---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 6 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 6. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 6. Book XXXII · chapters 12–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/6/#p-N

[¶0] 12.4. Nor would they have succeeded in getting away without suffering for their rashness had not first a shout been heard from the rear and then an attack from that side too driven the king's troops mad with sudden panic.

> Latin: 12.4. neque impunita temeritate inde recepissent sese, ni clamor primum ab tergo auditus, dein pugna etiam coepta amentis repentino terrore regios fecisset.

[¶1] 12.5. Part broke in a rout; others, when they had made a stand, more because they had no place to flee than because they had sufficient will to fight, were cut off by the enemy pressing on from both front and rear. The whole army could have been destroyed if the victors had pursued the routed enemy;

> Latin: 12.5. pars in fugam effusi sunt; pars, magis quia locus fugae deerat, quam quod animi satis esset ad pugnam, cum substitissent, ab hoste et a fronte et ab tergo urgente circumventi sunt, deleri totus exercitus potuit, si fugientis persecuti victores essent;

[¶2] 12.7. but the narrow roads and the rough country hindered the cavalry, the weight of their arms the infantry.

> Latin: 12.7. sed equitem angustiae locorumque asperitas, peditem armorum gravitas impediit.

[¶3] 12.8. At first the king fled headlong and without looking back; then, having travelled five miles, suspecting what proved to be true, that the enemy could not follow on account of the unfavourable ground, he stopped on a certain hill and sent out messengers throughout the ridges and valleys to collect the stragglers in one place.

> Latin: 12.8. rex primo effuse ac sine respectu fugit; dein quinque milium spatium progressus, cum ex iniquitate locorum, id quod erat, suspicatus esset, sequi non posse hostem, substitit in tumulo quodam dimisitque suos per omnia iuga vallesque, qui palatos in unum colligerent.

[¶4] 12.9. When all the army (except not more than two thousand men who were lost) had come to the same place, as if following some signal, they made for Thessaly in solid column.

> Latin: 12.9. non plus duobus milibus hominum amissis cetera omnis multitudo, velut signum aliquod secuta, in unum cum convenisset, frequenti agmine petunt Thessaliam.

[¶5] 12.10. The Romans followed as far as it was safe, killing and despoiling the slain, and plundered the king's camp, which, even when undefended, was difficult to approach; and spent that night in their own camp.

> Latin: 12.10. Romani, quoad tutum fuit, insecuti caedentes spoliantesque caesos, castra regia, etiam sine defensoribus difficili aditu, diripiunt;

[¶6] 13.1. The next day the consul followed the enemy along the defile through which the river makes its way down the valley.

> Latin: 13.1. atque ea nocte in suis castris manserunt. postero die consul per ipsas angustias, quas inter valle se flumen insinuat, hostem sequitur.

[¶7] 13.2. The king on the first day reached the camp of Pyrrhus; the place called by this name is in Triphylia and belongs to the territory of Molottis. The next day — an over-long march for an army, but fear drove them on — they reached thence the Lyncus mountains.

> Latin: 13.2. rex primo die ad castra Pyrrhi pervenit; locus, quem ita vocant, est in Triphylia terrae Molottidis. inde postero die — ingens iter agmini, sed metus urgebat — in montes Lyncon perrexit.

[¶8] 13.3. This range is in Epirus, lying between Macedonia and Thessaly; the side which overlooks Thessaly faces east, the northern, Macedonia. It is clothed with abundant forests; the summits of the ridges offer open fields and ever-flowing springs.

> Latin: 13.3. ipsi Epiri sunt, interiecti Macedoniae Thessaliaeque; latus, quod vergit in Thessaliam, oriens spectat, septentrio a Macedonia obicitur. vestiti frequentibus silvis sunt; iuga summa campos patentes aquasque perennis habent.

[¶9] 13.4. There Philip remained in camp for several days, uncertain in mind whether he should straightway return to his kingdom or try to beat the enemy into Thessaly.

> Latin: 13.4. ibi stativis rex per aliquot dies habitis fluctuatus animo est, utrum protinus in regnum se reciperet, an praeverti in Thessaliam posset.

[¶10] 13.5. His decision was to lead the army into Thessaly, and he moved to Tricca by the shortest routes; then he rapidly traversed the towns in his way. He summoned from their homes the men who could follow; the towns he burned.

> Latin: 13.5. inclinavit sententia, ut in Thessaliam agmen demitteret, Triccamque proximis limitibus petit;

[¶11] 13.6. The owners were allowed to carry with them what they could of their possessions; the rest was booty for the army. Nor was there any hardship unexperienced, which an enemy could inflict, greater than what they suffered at the hands of their allies. Such actions were distasteful to Philip even as he did them, but he wished to rescue, from a land that was soon to belong to his enemies, at least the persons of his allies.

> Latin: 13.6. inde obvias urbes raptim peragravit. homines, qui sequi possent, sedibus excibat; oppida incendebat. rerum suarum, quas possent, ferendarum secum dominis ius fiebat, cetera militis praeda erat. nec, quod ab hoste crudelius pati possent, reliqui quicquam fuit, quam quae ab sociis patiebantur.

[¶12] 13.8. So Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, Palaepharsalus, were destroyed.

> Latin: 13.8. haec etiam facienti Philippo acerba erant, sed e terra mox futura hostium corpora saltem eripere sociorum volebat.

[¶13] 13.9. Excluded from Pherae, when he tried to take it, because it would require time if he tried to capture it, and he had no time, he gave up that undertaking and crossed into Macedonia; for it was rumoured that the Aetolians were close at hand.

> Latin: 13.9. ita evastata oppida sunt Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, Palaepharsalus. Pheras cum peteret, exclusus, quia res egebat mora, si expugnare vellet, nec tempus erat, omisso incepto in Macedoniam transcendit;

[¶14] 13.10. They, having heard of the battle at the Aous river, and having laid waste the country close around Sperchiae and Macra, which they call, Come, crossed thence into Thessaly and captured Cymene and Angeia at the first assault. From Metropolis, while they were devastating the farms, they were driven back, the townsmen having collected to defend their walls.

> Latin: 13.10. nam etiam Aetolos adpropinquare fama erat. qui audito proelio, quod circa amnem Aoum factum erat, proximis prius evastatis circa Sperchias et Macran quam vocant Comen, transgressi inde in Thessaliam Cymenes et Angeias primo impetu potiti sunt.

[¶15] 13.11. When they attacked Callithera they sustained more stubbornly a similar sally of townspeople; and driving back within their own walls the party that had made the sally, they departed, content with this success, because they had no real hope of capturing the town.

> Latin: 13.11. a Metropoli, dum vastant agros, concursu oppidanorum ad tuenda moenia facto repulsi sunt. Callithera inde adgressi similem impetum oppidanorum pertinacius sustinuerunt;

[¶16] 13.12. Next they took and sacked the villages of Teuma and Celathara and received Acharrae in surrender. Xyniae was abandoned by the inhabitants in similar fear.

> Latin: 13.12. compulsisque intra moenia qui eruperant, contenti ea victoria, quia spes nulla admodum expugnandi erat, abscesserunt. Teuma inde et Celathara vicos expugnant diripiuntque;

[¶17] 13.13. The procession of its citizens, exiles from their homes, fell in with a garrison which was on its way to Thaumacus, that it might forage in greater security; the undisciplined and unarmed mass, mingled too with the unwarlike mob, was slaughtered by the soldiers,. The abandoned city of Xyniae was looted. The Aetolians next captured Cyphaera, a fortress favourably situated to threaten Dolopia. Such is the record of the Aetolians' swift campaign of a few days.

> Latin: 13.13. Acharras per deditionem receperunt. Xyniae simili metu a cultoribus desertae sunt. hoc sedibus suis extorre agmen in praesidium incidit, quod ad Thaumacum, quo tutior frumentatio esset, ducebatur; incondita inermisque multitudo, mixta et imbelli turba, ab armatis caesa est. Xyniae desertae diripiuntur. Cyphaera inde Aetoli capiunt, opportune Dolopiae imminens castellum.

[¶18] 13.15. Nor did Amynander and the Athamanes remain quiet after they heard of the Roman victory.

> Latin: 13.15. haec raptim intra paucos dies ab Aetolis gesta. nec Amynander atque Athamanes post famam prosperae pugnae Romanorum quieverunt.

[¶19] 14.1. But when Amynander, having asked the consul for a small detachment, since he had little confidence in his own men, was moving on Gomphi, he immediately took by storm a town called Phaeca, lying between Gomphi and the narrow pass which separates Athamania and Thessaly.

> Latin: 14.1. ceterum Amynander, quia suo militi parum fidebat, petito a consule modico praesidio cum Gomphos peteret, oppidum protinus nomine Phaecam situm inter Gomphos faucesque angustas, quae ab Athamania Thessaliam dirimunt, vi cepit.

[¶20] 14.2. Then he attacked Gomphi, and the inhabitants, after defending the city with all their might for some days, were finally reduced to surrender by their fear, when he had placed his scaling-ladders against the walls.

> Latin: 14.2. inde Gomphos adortus est, et post aliquot dies summa vi tuentes urbem, cum iam scalas ad moenia erexisset, eo demum metu perpulit ad deditionem.

[¶21] 14.3. The surrender of Gomphi caused great terror to the Thessalians. In turn the inhabitants of Argenta and Pherinium and Timarum and Ligynae and Strymon and Lampsus and other insignificant forts in the vicinity surrendered.

> Latin: 14.3. haec traditio Gomphorum ingentem terrorem Thessalis intulit. dedidere deinceps sese qui Argenta quique Pherinium et Timarum et Ligynas et Strymonem et Lampsum habent aliaque castella iuxta ignobilia.

[¶22] 14.4. While the Aetolians and Athamanes, laying aside their fear of Macedonia, were reaping, through plundering, the fruits of another's victory, and Thessaly was being wasted by three armies at once, not knowing which to believe was foe and which ally, the consul marched into the country of Epirus through the pass which had been laid open by the flight of the enemy;

> Latin: 14.4. dum Athamanes Aetolique submoto Macedonum metu in aliena victoria suam praedam faciunt, Thessaliaque ab tribus simul exercitibus incerta, quem hostem quemve socium crederet, vastatur, consul faucibus, quas fuga hostium aperuerat, in regionem Epiri transgressus, etsi probe scit, cui parti Charopo principe excepto Epirotae favissent,

[¶23] 14.6. although he knew full well which side the Epirotes favoured, with the exception of one leading citizen, Charopus, nevertheless, because he saw them zealously carrying out his orders in their desire to please him, he judged them rather by their present than their past behaviour, and won over, by his readiness to pardon, their support for the future.

> Latin: 14.6. tamen quia ab satisfaciendi quoque cura imperata enixe facere videt, ex praesenti eos potius quam ex praeterito aestimat habitu et ea ipsa facilitate veniae animos eorum in posterum conciliat.

[¶24] 14.7. Then, sending messengers to Corcyra, that the cargo-ships should proceed to the Ambracian gulf, he advanced by easy marches and on the fourth day encamped on Mount Cercetius, summoning there Amynander with his auxiliaries, not so much from need of his assistance as that he might have guides into Thessaly.

> Latin: 14.7. missis deinde nuntiis Corcyram, ut onerariae naves in sinum venirent Ambracium, ipse progressus modicis itineribus quarto die in monte Cercetio posuit castra, eodem Amynandro cum suis auxiliis accito, non tam virium eius egens, quam ut duces in Thessaliam haberet.

[¶25] 14.8. From the same motive, many volunteers of the Epirotes were enlisted for service with the auxiliaries.

> Latin: 14.8. ab eodem consilio et plerique Epirotarum voluntarii inter auxilia accepti.

[¶26] 15.1. The first city of Thessaly to be attacked was Phaloria. It had a garrison of two thousand Macedonians, which at first resisted with the greatest energy, using every resource for defence which their arms and fortifications gave them.

> Latin: 15.1. primam urbem Thessaliae Phaloriam est adgressus. duo milia Macedonum in praesidio habebat, qui primo summa vi restiterunt, quantum arma, quantum moenia tueri poterant.

[¶27] 15.2. But the persistent siege, relaxed by neither night nor day, since the consul thought that the attitude of the other Thessalians depended on whether the first had held out against the Roman attack, broke down the resistance of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 15.2. sed oppugnatio continua, non nocte non die remissa, cum consul in eo verti crederet ceterorum Thessalorum animos, si primi vim Romanam non sustinuissent, vicit pertinaciam Macedonum.

[¶28] 15.3. After the capture of Phaloria delegations came from Metropolis and Cierium offering the surrender of these cities. Their request was granted; Phaloria was burned and destroyed.

> Latin: 15.3. capta Phaloria legati a Metropoli et a Cierio dedentes urbes venerunt. venia eisdem petentibus datur; Phaloria incensa ac direpta est.

[¶29] 15.4. Then he proceeded against Aeginium; seeing that the place was very strong and almost impregnable, with even a small garrison, he hurled a few weapons against the outpost and turned his course towards the region around Gomphi.

> Latin: 15.4. inde Aeginium petit; quem locum cum vel modico praesidio tutum ac prope inexpugnabilem vidisset, paucis in stationem proximam telis coniectis ad Gomphorum regionem agmen vertit.

[¶30] 15.5. And descending into the plains of Thessaly, since the army was now in want of everything, because he had spared the farms of the Epirotes, he sent scouts in advance to ascertain whether the supply-ships had headed for Leucas or the Ambracian gulf, and sent the cohorts in relays to Ambracia to provision;

> Latin: 15.5. degressusque in campos Thessaliae, cum iam omnia exercitui deessent, quia Epirotarum pepercerat agris, explorato ante, utrum Leucadem an sinum Ambracium onerariae tenuissent, frumentatum Ambraciam in vicem cohortes misit;

[¶31] 15.6. and the road from Gomphi to Ambracia, while difficult and hard to travel, is short.

> Latin: 15.6. et est iter a Gomphis Ambraciam sicut impeditum ac difficile, ita spatio perbrevi.

[¶32] 15.7. And so in a few days, the supplies having been transported from the fleet, the camp was full of an abundance of all things. Thence he marched to Atrax.

> Latin: 15.7. intra paucos itaque dies transvectis a mari commeatibus repleta omni rerum copia sunt castra.

[¶33] 15.8. It is about ten miles from Larisa; its people are sprung from Perrhaebia; the town lies above the river Peneus.

> Latin: 15.8. inde Atracem est profectus. decem ferme milia ab Larisa abest; ex Perrhaebia oriundi sunt;

[¶34] 15.9. At first the Thessalians felt no concern at the coming of the Romans; and as for Philip, while he did not dare himself to move into Thessaly, yet, established in a base camp within Tempe, he sent troops as occasion arose, as each point was threatened by the enemy.

> Latin: 15.9. sita est urbs super Peneum amnem. nihil trepidavere Thessali ad primum adventum Romanorum; et Philippus sicut in Thessaliam ipse progredi non audebat, ita intra Tempe stativis positis, ut quisque locus ab hoste temptabatur, praesidia per occasiones summittebat.

[¶35] 16.1. At about the same time that the consul had first established his camp face to face with Philip in the passes of Epirus, Lucius Quinctius, - the brother of the consul, to whom the senate had entrusted the charge of the fleet and the command of the sea-coast, also crossed to Corcyra with

> Latin: 16.1. sub idem fere tempus, quo consul adversus Philippum primum in Epiri faucibus posuit castra, et L. Quinctius frater consulis, cui classis cura maritimaeque orae imperium mandatum ab senatu erat, cum duabus quinqueremibus Corcyram travectus, postquam profectam inde classem audivit, nihil morandum ratus, cum ad Samen insulam adsecutus esset, dimisso C.

[¶36] 16.3. two quinqueremes, and when he found that the fleet was gone from there, thinking he should not delay, when he had overtaken the ships at the island of Same, he sent back Livius, whom he had succeeded, and finally reached Malea, generally towing the ships which were following loaded with supplies.

> Latin: 16.3. Livio, cui successerat, tarde inde ad Maleum trahendis plerumque remulco navibus, quae cum commeatu sequebantur, pervenit.

[¶37] 16.5. Ordering the rest to follow from Malea with all possible speed, he himself led the way to Piraeus with three light quinqueremes and took over the ships left there by Lucius Apustius the lieutenant to guard Athens.

> Latin: 16.5. a Maleo, iussis ceteris, quantum maxime possent maturare, sequi, ipse tribus quinqueremibus expeditis Piraeum praecedit accepitque naves relictas ibi ab L. Apustio legato ad praesidium Athenarum.

[¶38] 16.6. At the same time two fleets sailed from Asia, one under King Attalus — this consisted of twenty-four quinqueremes — and one from Rhodes, comprising twenty decked vessels commanded by Agesimbrotus.

> Latin: 16.6. eodem tempore duae ex Asia classes profectae, una cum Attalo rege — eae quattuor et viginti quinqueremes erant —, Rhodia altera viginti navium tectarum;

[¶39] 16.7. These fleets met near the island of Andros and crossed from there to Euboea, separated from Andros by a narrow stretch of water.

> Latin: 16.7. Agesimbrotus praeerat. hae circa Andrum insulam classes coniunctae Euboeam inde exiguo distantem freto traiecerunt.

[¶40] 16.8. They first ravaged the lands of the Carystii; then, since Carystus seemed strong, a garrison having been hastily sent from Chalcis, they went on towards Eretria.

> Latin: 16.8. Carystiorum primum agros vastarunt; deinde, ubi Carystus praesidio a Chalcide raptim misso firma visa est, ad Eretriam accesserunt.

[¶41] 16.9. There Lucius Quinctius also came with the ships from Piraeus, when he heard of the arrival of King Attalus, after leaving orders that as each ship of his own fleet arrived it should proceed to Euboea.

> Latin: 16.9. eodem et L. Quinctius cum iis navibus, quae Piraei fuerant, Attali regis adventu audito venit iussis, ut quaeque ex sua classe venissent naves, Euboeam petere.

[¶42] 16.10. Eretria had to endure a vigorous attack; for the ships of the three united fleets carried artillery of all kinds and devices for destroying cities, and the country provided material in abundance for the construction of new works.

> Latin: 16.10. Eretria summa vi oppugnabatur; nam et trium iunctarum classium naves omnis generis tormenta machinasque ad urbium excidia secum portabant, et agri adfatim materiae praebebant ad nova molienda opera.

[¶43] 16.11. The citizens at first defended their wall stoutly, then, worn out and some of them wounded, when they saw part of the wall demolished by the enemy's engines, they bethought them of surrender.

> Latin: 16.11. oppidani primo [haud] impigre tuebantur moenia, dein fessi vulneratique aliquot, cum et muri partem eversam operibus hostium cernerent, ad deditionem inclinarunt.

[¶44] 16.12. But there was a Macedonian garrison, which they feared no less than the Romans, and Philocles, the king's prefect, kept sending messages from Chalcis that he would be with them in due time, if they would withstand the siege.

> Latin: 16.12. sed praesidium erat Macedonum, quos non minus quam Romanos metuebant, et Philocles regius praefectus a Chalcide nuntios mittebat se in tempore adfuturum, si sustinerent obsidionem.

[¶45] 16.13. This hope mingled with fear compelled them to hold out beyond their wish or their ability; later on, when they learned that Philocles, now beaten and terrified, had sought refuge in Chalcis, they straightway sent ambassadors to Attalus asking his pardon and protection. While, with their hopes centred on peace, they were less zealous in performing their military duties, and were posting armed guards only at the point where the wall had been thrown down, paying no attention to the rest, Quinctius during the night, attacking with scaling-ladders in a quarter that seemed free from danger, captured the city.

> Latin: 16.13. haec mixta metu spes ultra, quam vellent aut quam possent, trahere eos tempus cogebat; deinde, postquam Philoclen repulsum trepidantemque refugisse Chalcidem acceperunt, oratores extemplo ad Attalum veniam fidemque eius petentis miserunt.

[¶46] 16.15. The whole multitude of the citizens with their wives and children fled to the citadel and then surrendered. There was no great quantity of money, gold or silver; statues, paintings of ancient workmanship, and adornments of that sort were found there in greater abundance than was to be expected, considering the size of the town or its wealth in other respects.

> Latin: 16.15. dum in spem pacis intenti segnius munera belli obeunt et ea modo parte, qua murus dirutus erat, ceteris neglectis stationes armatas opponunt. Quinctius noctu ab ea parte, quae minime suspecta erat, impetu facto scalis urbem cepit. oppidanorum omnis multitudo cum coniugibus ac liberis in arcem confugit, deinde in deditionem venit. pecuniae aurique et argenti haud sane multum fuit; signa et tabulae priscae artis ornamentaque eius generis plura quam pro urbis magnitudine aut opibus ceteris inventa.

[¶47] 17.1. The allies then returned to Carystus, all the population of which, before the troops disembarked, left the city and fled to the citadel.

> Latin: 17.1. Carystus inde repetita, unde, priusquam e navibus copiae exponerentur, omnis multitudo urbe deserta in arcem confugit.

[¶48] 17.2. Presently they sent ambassadors to seek protection from the Roman commander. Life and liberty were at once granted the citizens; a ransom of three hundred nummi per head was fixed for the Macedonians, and they were ordered to give up their arms and depart. Having paid this ransom they were transported to Boeotia unarmed.

> Latin: 17.2. inde ad fidem ab Romano petendam oratores mittunt. oppidanis extemplo vita ac libertas concessa est; Macedonibus treceni nummi in capita statutum pretium est, et ut armis traditis abirent.

[¶49] 17.3. The fleets, having captured two important cities of Euboea within a few days, sailed around Sunium, the promontory of the land of Attica, and steered toward Cenchreae, the port of the Corinthians.

> Latin: 17.3. hac summa redempti inermes in Boeotiam traiecti. navales copiae duabus claris urbibus Euboeae intra dies paucos captis circumvectae Sunium, Atticae terrae promunturium, Cenchreas, Corinthiorum emporium, petierunt.

[¶50] 17.4. Meanwhile the consul was finding the siege of Atrax longer and more difficult than anyone had expected, and the enemy resisted in a way that he had not in the least anticipated.

> Latin: 17.4. consul interim omnium spe longiorem Atracis atrocioremque oppugnationem habuit, et ea, qua minimum credidisset, resistebant hostes.

[¶51] 17.5. For he had believed that the whole task would be to batter down the wall; and that if he had opened a way into the city for the soldiers, the flight and slaughter of the enemy would follow, as usually happens in captured towns;

> Latin: 17.5. nam omnem laborem in muro crediderat diruendo fore; si aditum armatis in urbem patefecisset, fugam inde caedemque hostium fore, qualis captis urbibus fieri solet;

[¶52] 17.6. but when a section of the wall was thrown down by the battering-rams and the soldiers had entered the city over the ruins, that was, so to speak, the beginning of new and fresh toil.

> Latin: 17.6. ceterum postquam parte muri arietibus decussa per ipsas ruinas transcenderunt in urbem armati, illud principium velut novi atque integri laboris fuit.

[¶53] 17.7. For the Macedonians who formed the garrison, numerous and picked men, thinking that it would be a most noble exploit to defend the city with arms and valour rather than with walls, in close array, strengthening their formation by increasing the number of ranks within it, when they saw the Romans scaling the ruins, thrust them out over ground that was rough and admitted no easy retreat.

> Latin: 17.7. nam Macedones, qui in praesidio erant et multi et delecti, gloriam etiam egregiam rati, si armis potius et virtute quam moenibus urbem tuerentur, conferti, pluribus introrsus ordinibus acie firmata, cum transcendere ruinas sensissent Romanos, per impeditum ac difficilem ad receptum locum expulerunt.

[¶54] 17.9. The consul was enraged, and thought that this disgrace not merely meant a delay in capturing this one city, but affected the final issue of the war as a whole, which generally turns on the influence of little things; clearing out the place which was heaped up with the debris of the fallen wall, he moved up a tower of great height, carrying a large number of men in its numerous galleries, and sent out cohorts, one after the other, under their standards, to pierce, if possible, with their attack the wedge-formation of the Macedonians — they themselves call it the phalanx.

> Latin: 17.9. id consul aegre passus nec eam ignominiam ad unius modo oppugnandae moram urbis sed ad summam universi belli pertinere ratus, quod ex momentis parvarum plerumque rerum penderet, purgato loco, qui strage semiruti muri cumulatus erat, turrem ingentis altitudinis magnam vim armatorum multiplici tabulato portantem promovit et cohortes in vicem sub signis,

[¶55] 17.11. But in addition to the limits of space, only a little of the wall having been destroyed, the enemy had the advantage in character of weapons and in tactics.

> Latin: 17.11. quae cuneum Macedonum — phalangem ipsi vocant —, si possent, vi perrumperent, emittebat.

[¶56] 17.12. When the Macedonians inclose order held before them spears of great length, and when the Romans, hurling their javelins to no purpose, had drawn their swords against this sort of testudo, closely-fashioned as if with shields, they could neither approach near enough to engage hand to hand nor cut off the ends of the spears, and if they did cut off or break any of them, the spearshaft, the broken part being itself sharp, helped, along with the points of the undamaged pikes, to make a sort of wall.

> Latin: 17.12. sed ad loci angustias, haud late patente intervallo diruti muri, genus armorum pugnaeque hosti aptius erat. ubi conferti hastas ingentis longitudinis prae se Macedones obiecissent, velut in constructam densitate clipeorum testudinem Romani pilis nequiquam emissis cum strinxissent gladios, neque congredi propius neque praecidere hastas poterant, et, si quam incidissent aut praefregissent, hastile fragmento ipso acuto inter spicula integrarum hastarum velut vallum explebat.

[¶57] 17.15. Moreover, the parts of the rampart that still stood protected the two flanks, nor was it possible either to retire or to charge from a distance, a manoeuvre which usually throws the ranks into disorder.

> Latin: 17.15. ad hoc et muri pars adhuc integra utraque tuta praestabat latera, nec ex longo spatio aut cedendum aut impetus faciendus erat, quae res turbare ordines solet.

[¶58] 17.16. An accident, too, served to increase the courage of the enemy; for when the tower was being moved along the terrace of loosely-compacted earth, one of its wheels, slipping into a deep rut, caused the tower to lean so much that it seemed to the enemy about to fall, and caused a panic fear among the soldiers standing upon it.

> Latin: 17.16. accessit etiam fortuita res ad animos eorum firmandos; nam cum turris per aggerem parum densati soli ageretur, rota una in altiorem orbitam depressa ita turrim inclinavit, ut speciem ruentis hostibus, trepidationem vanam superstantibus armatis praebuerit.

[¶59] 18.1. As nothing turned out successfully, the consul was most reluctant to permit a comparison of men and weapons to be made, and at the same time he realized that there was no immediate prospect of capturing the town nor any way to winter his troops far from the sea and in a region wasted by the calamities of war.

> Latin: 18.1. cum parum quicquam succederet, consul minime aequo animo comparationem militum generisque armorum fieri patiebatur, simul nec maturam expugnandi spem nec rationem procul a mari et in evastatis belli cladibus locis hibernandi ullam cernebat.

[¶60] 18.3. So he raised the siege, and because there was no harbour on the whole coast of Acarnania and Aetolia which could both accommodate the fleet which brought supplies to the army and at the same time provide shelter for wintering the troops, Anticyra in Phocis, facing the Gulf of Corinth, seemed the most suitable place

> Latin: 18.3. itaque relicta obsidione, quia nullus in tota Acarnaniae atque Aetoliae ora portus erat, qui simul et omnis onerarias, quae commeatum exercitui portabant, caperet et tecta ad hibernandum legionibus praeberet, Anticyra in Phocide, in Corinthium versa sinum, ad id opportunissime sita visa,

[¶61] 18.5. for this purpose, because it was not far from Thessaly and the enemy's country, and it had in front the Peloponnesus, separated by a narrow expanse of sea, and behind it Aetolia and Acarnania and on the sides Locris and Boeotia.

> Latin: 18.5. quia nec procul Thessalia hostiumque locis aberat et ex adverso Peloponnesum exiguo maris spatio divisam, ab tergo Aetoliam Acarnaniamque, ab lateribus Locridem ac Boeotiam habebat.

[¶62] 18.6. He took Phanotea in Phocis at the first assault and without a struggle. Anticyra caused only a little delay to his siege. Ambrysus next and Hyampolis surrendered.

> Latin: 18.6. Phocidis primo impetu Phanoteam sine certamine cepit. Anticyra haud multum oppugnando morae praebuit. Ambrysus inde Hyampolisque receptae.

[¶63] 18.7. Daulis, because it was located on a lofty hill, could not be taken by escalade or siege.

> Latin: 18.7. Daulis, quia in tumulo excelso sita est, nec scalis nec operibus capi poterat.

[¶64] 18.8. By harassing the defenders with darts and tempting them to make sallies, by alternately retiring and pursuing, and by fighting small engagements of no significance, they brought them to such a pitch of carelessness and to such a feeling of contempt that the Romans, mingling with the defenders as they withdrew into the gate, assaulted the town.

> Latin: 18.8. lacessendo missilibus eos, qui in praesidio erant, cum ad excursiones elicuissent, refugiendo in vicem sequendoque et levibus sine effectu certaminibus eo neglegentiae et contemptus adduxerunt, ut cum refugientibus in portam permixti impetum Romani facerent.

[¶65] 18.9. Other unimportant strongholds of Phocis surrendered, more from fear than by reason of attack. Elatia closed its gates, and seemed disinclined to admit either commander or Roman army, unless it were compelled by violence.

> Latin: 18.9. et alia ignobilia castella Phocidis terrore magis quam armis in potestatem venerunt. Elatia clausit portas, nec, nisi vi cogerentur, recepturi moenibus videbantur aut ducem aut exercitum Romanum.

[¶66] 19.1. While the consul was besieging Elatia, - there came the gleam of hope of a greater achievement, the winning over of the Achaeans from alliance with the king to friendship with the Romans.

> Latin: 19.1. Elatiam obsidenti consuli rei maioris spes adfulsit, Achaeorum gentem ab societate regia in Romanam amicitiam avertendi.

[¶67] 19.2. They had expelled Cycliadas, the leader of the faction inclined to favour Philip; Aristaenus, who wished the state to join the Romans, was the president.

> Latin: 19.2. Cycliadan, principem factionis ad Philippum trahentium res, expulerant; Aristaenus, qui Romanis gentem iungi volebat, praetor erat.

[¶68] 19.3. The Roman fleet with Attalus and the Rhodians lay at Cenchreae, preparing for a concerted attack on Corinth.

> Latin: 19.3. classis Romana cum Attalo et Rhodiis Cenchreis stabat, parabantque communi omnes consilio Corinthum oppugnare.

[¶69] 19.4. He therefore thought it best, before they undertook this task, to send ambassadors to the Achaean people, promising that if they would turn from the king to the Romans, they would reunite Corinth to the ancient council of the people.

> Latin: 19.4. optimum igitur ratus est, priusquam eam rem adgrederentur, legatos ad gentem Achaeorum mitti pollicentis, si ab rege ad Romanos defecissent, Corinthum contributuros in anticum gentis concilium.

[¶70] 19.5. By the authority of the consul, delegates were sent to the Achaeans by his brother Lucius Quinctius, Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Athenians.

> Latin: 19.5. auctore consule legati a fratre eius L. Quinctio et Attalo et Rhodiis et Atheniensibus ad Achaeos missi.

[¶71] 19.6. An audience was granted them at Sicyon. But the state of mind among the Achaeans was complex.

> Latin: 19.6. Sicyone datum est iis concilium. erat autem non admodum simplex habitus inter Achaeos animorum: terrebat Nabis Lacedaemonius, gravis et adsiduus hostis;

[¶72] 19.7. The Spartan Nabis, a dangerous and ever-present enemy, terrified them; the Roman arms were a menace; to the Macedonians they were bound by acts of kindness both old and new; the king himself they looked on with suspicion, for his cruelty and treachery, and, not judging by what he was doing at that time, to suit the occasion, they saw that he would be a harsher master after the war.

> Latin: 19.7. horrebant Romana arma; Macedonum beneficiis et veteribus et recentibus obligati erant; regem ipsum suspectum habebant pro eius crudelitate perfidiaque, neque ex iis, quae tum ad tempus faceret, aestimantes graviorem post bellum dominum futurum cernebant.

[¶73] 19.9. They not only did not know what opinion each one would express in the senate of his own state or in the common councils of the people, but were not very clear as to what they would want or desire as they considered the matter in their own thoughts.

> Latin: 19.9. neque solum, quid in senatu quisque civitatis suae aut in communibus conciliis gentis pro sententia dicerent, ignorabant, sed ne ipsis quidem secum cogitantibus, quid vellent aut quid optarent, satis constabat.

[¶74] 19.10. The opportunity was offered the ambassadors to speak to an audience in this state of uncertainty.

> Latin: 19.10. ad homines ita incertos introductis legatis potestas dicendi facta est.

[¶75] 19.11. The Roman delegate, Lucius Calpurnius, was first heard, then the ambassadors of King Attalus, and after them the Rhodians; next the representatives of Philip were given audience, and finally the Athenians were heard, that they might refute the Macedonian arguments.

> Latin: 19.11. Romanus primum legatus L. Calpurnius, deinde Attali regis legati, post eos Rhodii disseruerunt;

[¶76] 19.12. They assailed the king in quite the fiercest terms, for no others had suffered so much or so grievously. And this meeting was dismissed at sunset, the whole day having been consumed by the set speeches of so many ambassadors.

> Latin: 19.12. Philippi deinde legatis potestas dicendi facta est; postremi Athenienses, ut refellerent Macedonum dicta, auditi sunt. ii fere atrocissime in regem, quia nulli nec plura nec tam acerba passi erant, invecti sunt. et illa quidem contio sub occasum solis tot legatorum perpetuis orationibus die absumpto dimissa est.

[¶77] 20.1. Next day the council assembled; and when, through the herald, after the Greek custom, the magistrates gave the opportunity to offer a motion, if anyone wished, and no one came forward, there was a long silence as men looked at one another.

> Latin: 20.1. postero die advocatur concilium; ubi cum per praeconem, sicut Graecis mos est, suadendi, si quis vellet, potestas a magistratibus facta esset, nec quisquam prodiret, diu silentium aliorum alios intuentium fuit.

[¶78] 20.2. Nor was it strange, if men whose minds were in a way bewildered by pondering independently the conflicting claims, were rendered still more uncertain by the speeches on both sides, delivered through an entire day, bringing forward and urging arguments that were hard to meet.

> Latin: 20.2. neque mirum, si, quibus sua sponte volutantibus res inter se repugnantes obtorpuerant quodam modo animi, eos orationes quoque insuper turbaverant utrimque, quae difficilia essent, promendo admonendoque per totum diem habitae.

[¶79] 20.3. At length Aristaenus, the praetor of the Achaeans, so as not to dismiss the council without debate, spoke thus: “Where are those rivalries of feeling, Achaeans, which cause you hardly to refrain from blows, when mention is made of Philip and the Romans at your dinners and social gatherings?”

> Latin: 20.3. tandem Aristaenus, praetor Achaeorum, ne tacitum concilium dimitteret, 'ubi' inquit 'illa certamina animorum, Achaei, sunt, quibus in conviviis et circulis, cum de Philippo et Romanis mentio incidit, vix manibus temperatis?

[¶80] 20.4. “Now, in a council called for this one purpose, after you have heard the words of representatives of both sides, when the magistrates lay the question before you and the herald asks for motions, you are silent!” “If there is no concern for the general welfare, can no personal interest even, which has turned your minds this way or that, draw a word from anyone?”

> Latin: 20.4. nunc in concilio ad eam rem unam indicto, cum legatorum utrimque verba audieritis, cum referant magistratus, cum praeco ad suadendum vocet, obmutuistis! si non cura salutis communis, ne studia quidem, quae in hanc aut in illam partem animos vestros inclinarunt, vocem cuiquam possunt exprimere?

[¶81] 20.6. “Especially as there is no one so dull as not to know that this is the time to speak and to advise what each either desires or thinks best, before we reach any decision; when once a decree has been passed, all, even those who formerly opposed it, must defend it as good and expedient.” This exhortation of the praetor not only prompted no one to make a proposal, but provoked no groan or whisper from so large a council, drawn from so many peoples.

> Latin: 20.6. cum praesertim nemo tam hebes sit, qui ignorare possit dicendi ac suadendi, quod quisque aut velit aut optimum putet, nunc occasionem esse, priusquam quicquam decernamus; ubi semel decretum erit, omnibus id, etiam quibus ante displicuerit, pro bono atque utili fore defendendum.' haec adhortatio praetoris non modo quemquam unum elicuit ad suadendum, sed ne fremitum quidem aut murmur contionis tantae ex tot populis congregatae movit.

[¶82] 21.1. So the praetor Aristaenus spoke again: "You lack counsel, leaders of the Achaeans, no less than the power of speech; but each one refuses to promote the public interest at the cost of peril to himself.

> Latin: 21.1. tum Aristaenus praetor rursus: 'non magis consilium vobis, principes Achaeorum, deest quam lingua; sed suo quisque periculo in commune consultum non vult. forsitan ego quoque tacerem, si privatus essem; nunc praetori video aut non dandum concilium legatis fuisse, aut non sine responso eos dimittendos esse;

[¶83] 21.2. Perhaps I too should keep silence if I were a private citizen; now I see that, so far as the praetor is concerned, either the ambassadors should not have been granted an audience or they should not be sent away unanswered; but how can I answer except in accordance with your decree? And since no one of you who have been summoned to this council wishes or dares to say anything in the way of suggestion, let us consider the ambassadors' speeches delivered yesterday as opinions expressed in debate, just as if they had not intended what was to their own interest but recommended what they deemed profitable for us.

> Latin: 21.2. respondere autem nisi ex vestro decreto qui possum? et quoniam nemo vestrum, qui in hoc concilium advocati estis, pro sententia quicquam dicere vult aut audet, orationes legatorum hesterno die ut pro sententiis dictas percenseamus, perinde ac non postulaverint, quae e re sua essent, sed suaserint, quae nobis censerent utilia esse.

[¶84] 21.4. The Romans, the Rhodians and Attalus ask for our alliance and friendship, and in the war which they are waging with Philip they think it proper that we should assist them.

> Latin: 21.4. Romani Rhodiique et Attalus societatem amicitiamque nostram petunt et in bello, quod adversus Philippum gerunt, se a nobis adiuvari aequum censent.

[¶85] 21.5. Philip reminds us of our alliance with him and of our oath, and now demands that we take our stand with him, now says that he is satisfied if we refrain from taking up arms.

> Latin: 21.5. Philippus societatis secum admonet et iuris iurandi et modo postulat, ut secum stemus, modo, ne intersimus armis, contentum ait se esse.

[¶86] 21.6. Does it occur to no one why those who are not yet our allies demand more than our ally? This is not, ye Achaeans, the result of Philip's moderation or the Romans' arrogance; fortune both gives and takes away confidence in making demands.

> Latin: 21.6. nulline venit in mentem, cur, qui nondum socii sunt, plus petant quam socius? non fit hoc neque modestia Philippi neque impudentia Romanorum, Achaei:

[¶87] 21.7. We see no sign of Philip except his ambassador; the Roman fleet lies at Cenchreae, displaying the spoils of the cities of Euboea, we see the consul and his legions marching through Phocis and Locris, separated from us by a narrow stretch of water;

> Latin: 21.7. fortuna et dat fiduciam postulantibus et demit. Philippi praeter legatum videmus nihil; Romana classis ad Cenchreas stat urbium Euboeae spolia prae se ferens, consulem legionesque eius, exiguo maris spatio diiunctas, Phocidem ac Locridem pervagantis videmus:

[¶88] 21.8. do you wonder why Cleomedon, Philip's delegate, suggested with such hesitation a while ago that we take up arms in the king's cause against the Romans? If, in accordance with that treaty and oath, respect for which he tried to instil into us, we ask him that Philip protect us both against Nabis and his Lacedaemonians and against the Romans, he will not only find no garrison wherewith to protect us: he will not even find an answer to give us, any more, by Hercules, than Philip did last year; when, by promising that he would conduct the war against Nabis, he had tried to allure our fighting men away to Euboea, after he saw that we would neither vote him that protection nor consent to be involved in the Roman war, forgetful of that alliance about which he now uses such fine words, he left us to Nabis and the Lacedaemonians to plunder and rob.

> Latin: 21.8. miramini, cur diffidenter Cleomedon, legatus Philippi, ut pro rege arma caperemus adversus Romanos, modo egerit? qui, si ex eodem foedere ac iure iurando, cuius nobis religionem iniciebat, rogemus eum, ut nos Philippus et ab Nabide ac Lacedaemoniis et ab Romanis defendat, non modo praesidium, quo tueatur nos, sed ne quid respondeat quidem nobis sit inventurus, non hercule magis quam ipse Philippus priore anno, qui pollicendo se adversus Nabidem bellum gesturum cum temptasset nostram iuventutem hinc in Euboeam extrahere,

[¶89] 21.11. And to me, at least, Cleomedon's speech seemed by no means consistent with itself. He belittled the Roman war, and claimed that the result would be the same as that of the earlier war which they engaged in with Philip. Why then does Philip, remaining away, ask our aid, rather than, being present in person, defend us, his ancient allies, against both Nabis and the Romans? Defend us, do I say? Why did he permit Eretria and Carystus to be captured in that way? Why so many towns of Thessaly? Why Locris and Phocis? Why does he now allow Elatia to be besieged? Why did he leave the passes of Epirus and his impregnable position above the Aous river, abandon the defile which he held and retire far into his own kingdom?

> Latin: 21.11. postquam nos neque decernere id sibi praesidium neque velle illigari Romano bello vidit, oblitus societatis eius, quam nunc iactat, vastandos populandosque Nabidi ac Lacedaemoniis reliquit. ac mihi quidem minime conveniens inter se oratio Cleomedontis visa est. elevabat Romanum bellum eventumque eius eundem fore, qui prioris belli, quod cum Philippo gesserint, dicebat. cur igitur nostrum ille auxilium absens petit potius quam praesens nos, socios veteres, simul ab Nabide ac Romanis tueatur? nos dico? quid ita passus est Eretriam Carystumque capi? quid ita tot Thessaliae urbes? quid ita Locridem Phocidemque?

[¶90] 21.14. It was either under compulsion, or from fear, or by design. If he voluntarily left so many allies to be sacked by the enemy, how can he object if his allies take measures for their own security? If he was afraid, let him excuse also our fear.

> Latin: 21.14. quid ita nunc Elatiam oppugnari patitur? cur excessit faucibus Epiri claustrisque illis inexpugnabilibus super Aoum amnem relictoque, quem insidebat, saltu penitus in regnum abiit?

[¶91] 21.15. If he retired because he was beaten in battle, shall we Achaeans, Cleomedon, sustain the Roman attack which you Macedonians did not resist? Or should we take your word for it that the Romans are not employing in the war greater forces and military power than they did before, or should we rather look at the obvious facts?

> Latin: 21.15. aut vi aut metu aut voluntate. si sua voluntate tot socios reliquit hostibus diripiendos, qui recusare potest, quin et socii sibi consulant? si metu, nobis quoque ignoscat timentibus; si victus armis cessit, Achaei Romana arma sustinebimus, Cleomedon, quae vos Macedones non sustinuistis?