---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 45 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 45. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 45. Book XL · chapters 46–59

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/45/#p-N

[¶0] 46.1. “We have not forgotten, censors, that a little while ago you were placed, by the entire Roman people, in control of our manners, and that we should be both admonished and governed by you, not you by us.”

> Latin: 46.1. “Non obliti sumus, censores, vos paulo ante ab universo populo Romano moribus nostris praepositos esse. et nos a vobis et admoneri et regi, non vos a nobis debere;

[¶1] 46.2. “Nevertheless, it should be pointed out what it is in you two that offends all good men or at least what they would prefer to see modified.”

> Latin: 46.2. indicandum tamen est, quid omnes bonos in vobis aut obfendat aut certe mutatum malint.

[¶2] 46.3. “When we look at you singly, Marcus Aemilius and Marcus Fulvius, we find no one in the state to-day whom, if we should be recalled to vote, we should wish to have preferred to you.”

> Latin: 46.3. singulos cum intuemur, M. Aemili, M. Fulvi, neminem hodie in civitate habemus, quem, si revocemur in suffragium, velimus vobis praelatum esse;

[¶3] 46.4. “When we look at both of you together, we cannot but fear that you may prove to have been badly mated and that less good may come to the state because you are so eminently pleasing to all of us than harm because each of you displeases the other.”

> Latin: 46.4. ambo cum simul adspicimus, non possumus non vereri, ne male comparati sitis, nec tantum rei publicae prosit, quod omnibus nobis egregie placetis, quam, quod alter alteri displicetis, noceat.

[¶4] 46.5. “For many years you have been keeping alive a feud, a serious and dreadful thing for you yourselves, and there is danger that from this day it may become more harmful to us and to the state than to you. As to the reasons why we fear this, many occur to me which might be mentioned were it not that passions perhaps not to be appeased beset your minds.”

> Latin: 46.5. inimicitias per annos multos vobis ipsis graves et atroces geritis, quae periculum est ne ex hac die nobis et rei publicae quam vobis graviores fiant.

[¶5] 46.6. “We one and all beg you to-day that in this consecrated spot you will end this quarrel,” “and that you will permit those men whom the Roman people by their votes has associated together, to be associated by us in this restoration of good feeling also; that with one mind and one policy you may choose the senate, review the equites, hold the census and close the lustrum;”

> Latin: 46.6. de quibus causis hoc timeamus, multa subcurrunt, quae dicerentur, nisi forte inplacabiles fueritis … inplicaverint animos vestros. has ut hodie, ut in isto templo finiatis simultates, quaesumus vos universi, et quos coniunxit suffragiis suis populus Romanus, hos etiam reconciliatione gratiae coniungi a nobis sinatis;

[¶6] 46.8. “that what you will say in almost every prayer you make, 'that this ” “may turn out well and successfully for me and for my colleague in office,' you will truly and with all your hearts desire to be fulfilled, and that you will so act that we men may believe that you also desire that for which you have prayed to the gods. Titus Tatius and Romulus, in whose city they had clashed as enemies in battle in the middle of the Forum, reigned there in harmony.”

> Latin: 46.8. uno animo, uno consilio legatis senatum, equites recenseatis, agatis censum, lustrum condatis; quod in omnibus fere precationibus nuncupabitis verbis “ut ea res mihi collegaeque meo bene et feliciter eveniat,” id ita ut vere, ut ex animo velitis evenire efficiatisque, ut, quod deos precati eritis, id vos velle etiam homines credamus.

[¶7] 46.10. “Not merely feuds but even wars draw to an end; many times from bitter foes men become faithful allies, sometimes even fellow citizens.”

> Latin: 46.10. T. Tatius et Romulus, in cuius urbis medio foro acie hostes concurrerant, ibi concordes regnarunt.

[¶8] 46.11. “The Albans when Alba was destroyed were transferred to Rome, the Latins and the Sabines were received into citizenship. There was a common saying which had passed into a proverb because it was true, that our friendships should be immortal, but mortal our enmities.”

> Latin: 46.11. non modo simultates, sed bella quoque finiuntur; ex infestis hostibus plerumque socii fideles, interdum etiam cives fiunt.

[¶9] 46.12. A roar of applause burst out, and then the speech was broken off by the voices of the whole crowd, demanding the same thing and merging into one sound.

> Latin: 46.12. Albani diruta Alba Romam traducti sunt; Latini, Sabini in civitatem accepti. vulgatum illud, quia verum erat, in proverbium venit, amicitias inmortales, mortales inimicitias debere esse.

[¶10] 46.13. Then Aemilius complained both of other things and particularly because he had twice been kept by Marcus Fulvius from the consulship which was assured him; Fulvius on his side complained that he had always been harassed by Aemilius and that the sponsio had been proposed to his shame.

> Latin: 46.13. “fremitus ortus cum adsensu, deinde universorum voces idem petentium confusae in unum orationem interpellarunt.

[¶11] 46.14. Nevertheless each stated that if the other was willing he was ready to put himself in the hands of all the leading men of the state. At the instance of all who were present, they sincerely exchanged hand-clasps and pledges, forgave one another, and ended their feud.

> Latin: 46.14. inde Aemilius questus cum alia, tum bis a M. Fulvio se certo consulatu deiectum; Fulvius contra queri se ab eo semper lacessitum et in probrum suum sponsionem factam; tamen ambo significare, si alter vellet, se in potestate tot principum civitatis futuros.

[¶12] 46.15. After that, followed by the applause of all, they were escorted to the Capitoline. Both the interest of the leaders in such a situation and the readiness of the censors to yield were notably approved and lauded by the senate.

> Latin: 46.15. omnibus instantibus qui aderant dextras fidemque dedere mittere vere ac finire odium. deinde conlaudantibus cunctis deducti sunt in Capitolium; et cura super tali re principum et facilitas censorum egregie comprobata ab senatu et laudata est.

[¶13] 46.16. Then, on the demand of the censors that the sum of money which they were to use on public works be assigned them, one year's revenue was decreed to them.

> Latin: 46.16. censoribus deinde postulantibus, ut pecuniae summa sibi, qua in opera publica uterentur, adtribueretur, vectigal annuum decretum est.

[¶14] 47.1. The same year the propraetors in Spain, Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Sempronius, arranged between them that Albinus should proceed through Lusitania against the Vaccaei and then return to Celtiberia; that Gracchus, if there were a greater war there, should make his way into the furthermost part of Celtiberia.

> Latin: 47.1. eodem anno in Hispania L. Postumius et Ti. Sempronius propraetores comparaverunt ita inter se, ut in Vaccaeos per Lusitaniam iret Albinus; in Celtiberam inde reverteretur, si maius ibi bellum esset;

[¶15] 47.2. ... He first took by storm the city of Munda, attacking it unexpectedly by night. Then, accepting hostages and leaving a garrison, he captured fortresses and burned the countryside until he came to another very powerful town which the Celtiberians call Certima.

> Latin: 47.2. Gracchus in ultima Celtiberiae penetraret. is Mundam urbem primo vi cepit, nocte ex inproviso adgressus. acceptis deinde obsidibus praesidioque inposito castella obpugnare, agros urere, donec ad praevalidam aliam urbem—Certimam adpellant Celtiberi— pervenit.

[¶16] 47.3. There, just as he was moving up his siege-engines, ambassadors came from the town, whose speech had the ring of old-fashioned frankness, and they did not disguise the fact that they would fight to the end if they had the strength.

> Latin: 47.3. ubi cum iam opera admoveret, veniunt legati ex oppido, quorum sermo antiquae simplicitatis fuit, non dissimulantium bellaturos, si vires essent.

[¶17] 47.4. For they asked that they might be permitted to go to the camp of the Celtiberians to summon aid; if they did not obtain it then they would consult by themselves and apart from the Celtiberians. When Gracchus granted this they departed and a few days later brought with them ten other ambassadors.

> Latin: 47.4. petierunt enim, ut sibi in castra Celtiberorum ire liceret ad auxilia accienda: si non impetrassent, tum separatim [eos] ab illis se consulturos. permittente Graccho ierunt et post paucis diebus alios decem legatos secum adduxerunt.

[¶18] 47.5. It was the hour of noon. They asked nothing from the praetor at first, except that he should order that they be given something to drink. Having quaffed the first cups they asked for a second drink, to the accompaniment of great laughter on the part of the bystanders at such uncultured natures, ignorant of all etiquette.

> Latin: 47.5. meridianum tempus erat. nihil prius petierunt a praetore, quam ut bibere sibi iuberet dari. epotis primis poculis iterum poposcerunt, magno risu circumstantium in tam rudibus et moris omnis ignaris ingeniis.

[¶19] 47.6. Then the eldest of them said: “We have been sent by our people to ascertain on what in the world it is that you rely in attacking us.”

> Latin: 47.6. tum maximus natu ex iis ”missi sumus“inquit” a gente nostra, qui sciscitaremur, qua tandem re fretus arma nobis inferres.

[¶20] 47.7. To this question Gracchus replied that he came relying on an excellent army; if they wished to see it, in order to make a more trustworthy report to their people, he would give them the opportunity.

> Latin: 47.7. “ad hanc percunctationem Gracchus exercitu se egregio fidentem venisse respondit; quem si ipsi visere velint, quo certiora ad suos referant, potestatem se eis facturum esse;

[¶21] 47.8. He ordered the tribunes of the soldiers to command all the forces of infantry and cavalry to equip themselves and to march in review under arms.

> Latin: 47.8. tribunisque militum imperat, ut ornari omnes copias peditum equitumque et decurrere iubeant armatas. ab hoc spectaculo legati dimissi deterruerunt suos ab auxilio circumsessae urbi ferendo.

[¶22] 47.9. After this spectacle the ambassadors were sent away and discouraged their people from sending aid to the besieged city. The townspeople, after vainly building fires on their towers at night, which had been the signal agreed upon, finding themselves destitute of their one hope of assistance, surrendered.

> Latin: 47.9. oppidani cum ignes nocte e turribus nequiquam, quod signum convenerat, sustulissent, destituti ab unica spe auxilii in deditionem venerunt.

[¶23] 47.10. Twenty-four thousand nummi were demanded of them, and forty of their noblest knights, not expressly as hostages —for they were ordered to do military duty —yet in the very nature of the situation as a guarantee of loyalty.

> Latin: 47.10. nummum quater et viciens ab iis est exactum, quadraginta nobilissimi equites, nec obsidum nomine—nam militare iussi sunt—, et tamen re ipsa, ut pignus fidei essent.

[¶24] 48.1. From there he next led his troops to the town of Alce, where the camp of the Celtiberians lay from which the ambassadors had recently come.

> Latin: 48.1. inde iam duxit ad Alcen urbem, ubi castra Celtiberorum erant, a quibus venerant nuper legati.

[¶25] 48.2. When he had harried them with skirmishes for some time, sending his light troops against their outposts, he was daily engaging in battle on a larger scale, that he might draw them all outside their defences.

> Latin: 48.2. eos cum per aliquot dies armaturam levem inmittendo in stationes lacessisset parvis proeliis, in dies maiora certamina serebat, ut omnes extra munitiones eliceret.

[¶26] 48.3. When he saw that what he was seeking had been sufficiently achieved, he ordered the commanders of the auxiliaries that, letting the conflict flag as if they were overcome by superior numbers, they should suddenly turn their backs and flee headlong to the camp; he himself formed his troops inside the rampart at all the gates.

> Latin: 48.3. ubi quod petebat sensit effectum, auxiliorum praefectis imperat, ut contracto certamine, tamquam multitudine superarentur, repente tergis datis ad castra effuse fugerent, ipse intra vallum ad omnes portas instruxit copias.

[¶27] 48.4. No long time passed when, as agreed, he saw the column of his own fugitives and behind them, pursuing in loose order, the barbarians.

> Latin: 48.4. haud multum temporis intercessit, cum ex composito refugientium suorum agmen, post effuse sequentes barbaros conspexit.

[¶28] 48.5. He had formed his line within the rampart for just this purpose. And so, waiting only long enough to allow his troops to escape into the camp through an open entrance, raising a shout he burst out from all the gates at once. The enemy did not withstand the unexpected attack.

> Latin: 48.5. instructam ad hoc ipsum intra vallum habebat aciem. itaque tantum moratus, ut suos refugere in castra libero introitu sineret, clamore sublato simul omnibus portis erupit.

[¶29] 48.6. Those who had come to capture the camp could not even defend their own: for at once they were repulsed and routed, presently driven in terror within the rampart, and finally stripped of their camp.

> Latin: 48.6. non sustinuere inpetum necopinatum hostes. qui ad castra obpugnanda venerant, ne sua quidem tueri potuerunt: nam extemplo fusi, fugati, mox intra vallum paventes compulsi, postremo exuuntur castris.

[¶30] 48.7. That day nine thousand of the enemy were killed; three hundred and twenty were taken alive, and a hundred and twelve horses and thirty-seven military standards were captured. Of the Roman army one hundred and nine fell.

> Latin: 48.7. eo die novem milia hostium caesa; capti vivi trecenti viginti, equi centum duodecim, signa militaria triginta septem. de exercitu Romano centum novem ceciderunt.

[¶31] 49.1. After this battle Gracchus led the legions to ravage Celtiberia. And while he was carrying and driving off everything everywhere and the tribes were submitting to the yoke, some voluntarily and others in fear, he received the surrender of a hundred and three towns within a few days and gained an immense amount of booty.

> Latin: 49.1. ab hoc proelio Gracchus duxit ad depopulandam Celtiberiam legiones, et cum ferret passim cuncta atque ageret populique alii voluntate, alii metu iugum acciperent, centum tria oppida intra paucos dies in deditionem accepit; praeda potitus ingenti est.

[¶32] 49.2. Then he turned the column back toward Alce whence he had come, and began to invest that town.

> Latin: 49.2. convertit inde agmen retro, unde venerat, ad Alcen, atque eam urbem obpugnare institit.

[¶33] 49.3. The citizens sustained the first assault of the enemy; then, when they were now being attacked, not by arms alone, but also by siege-works, despairing of protecting the town they all retired to the citadel; finally even from there they sent ambassadors out to plead for them and entrusted themselves and all their possessions to the dominion of the Romans.

> Latin: 49.3. oppidani primum inpetum hostium sustinuerunt; deinde, cum iam non armis modo sed etiam operibus obpugnarentur, diffisi praesidio urbis in arcem universi concesserunt;

[¶34] 49.4. Much booty was taken there. Many noble prisoners came into Roman hands, among them two sons and a daughter of Thurrus. He was the chieftain of these tribes and by far the most powerful man of all the Spaniards.

> Latin: 49.4. postremo et inde praemissis oratoribus in dicionem se suaque omnia Romanis permiserunt. magna inde praeda facta est. multi captivi nobiles in potestatem venerunt, inter quos et Thurri filii duo et filia.

[¶35] 49.5. After he had heard of the loss of his people he sent to ask for a safeguard if he came to the camp to see Gracchus, and then came. And first he asked whether it was permitted to him and his children to live.

> Latin: 49.5. regulus hic earum gentium erat, longe potentissimus omnium Hispanorum. audita suorum clade missis, qui fidem venienti in castra ad Gracchum peterent, venit.

[¶36] 49.6. When the praetor had replied that he should live, he next asked whether it was permitted to serve with the Romans.

> Latin: 49.6. et primum quaesivit ab eo, sibine liceret ac suis vivere. cum praetor victurum respondisset, quaesivit iterum, si cum Romanis militare liceret.

[¶37] 49.7. When Gracchus granted this too, “I shall follow you, then,” he said, “against my old allies, since they have disdained to take up arms for me.” Thenceforth he followed the Romans, and with courageous and constant help aided the Roman cause in many places.

> Latin: 49.7. id quoque Graccho permittente ”sequar“inquit ” vos adversus veteres socios meos, quoniam illos ad me … suspicere.“secutus est inde Romanos fortique ac fideli opera multis locis rem Romanam adiuvit.

[¶38] 50.1. Ergavica next, a renowned and powerful city, having been terrified by the fall of other peoples around them, opened its gates to the Romans.

> Latin: 50.1. Ergavica inde, nobilis et potens civitas, aliorum circa populorum cladibus territa, portas aperuit Romanis.

[¶39] 50.2. Some writers say that these surrenders of towns were not made in good faith: that there was immediate rebellion in every region from which Gracchus had withdrawn his legions, and that later, in a great battle in the Chaunus mountains, he fought with the Celtiberians from daybreak to the sixth hour of the day in pitched battle with heavy losses on both sides;

> Latin: 50.2. eam deditionem oppidorum haud cum fide factam quidam auctores sunt: e qua regione abduxisset legiones, extemplo inde rebellatum, magnoque eum postea proelio ad montem Chaunum cum Celtiberis a prima luce ad sextam horam diei signis conlatis pugnasse, multos utrimque cecidisse, nec aliud magnopere, … crederes, fecisse Romanos, nisi quod postero die lacessierint proelio manentes intra vallum;

[¶40] 50.3. that the Romans gave no conspicuous indication which would lead one to believe that they were victorious except that the next day they harried the enemy, who remained within the rampart; that all through that day they collected spoils; that on the third day another and greater battle was fought and this time at length the Celtiberians were undoubtedly beaten and their camp taken and plundered.

> Latin: 50.3. spolia per totum diem legisse; tertio die proelio maiore iterum pugnatum et tum demum haud dubie victos Celtiberos castraque eorum capta et direpta esse.

[¶41] 50.5. Twenty-two thousand of the enemy, these writers report, were killed that day and more than three hundred captured, together with an equal number of horses and seventy-two military standards. From that time, they say, the war was over and the Celtiberians kept true peace, not with wavering loyalty as before.

> Latin: 50.5. viginti duo milia hostium eo die esse caesa, plus trecentos captos, parem fere equorum numerum et signa militaria septuaginta duo. inde debellatum, veramque pacem, non fluxa, ut ante, fide Celtiberos fecisse.

[¶42] 50.6. They write that in the same summer Lucius Postumius also, in Farther Spain, twice fought successfully with the Vaccaei; that he had slain about thirty-five thousand of the enemy and taken their camp.

> Latin: 50.6. eadem aestate et L. Postumium in Hispania ulteriore bis cum Vaccaeis egregie pugnasse scribunt; ad triginta et quinque milia hostium occidisse et castra expugnasse.

[¶43] 50.7. It is nearer the truth to say that he came to the province too late to have been able to accomplish anything that summer.

> Latin: 50.7. propius vero est, serius in provinciam pervenisse, quam ut ea aestate potuerit res gerere.

[¶44] 51.1. The censors chose the senate faithfully and harmoniously. The princeps senatus selected was Marcus Aemilius Lepidus himself, a censor and the pontifix maximus; three were expelled from the senate; Lepidus retained some who had been passed over by his colleague.

> Latin: 51.1. censores fideli concordia senatum legerunt. princeps lectus est ipse censor M. Aemilius Lepidus pontifex maximus; tres eiecti de senatu;

[¶45] 51.2. Public works, out of the money assigned and divided between them, they carried out as follows. Lepidus built a mole at Tarracina, a work which brought him censure because he owned property there and had included with expenditures chargeable to the state some private expenses; he contracted for a theatre and proscenium-building at the temple of Apollo, and for the cleaning and whitening of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline and of the columns around it; and from these columns he removed the statues which seemed to be so placed as to obstruct the view, and he took down the shields from the columns and the military standards of every sort which were affixed to them.

> Latin: 51.2. retinuit quosdam Lepidus a collega praeteritos. opera ex pecunia adtributa divisaque inter se haec confecerunt: Lepidus molem ad Tarracinam, ingratum opus, quod praedia habebat ibi, privatamque publicae rei inpensam inseruerat; theatrum et proscenium ad Apollinis, aedem Iovis in Capitolio columnasque circa poliendas albo locavit, et ab his columnis, quae incommode obposita videbantur, signa amovit clipeaque de columnis et signa militaria adfixa omnis generis dempsit.

[¶46] 51.4. Marcus Fulvius contracted for additional works and of greater utility: a harbour and the piles for a bridge over the Tiber, the piles on which many years later Publius Scipio Africanus and Lucius Mummius in their censorship contracted for the construction of arches, a basilica behind the new shops of the silver-smiths and a fish-market with shops about it which he sold for private

> Latin: 51.4. M. Fulvius plura et maioris locavit usus: portum et pilas pontis in Tiberi, quibus pilis fornices post aliquot annos P. Scipio Africanus et L. Mummius censores locaverunt inponendos, basilicam post argentarias novas et forum piscatorium circumdatis tabernis, quas vendidit in privatum,

[¶47] 51.6. use; also a portico outside the Porta Trigemina, and another behind the dock-yards, and near the shrine of Hercules, and behind the temple of Spes on the Tiber, and near the shrine of Apollo Medicus.

> Latin: 51.6. et forum et porticum extra portam Trigeminam et aliam post navalia et ad fanum Herculis et post Spei ad Tiberim et ad aedem Apollinis medici.

[¶48] 51.7. They had, besides, money in common: from this they let contracts in the names of both for the construction of an aqueduct and the erection of arches. This undertaking was blocked by Marcus Licinius Crassus, who would not permit the aqueduct to run across his property. The same censors established many port-dues and taxes.

> Latin: 51.7. habuere et in promiscuo praeterea pecuniam; ex ea communiter locarunt aquam adducendam fornicesque faciendos. inpedimento operi fuit M. Licinius Crassus, qui per fundum suum duci non est passus.

[¶49] 51.8. Many shrines and public places, occupied by private persons, they caused to be public and sacred and open to the people.

> Latin: 51.8. portoria quoque et vectigalia iidem multa instituerunt. complura sacella publicaque [sua], occupata a privatis, publica sacraque ut essent paterentque populo curarunt.

[¶50] 51.9. They changed the method of voting and constituted the tribes according to districts and to the classes and situations and occupations of the members.

> Latin: 51.9. mutarunt suffragia regionatimque et alter ex censoribus M.

[¶51] 52.1. Moreover, one of the censors, Marcus Aemilius, asked the senate that money should be assigned to him for the games in connection with the dedication of the temples which he had vowed to Queen Juno and Diana eight years before in the Ligurian war. They voted twenty thousand asses.

> Latin: 52.1. Aemilius petiit ab senatu, ut sibi dedicationis templorum reginae Iunonis et Dianae, quae bello Ligustino ante annis octo vovisset, pecunia ad ludos decerneretur.

[¶52] 52.2. He dedicated these temples, both in the circus Flaminius, and gave scenic games for three days after the dedication of the temple to Juno, two days in the case of Diana, and games in the circus for one day for each. He also dedicated a temple to the Lares of the Sea in the Campus.

> Latin: 52.2. viginti milia aeris decreverunt. dedicavit eas aedes, utramque in circo Flaminio, ludosque scenicos triduum post dedicationem templi Iunonis, biduum post Dianae, et singulos dies fecit in circo.

[¶53] 52.4. Lucius Aemilius Regillus had vowed this eleven years before during the naval battle against the prefects of King Antiochus. Above the doors of the temple a tablet was fixed bearing this inscription: “For finishing a great war, for subduing kings, this battle, fought for the purpose of winning peace, (gave victory) to Lucius Aemilius, the son of Marcus Aemilius, as he left the ” “field.

> Latin: 52.4. idem dedicavit aedem Larium permarinum in Campo. voverat eam annis undecim ante L. Aemilius Regillus navali proelio adversus praefectos regis Antiochi.

[¶54] 52.5. Under his auspices and command, with his good fortune and generalship, in the area bounded by Ephesus, Samos and Chios, under the eyes of Antiochus himself, of all his army, his cavalry and his elephants, the fleet of King Antiochus, hitherto undefeated, was routed, shattered and put to flight, and there on that day forty-two ships were taken with all their ” “crews.

> Latin: 52.5. supra valvas templi tabula cum titulo hoc fixa est “duello magno dirimendo, regibus subigendis * caput patrandae pacis ad pugnam exeunti L. Aemilio M. Aemili filio … auspicio, imperio, felicitate ductuque eius inter Ephesum, Samum Chiumque inspectante eopse Antiocho cum exercitu omni, equitatu elephantisque, classis regis Antiochi antea invicta fusa, contusa, fugataque est, ibique eo die naves longae cum omnibus sociis captae quadraginta duae.

[¶55] 52.6. As a result of the finishing of this battle King Antiochus was defeated and his naval empire (overthrown). By reason of this victory he vowed a temple to the Lares of the ” “Sea.”

> Latin: 52.6. ea pugna pugnata rex Antiochus regnumque … eius rei ergo aedem Laribus permarinis vovit.

[¶56] 52.7. A tablet to the same effect was set up in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline above the doors.

> Latin: 52.7. ” eodem exemplo tabula in aede Iovis in Capitolio supra valvas fixa est.

[¶57] 53.1. Two days after the censors chose the senate, Quintus Fulvius the consul set out against the Ligurians, making his way with his army across the pathless mountains and crossing the pass of Ballista, and fought a pitched battle with the enemy;

> Latin: 53.1. biduo, quo senatum legerunt censores, Q. Fulvius consul profectus in Ligures, per invios montes vallesque et saltus cum exercitu transgressus, signis conlatis cum hoste pugnavit, neque tantum acie vicit, sed castra quoque eodem die cepit.

[¶58] 53.2. he not only conquered them on the field but captured their camp the same day. Three thousand two hundred of the enemy and all this region of the Ligurians surrendered.

> Latin: 53.2. tria milia ducenti hostium omnisque ea regio Ligurum in deditionem venit.

[¶59] 53.3. The consul transferred the surrendered to lands in the plains and set garrisons over the mountains. Quickly, too, dispatches from the province came to Rome; a thanksgiving for three days was decreed because of these successes, and the praetors sacrificed forty full-grown victims in the course of the thanksgiving.

> Latin: 53.3. consul deditos in campestres agros deduxit praesidiaque montibus inposuit. celeriter … et ex provincia litterae Romam venerunt. supplicationes ob eas res gestas in triduum decretae sunt;

[¶60] 53.4. The other consul, Lucius Manlius, did nothing worth recording among the Ligurians. The transalpine Gauls, three thousand in number, crossing into Italy and harrying no one in war, asked land from the consuls and the senate, that they might live in peace under the rule of the Roman people.

> Latin: 53.4. praetores quadraginta hostiis maioribus per supplicationes rem divinam fecerunt. ab altero consule L. Manlio nihil memoria dignum in Liguribus est gestum. Galli Transalpini, tria milia hominum, in Italiam transgressi, neminem bello lacessentes agrum a consulibus et senatu petebant, ut pacati sub imperio populi Romani essent.

[¶61] 53.6. The senate ordered them to leave Italy, and instructed the consul Quintus Fulvius to search out and punish the leaders and proposers of the plan to cross the Alps.

> Latin: 53.6. eos senatus excedere Italia iussit et consulem Q. Fulvium quaerere et animadvertere in eos, qui principes et auctores transcendendi Alpes fuissent.

[¶62] 54.1. The same year Philip, king of the Macedonians, died, broken down by age and grief at the death of his son.

> Latin: 54.1. eodem anno Philippus rex Macedonum, senio et maerore consumptus post mortem filii, decessit.

[¶63] 54.2. He was wintering at Demetrias, distressed both by longing for his son and by repentance of his own cruelty.

> Latin: 54.2. Demetriade hibernabat, cum desiderio anxius filii tum paenitentia crudelitatis suae.

[¶64] 54.3. His mind was further disturbed, firstly by his other son, who was already and beyond doubt the king, both in his own opinion and that of others, the eyes of all being turned upon him, secondly, by the loneliness of his own old age, since some were waiting for his death and others not even waiting for it.

> Latin: 54.3. stimulabat animum et alter filius haud dubie et sua et aliorum opinione rex conversique in eum omnium oculi et destituta senectus aliis expectantibus suam mortem, aliis ne expectantibus quidem.

[¶65] 54.4. All this caused him the more distress, as it did to Antigonus the son of Echecrates, who bore the name of his uncle Antigonus, the guardian of Philip, a man of regal dignity, and renowned also for the famous battle against Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian.

> Latin: 54.4. quo magis angebatur, et cum eo Antigonus Echecratis filius, nomen patrui Antigoni ferens, qui tutor Philippi fuerat, regiae vir maiestatis, nobili etiam pugna adversus Cleomenem Lacedaemonium clarus.

[¶66] 54.5. The surname “the guardian” was given him by the Greeks to distinguish him from the other of that name.

> Latin: 54.5. tutorem eum Graeci, ut cognomine a ceteris regibus distinguerent, adpellarunt.

[¶67] 54.6. The younger Antigonus, the son of his brother Echecrates, of all the friends whom Philip had honoured, alone remained uncorrupted, and this loyalty to Philip had made Perseus, under no circumstances a friend, a most deadly foe.

> Latin: 54.6. huius fratris filius Antigonus ex honoratis Philippi amicis unus incorruptus permanserat, eique ea fide nequaquam amicum Persea inimicissimum fecerat.

[¶68] 54.7. Foreseeing in his mind with how great danger to himself the inheritance of the kingdom would fall to Perseus, as soon as he saw that the mind of the king was wavering and that he sometimes grieved at the loss of his son Demetrius, now by listening to him, now by even provoking him to talk of that rash act, with laments of his own he echoed the laments of Philip.

> Latin: 54.7. is prospiciens animo, quanto cum periculo suo hereditas regni ventura esset ad Persea, ut primum labare animum regis et ingemiscere interdum filii desiderio sensit, nunc praebendo aures, nunc lacessendo etiam mentionem rei temere actae saepe querenti querens et ipse aderat;

[¶69] 54.8. And while the truth, as usually happens, was offering many foretokens of itself, he aided with all his might in bringing everything to light with greater speed.

> Latin: 54.8. et cum multa, ut adsolet, veritas praeberet vestigia sui, omni ope adiuvabat, quo maturius omnia emanarent.

[¶70] 54.9. Suspicion had fallen particularly upon Apelles and Philocles as the instigators of the crime, since they had been the ambassadors to Rome and had brought the letter, fatal to Demetrius, which bore the name of Flamininus.

> Latin: 54.9. suspecti ut ministri facinoris Apelles maxime et Philocles erant, qui Romam legati fuerant litterasque exitiales Demetrio sub nomine Flaminini adtulerant.

[¶71] 55.1. That the letter was a forgery, the falsification of a scribe, and the seal a counterfeit, was the muttering of all the palace.

> Latin: 55.1. falsas esse et a scriba vitiatas signumque adulterinum vulgo in regia fremebant.

[¶72] 55.2. But while the facts were suspected rather than established by proof, Xychus by chance encountered Antigonus and was arrested by him and taken to the palace.

> Latin: 55.2. ceterum cum suspecta magis quam manifesta esset res, forte Xychus obvius fit Antigono, comprehensusque ab eo in regiam est perductus. relicto eo custodibus Antigonus ad Philippum processit.

[¶73] 55.3. Leaving him in the care of guards, Antigonus went to Philip and addressed him thus: “I seem to have understood from many conversations that you will value it highly if you can learn the whole truth about your sons, which of the two was attacked by the other with treachery and ambush. There is one man in all the world who can untie the knot of this uncertainty, and this man, Xychus, is in your hands.”

> Latin: 55.3. “multis” inquit “sermonibus intellexisse videor, magno te aestimaturum, si scire vera omnia possis de filiis tuis, uter ab utro petitus fraude et insidiis esset.

[¶74] 55.4. “Since he happened to come in my way and has been by me brought to the palace, order him to be summoned.”

> Latin: 55.4. homo unus omnium, qui nodum huius erroris exsolvere possit, in potestate tua est Xychus.” forte oblatum perductumque in regiam vocari iube.

[¶75] 55.5. When Xychus was brought before the king, he at first denied everything so irresolutely that it was clear that he would be a ready witness under the stimulus of a little terror. He did not endure even the sight of the torturer and the lash, but set forth the whole sequence of events in the crime of the ambassadors and his own service in connection with it.

> Latin: 55.5. adductus primo ita negare inconstanter, ut parvo metu admoto paratum indicem esse adpareret. conspectum tortoris verberumque non sustinuit ordinemque omnem facinoris legatorum ministeriique sui exposuit.

[¶76] 55.6. At once men were sent out to arrest the ambassadors, and Philocles, who was at hand, was seized: Apelles, who had been sent in pursuit of a certain Chaereas, hearing of the testimony of Xychus, crossed to Italy.

> Latin: 55.6. extemplo missi, qui legatos comprehenderent. Philoclem, qui praesens erat, obpresserunt; Apelles missus ad Chaeream quendam persequendum indicio Xychi audito in Italiam traiecit.

[¶77] 55.7. With regard to Philocles there is no certain information: some say that after boldly denying his guilt at first, when he was confronted with Xychus he did not hold out longer, others assert that he even suffered torture while still making denial.

> Latin: 55.7. de Philocle nihil certi vulgatum est; alii primo audaciter negantem, postquam in conspectum adductus sit Xychus, non ultra tetendisse, alii tormenta etiam infitiantem perpessum adfirmant.

[¶78] 55.8. Philip's grief was renewed and doubled; and he believed that his unhappiness in his children was the greater because the second remained.

> Latin: 55.8. Philippo redintegratus est luctus geminatusque, et infelicitatem suam in liberis graviorem, quod alter superesset, quam quod alter perisset, censebat.

[¶79] 56.1. When Perseus was informed that everything had been discovered he was indeed too strong to consider that flight was necessary: he arranged only to remain far away, being prepared to defend himself against the flames of burning anger while Philip lived.

> Latin: 56.1. Perseus certior factus omnia detecta esse, potentior quidem erat, quam ut fugam necessariam duceret;

[¶80] 56.2. Philip, although disappointed in the hope of seizing his person for punishment, turned his attention to the course which was still open to him — of seeing to it that Perseus might not, in addition to impunity, also enjoy the profit of his crime.

> Latin: 56.2. tantum, ut procul abesset, curabat, interim velut ab incendio flagrantis irae, dum Philippus viveret, se defensurus. is spe potiundi ad poenam corporis eius amissa, quod reliquum erat, id studere, ne super inpunitatem etiam praemio sceleris frueretur.

[¶81] 56.3. He therefore summoned Antigonus, to whom he was indebted in return for his having exposed the murder, and who, he believed, would be a king about whom the Macedonians need by no means be ashamed or abashed, on account of the recent fame of his uncle Antigonus.

> Latin: 56.3. Antigonum igitur adpellat, cui et palam facti parricidii gratia obnoxius erat, neque pudendum aut paenitendum eum regem Macedonibus propter recentem patrui Antigoni gloriam fore censebat.

[¶82] 56.4. “Since I have come to such a state, Antigonus,” he said, “that the bereavement which other parents try to avert cannot but seem to be a blessing, the kingdom which I received from your uncle, held in safe-keeping and even made still greater by his courageous and not merely loyal guardianship, it is in my mind to bequeath to you. I have you alone whom I judge to be worthy of the throne.”

> Latin: 56.4. “quando in eam fortunam veni” inquit, “Antigone, ut orbitas mihi, quam alii detestantur parentes, optabilis esse debeat, regnum, quod a patruo tuo forti, non solum fideli tutela eius custoditum et auctum etiam accepi, id tibi tradere in animo est.

[¶83] 56.5. “If I had no one, I should prefer to have it perish and be destroyed to seeing it become for Perseus the reward of his criminal treachery.”

> Latin: 56.5. te unum habeo, quem dignum regno iudicem; si neminem haberem, perire et exstingui id mallem quam Perseo scelestae fraudis praemium esse.

[¶84] 56.6. “I shall believe that Demetrius is raised from the dead and restored to me if I shall leave you, who alone have wept at the death of an innocent man and for my unfortunate mistake, as a substitute for him.” After saying this he did not cease to distinguish him with every mark of honour.

> Latin: 56.6. Demetrium excitatum ab inferis restitutumque credam mihi, si te, qui morti innocentis, qui meo infelici errori unus inlacrimasti, in locum eius substitutum relinquam.

[¶85] 56.7. While Perseus was absent in Thrace, Philip canvassed the cities of Macedonia and recommended Antigonus to the chiefs; and if longer life had been his lot there is no question that he would have left Antigonus in possession of the throne. Setting out from Demetrias, he had been delayed for a very long time at Thessalonica.

> Latin: 56.7. ” ab hoc sermone omni genere honoris producere eum non destitit. cum in Thracia Perseus abesset, circumire Macedoniae urbes principibusque Antigonum commendare; et, si vita longior subpetisset, haud dubium fuit, quin eum in possessione regni relicturus fuerit.

[¶86] 56.8. When he had come from there to Amphipolis he was seized with a severe illness. But it is evident that his sickness was one of the mind rather than of the body;

> Latin: 56.8. ab Demetriade profectus Thessalonicae plurimum temporis moratus fuerat. inde cum Amphipolim venisset, gravi morbo est inplicitus.

[¶87] 56.9. and that anxiety and loss of sleep, while again and again the shade and ghost of the innocent son whom he had killed pursued him, brought about his death while calling down dreadful curses upon his other son.

> Latin: 56.9. sed animo tamen aegrum magis fuisse quam corpore constat, curisque et vigiliis, cum identidem species et umbrae insontis interempti filii agitarent, cum diris exstinctum esse exsecrationibus alterius.

[¶88] 56.10. Nevertheless Antigonus could possibly have been advanced to the throne if he had been present or even if the death of the king had been made public at once.

> Latin: 56.10. tamen admoneri potuisset Antigonus, si aut adfuisset aut statim palam facta esset mors regis.

[¶89] 56.11. The physician Calligenes, who was in charge of his treatment, without waiting for the death of the king, at the first signs that the case was hopeless sent messengers to Perseus, as he had arranged to do, on relays of horses, and until his arrival concealed the death of the king from all who were outside the palace.

> Latin: 56.11. medicus Calligenes, qui curationi praeerat, non expectata morte regis a primis desperationis notis nuntios per dispositos …, ita ut convenerat, misit ad Perseum et mortem regis in adventum eius omnes, qui extra regiam erant, celavit.

[¶90] 57.1. Thus Perseus caught everyone unprepared and ignorant, and grasped the sceptre which he had won by crime. The death of Philip came at a fortunate time for delaying and for diverting strength from the war.

> Latin: 57.1. obpressit igitur necopinantes ignarosque omnes Perseus et regnum scelere partum invasit.

[¶91] 57.2. For a few days later the tribe of the Bastarnae, after long solicitation, left their homes and with a great number of infantry and cavalry crossed the Hister.

> Latin: 57.2. peropportuna mors Philippi fuit ad dilationem et ad vires bello contrahendas. nam post paucis diebus gens Bastarnarum, diu sollicitata, ab suis sedibus magna peditum equitumque manu Histrum traiecit.

[¶92] 57.3. Thence Antigonus and Cotto came on in advance to bring the word to the king: Cotto was a nobleman among the Bastarnae, Antigonus one of Philip's courtiers who had often been sent with Cotto himself to stir up the Bastarnae. When they were not far from Amphipolis, first the rumour and then the authenticated tidings of the death of the king reached them. This event wholly upset the ordered plan of Philip.

> Latin: 57.3. inde praegressi, qui nuntiarent regi, Antigonus et Cotto; Cotto nobilis erat Bastarna, [ea res] Antigonus iam prius cum ipso Cottone legatus ad concitandos Bastarnas missus. haud procul Amphipoli fama, inde certi nuntii obcurrerunt mortuum esse regem;

[¶93] 57.4. But it had been so arranged that Philip was to guarantee to the Bastarnae a safe passage through Thrace and also supplies. In order that he might be able to accomplish this, he had cultivated the chiefs of these districts with gifts, pledging his word that the Bastarnae would cross their territories peaceably.

> Latin: 57.4. quae res omnem ordinem consilii turbavit. compositum autem sic fuerat, transitum per Thraciam tutum et commeatus Bastarnis ut Philippus praestaret. id ut facere posset, regionum principes donis coluerat fide sua obligata pacato agmine transituros Bastarnas.

[¶94] 57.5. It had been his intention to destroy the race of the Dardanians and to give the Bastarnae homes on their lands.

> Latin: 57.5. Dardanorum gentem delere propositum erat inque eorum agro sedes fundare Bastarnis.

[¶95] 57.6. From this policy there was a double advantage if, in the first place, the Dardanians, a people always most hostile to Macedonia and watchful for occasions unfavourable to the kings, should be destroyed, and, secondly, if the Bastarnae, leaving their wives and children in Dardania, could be sent to plunder Italy.

> Latin: 57.6. duplex inde erat commodum futurum, si et Dardani, gens semper infestissima Macedoniae temporibusque iniquis regum inminens, tolleretur, et Bastarnae relictis in Dardania coniugibus liberisque ad populandam Italiam possent mitti:

[¶96] 57.7. There was a road, he knew, through the country of the Scordisci to the Adriatic sea and Italy; an army could not be led by any other way. The Scordisci would readily give a passage to the Bastarnae: for they were not very different in either language or manners; and they themselves would join forces with them when they saw the Bastarnae going to plunder a most wealthy people.

> Latin: 57.7. per Scordiscos iter esse ad mare Hadriaticum Italiamque, alia via traduci exercitum non posse. facile Bastarnis Scordiscos iter daturos—nec enim aut lingua aut moribus [aequales] abhorrere—et ipsos adiuncturos se, cum ad praedam opulentissimae gentis ire vidissent.

[¶97] 57.8. From that point his plans were adapted to any issue: if the Bastarnae were cut to pieces by the Romans, yet the removal of the Dardani and the booty from the remnants of the Bastarnae and the unhindered occupancy of Dardania would be his consolation;

> Latin: 57.8. inde in omnem eventum consilia adcommodabantur: sive caesi ab Romanis forent Bastarnae, Dardanos tamen sublatos praedamque ex reliquiis Bastarnarum et possessionem liberam Dardaniae solacio fore, sive prospere rem gessissent, Romanis aversis in Bastarnarum bellum recuperaturum se in Graecia quae amisisset.

[¶98] 57.9. if on the other hand success attended their venture, while the attention of the Romans was distracted to the war with the Bastarnae Philip would recover his lost possessions in Greece. This was the plan of Philip. At first the Bastarnae marched with their column peacefully inclined. Then, after the departure of Cotto and Antigonus and, not much later, after the receipt of the news of the death of Philip, neither were the Thracians easy to negotiate with nor could the Bastarnae be satisfied with what they could buy nor could they be kept in column without leaving the line of march.

> Latin: 57.9. haec Philippi consilia fuerant. … ingressi sunt pacato agmine; digressu deinde Cottonis et Antigoni et haud multo post ad famam mortis Philippi neque Thraces commercio faciles erant neque Bastarnae empto contenti esse poterant aut in agmine contineri, ne decederent via.

[¶99] 58.2. In consequence injuries were inflicted on both sides, and as these increased day by day war flared up. Finally, when the Thracians were unable to withstand the strength and numbers of the enemy, leaving the villages in the plains they fell back to a mountain of great height —they call it Donuca.

> Latin: 58.2. inde iniuriae ultro citroque fieri, quarum in dies incremento bellum exarsit. postremo Thraces cum vim ac multitudinem sustinere hostium non possent, relictis campestribus vicis in montem ingentis altitudinis— Donucam vocant—concesserunt.

[¶100] 58.3. When the Bastarnae tried to climb it, they were caught, as they attempted in vain to scale the heights of the mountains, by such a storm as that which, as the story goes, destroyed the Gauls as they pillaged Delphi.

> Latin: 58.3. quo cum subire Bastarnae vellent, quali tempestate Gallos spoliantes Delphos fama est peremptos esse, talis tum Bastarnas nequiquam ad iuga montium adpropinquantes obpressit.

[¶101] 58.4. For not merely were they assailed with a deluge of rain and then masses of hail, along with tremendous crashes in the sky and thunders and lightning-flashes blinding their eyes, but also the bolts flashed all about them so that their own bodies seemed to be the targets, and not only the common soldiers but even the chieftains fell stricken on the ground.

> Latin: 58.4. neque enim imbre tantum effuso, dein creberrima grandine obruti sunt cum ingenti fragore caeli tonitribusque et fulguribus praestringentibus aciem oculorum, sed fulmina etiam sic undique micabant, ut peti viderentur corpora, nec solum milites, sed etiam principes icti caderent.

[¶102] 58.6. So when in headlong flight in their blindness they were rushing about and falling over lofty cliffs, the Thracians too came upon them in their panic, but they themselves said that the gods were the causes of their flight and that the skies were falling upon them Scattered by the tempest, as if after a shipwreck, when many of them, half-armed, had returned to the camp whence they had set out, they began to consider what they should do.

> Latin: 58.6. itaque cum praecipiti fuga per rupes praealtas inprovidi sternerentur ruerentque, instabant quidem perculsis Thraces, sed ipsi deos auctores fugae esse caelumque in se ruere aiebant.

[¶103] 58.7. Then a disagreement arose, some thinking that they should return home, others that they should make their way into Dardania; about thirty thousand men, under the command of Clondicus, arrived at the place for which they had set out, the rest of the population returned to Apollonia and Mesembria by the way they had come.

> Latin: 58.7. dissipati procella cum tamquam ex naufragio plerique semermes in castra, unde profecti erant, redissent, consultari, quid agerent, coeptum. inde orta dissensio, aliis redeundum, aliis penetrandum in Dardaniam censentibus. triginta ferme milia hominum in Dardaniam, quo Clondico duce profecti erant, pervenerunt; cetera multitudo retro, qua venerat, Apolloniam mediterraneam regionem repetit.

[¶104] 58.9. Perseus, having gained the throne, ordered Antigonus to be put to death; and until he could strengthen his position he sent ambassadors to Rome to renew his father's friendship and to ask that he be called king by the senate. Such were the events of the year in Macedonia.

> Latin: 58.9. Perseus potitus regno interfici Antigonum iussit; et dum firmaret res, legatos Romam ad amicitiam paternam renovandam petendumque, ut rex ab senatu adpellaretur, misit. haec eo anno in Macedonia gesta.

[¶105] 59.1. One of the consuls, Quintus Fulvius, triumphed over the Ligurians; this triumph was clearly due to influence rather than to the greatness of his achievements.

> Latin: 59.1. alter consulum Q. Fulvius ex Liguribus triumphavit, quem triumphum magis gratiae quam rerum gestarum magnitudini datum constabat.

[¶106] 59.2. He carried in the triumph a great quantity of arms taken from the enemy, but practically no money. Still he distributed to the soldiers three hundred asses each to the infantry, twice that sum to the centurions and thrice to the cavalry.

> Latin: 59.2. armorum hostilium magnam vim transtulit, nullam pecuniam admodum. divisit tamen in singulos milites trecenos aeris, duplex centurionibus, triplex equiti.

[¶107] 59.3. Nothing in the triumph was more noteworthy than that it happened to occur on the same day on which, in the previous year, he had triumphed after his praetorship.

> Latin: 59.3. nihil in eo triumpho magis insigne fuit, quam quod forte evenit, ut eodem die triumpharet, quo priore anno ex praetura triumphaverat.

[¶108] 59.4. After the triumph he announced the elections, at which Marcus Junius Brutus and Aulus Manlius Volso were chosen consuls.

> Latin: 59.4. secundum triumphum comitia edixit, quibus creati consules sunt M. Iunius Brutus A. Manlius Vulso.

[¶109] 59.5. The election of praetors, after three had been chosen, was broken up by a storm. The following day, this being the fourth day before the Ides of March, the other three were elected, Marcus Titinius Curvus, Tiberius Claudius Nero, Titus Fonteius Capito.

> Latin: 59.5. praetorum inde tribus creatis comitia tempestas diremit. postero die reliqui tres facti, ante diem quartum idus Martias, M. Titinius Curvus Ti. Claudius Nero T. Fonteius Capito.

[¶110] 59.6. The ludi Romani were repeated by the curule aediles, Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Appius Claudius Cento, by reason of the prodigies which had occurred.

> Latin: 59.6. ludi Romani instaurati ab aedilibus curulibus Cn. Servilio Caepione Ap. Claudio Centone propter prodigia, quae evenerant.

[¶111] 59.7. The earth shook; in the shrines of the gods, when the lectisternium was being held, the heads of the gods who were on the couches turned away, and the platter with its lids which had been set before Jupiter fell from the table.

> Latin: 59.7. terra movit; in fanis publicis, ubi lectisternium erat, deorum capita, qui in lectis erant, averterunt se, lanxque cum integumentis, quae Iovi adposita fuit, decidit de mensa.

[¶112] 59.8. It was also interpreted as a portent that the mice tasted the olives. To make atonement for them, nothing else was done than to repeat the Games.

> Latin: 59.8. oleas quoque praegustasse mures in prodigium versum est. ad ea expianda nihil ultra, quam ut ludi instaurarentur, actum est.