippus Maedicam primum, deinde solitudines interiacentes Maedicae atque Haemo transgressus septimis demum castris ad radices montis pervenit. ibi unum moratus diem ad deligendos, quos duceret secum, tertio die iter est ingressus.

[¶100] 22.2. At first there was moderate exertion in the foothills. The farther up they went, they found more and more ground that was wooded and often impassable:

> Latin: 22.2. modicus primo labor in imis collibus fuit, quantum in altitudinem egrediebantur, magis magisque silvestria et pleraque invia loca excipiebant.

[¶101] 22.3. at last they came to a trail so shaded that by reason of the thickness of the trees and the branches interlaced with one another it was barely possible to see the sky.

> Latin: 22.3. pervenere deinde in tam opacum iter, ut prae densitate arborum inmissorumque aliorum in alios ramorum perspici caelum vix posset.

[¶102] 22.4. But when they drew near the crest everything was so covered with fog, which is rare in high places, that they were retarded just as if they were marching by night. At last on the third day they came to the summit.

> Latin: 22.4. ut vero iugis adpropinquabant, quod rarum in altis locis est, adeo omnia contecta nebula, ut haud secus quam nocturno itinere inpedirentur. tertio demum die ad verticem perventum.

[¶103] 22.5. When they descended they did nothing to detract from the common opinion, rather, I suppose, to prevent the futility of the journey from becoming a subject of jest than because the different seas and mountains and rivers could be seen from one place.

> Latin: 22.5. nihil vulgatae opinioni degressi inde detraxerunt, magis credo, ne vanitas itineris ludibrio esset, quam quod diversa inter se maria montesque et amnes ex uno loco conspici potuerint.

[¶104] 22.6. All were in distress and most of all the king himself, because he was more heavily burdened by age, as a result of the difficulty of the way. When he had sacrificed at the two altars dedicated there to Jupiter and the Sun, he made in two days the descent which had required three for the ascent, fearing most the nightly colds, which, at the time of the rising of the dog-star, were like those of winter.

> Latin: 22.6. vexati omnes, et ante alios rex ipse, quo gravior aetate erat, difficultate viae est. duabus aris ibi Iovi et Soli sacratis cum inmolasset, qua triduo ascenderat, biduo est degressus, frigora nocturna maxime metuens, quae caniculae ortu similia brumalibus erant.