22.8. After struggling with many hardships during those days, he found things no easier in camp, where the need was very great, as was to be expected in a country surrounded by deserts on all sides.
22.8. multis per eos dies difficultatibus conflictatus nihilo laetiora in castris invenit, ubi summa penuria erat, ut in regione, quam ab omni parte solitudines clauderent.
22.9. And so, delaying only one day, in order to rest the men whom he had taken with him, he hurried, in a march that resembled a flight, into the country of the Dentheleti.
22.9. itaque unum tantum moratus diem, quietis eorum causa, quos habuerat secum, itinere inde simili fugae in Dentheletos transcurrit.
22.10. They were allies, but on account of their need the Macedonians pillaged them just as if theirs were hostile territory: in their plundering they first laid waste the farm-houses far and wide, then even certain villages, not without great shame on the king's part, when he heard the voices of his allies calling in vain upon the gods who protect alliances and upon his own name. Carrying off the grain from there and returning to Maedica, he began to attack a city which they call Petra.
22.10. socii erant, sed propter inopiam haud secus quam hostium fines Macedones populati sunt; rapiendo enim passim villas primum, dein quosdam etiam vicos evastarunt, non sine magno pudore regis, cum sociorum voces nequiquam deos sociales nomenque suum inplorantes audiret.
22.12. He himself encamped on the approach from the plain and sent his son Perseus around with a force of moderate size to attack the city from the higher ground.
22.12. frumento inde sublato in Maedicam regressus, urbem, quam Petram adpellant, obpugnare est adortus. ipse a campestri aditu castra posuit;
22.13. The citizens, since danger threatened them from every quarter, gave hostages and surrendered for the time being:
22.13. Perseum filium cum modica manu circummisit, ut a superioribus locis urbem adgrederetur.
22.14. but none the less, after the army retired, forgetting the hostages they abandoned the city and fled to the fortified places and the mountains.
22.14. oppidani, cum terror undique instaret, obsidibus datis in praesentia dediderunt sese; iidem postquam exercitus recessit, obliti obsidum relicta urbe in loca munita et montes refugerunt.
22.15. Philip, having wearied his troops with every sort of toil without having attained any result, and with his suspicions of his son increased because of the deceit of Didas, the general, returned to Macedonia.
22.15. Philippus omni genere laboris sine ullo effectu fatigatis militibus et fraude Didae praetoris auctis in filium suspicionibus in Macedoniam rediit.
23.1. Didas, as has been said before, had been sent as escort to Demetrius, and when he had entrapped the ingenuous young man, who was off his guard and not unjustly angry at his relatives, by flattering him and expressing indignation at his lot, volunteering his assistance in every respect, under pledge of loyalty Didas extracted all his secrets.
23.1. missus hic comes, ut ante dictum est, cum simplicitatem iuvenis incauti et suis haud inmerito succensentis adsentando indignandoque et ipse vicem eius captaret, in omnia ultro suam obferens operam, fide data arcana eius elicuit.
23.2. Demetrius was planning flight to the Romans; and it looked as if, by the grace of the gods, an assistant in this plan had been provided in the person of the governor of Paeonia, through whose province he had come to hope that he could safely escape.
23.2. fugam ad Romanos Demetrius meditabatur; cui consilio adiutor deum beneficio oblatus videbatur Paeoniae praetor, per cuius provinciam spem ceperat elabi tuto posse.
23.3. This plan was at once both revealed to his brother and reported to his father on his brother's authority.
23.3. hoc consilium extemplo et fratri proditur et auctore eo indicatur patri.
23.4. At first a letter was brought to him while he was besieging Petra. As a result Herodorus —he was the foremost of the friends of Demetrius —was placed under arrest and orders were issued that Demetrius was to be unobtrusively watched.
23.4. litterae primum ad obsidentem Petram adlatae sunt. inde Herodorus—princeps hic amicorum Demetrii erat—in custodiam est coniectus et Demetrius dissimulanter adservari iussus.
23.5. These things, added to everything else, saddened the king's return to Macedonia. He was indeed moved by these new charges; yet he thought that he ought to wait for the envoys whom he had sent to Rome to find out everything.
23.5. haec super cetera tristem adventum in Macedoniam regi fecerunt. movebant eum et praesentia crimina; expectandos tamen, quos ad exploranda omnia Romam miserat, censebat.
23.6. When he had passed some months in this anxiety and trouble, at length the ambassadors, who had long before, while still in Macedonia, planned what report they would bring back from Rome, arrived;
23.6. his anxius curis cum aliquot menses egisset, tandem legati, iam ante praemeditati in Macedonia, quae ab Roma renuntiarent, venerunt.
23.7. they, in addition to making other serious charges, delivered to the king a forged letter, sealed with a counterfeit signet of Titus Quinctius.
23.7. qui super cetera scelera falsas etiam litteras, signo adulterino T. Quincti signatas, reddiderunt regi.
23.8. There was in the letter a warning against wrong inferences in case the young man, carried away by his desire for the throne, should have held any conversation with himself: Demetrius would do nothing to injure any of his relatives, nor was Quinctius himself one who could seem to sponsor any unfilial scheme. This letter furnished confirmation to the charges of Perseus.
23.8. deprecatio in litteris erat, si quid adulescens cupiditate regni prolapsus prolapus secum egisset: nihil eum adversus suorum quemquam facturum, neque eum se esse, qui ullius inpii consilii auctor futurus videri possit. hae litterae fidem Persei criminibus fecerunt.
23.9. As a result Herodorus was at once tortured for a long time without betraying anything and died on the rack.
23.9. itaque Herodorus extemplo diu excruciatus sine indicio rei ullius in tormentis moritur.
24.1. Demetrius was again accused by Perseus before his father. The intended flight through Paeonia was one charge, and the bribery of certain persons to be his companions on the journey; the forged letter of Titus Quinctius weighed especially heavily against him.
24.1. Demetrium iterum ad patrem accusavit Perseus. fuga per Paeoniam praeparata arguebatur et corrupti quidam, ut comites itineris essent; maxime falsae litterae T. Quincti urgebant.
24.2. Nevertheless no severe sentence was openly pronounced upon him, in order that he might rather be killed through guile, and this not out of any consideration for him personally, but in order that his punishment might not expose the plans against the Romans.
24.2. nihil tamen palam gravius pronuntiatum de eo est, ut dolo potius interficeretur, nec id cura ipsius, sed ne poena eius consilia adversus Romanos nudaret.
24.3. When Philip himself had a journey to make from Thessalonica to Demetrias, he sent Demetrius, accompanied by the same Didas, to Astraeum in Paeonia and Perseus to Amphipolis to receive the Thracian hostages.
24.3. ab Thessalonice Demetriadem ipsi cum iter esset, Astraeum Paeoniae Demetrium mittit cum eodem comite Dida, Perseum Amphipolim ad obsides Thracum accipiendos.
24.4. Instructions regarding the murder of his son are said to have been given by him to Didas as they separated.
24.4. digredienti ab se Didae mandata dedisse dicitur de filio occidendo.
24.5. Didas either held or pretended to hold a sacrifice, and being invited to its celebration Demetrius came from Astraeum to Heraclea, and it was during this dinner that it is said that the poison was administered.
24.5. sacrificium ab Dida seu institutum seu simulatum est, ad quod celebrandum invitatus Demetrius ab Astraeo Heracleam venit. in ea cena dicitur venenum datum.
24.6. Having drained the cup he immediately perceived it, and presently, when his sufferings began and he had retired to his bedroom from the dining-room, complaining of the cruelty of his father and inveighing against the murderous designs of his brother and the crime of Didas, he was being tortured by his agony.
24.6. poculo epoto extemplo sensit; et mox coortis doloribus, relicto convivio cum in cubiculum recepisset sese, crudelitatem patris conquerens, parricidium fratris ac Didae scelus incusans torquebatur.
24.7. Then a certain Thyrsis from Stuberra and Alexander from Beroea were admitted, and putting coverlets over his head and mouth they smothered him. Thus the innocent youth perished, his enemies being not even contented with a single kind of death for him.
24.7. intromissi deinde Thyrsis quidam Stuberaeus et Beroeaeus Alexander iniectis tapetibus in caput faucesque spiritum intercluserunt. ita innoxius adulescens, cum in eo ne simplici quidem genere mortis contenti inimici fuissent, interficitur.
25.1. While this was going on in Macedonia, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, whose imperium had been prolonged after his consulship, in the beginning of spring led the army against the Ligurian Ingauni.
25.1. dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, L. Aemilius, prorogato ex consulatu imperio, principio veris in Ligures Ingaunos duxit.
25.2. As soon as he had encamped in the enemy's country, ambassadors came to him to spy, although under the guise of seeking peace.
25.2. ubi primum in hostium finibus castra posuit, legati ad eum per speciem pacis petendae speculatum venerunt.
25.3. When Paulus said that he did not negotiate for peace except with people who had surrendered, they did not so much refuse to negotiate as say that they needed time to persuade a rude agricultural tribe.
25.3. neganti Paulo nisi cum deditis pacisci se pacem non tam id recusabant, quam tempore aiebant opus esse, ut generi agresti hominum persuaderetur.
25.4. When a truce for ten days was granted for this purpose, they then asked that the soldiers should not cross the mountains nearest the camp in quest of forage and wood: these, they said, were the cultivated parts of their territory.
25.4. ad hoc decem dierum indutiae cum darentur, petierunt deinde, ne trans montes proximos castris pabulatum lignatumque milites irent:
25.5. When they obtained this, they massed their whole army under cover of those very mountains from which they had kept the enemy, and suddenly with a vest host advanced to attack the Roman camp at all the gates at once.
25.5. culta ea loca suorum finium esse. id ubi impetravere, post eos ipsos montes, unde averterant hostem, exercitu omni coacto, repente multitudine ingenti castra Romanorum obpugnare simul omnibus portis adgressi sunt.
25.6. They continued the attack all day with the greatest violence, so that the Romans did not even have the opportunity to carry forth their standards nor any room to develop their line of battle.
25.6. summa vi totum diem obpugnarunt, ita ut ne efferendi quidem signa Romanis spatium nec ad explicandam aciem locus esset.
25.7. Having been packed in the gates, they defended the camp more by blocking the entrances than by fighting. When the enemy had retired at sunset, Paulus sent two troopers to Gnaeus Baebius the proconsul at Pisa, with dispatches to the effect that he had been besieged during a truce and that Baebius should come to his aid as soon as possible.
25.7. conferti in portis obstando magis quam pugnando castra tutabantur. sub occasum solis cum recessissent hostes, duos equites ad Cn. Baebium proconsulem cum litteris Pisas mittit, ut obsesso per indutias sibi quam primum veniret subsidio.
25.8. Baebius had turned his army over to Marcus Pinarius the praetor, who was going to Sardinia:
25.8. Baebius exercitum M. Pinario praetori eunti in Sardiniam tradiderat; ceterum et senatum litteris certiorem facit obsideri a Liguribus L. Aemilium, et M.
25.9. but he informed the senate by letter that Lucius Aemilius was besieged by the Ligurians, and he wrote to Marcus Claudius Marcellus, whose province was nearest to them, that if it seemed wise to him he should march his army from Gaul against the Ligurians and rescue Lucius Aemilius from siege.
25.9. Claudio Marcello, cuius proxima inde provincia erat, scripsit, ut, si videretur ei, exercitum e Gallia traduceret in Ligures et L. Aemilium liberaret obsidione. haec sera futura auxilia erant.
25.10. All these relief measures were destined to be late. The Ligurians returned the next day to the camp. Although Aemilius had known that they would come and could have drawn his forces out into battle-line, he held his men within the rampart, so as to drag things out until Baebius and his army could arrive from Pisa.
25.10. Ligures ad castra postero die redeunt. Aemilius cum et venturos scisset et educere in aciem potuisset, intra vallum suos tenuit, ut extraheret rem in id tempus, quo Baebius cum exercitu venire a Pissis posset.
26.1. At Rome the letter of Baebius caused great consternation, the greater because a few days later, when Marcellus reached Rome after turning his army over to Fabius, he took away the hope that the army which was in Gaul could be marched against the Ligurians, because the war was on with the Histrians, who were interfering with the establishment of the colony at Aquileia:
26.1. Romae magnam trepidationem litterae Baebi fecerunt, eo maiorem, quod paucos post dies Marcellus, tradito exercitu Fabio Romam cum venisset, spem ademit eum, quia in Gallia esset, exercitum in Ligures posse traduci, quia bellum cum Histris esset prohibentibus coloniam Aquileiam deduci:
26.3. Fabius, he said, had already set out for Histria and could not return now that the war had begun.
26.3. eo profectum Fabium, neque inde regredi bello inchoato posse.
26.4. There was only one hope of assistance, and that requiring more time than the critical situation permitted —the possibility that the consuls should make haste to go to their province. Each of the Fathers on his own account cried out that they should do so.
26.4. una, et ea ipsa tardior, quam tempus postulabat, subsidii spes erat, si consules maturassent in provinciam ire. id ut facerent, pro se quisque patrum vociferari.
26.5. The consuls refused to go unless the levy were complete, saying that it was due not to their sloth but to the violence of the epidemic that the levy was slow in being finished.
26.5. consules nisi confecto dilectu negare se ituros, nec suam segnitiam, sed vim morbi in causa esse, quo serius perficeretur.
26.6. Nevertheless they could not resist the general sentiment of the senate, and therefore set out in uniform and proclaimed to the soldiers whom they now had levied the day on which they were to muster at Pisa. Authority was granted them to enlist at once and take with them emergency troops wherever they went.
26.6. non tamen potuerunt sustinere consensum senatus, quin paludati exirent et militibus, quos conscriptos haberent, diem edicerent, quo Pisas convenirent. permissum, ut, qua irent, protinus subitarios milites scriberent ducerentque secum.
26.7. Orders were also issued to the praetors Quintus Petilius and Quintus Fabius that Petilius should enroll two emergency legions of Roman citizens and should administer the oath to all under the age of fifty years, and to Fabius to call upon the allies of the Latin confederacy for fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry.
26.7. et praetoribus Q. Petilio et Q. Fabio imperatum est, ut Petilius duas legiones civium Romanorum tumultuarias scriberet et omnes minores quinquaginta annis sacramento rogaret, Fabio, ut sociis Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum, octingentos equites imperaret.
26.8. They elected as duumviri navales Gaius Matienus and Gaius Lucretius and ships were equipped for them, and Matienus, whose district was along the Gallic gulf, was directed to conduct his fleet at the earliest possible moment to the coast of the Ligurians, to see if he could assist Lucius Aemilius and his army in any way.
26.8. duumviri navales creati C. Matienus et C. Lucretius, navesque iis ornatae sunt, Matienoque, cuius ad Gallicum sinum provincia erat, imperatum est, ut classem primo quoque tempore duceret in Ligurum oram, si quo usui esse L. Aemilio atque exercitui eius posset.
27.1. Aemilius, when no sign of relief was in sight anywhere, assuming that his troopers had been captured, decided that he should not wait longer before making trial of fortune for himself, and before the arrival of the enemy, who were conducting the siege rather slowly and half-heartedly, he formed his army at the four gates, so that when the signal was given they might sally forth in all directions at once.
27.1. Aemilius, postquam nihil usquam auxilii ostendebatur, interceptos credens equites, non ultra differendum ratus, quin per se fortunam temptaret, priusquam hostes venirent, qui segnius socordiusque obpugnabant, ad quattuor portas exercitum instruxit, ut signo dato simul ex omnibus partibus eruptionem facerent.
27.3. To the four attached cohorts he added two under the command of Marcus Valerius the lieutenant, and ordered them to attack from the porta praetoria.
27.3. quattuor extraordinariis cohortibus duas adiunxit praeposito M. Valerio legato, erumpere praetoria porta iussit.
27.4. At the dextra principalis he placed the hastati of the first legion; the principes of the same legion he posted in reserve. Marcus Servilius and Lucius Sulpicius, tribunes of the soldiers, were in command.
27.4. ad dexteram principalem hastatos legionis primae instruxit; principes ex eadem legione in subsidiis posuit; M. Servilius et L. Sulpicius tribuni militum his praepositi.
27.5. The third legion was similarly disposed at the sinistra principalis.
27.5. tertia legio adversus sinistram principalem portam instructa est;
27.6. This one change was made: the principes were placed in the front line and the hastati in reserve; Sextus Julius Caesar and Lucius Aurelius Cotta, tribunes of the soldiers, commanded this legion.
27.6. id tantum mutatum: principes primi et hastati in subsidiis locati; Sex. Julius Caesar et L. Aurelius Cotta tribuni militum huic legioni praepositi sunt.
27.7. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus his lieutenant was posted with the right squadron at the porta quaestoria; two cohorts and the triarii of the two legions were ordered to guard the camp.
27.7. Q. Fulvius Flaccus legatus cum dextera ala ad quaestoriam portam positus; duae cohortes et triarii duarum legionum in praesidio castrorum manere iussi.
27.8. The commander in person made the round of the gates to harangue the troops, and with whatever taunts he could find he worked the soldiers up to fighting pitch, now blaming the deceit of the enemy who, after seeking peace and being granted a truce, had come to besiege the camp while the truce was actually in effect, contrary to the law of nations, now showing how shameful it was for a Roman army to be besieged by Ligurians, brigands rather than regular soldiers.
27.8. omnes portas contionabundus ipse imperator circumiit, et quibuscumque irritamentis poterat, iras militum acuebat, nunc fraudem hostium incusans, qui pace petita, indutiis datis, per ipsum indutiarum tempus contra ius gentium ad castra obpugnanda venissent,
27.10. “With what face will any of you,” he went on, “if you escape from here under the ” “protection of anyone else and not by your own valour, meet, I shall not say those soldiers who conquered Hannibal, Philip, Antiochus, the greatest kings and commanders of our time, but those by whom these same Ligurians have so often, as they fled like sheep through pathless glades, been pursued and slaughtered?” “A thing that Spaniards, Gauls, Macedonians or Carthaginians did not dare to do a Ligurian enemy now does —advances against a Roman rampart, of their own accord besets and besieges it:”
27.10. nunc, quantus pudor esset, edocens, ab Liguribus, latronibus verius quam hostibus iustis, Romanum exercitum obsideri. “quo ore quisquam vestrum, si hinc alieno praesidio, non vestra virtute evaseritis, occurret, non dico eis militibus, qui Hannibalem, qui Philippum, qui Antiochum, maximos aetatis nostrae reges ducesque, vicerunt, sed iis, qui hos ipsos Ligures aliquotiens pecorum modo fugientes per saltus invios consectati ceciderunt?
27.13. “an enemy whom, before this, we could scarcely discover, as they lurked and skulked, while we searched hidden defiles.”
27.13. quod Hispani, quod Galli, quod Macedones Poenive non audeant, Ligustinus hostis vallum Romanum subit, obsidet ultro et obpugnat, quem scrutantes ante devios saltus abditum et latentem vix inveniebamus.
27.14. The answer to this was a general shout from the troops, that the soldiers were not to blame since no one had given them the order to sally forth: let him give the signal and he would soon learn that both Romans and Ligurians were the same as they had been before.
27.14. ” ad haec consentiens reddebatur [militum] clamor, nullam militum culpam esse, quibus nemo ad erumpendum signum dedisset: daret signum; intellecturum eosdem, qui antea fuerint, et Romanos et Ligures esse.
28.1. The Ligurians had two camps on this side of the mountains. Formerly, all alike used to come forth from them at sunrise, formed and arrayed for battle;
28.1. bina cis montes castra Ligurum erant. ex iis primis diebus sole orto pariter omnes compositi et instructi procedebant;
28.2. but later on they did not take up arms until they had their fill of food and wine, and then they went out scattered and disorganized, like men who were practically certain that the enemy would not bring out their standards before the rampart.
28.2. tum nisi exsatiati cibo vinoque arma non capiebant; dispersi, inordinati exibant, ut quibus prope certum esset hostes extra vallum non elaturos signa.
28.3. Against an enemy advancing in such disorder, a shout being raised at one time by all who were in the camp, attendants and sutlers alike, the Roman soldiers burst from all the gates at once.
28.3. adversus ita incompositos eos venientes clamore pariter omnium, qui in castris erant, calonum quoque et lixarum, sublato simul omnibus portis Romani eruperunt.
28.4. The attack was so complete a surprise to the Ligurians that they were as frightened as if they had fallen into an ambush.
28.4. Liguribus adeo inprovisa res fuit, ut perinde, ac si insidiis circumventi forent, trepidarent. exiguum temporis aliqua forma pugnae fuit; fuga deinde effusa et fugientium passim caedes erat.
28.5. For a brief period there was something resembling a battle: then there was headlong flight and the slaughter of fugitives all around, the signal having been given to the cavalry that they should mount, their horses and permit no one to escape. All were driven in terrified rout into the camps and then stripped of their camps as well.
28.5. equitibus dato signo, ut conscenderent equos nec effugere quemquam sinerent, in castra omnes trepida fuga compulsi sunt, deinde ipsis exuti castris.
28.6. More than fifteen thousand of the Ligurians were killed that day and two thousand three hundred captured. Three days later the whole people of the Ligurian Ingauni gave hostages and surrendered. The pilots and sailors who had been on their pirate ships were sought out and all put in confinement.
28.6. supra quindecim milia Ligurum eo die occisa, capti duo milia et quingenti. triduo post Ligurum Ingaunorum nomen omne obsidibus datis in dicionem venit.
28.7. And Gaius Matienus the duumvir captured thirty-two ships of this kind on the Ligurian coast. To take this news and carry dispatches to the senate, Lucius Aurelius Cotta and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus were sent to Rome, with instructions also to ask that Lucius Aemilius, having accomplished the task assigned him as his province, should be permitted to leave it and to bring his soldiers back with him and discharge them.
28.7. gubernatores nautaeque conquisiti, qui in praedatoriis fuissent navibus, atque omnes in custodiam coniecti. et a C. Matieno duumviro naves eius generis in Ligustina ora triginta duae captae sunt. haec qui nuntiarent litterasque ad senatum ferrent, L. Aurelius Cotta C. Sulpicius Gallus Romam missi, simulque peterent, ut L. Aemilio confecta provincia decedere et deducere secum milites liceret atque dimittere.
28.9. Both requests were granted by the senate, and a three-day period of thanksgiving was decreed at all the banquet-tables of the gods, and the praetor Petilius was instructed to discharge the reserve legions, the praetor Fabius to discontinue the levy among the allies of the Latin confederacy; and it was ordered that the praetor urbanus should write to the consuls that the senate deemed it proper that they should discharge the temporary troops, which had been drafted because of the emergency, at the earliest possible moment.
28.9. utrumque permissum ab senatu, et supplicatio ad omnia pulvinaria per triduum decreta, iussique praetores Petilius urbanas dimittere legiones, Fabius sociis atque nomini Latino remittere dilectum, et uti praetor urbanus consulibus scriberet senatum aequum censere subitarios milites tumultus causa conscriptos primo quoque tempore dimitti.
29.1. A colony at Gravisca was founded this year in Etruscan territory, which had once been taken from the people of Tarquinii.
29.1. colonia Graviscae eo anno deducta est in agrum Etruscum, de Tarquiniensibus quondam captum.
29.2. Five iugera of land were given each colonist; the board of three who founded it consisted of Gaius Calpurnius Piso, Publius Claudius Pulcher, Gaius Terentius Istra. Drought and crop failures made the year remarkable. For six months, as the story goes, it did not rain at all.
29.2. quina iugera agri data; tresviri deduxerunt C. Calpurnius Piso P. Claudius Pulcher C. Terentius Istra. siccitate et inopia frugum insignis annus fuit; sex menses numquam pluvisse memoriae proditum.
29.3. The same year, on the land of Lucius Petilius, a public clerk, at the foot of the Janiculan, while husbandmen were digging up the ground to a greater depth than usual, two stone chests were found, each about eight feet long and four broad, with the lids fastened with lead.
29.3. eodem anno in agro L. Petili scribae sub Ianiculo, dum cultores [agri] altius moliuntur terram, duae lapideae arcae, octonos ferme pedes longae, quaternos latae. inventae sunt, operculis plumbo devinctis.
29.4. Each chest had an inscription, in Latin and Greek letters: one to the effect that Numa Pompilius, the son of Pompo, king of the Romans, was buried there, the other, that the books of Numa Pompilius were inside.
29.4. litteris Latinis Graecisque utraque arca scripta erat, in altera Numam Pompilium Pomponis filium regem Romanorum rum sepultum esse, in altera libros Numae Pompili inesse.
29.5. When, on the advice of his friends, the owner had opened the chests, the one which carried the inscription about the buried king was found empty, with no trace of a human body or anything else, everything having been destroyed by the wasting action of so many years.
29.5. eas arcas cum ex amicorum sententia dominus aperuisset, quae titulum sepulti regis habuerat, inanis inventa, sine vestigio ullo corporis humani aut ullius rei, per tabem tot annorum omnibus absumptis.
29.6. In the other were two bundles, tied with waxed rope, containing seven books each, not merely whole, but looking absolutely fresh. The seven Latin books dealt with pontifical law, the seven Greek with a system of philosophy which might have been current at that time.
29.6. in altera duo fasces candelis involuti septenos habuere libros, non integros modo, sed recentissima specie.
29.7. Valerius Antias adds that they were Pythagorean, confirmation of the common belief, which says that Numa was a pupil of Pythagoras, being arranged by a plausible invention.
29.7. septem Latini de iure pontificio erant, septem Graeci de disciplina sapientiae, quae illius aetatis esse potuit. adicit Antias Valerius Pythagoricos fuisse, vulgatae opinioni, qua creditur Pythagorae auditorem fuisse Numam, mendacio probabili adcommodata fide.
29.9. The books were at first read by the friends who were present; soon, after others had read them and they were becoming generally known, Quintus Petilius, the praetor urbanus, desiring to read the books, borrowed them from Lucius Petilius; and there was an acquaintance between them because Quintus Petilius when quaestor had chosen the other as a clerk on his staff.
29.9. primo ab amicis, qui in re praesenti fuerunt, libri lecti; mox pluribus legentibus cum vulgarentur, Q. Petilius praetor urbanus studiosus legendi eos libros a L. Petilio sumpsit;
29.10. When, on reading the important contents, he had observed that much of it was subversive of religion, he told Lucius Petilius that he intended to throw those books into the fire;
29.10. et erat familiaris usus, quod scribam eum quaestor Q. Petilius in decuriam legerat.
29.11. before he did this he gave the scribe permission to try to see if he thought that he had any legal right or possibility of assistance, if he preferred, to recover those books: he himself would take no offence at such action. The scribe went to the tribunes of the people and by them the case was referred to the senate.
29.11. lectis rerum summis cum animadvertisset pleraque dissolvendarum religionum esse, L. Petilio dixit sese libros eos in ignem coniecturum esse; priusquam id faceret, se ei permittere, uti, si quod seu ius seu auxilium se habere ad eos libros repentendos existimaret, experiretur;
29.12. The praetor said that he was prepared to give his oath that the books ought not to be read or preserved. The senate voted that it seemed sufficient that the praetor promised the oath; that the books should be burned as soon as possible in the comitium; that compensation for the books, whatever seemed proper to Quintus Petilius the praetor and the majority of the tribunes of the people, should be paid to their owner. This the scribe did not accept.
29.12. id integra sua gratia eum facturum. scriba tribunos plebis adit; ab tribunis ad senatum res est reiecta. praetor se ius iurandum dare paratum esse aiebat libros eos legi servarique non oportere. senatus censuit satis habendum, quod praetor ius iurandum polliceretur; libros primo quoque tempore in comitio cremandos esse; pretium pro libris quantum Q. Petilio praetori maiorique parti tribunorum plebis videretur domino solvendum esse.
29.14. The books were burned in the comitium in sight of the people, the fire having been supplied by the victimarii.
29.14. id scriba non accepit. libri in comitio igne a victimariis facto in conspectu populi cremati sunt.
30.1. A great war broke out that summer in Nearer Spain. The Celtiberians had mobilized about thirty-five thousand men, a greater number, almost, than ever before. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was governor of this province.
30.1. magnum bellum ea aestate coortum in Hispania citeriore. ad quinque et triginta milia hominum, quantum numquam ferme antea, Celtiberi comparaverant. Q. Fulvius Flaccus eam obtinebat provinciam.
30.2. Because he had heard that the Celtiberians were arming their young men, he too had brought in from the allies as many auxiliaries as possible, but by no means equalled the enemy in number of men.
30.2. is, quia armare iuventutem Celtiberos audierat, et ipse quanta poterat a sociis auxilia contraxerat, sed nequaquam numero militum hostem aequabat.
30.3. In the beginning of spring he led the army into Carpetania and fixed his camp near the town of Aebura, leaving a small garrison in the town.
30.3. principio veris exercitum in Carpetaniam duxit et castra locavit ad oppidum Aeburam, modico praesidio in urbe posito.
30.4. A few days later the Celtiberians encamped about two miles away, at the foot of a hill. When the Roman praetor became aware of their arrival, he sent his brother Marcus Fulvius with two troops of allied cavalry to reconnoitre toward the camp of the enemy, with orders to approach as closely as possible to the rampart so as to ascertain how large the camp was; he was to avoid a battle and to withdraw if he saw the hostile cavalry coming out.
30.4. paucis post diebus Celtiberi milia duo fere inde sub colle posuerunt castra. quos ubi adesse praetor Romanus sensit, M. Fulvium fratrem cum duabus turmis sociorum equitum ad castra hostium speculatum misit, quam proxime succedere ad vallum iussum, ut viseret, quanta essent;
30.5. He acted just as he was ordered. For several days there was no movement beyond the fact that these two troops showed themselves and were then withdrawn when the enemy's cavalry had rushed out of the camp.
30.5. pugna abstineret, reciperetque sese, si hostium equitatum exeuntem vidisset. ita, ut praeceptum erat, fecit. per dies aliquot nihil ultra motum, quam ut hae duae turmae ostenderentur, deinde subducerentur, ubi equitatus hostium castris procucurrisset.
30.6. Finally the Celtiberians, leaving the camp with their entire force of infantry and cavalry, took their position in a straight line about half-way across the plain which was between the two camps. The plain was entirely flat and suitable for fighting.
30.6. postremo Celtiberi, simul omnibus copiis peditum equitumque castris egressi, acie derecta medio fere spatio inter bina castra constiterunt.
30.7. There the Spaniards stood waiting for the enemy. The Roman kept his men within the rampart. For four days in succession they on their side held their line in formation on the same ground; the Romans, on their side, made no move.
30.7. campus erat planus omnis et aptus pugnae. ibi stetere Hispani hostes expectantes; Romanus suos intra vallum continuit. per quadriduum continuum et illi eodem loco aciem instructam tenuerunt, et ab Romanis nihil motum.
30.8. Then the Celtiberians rested in camp, because they had no opportunity to fight: only the cavalry rode out to the out-guards, so as to be ready if any move should be made by the enemy.
30.8. inde quievere in castris Celtiberi, quia pugnae copia non fiebat; equites tantum in stationem egrediebantur, ut parati essent, si quid ab hoste moveretur.
30.9. Both armies went to the rear of their camps for forage and wood, neither interfering with the other.
30.9. pone castra utrique pabulatum et lignatum ibant neutri alteros inpedientes.
31.1. The Roman praetor, when he was well assured that the inaction of so many days had created in the enemy the expectation that the Romans would not take the initiative, ordered Lucius Acilius with the left squadron and six thousand auxiliaries from the province to march around the hill which was in the rear of the enemy;
31.1. praetor Romanus ubi satis tot dierum quiete credidit spem factam hosti nihil se priorem moturum, L, Acilium cum ala sinistra et sex milibus provincialium auxiliorum circumire montem iubet, qui ab tergo hostibus erat; inde, ubi clamorem audisset, decurrere ad castra eorum.
31.2. thence, when he should have heard the shout, he was to rush down on the camp. They set out at night that they might not be seen. At daybreak Flaccus sent Gaius Scribonius, a commander of allies, with the attached cavalry of the left squadron, up to the rampart of the enemy;
31.2. nocte profecti sunt, ne possent conspici. Flaccus luce prima C. Scribonium praefectum socium ad vallum hostium cum equitibus extraordinariis sinistrae alae mittit.
31.4. when the Celtiberians saw both that they came nearer and that they were more numerous than usual, all their cavalry poured out of the camp, and at the same time the signal was given to the infantry also to march out.
31.4. quos ubi et propius accedere et plures quam soliti erant Celtiberi conspexerunt, omnis equitatus effunditur castris, simul et peditibus signum ad exeundum datur.
31.5. Scribonius, as he had been ordered, as soon as he heard the first din 6f the cavalry, turned his horses and retired to the camp.
31.5. Scribonius, uti praeceptum erat, ubi primum fremitum equestrem audivit, avertit equos et castra repetit.
31.6. The more headlong was the pursuit of the enemy. At first the cavalry and soon after the line of the infantry was at hand, possessed by the assured hope that they would capture the camp that day.
31.6. eo effusius sequi hostes. primo equites, mox et peditum acies aderat, haud dubia spe castra eo die se expugnaturos.
31.7. They were not more than five hundred paces from the rampart. And so Flaccus, when he saw that they had been drawn far enough away from the protection of their camp, having formed his army inside the rampart, sallied out in three columns at once, raising a shout not only to increase their own ardour for fighting, but also that the detachment which was in the mountains might hear it.
31.7. quingentos passus non plus a vallo aberant. itaque Flaccus ubi satis abstractos eos a praesidio castrorum suorum ratus est, intra vallum exercitu instructo tribus partibus simul erumpit, clamore non tantum ad ardorem excitandum pugnae sublato sed etiam, ut qui in montibus erant exaudirent.
31.8. Nor did they delay to rush down upon the camp as they had been ordered; not more than five thousand men had been left there as a guard.
31.8. nec morati sunt, quin decurrerent, sicut imperatum erat, ad castra, ubi quinque milium armatorum non amplius relictum erat praesidium.
31.9. Since their own small number and the great number of the enemy and the unexpectedness of the attack had thrown them into a panic, the camp was taken almost without a struggle. When it was captured, Acilius ordered fire to be set to it in the place which could be best seen by the fighters.
31.9. quos cum et paucitas sua et multitudo hostium et inprovisa res terruisset, prope sine certamine capiuntur castra. captis, quae pars maxime pugnantibus conspici poterat, iniecit Acilius ignem.
32.1. The rear ranks of the Celtiberians who were in the line of battle were the first to see the flames, and then the word spread through the whole line that the camp was lost and was at that very moment in flames.
32.1. postremi Celtiberorum, qui in acie erant, primi flammam conspexere; deinde per totam aciem vulgatum est castra amissa esse et tum cum maxime ardere.
32.2. What inspired terror in them increased the courage of the Romans. Now the shouts of their victorious comrades were falling upon their ears, now the blazing camp of the enemy was in sight.
32.2. unde illis terror, inde Romanis animus crevit. iam clamor suorum vincentium accidebat, iam ardentia hostium castra adparebant.
32.3. The Celtiberians for a while wavered in uncertainty of mind: but since there was no retreat if they were defeated nor any hope anywhere except in battle, they renewed the contest with greater stubbornness.
32.3. Celtiberi parumper incertis animis fluctuati sunt; ceterum, postquam receptus pulsis nullus crat nec usquam nisi in certamine spes, pertinacius de integro capessunt pugnam.
32.4. In the centre of the line they were hard pressed by the fifth legion; against the left flank, on which they saw that the Romans had posted the provincial auxiliaries of their own race, they advanced with greater confidence.
32.4. acie media urgebantur acriter a quinta legione; adversus laevum cornu, in quo sui generis provincialia auxilia instruxisse Romanos cernebant, cum maiore fiducia intulerunt signa.
32.5. And now the Roman left was almost being driven back, and would have been had not the seventh legion come to its assistance. At the same time those who had been left on guard in the town of Aebura came up in the very heat of the fight, and Acilius from the rear was drawing near.
32.5. iam prope erat, ut sinistrum cornu pelleretur Romanis, ni septima legio successisset. simul ab oppido Aebura qui in praesidio relicti erant in medio ardore pugnae advenerunt, et Acilius ab tergo erat.
32.6. For a long time the Celtiberians were cut down between them; those who survived sought flight in every direction. The cavalry, sent out in two columns to pursue them, caused great slaughter. About twenty-three thousand of the enemy were killed that day, four thousand seven hundred captured, with more than five hundred horses and eighty-eight military standards.
32.6. diu in medio caesi Celtiberi; qui supererant in omnes passim partes capessunt fugam. equites bipartito in eos emissi magnam caedem edidere. ad viginti tria milia hostium eo die occisa, capta quattuor milia septingenti cum equis plus quingentis et signa militaria octoginta octo.
32.7. The victory was great but yet not bloodless: of Roman soldiers of the two legions, a little more than two hundred, of the allies of the Latin confederacy, eight hundred and thirty, of the auxiliaries from the province, about twenty-four hundred fell.
32.7. magna victoria, non tamen incruenta fuit; Romani milites de duabus legionibus paulo plus ducenti, socium Latini nominis octingenti triginta, externorum auxiliarium ferme duo milia et quadringenti ceciderunt.
32.8. The praetor led the victorious army back into camp, ordering Acilius to remain in the camp of the enemy. On the following day the spoils of the enemy were collected and before an assembly those whose valour had been conspicuous were rewarded.
32.8. praetor in castra victorem exercitum reduxit, Acilius manere in captis ab se castris iussus. postero die spolia de hostibus lecta et pro contione donati, quorum insignis virtus fuerat.
33.1. Having transported the wounded to the town of Aebura, he led the legions through Carpetania toward Contrebia.
33.1. sauciis deinde in oppidum Aeburam devectis per Carpetaniam ad Contrebiam ductae legiones.
33.2. When this town, on being besieged, had asked aid from the Celtiberians and they were slow in coming, not because they dawdled, but because after they had left home they were held up by roads made impassable by continuous rains and by swollen rivers, despairing of assistance from its friends, it surrendered.
33.2. ea urbs circumsessa cum a Celtiberis auxilia arcessisset, morantibus iis, non quia ipsi cunctati sunt, sed quia profectos domo inexplicabiles continuis imbribus viae et inflati amnes tenebant, desperato auxilio suorum in deditionem venit.
33.3. Flaccus, too, having been driven to do so by dire storms, led his whole army into the city.
33.3. Flaccus quoque tempestatibus foedis coactus exercitum omnem in urbem introduxit.
33.4. The Celtiberians, who had set out from home in ignorance of the surrender, when they had at last arrived at Contrebia after crossing the rivers as soon as the rains ceased, seeing no camp outside the walls and concluding that the enemy had either gone around to the other side or retired, carelessly approached the town in scattered bodies.
33.4. Celtiberi, qui profecti erant a domo deditionis ignari, cum tandem superatis, ubi primum remiserunt imbres, amnibus Contrebiam venissent, postquam nulla castra extra moenia viderunt, aut in alteram partem translata rati aut recessisse hostes, per neglegentiam effusi ad oppidum accesserunt.
33.5. The Romans made a sally against them from two gates and attacking them while they were in disorder put them to flight.
33.5. in eos duabus portis Romani eruptionem fecerunt et incompositos adorti fuderunt.
33.6. The circumstance which hampered their resisting and standing up to the fight, namely, that they were not advancing in one column or with large numbers grouped in formation around the standards, was itself the cause of safety for the majority in the flight:
33.6. quae res ad resistendum eos et ad capessendam pugnam inpediit, quod non uno agmine nec ad signa frequentes veniebant, eadem magnae parti ad fugam saluti fuit:
33.7. for scattered as they were anyhow over the whole plain, they broke up into groups and fled, and nowhere did the enemy surround a compact mass. Nevertheless about twelve thousand were killed, more than five thousand men captured, with four hundred horses and sixty-two military standards.
33.7. sparsi enim toto passim campo se diffuderunt, nec usquam confertos eos hostis circumvenit. tamen ad duodecim milia sunt caesa, capta plus quinque milia hominum, equi quadringenti, signa militaria sexaginta duo.
33.8. Those who came straggling home after their rout, by describing the surrender of Contrebia and their own disaster, prevented the departure of another force of Celtiberians who were coming.
33.8. qui palati e fuga domum se recipiebant alterum agmen Celtiberorum venientium deditionem Contrebiae et suam cladem narrando averterunt. extemplo in vicos castellaque sua omnes dilapsi.
33.9. All immediately dispersed to their villages and strongholds. Flaccus, setting out from Contrebia on a raid, led the legions through Celtiberia, capturing many forts, until the greatest part of the Celtiberians had surrendered.
33.9. Flaccus a Contrebia profectus per Celtiberiam populabundus ducit legiones multa castella obpugnando, donec maxima pars Celtiberorum in deditionem venit.
34.1. These were the events of this year in Nearer Spain. In the farther province the praetor Manlius won several victories over the Lusitanians. The Latin colony of Aquileia was founded the same year in the territory of the Gauls. Three thousand infantry received fifty iugera each, centurions one hundred, cavalry one hundred and forty. The commissioners who founded the colony were Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Gaius Flaminius, Lucius Manlius Acidinus. Two temples were dedicated that year, the first to Venus Erycina, near the Porta Collina; Lucius Porcius Licinus, the son of Lucius, as duumvir dedicated it, and it had been vowed by Lucius Porcius the consul in the Ligurian war; the second to Pietas in the Forum Olitorium. This temple was dedicated by Manius Acilius Glabrio as duumvir; a gilded statue, which was the first of all gilded statues in Italy, he set up there to his father Glabrio. It was the latter who had vowed this temple on the day he had fought decisively with King Antiochus at Thermopylae, and he had also let the contract under the authority of the senate. About the same time that these temples were dedicated, Lucius Aemilius Paulus the proconsul triumphed over the Ligurian Ingauni. He carried in his triumph twenty-five golden crowns, but no other gold or silver was displayed. Many chiefs of the Ligurians as prisoners walked before his car. His donatives to his troops amounted to three hundred asses each. The glamour of the triumph was increased by the arrival of envoys from the Ligurians who asked for perpetual peace; the Ligurian people, they said, had made up their minds never to take up arms except at the command of the Roman people.
34.1. haec in citeriore Hispania eo anno gesta. in ulteriore Manlius praetor secunda aliquot proelia cum Lusitanis fecit. Aquileia colonia Latina eodem anno in agrum Gallorum est deducta. tria milia peditum quinquagena iugera, centuriones centena, centena quadragena equites acceperunt. tresviri deduxerunt P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica C. Flaminius L. Manlius Acidinus. aedes duae eo anno dedicatae sunt, una Veneris Erucinae ad portam Collinam—dedicavit L. Porcius L. f. Licinus duumvir, vota erat a consule L. Porcio Ligustino bello—, altera in foro olitorio Pietatis. eam aedem dedicavit M'. Acilius Glabrio duumvir, statuamque auratam, quae prima omnium in Italia est statua aurata, patris Glabrionis posuit. is erat, qui ipse eam aedem voverat, quo die cum rege Antiocho ad Thermopylas depugnasset, locaveratque idem ex senatus consulto. per eosdem dies, quibus aedes hae dedicatae sunt, L. Aemilius Paulus proconsul ex Liguribus Ingaunis triumphavit. transtulit coronas aureas quinque et viginti, nec praeterea quicquam auri argentique in eo triumpho latum. captivi multi principes Ligurum ante currum ducti. aeris trecenos militibus divisit. auxerunt eius triumphi famam legati Ligurum pacem perpetuam orantes: ita in animum induxisse Ligurum gentem nulla umquam arma nisi imperata a populo Romano sumere. responsum a Q. Fabio praetore est Liguribus iussu senatus orationem eam non novam Liguribus esse; mens vero ut nova et orationi conveniens esset, ipsorum id plurimum referre: ad consules irent et, quae ab iis imperata essent, facerent; nulli alii quam consulibus senatum crediturum esse sincera fide in pace Ligures esse. pax in Liguribus fuit. in Corsica pugnatum cum Corsis; ad duo milia eorum M. Pinarius praetor in acie occidit. qua clade compulsi obsides dederunt et cerae centum milia pondo. inde in Sardiniam exercitus ductus et cum Iliensibus, gente ne nunc quidem omni parte pacata, secunda proelia facta. Carthaginiensibus eodem anno centum obsides redditi, pacemque [cum] iis populus Romanus non ab se tantum, sed ab rege etiam Masinissa praestitit, qui cum praesidio armato agrum, qui in controversia erat, obtinebat. otiosam provinciam consules habuerunt. M. Baebius comitiorum causa Romam revocatus consules creavit A. Postumium Albinum Luscum et C. Calpurnium Pisonem. praetores exinde facti Ti. Sempronius Gracchus L. Postumius Albinus P. Cornelius Mammula Ti. Minucius Molliculus A. Hostilius Mancinus C. Maenius. ii omnes magistratum idibus Martiis inierunt. principio eius anni, quo A. Postumius Albinus et C. Calpurnius Piso consules fuerunt, ab A. Postumio consule in senatum introducti qui ex Hispania citeriore venerant a Q. Fulvio Flacco, L. Minucius legatus et duo tribuni militum, T. Maenius et L. Terentius Massiliota.