---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 8 of 45
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, section 8. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXXI–XL · Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

Rome turns east: Philip V of Macedon beaten at Cynoscephalae, the freedom of the Greeks, Antiochus the Great, the Bacchanalia scandal and the death of Hannibal.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXXI–XL, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 8. Book XXXII · chapters 29–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-3/8/#p-N

[¶0] 29.8. Thence he led his legions into the territory of the Boi. The army of the Boi had not long before this crossed the Po and had effected a junction with the Insubres and the Cenomani, because they had heard that the consuls were to carry on the war with their legions united, that they too might consolidate their strength by combining their armies.

> Latin: 29.8. quindecim oppida, hominum viginti milia esse dicebantur, quae se dediderant. inde in agrum Boiorum legiones duxit. Boiorum exercitus haud ita multo ante traiecerat Padum iunxeratque se Insubribus et Cenomanis, quod ita acceperant, coniunctis legionibus consules rem gesturos, ut et ipsi collatas in unum viris firmarent.

[¶1] 30.3. But when the news got around that one consul was burning the farms of the Boi, dissension at once arose;

> Latin: 30.3. postquam fama accidit alterum consulem Boiorum urere agros, seditio extemplo orta est; postulare Boi, ut laborantibus opem universi ferrent; Insubres negare se sua deserturos.

[¶2] 30.4. the Boi demanded that all should go to the relief of their harassed countrymen; the Insubres asserted that they would not desert their own possessions.

> Latin: 30.4. ita divisae copiae, Boisque in agrum suum tutandum profectis Insubres cum Cenomanis super amnis Mincii ripam consederunt.

[¶3] 30.5. So the army was divided, the Boi going home to defend their land, the Insubres with the Cenomani encamping along the river Mincius.

> Latin: 30.5. infra eum locum duo milia et consul Cornelius eidem flumini castra applicuit.

[¶4] 30.6. Two miles farther down stream, the consul Cornelius was also encamped along the same river. Thence, sending messengers to the villages of the Cenomani and to Brescia, which was the capital of the tribe, when he was assured that the young men were in arms without the approval of the elders, and that the Cenomani had joined the revolt of the Insubres without a decision of the state to that effect, he summoned the chiefs to his presence and began to contrive and plan

> Latin: 30.6. inde mittendo in vicos Cenomanorum Brixiamque, quod caput gentis erat, ut satis comperit non ex auctoritate seniorum iuventutem in armis esse nec publico consilio Insubrum defectioni Cenomanos sese adiunxisse, excitis ad se principibus id agere ac moliri coepit, ut desciscerent ab Insubribus Cenomani et sublatis signis aut domos redirent aut ad Romanos transirent.

[¶5] 30.8. that the Cenomani should desert the Insubres and, taking up their standards, either go home or join the Romans. And this, indeed, he could not accomplish; but a pledge was given the consul to this effect, that in the battle they would either remain quiet or, if occasion offered, even aid the Romans.

> Latin: 30.8. et id quidem impetrari nequiit; in id fides data consuli est, ut in acie aut quiescerent aut, si qua etiam occasio fuisset, adiuvarent Romanos.

[¶6] 30.9. The Insubres knew nothing of these negotiations; yet they somehow suspected that the fidelity of their allies was weakening. So when they formed the battle-line they did not dare to entrust either flank to them, lest, if they treacherously gave way, they might cause a complete defeat, but placed them behind the standards in support.

> Latin: 30.9. haec ita convenisse Insubres ignorabant; suberat tamen quaedam suspicio animis labare fidem sociorum. itaque cum in aciem eduxissent, neutrum iis cornu committere ausi, ne, si dolo cessissent, rem totam inclinarent, post signa in subsidiis eos locaverunt.

[¶7] 30.10. The consul at the beginning of the battle vowed a temple to Juno Sospita if the enemy should be routed and put to flight that day;

> Latin: 30.10. consul principio pugnae vovit aedem Sospitae Iunoni, si eo die hostes fusi fugatique fuissent; a militibus clamor sublatus compotem voti consulem se facturos, et impetus in hostis est factus.

[¶8] 30.11. the soldiers shouted out that they would bring about the fulfilment of the consul's vow and the attack on the enemy began. The Insubres broke at the first assault. Some say that when the Cenomani also, in the midst of the fighting, assailed them in the rear, there was a double turmoil, that between the two lines thirty-five thousand of the enemy were slain and five thousand two hundred taken alive, among them Hamilcar,

> Latin: 30.11. non tulerunt Insubres primum concursum. quidam et a Cenomanis, terga repente in ipso certamine adgressis, tumultum ancipitem iniectum auctores sunt, caesaque in medio quinque et triginta milia hostium, quinque milia et ducentos vivos captos, in iis Hamilcarem, Poenorum imperatorem, qui belli causa fuisset; signa militaria centum triginta et carpenta supra ducenta. multa oppida Gallorum, quae Insubrum defectionem secuta erant, dediderunt se Romanis. Minucius consul primo effusis populationibus peragraverat finis Boiorum, deinde, ut relictis Insubribus ad sua tuenda receperant sese, castris se tenuit acie dimicandum cum hoste ratus.

[¶9] 31.2. the Carthaginian general, who had been the prime mover of the war; and that one hundred and thirty military standards and more than two hundred wagons were captured. Many Gallic towns which had joined the Insubres in revolt gave themselves up to the Romans.

> Latin: 31.2. nec Boi detrectassent pugnam, ni fama Insubres victos adlata animos fregisset. itaque relicto duce castrisque dissipati per vicos, sua quisque ut defenderent, rationem gerendi belli hosti mutarunt.

[¶10] 31.3. XXXI. The consul Minucius had at first wandered far and wide through the country of the Boi, raiding in every direction, but later, when they had left the Insubres and returned to defend their possessions, - he remained in camp, thinking that he would fight a regular battle with the enemy.

> Latin: 31.3. omissa enim spe per unam dimicationem rei decernendae rursus populari agros et urere tecta vicosque expugnare coepit.

[¶11] 31.4. The Boi would not have declined the contest if the news that the Insubres had been defeated had not diminished their ardour. So, leaving their leader and their camp, they scattered through the towns, each to defend his own property, and changed the enemy's plan of operations.

> Latin: 31.4. per eosdem dies Clastidium incensum. inde in Ligustinos Ilvates, qui soli non parebant, legiones ductae.

[¶12] 31.5. For, giving up hope of deciding the war by a single engagement, he began once more to ravage the fields and burn the buildings and storm the towns. During this time Clastidium was burned. Thence he led his legions against the Ligurian Ilvates, who alone were not submissive.

> Latin: 31.5. ea quoque gens, ut Insubres acie victos, Boios ita, ut temptare spem certaminis non auderent, territos audivit, in dicionem venit.

[¶13] 31.6. This tribe too surrendered when they heard that as the Insubres had been defeated in battle, so the Boi were too terrified to dare to try fortune in the open field. The dispatches of the two consuls, describing their successes in Gaul, reached Rome about the same time. Marcus Sergius the city praetor read them in the senate and, with the senate's authorization, then to the people. A thanksgiving of four days was decreed.

> Latin: 31.6. litterae consulum amborum de rebus in Gallia prospere gestis sub idem tempus Romam adlatae. M. Sergius praetor urbanus in senatu eas, deinde ex auctoritate patrum ad populum recitavit. supplicatio in quadriduum decreta.

[¶14] 32.1. By that time it was winter, and while Titus Quinctius, after the capture of Elatia, had his winter quarters distributed through Phocis and Locris, sedition broke out at Opus.

> Latin: 32.1. hiems iam eo tempore erat, et, cum T. Quinctius capta Elatia in Phocide ac Locride hiberna disposita haberet, Opunte seditio orta est.

[¶15] 32.2. One faction called in the Aetolians, who were nearer, the other the Romans.

> Latin: 32.2. factio una Aetolos, qui propiores erant, altera Romanos accersebat.

[¶16] 32.3. The Aetolians were first to arrive; but the richer faction excluded the Aetolians and, sending a messenger to the Roman commander, held the city until he came.

> Latin: 32.3. Aetoli priores venerunt; sed opulentior factio exclusis Aetolis missoque ad imperatorem Romanum nuntio usque in adventum eius tenuit urbem.

[¶17] 32.4. A royal garrison held the citadel and could not be induced either by the threats of the people of Opus or by the influence of the Roman commander to withdraw from it.

> Latin: 32.4. arcem regium tenebat praesidium, neque, ut decederent inde, aut Opuntiorum minis aut auctoritate imperatoris Romani perpelli potuerunt.

[¶18] 32.5. A delay, preventing an immediate attack, occurred because a herald had come from the king requesting a time and place for a conference.

> Latin: 32.5. mora, cur non extemplo oppugnarentur, ea fuit, quod caduceator ab rege venerat locum ac tempus petens colloquio.

[¶19] 32.6. This was reluctantly granted to the king, not because Quinctius was not eager to seem to have ended the war himself, partly by arms, partly by diplomacy;

> Latin: 32.6. id gravate regi concessum est, non quin cuperet Quinctius per se partim armis, partim condicionibus confectum videri bellum;

[¶20] 32.7. for he did not yet know whether a successor to him would be appointed, that is, one of the new consuls, or his own term would be extended, a thing which he had instructed his friends and relatives to strive for with all their might;

> Latin: 32.7. necdum enim sciebat, utrum successor sibi alter ex novis consulibus mitteretur, an, quod summa vi ut tenderent amicis et propinquis mandaverat, imperium prorogaretur;

[¶21] 32.8. but on the whole he considered that a conference would be expedient, that he might be free to lean either towards war, if he remained, or towards peace, if he were relieved.

> Latin: 32.8. aptum autem fore colloquium credebat, ut sibi liberum esset vel ad bellum manenti vel ad pacem decedenti rem inclinare.

[¶22] 32.9. They chose a place on the shore of the Malian Gulf near Nicaea. Thither the king came from Demetrias with five light ships and one war-vessel.

> Latin: 32.9. in sinu Maliaco prope Nicaeam litus elegere. eo rex ab Demetriade cum quinque lembis et una nave rostrata venit.

[¶23] 32.10. There were with him nobles of Macedonia and the Achaean exile Cycliadas, a man of distinction.

> Latin: 32.10. erant cum eo principes Macedonum et Achaeorum exul, vir insignis, Cycliadas.

[¶24] 32.11. King Amynander was with the Roman general, as well as Dionysodorus, representing Attalus, and Agesimbrotus, the commander of the Rhodian fleet, and Phaeneas, chief of the Aetolians, and two Achaeans, Aristaenus and Xenophon.

> Latin: 32.11. cum imperatore Romano rex Amynander erat et Dionysodorus, Attali legatus, et Agesimbrotus, praefectus Rhodiae classis, et Phaeneas, princeps Aetolorum, et Achaei duo, Aristaenus et Xenophon.

[¶25] 32.12. The Roman, attended by them, went out to the edge of the strand, and when the king had taken his place in the prow of his ship as it lay at anchor Quinctius spoke: “It will be more convenient if you come ashore, that we may be nearer and speak and listen in turn.”

> Latin: 32.12. inter hos Romanus ad extremum litus progressus, cum rex in proram navis in ancoris stantis processisset, ‘ commodius’ inquit, ‘si in terram egrediaris, ex propinquo dicamus in vicem audiamusque’.

[¶26] 32.13. When the king refused to do this, Quinctius asked, “Whom, pray, do you fear?”

> Latin: 32.13. cum rex facturum se id negaret, ‘quem tandem’ inquit Quinctius ‘times?’

[¶27] 32.14. With proud and kingly mien he replied, “None do I fear, save only the immortal gods; but I do not trust the word of all I see around you, and least of all that of the Aetolians.”

> Latin: 32.14. ad hoc ille superbo et regio animo: ‘neminem equidem timeo praeter deos immortalis; non omnium autem credo fidei, quos circa te video, atque omnium minime Aetolis’ .

[¶28] 32.15. “As to that,” replied the Roman, “we all share the danger equally who come to conference with an enemy, if there is no trust.”

> Latin: 32.15. ‘istuc quidem’ ait Romanus ‘par omnibus periculum est, qui cum hoste ad colloquium congrediuntur, si nulla fides sit.

[¶29] 32.16. “Nevertheless, Titus Quinctius,” said the king, “Philip and Phaeneas are not equal rewards for perfidy, if there should be a breach of faith; for it would not be equally difficult for the Aetolians to find another praetor and the Macedonians another king to take my place.”

> Latin: 32.16. ’ ‘non tamen’ inquit, ‘T. Quincti, par perfidiae praemium est, si fraude agatur, Philippus et Phaeneas; neque enim aeque difficulter Aetoli praetorem alium ac Macedones regem in meum locum substituant.’ secundum haec silentium fuit, cum Romanus eum aecum censeret priorem dicere, qui petisset colloquium, rex eius esse priorem orationem, qui daret pacis leges, non qui acciperet;

[¶30] 33.1. Silence followed, the Roman believing that the conference should be opened by him who had asked it, the king that he who was proposing terms of peace, and not he who was receiving them, should speak first; then the Roman began: He said that his speech was simple; for he would say only what was essential if there were to be terms of peace. The king must withdraw his garrisons from all the cities of Greece, must give up the captives and fugitives to the allies of the Roman people, must restore to the Romans the parts of Illyricum which he had occupied subsequent to the peace which had been made in Epirus, and must give back to King Ptolemy of Egypt the cities which he had seized since the death of Ptolemy Philopator.

> Latin: 33.1. tum Romanus: simplicem suam orationem esse; ea enim se dicturum, quae ni fiant, nulla sit pacis condicio. deducenda ex omnibus Graeciae civitatibus regi praesidia esse, captivos et transfugas sociis populi Romani reddendos, restituenda Romanis ea Illyrici loca, quae post pacem in Epiro factam occupasset, Ptolomaeo Aegypti regi reddendas urbes, quas post Philopatoris Ptolomaei mortem occupavisset.

[¶31] 33.4. These were his conditions and those of the Roman people; but the king must hear besides the demands of the allies.

> Latin: 33.4. suas populique Romani condiciones has esse; ceterum et socium audiri postulata verum esse.

[¶32] 33.5. The ambassador of King Attalus demanded that the ships and prisoners which had been taken in the naval battle off Chios be given back, and that the Nicephorium and the temple of Venus which he had despoiled and destroyed should be restored to their former state;

> Latin: 33.5. Attali regis legatus naves captivosque, quae ad Chium navali proelio capta essent, et Nicephorium Venerisque templum, quae spoliasset evastassetque, pro incorruptis restitui;

[¶33] 33.6. the Rhodians asked for Peraea — a district on the mainland opposite their island, and under their ancient rule — and demanded that the garrisons be withdrawn from Iasus and Bargyliae and the city of the Euromenses, and on the Hellespont from Sestus and Abydus, and that Perinthus should be given back to the Byzantines and permitted to enjoy its ancient rights, and that all the markets and ports of Asia should be made free.

> Latin: 33.6. Rhodii Peraeam —regio est continentis adversus insulam, vetustae eorum dicionis —repetebant postulabantque praesidia deduci ab Iaso et a Bargyliis et Euromensium urbe et in Hellesponto Sesto atque Abydo, et Perinthum Byzantiis in antiqui formulam iuris restitui, et liberari omnia Asiae emporia portusque.

[¶34] 33.8. The Achaeans demanded Corinth and Argos. Phaeneas, praetor of the Aetolians, having made practically the same demands as the Romans, that Greece should be evacuated, and also that the cities which had formerly been under the control and sway of the Aetolians should be returned to them, was interrupted in his speech by Alexander, an Aetolian noble, and considered eloquent, as Aetolians go.

> Latin: 33.8. Achaei Corinthum et Argos repetebant. praetor Aetolorum Phaeneas cum eadem fere, quae Romani, ut Graecia decederetur, postulasset, redderenturque Aetolis urbes, quae quondam iuris ac dicionis eorum fuissent, excepit orationem eius princeps Aetolorum Alexander, vir ut inter Aetolos facundus.

[¶35] 33.10. He said that he had kept silent for a long time, not because he thought that anything was being accomplished at the conference, but to avoid breaking in on the speech of any of the allies. Philip, he said, had never kept peace with good faith or waged war with true courage.

> Latin: 33.10. iam dudum se reticere ait, non quo quicquam agi putet eo colloquio, sed ne quem sociorum dicentem interpellet. nec de pace cum fide Philippum agere nec bella vera virtute umquam gessisse.

[¶36] 33.11. In conference he plotted and tried to entrap his opponents; in battle he would not engage in the open field or fight hand to hand, but instead would retreat, burn and rob cities and, though conquered, destroy the prizes of the conquerors.

> Latin: 33.11. in colloquiis insidiari et captare; in bello non congredi aequo campo neque signis collatis dimicare, sed refugientem incendere ac diripere urbes et vincentium praemia victum corrumpere.

[¶37] 33.12. The Macedonian kings of old did not conduct matters thus, but were used to fight in battle array and to spare the cities, so far as they could, that they might have a richer empire.

> Latin: 33.12. at non antiquos Macedonum reges, sed acie bellare solitos, urbibus parcere, quantum possent, quo opulentius haberent imperium.

[¶38] 33.13. For what sort of wisdom was it to destroy the things for the possession of which you fight, and leave yourself nothing but the fighting?

> Latin: 33.13. nam de quorum possessione dimicetur tollentem nihil sibi praeter bellum relinquere, quod consilium esse?

[¶39] 33.14. Philip had, during the preceding campaign, wasted more friendly cities in Thessaly than all the enemies Thessaly had ever had.

> Latin: 33.14. pluris pluris priore anno sociorum urbes in Thessalia evastasse Philippum quam omnes, qui umquam hostes Thessaliae fuerint.

[¶40] 33.15. To the Aetolians themselves, too, he had as an ally done more damage than he had as an enemy: he had taken possession of Lysimachia after driving out the magistrate and the Aetolian garrison; he had utterly ruined and destroyed Cios, another city under their control;

> Latin: 33.15. ipsis quoque Aetolis eum plura socium quam hostem ademisse: Lysimachiam pulso praetore et praesidio Aetolorum occupasse eum;

[¶41] 33.16. with the same deceit he held Phthian Thebes, Echinus, Larisa, and Pharsalus. Philip, angered at Alexander's speech, moved his ship nearer the shore, that he might be heard more clearly.

> Latin: 33.16. Cium, item suae dicionis urbem, funditus evertisse ac delesse; eadem fraude habere eum Thebas Phthias, Echinum, Larisam, Pharsalum. motus oratione Alexandri Philippus navem, ut exaudiretur, propius terram applicuit.

[¶42] 34.2. When he had begun to reply, especially to the Aetolians, Phaeneas rudely interrupted him, saying that the decision did not turn on words: Philip must either conquer in battle or obey his betters.

> Latin: 34.2. orsum eum dicere, in Aetolos maxime, violenter Phaeneas interfatus non in verbis rem verti ait: aut bello vincendum aut melioribus parendum esse.

[¶43] 34.3. “That is clear,” retorted Philip, “even to a blind man,” making jest of Phaeneas' affliction of the eyes; he was, it must be admitted, more facetious by nature than becomes a king, and not even in serious business did he refrain from jesting.

> Latin: 34.3. 'apparet id quidem' inquit Philippus 'etiam caeco', iocatus in valetudinem oculorum Phaeneae; et erat dicacior natura, quam regem decet, et ne inter seria quidem risu satis temperans.

[¶44] 34.4. Then he began to complain that the Aetolians, like the Romans, ordered him to retire from Greece, although they could not say within what boundaries Greece lay; for in Aetolia itself, the Agraei, the Apodoti, the Amphilochi, who comprise a great part of the country, were not in Greece.

> Latin: 34.4. indignari inde coepit, Aetolos tamquam Romanos decedi Graecia iubere, qui, quibus finibus Graecia sit, dicere non possent; ipsius enim Aetoliae Agraeos Apodotosque et Amphilochos, quae permagna eorum pars sit, Graeciam non esse.

[¶45] 34.5. “Or,” he asked, “do they have just ground for complaint that I have not kept my hands off their allies, when they themselves have long observed this custom as an established practice, of allowing their own young men to fight against their allies, official sanction being merely withheld, and opposing battle-lines will very often both contain Aetolian auxiliaries?”

> Latin: 34.5. 'an, quod a sociis eorum non abstinuerim, iustam querellam habent, cum ipsi pro lege hunc antiquitus morem servent, ut adversus socios ipsi suos publica tantum auctoritate dempta iuventutem suam militare sinant, et contrariae persaepe acies in utraque parte Aetolica auxilia habeant?

[¶46] 34.6. “I did not capture Cios, but I aided my ally and friend Prusias who was besieging it; also, I rescued Lysimachia from the Thracians, but, because necessity diverted me from guarding it to this war, the Thracians hold it.”

> Latin: 34.6. neque ego Cium expugnavi, sed Prusiam socium et amicum oppugnantem adiuvi; et Lysimachiam ab Thracibus vindicavi, sed, quia me necessitas ad hoc bellum a custodia eius avertit, Thraces habent.

[¶47] 34.7. “So much for the Aetolians; but to Attalus and the Rhodians I owe nothing justly; for the beginning of the war was their act, not mine; however, to do honour to the Romans, I shall restore Peraea## to the Rhodians and to Attalus the ships and such prisoners as can be found.”

> Latin: 34.7. et Aetolis haec; Attalo autem Rhodiisque nihil iure debeo; non enim a me, sed ab illis principium belli ortum est;

[¶48] 34.8. “Now as to the restoration of the Nicephorium and the temple of Venus, what reply can I make to ” “those who demand that they be restored, except that (and ” “in this way alone can woods and groves cut down be restored) I shall take upon myself the responsibility and cost of planting — since this is the sort of thing that kings are pleased to ask and reply to one another.”

> Latin: 34.8. Romanorum autem honoris causa Peraean Rhodiis et naves Attalo cum captivis, qui comparebunt, restituam. nam quod ad Nicephorium Venerisque templi restitutionem attinet, quid restitui ea postulantibus respondeam, nisi, quo uno modo silvae lucique caesi restitui possunt, curam impensamque sationis me praestaturum, —quoniam haec inter se reges postulare et respondere placet.

[¶49] 34.11. The rest of his speech was directed to the Achaeans, in which he recounted first the services of Antigonus to the people and then his own, bade that their decrees be read, which included all honours, divine and human, and taunted them with their most recent decree, in which they repudiated the alliance with him;

> Latin: 34.11. ' extrema eius oratio adversus Achaeos fuit, in qua orsus ab Antigoni primum, suis deinde erga gentem eam meritis, recitari decreta eorum iussit omnis divinos humanosque honores complexa atque eis obiecit recens decretum, quo ab se descivissent;

[¶50] 34.12. and after violently assailing their perfidy, he said that he would nevertheless give back Argos to them; regarding Corinth, he would confer with the Roman commander and ascertain from him at the same time whether he thought it proper that he evacuate those cities which he himself had captured and which he held by right of conquest, or those also which he had inherited from his sires.

> Latin: 34.12. invectusque graviter in perfidiam eorum, Argos tamen se iis redditurum dixit; de Corintho cum imperatore Romano deliberaturum esse quaesiturumque ab eo simul, utrum iisne urbibus decedere se aecum censeat, quas ab se ipso captas iure belli habeat, an iis etiam, quas a maioribus suis accepisset.

[¶51] 35.1. As the Achaeans and Aetolians were preparing to answer him, since the sun was now near its setting, the council was adjourned until next day, and Philip returned to the base from which he had come, the Romans and the allies to the camp.

> Latin: 35.1. parantibus Achaeis Aetolisque ad ea respondere, cum prope occasum sol esset, dilato in posterum diem colloquio Philippus in stationem, ex qua profectus erat, Romani sociique in castra redierunt.

[¶52] 35.2. The next day Quinctius arrived at Nicaea — for this was the place agreed upon — at the appointed time; Philip was nowhere in sight and no messenger from him arrived for several hours, and just as they were ready to abandon hope of his coming, suddenly his ships appeared.

> Latin: 35.2. Quinctius postero die ad Nicaeam — is enim locus placuerat — ad constitutum tempus venit; Philippus nullus usquam, nec nuntius ab eo per aliquot horas veniebat, et iam desperantibus venturum repente apparuerunt naves.

[¶53] 35.3. And Philip said that, since such heavy and unjust demands had been made, being uncertain what to do, he had spent the day in deliberation;

> Latin: 35.3. atque ipse quidem, cum tam gravia et indigna imperarentur, inopem consilii diem consumpsisse deliberando aiebat;

[¶54] 35.4. it was the general opinion that he had purposely deferred his arrival until late, so as to give the Achaeans and Aetolians no time to reply to him, and he himself confirmed this belief by asking that the others retire, that time might not be wasted in argument and that some end might be set to the affair, and that he be permitted to confer with the Roman commander by himself.

> Latin: 35.4. vulgo credebant de industria rem in serum tractam, ne tempus dari posset Achaeis Aetolisque ad respondendum, et eam opinionem ipse adfirmavit petendo, ut summotis aliis, ne tempus altercando tereretur et aliqui finis rei imponi posset, cum ipso imperatore Romano liceret sibi colloqui.

[¶55] 35.6. At first the request was denied, lest the allies seem to be excluded from the conference, but finally, as he persisted in his plea, with the consent of all, the Roman general with Appius Claudius, tribune of the soldiers, left the rest behind and came out to the water's edge; the king with the two companions whom he had had with him the day before came ashore.

> Latin: 35.6. id primo non acceptum, ne excludi colloquio viderentur socii, dein, cum haud absisteret petere, ex omnium consilio Romanus imperator cum Ap. Claudio tribuno militum ceteris summotis ad extremum litus processit;

[¶56] 35.8. After they had talked for some time apart, what account Philip gave his own friends is uncertain; the report of Quinctius to the allies was that Philip ceded to the Romans the whole Illyrian coast, sent back the deserters and whatever prisoners there were;

> Latin: 35.8. rex cum duobus, quos pridie adhibuerat, in terram est egressus. ibi cum aliquamdiu secreto locuti essent, quae acta Philippus ad suos rettulerit, minus compertum est; Quinctius haec rettulit ad socios: Romanis eum cedere tota Illyrici ora, perfugas remittere ac si qui sint captivi;

[¶57] 35.10. to Attalus he returned the ships and the naval allies captured with them, and to the Rhodians the region which they call Peraea, but he would not give up Iasus or Bargyliae; to the Aetolians he surrendered Pharsalus and Larisa but not Thebes;

> Latin: 35.10. Attalo naves et cum iis captos navalis socios, Rhodiis regionem, quam Peraean vocant, reddere, Iaso et Bargyliis non cessurum;

[¶58] 35.11. to the Achaeans he would yield not only Argos but Corinth as well.

> Latin: 35.11. Aetolis Pharsalum Larisamque reddere, Thebas non reddere; Achaeis non Argis modo sed etiam Corintho cessurum.

[¶59] 35.12. The decision as to the places from which he would or would not retire pleased no party: for more, they maintained, was lost thereby than gained, nor would causes for strife ever be wanting until he withdrew his garrisons from all Greece.

> Latin: 35.12. nulli omnium placere partium, quibus cessurus aut non cessurus esset, destinatio: plus enim amitti in iis quam acquiri, nec umquam, nisi tota deduxisset Graecia praesidia, causas certaminum defore.

[¶60] 36.1. When shouts to this effect were uttered by the whole council, all speaking at once, their words reached Philip even standing at a distance.

> Latin: 36.1. cum haec toto ex concilio certatim omnes vociferarentur, ad Philippum quoque procul stantem vox est perlata.

[¶61] 36.2. Accordingly he asked Quinctius to postpone the whole question until the next day: he would assuredly persuade them or suffer himself to be persuaded. The beach near Thronium was selected for the meeting.

> Latin: 36.2. itaque a Quinctio petit, ut rem totam in posterum diem differret: profecto aut persuasurum se aut persuaderi sibi passurum.

[¶62] 36.3. Thither all came at an early hour. There Philip first asked both Quinctius and all the others who were present not to entertain views which would disturb the hope of peace, and finally begged for time in which he could send an embassy to the senate at Rome: he would either obtain peace on these terms or submit to whatever conditions of peace the senate imposed.

> Latin: 36.3. litus ad Thronium colloquio destinatur. eo mature conventum est. ibi Philippus primum et Quinctium et omnis qui aderant rogare, ne spem pacis turbare vellent, postremo petere tempus, quo legatos mittere Romam ad senatum posset: aut iis condicionibus se pacem impetraturum aut quascumque senatus dedisset leges pacis accepturum.

[¶63] 36.5. The others did not all like this suggestion: for nothing else, they said, was sought than postponement and delay to collect fresh troops;

> Latin: 36.5. id ceteris haudquaquam placebat: nec enim aliud quam moram et dilationem ad colligendas vires quaeri;

[¶64] 36.6. Quinctius argued that this would have been true had it been summer and the time for active operations; now, with winter at hand, nothing was lost by granting an interval to send ambassadors:

> Latin: 36.6. Quinctius verum id futurum fuisse dicere, si aestas et tempus rerum gerendarum esset; nunc hieme instante nihil amitti dato spatio ad legatos mittendos;

[¶65] 36.7. for none of the agreements they had made with the king could be ratified except on the authority of the senate, and while winter gave the necessary respite from war the views of the senate could be sought.

> Latin: 36.7. nam neque sine auctoritate senatus ratum quicquam eorum fore, quae cum rege ipsi pepigissent, et explorari, dum bello necessariam quietem ipsa hiems daret, senatus auctoritatem posse.

[¶66] 36.8. The other leaders of the allies also agreed with this opinion; and having granted a truce of two months, they too decided to send one ambassador each to advise the senate, lest it be deceived by the king's misrepresentations. A stipulation was added to the agreement regarding the truce, that the king's garrisons should be immediately withdrawn from Phocis and Locris.

> Latin: 36.8. in hanc sententiam et ceteri sociorum principes concesserunt; indutiisque datis in duos menses, et ipsos mittere singulos legatos ad senatum edocendum, ne fraude regis caperetur, placuit.

[¶67] 36.9. And Quinctius himself sent with the ambassadors of the allies Amynander, king of the Athamanians, to add distinction to the embassy, and Quintus Fabius — he was the son of the sister of the wife of Quinctius — and Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 36.9. additum indutiarum pacto, ut regia praesidia Phocide ac Locride extemplo deducerentur. et ipse Quinctius cum sociorum legatis Amynandrum. Athamanum regem, ut speciem legationi adiceret, et Q. Fabium — uxoris Quincti sororis filius erat — et Q. Fulvium et Ap. Claudium misit.

[¶68] 37.1. When they reached Rome, the ambassadors of the allies were heard before those of the king.

> Latin: 37.1. ut ventum Romam est, prius sociorum legati quam regis auditi sunt. cetera eorum oratio conviciis regis consumpta est;

[¶69] 37.2. Much of their speech was devoted to reviling the king; they influenced the senate especially by their description of the geography of the sea and lands in that region, so that it was clear to all that if the king held Demetrias in Thessaly, Chaleis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaea, Greece could not be free, and that Philip

> Latin: 37.2. moverunt cum maxime senatum demonstrando maris terrarumque regionis eius situm, ut omnibus appareret, si Demetriadem in Thessalia, Chalcidem in Euboea, Corinthum in Achaia rex teneret,

[¶70] 37.4. himself, with equal insolence and truth, called them the fetters of Greece.

> Latin: 37.4. non posse liberam Graeciam esse, et ipsum Philippum non contumeliosius quam verius compedes eas Graeciae appellare.

[¶71] 37.5. Then the ambassadors of the king were admitted; and when they had begun a lengthy argument, a terse question, whether he would evacuate these three cities, cut short their speech, since they said they had no explicit instructions from him regarding them. So the king's ambassadors were dismissed without obtaining peace; Quinctius was given full discretion regarding peace and war.

> Latin: 37.5. legati deinde regis intromissi; quibus longiorem exorsis orationem brevis interrogatio, cessurusne iis tribus urbibus esset, sermonem incidit, cum mandati sibi de iis nominatim negarent quicquam. sic infecta pace regii dimissi; Quinctio liberum arbitrium pacis ac belli permissum.

[¶72] 37.6. When it was made clear to him that the senate was not ready to discontinue the war, he, being himself more eager for victory than for peace, thereafter neither granted Philip any conference nor consented to receive any embassy that did not announce a withdrawal from all Greece.

> Latin: 37.6. cui ut satis apparuit non taedere belli senatum, et ipse victoriae quam pacis avidior neque colloquium postea Philippo dedit neque legationem aliam, quam quae omni Graecia decedi nuntiaret, admissurum dixit.

[¶73] 38.1. When Philip saw that the decision must be reached on the battlefield and that he must collect around himself forces from every quarter, - being especially concerned about the cities of Achaea, a region far away from him, and yet more concerned about Argos than Corinth, it seemed the best plan to commit Argos on deposit, as it were, to Nabis, the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, with the provision that he would restore it to him if victorious, but that Nabis himself should keep it if misfortune should come, and he wrote to Philocles, who was in charge of Corinth and Argos, that he should have an interview with the tyrant.

> Latin: 38.1. Philippus, cum acie decernendum videret et undique ad se contrahendas vires, maxime de Achaiae urbibus, regionis ab se diversae, et magis tamen de Argis quam de Corintho sollicitus, optimum ratus Nabidi eam Lacedaemoniorum tyranno velut fiduciariam dare, ut victori sibi restitueret, si quid adversi accidisset ipse haberet, Philocli, qui Corintho Argisque praeerat, scribit, ut tyrannum ipse conveniret.

[¶74] 38.3. Philocles, apart from the fact that he was already coming bringing gifts, added as a pledge of future friendship between the king and the tyrant, that the king wished to unite his daughters in marriage with the sons of Nabis.

> Latin: 38.3. Philocles, praeterquam quod iam veniebat cum munere, adicit, ad pignus futurae regi cum tyranno amicitiae, filias suas regem Nabidis filiis matrimonio coniungere velle.

[¶75] 38.4. The tyrant at first refused to accept the city on any other terms than an invitation to assist the city, proffered by a decree of the Argives themselves; later, when he heard them mentioning the name of tyrant in a crowded assembly not only with scorn but even with cursing, he, thinking that he had found a cause for despoiling them, bade Philocles deliver the city to him when he pleased.

> Latin: 38.4. tyrannus primo negare aliter urbem eam se accepturum, nisi Argivorum ipsorum decreto accersitus ad auxilium urbis esset, deinde, ut frequenti contione non aspernatos modo sed abominatos etiam nomen tyranni audivit, causam se spoliandi eos nactum ratus tradere, ubi vellet, urbem Philoclen iussit.

[¶76] 38.6. The tyrant was admitted to the city at night, without the knowledge of anyone; when day came all the commanding sites were in his hands and the gates were closed.

> Latin: 38.6. nocte ignaris omnibus acceptus in urbem est tyrannus; prima luce occupata omnia superiora loca portaeque clausae.

[¶77] 38.7. A few of the leading men got away in the first confusion and their property was plundered in their absence; the gold and silver of those who remained was appropriated and heavy fines imposed upon them.

> Latin: 38.7. paucis principum inter primum tumultum elapsis, eorum absentium direptae fortunae; praesentibus aurum atque argentum ablatum, pecuniae imperatae ingentes.

[¶78] 38.8. Those who paid promptly were let go without insult or bodily injury; those who were suspected of concealing or holding back assets were punished and tortured like slaves.

> Latin: 38.8. qui non cunctanter contulere, sine contumelia et laceratione corporum dimissi; quos occulere aut retrahere aliquid suspicio fuit, in servilem modum lacerati atque extorti.

[¶79] 38.9. Then he called an assembly and proposed measures, one for the cancellation of debts, the other for a distribution of land to individuals, thus lighting two torches with which revolutionists could inflame the commons against the nobility.

> Latin: 38.9. contione inde advocata rogationes promulgavit, unam de tabulis novis, alteram de agro viritim dividendo, duas faces novantibus res ad plebem in optimates accendendam.

[¶80] 39.1. Having the city of Argos in his power, the tyrant, no longer remembering from whom and on what terms he had received the city, sent agents to Quinctius at Elatia and to Attalus, who was wintering at Aegina, to tell them that Argos was in his power: if Quinctius would come there to a conference, he had no doubt that they would come to a complete agreement.

> Latin: 39.1. postquam in potestate Argivorum civitas erat, nihil eius memor tyrannus, a quo eam civitatem et in quam condicionem accepisset, legatos Elatiam ad Quinctium et ad Attalum Aeginae hibernantem mittit, qui nuntiarent Argos in potestate sua esse: eo si veniret Quinctius ad colloquium, non diffidere sibi omnia cum eo conventura.

[¶81] 39.3. Quinctius, with a view to stripping Philip of that source of strength also, having agreed to come, sent word to Attalus to leave Aegina and meet him at Sicyon, and himself crossed from Anticyra to Sicyon with ten quinqueremes which his brother Lucius Quinctius had by chance recently brought there from their winter station at Corcyra.

> Latin: 39.3. Quinctius, ut eo quoque praesidio Philippum nudaret, cum adnuisset se venturum, mittit ad Attalum, ut ab Aegina Sicyonem sibi occurreret; ipse ab Anticyra decem quinqueremibus, quas iis forte ipsis diebus L. Quinctius frater eius adduxerat ex hibernis Corcyrae, Sicyonem tramisit.

[¶82] 39.5. Attalus was already there; saying that the tyrant should come to the Roman general, and not the Roman to the tyrant, he prevailed upon Quinctius not to go to the city of Argos itself. Not far from the city is the place called Mycenica; there they agreed to meet.

> Latin: 39.5. iam ibi Attalus erat; qui cum tyranno ad Romanum imperatorem, non Romano ad tyrannum eundum diceret, in sententiam suam Quinctium traduxit, ne in urbem ipsam Argos iret.

[¶83] 39.6. Quinctius arrived with his brother and a few military tribunes, Attalus with his royal retinue, Nicostratus, praetor of the Achaeans, with a few auxiliaries. They found the tyrant waiting there with his entire army.

> Latin: 39.6. haud procul urbe Mycenica vocatur; in eo loco ut congrederentur convenit. Quinctius cum fratre et tribunis militum paucis, Attalus cum regio comitatu, Nicostratus, Achaeorum praetor, cum auxiliaribus paucis venit.

[¶84] 39.8. Wearing his armour and attended by an armed body-guard, he advanced to about the centre of the space between the two parties; Quinctius was unarmed, as were his brother and two tribunes of the soldiers, while at either side of the king, who was likewise unarmed, stood the Achaean praetor and one of his own courtiers.

> Latin: 39.8. tyrannum ibi cum omnibus copiis opperientem invenerunt. progressus armatus cum satellitibus armatis est in medium fere interiacentis campi; inermis Quinctius cum fratre et duobus tribunis militum, inermi item regi praetor Achaeorum et unus ex purpuratis latus cingebant.

[¶85] 39.9. The conversation began with an apology by the tyrant because he had come armed and hedged about by armed men though he saw the Roman commander and the king unarmed; he feared not them, he said, but the Argive exiles.

> Latin: 39.9. initium sermonis ab excusatione tyranni ortum, quod armatus ipse armatisque saeptus, cum inermes Romanum imperatorem regemque cerneret, in colloquium venisset: neque enim se illos timere dixit, sed exules Argivorum.

[¶86] 39.10. Then, when they began to discuss the terms of alliance, the Roman made two demands: first, that he put an end to his war with the Achaeans, second, that he send with him auxiliaries against Philip. The auxiliaries he agreed to send; in place of peace with the Achaeans, he obtained an armistice until the war with Philip should be concluded.

> Latin: 39.10. inde ubi de condicionibus amicitiae coeptum agi est, Romanus duas postulare res, unam, ut bellum cum Achaeis finiret, alteram, ut adversus Philippum mitteret secum auxilia. ea se missurum dixit; pro pace cum Achaeis indutiae impetratae, donec bellum cum Philippo finiretur.

[¶87] 40.1. With regard to Argos, another dispute was started by King Attalus, who charged Nabis with holding by force a city betrayed by the guile of Philocles, while the other defended himself by pointing to his summons by the Argives themselves.

> Latin: 40.1. de Argis quoque disceptatio ab Attalo rege est mota, cum fraude Philoclis proditam urbem vi ab eo teneri argueret, ille ab ipsis Argivis se defenderet accitum.

[¶88] 40.2. The king demanded an assembly of the Argives, that this assertion might be proved; the tyrant did not refuse this; but the king said that a free assembly, that would show what the Argives wished, should be made possible, the guards having been withdrawn from the city and no Lacedaemonians intermingled;

> Latin: 40.2. contionem rex Argivorum postulabat, ut id sciri posset; nec tyrannus abnuere; sed deductis ex urbe praesidiis liberam contionem non immixtis Lacedaemoniis declaraturam, quid Argivi vellent, praeberi debere dicebat rex;

[¶89] 40.3. the tyrant refused to withdraw the guard.

> Latin: 40.3. tyrannus negavit deducturum. haec disceptatio sine exitu fuit.

[¶90] 40.4. This discussion came to nought. They left the conference, six hundred Cretans having been furnished to the Roman by the tyrant, and a truce for four months made between Nicostratus, praetor of the Achaeans, and the Spartan tyrant.

> Latin: 40.4. de colloquio discessum sescentis Cretensibus ab tyranno datis Romano indutiisque inter Nicostratum, praetorem Achaeorum, et Lacedaemoniorum tyrannum in quattuor menses factis.

[¶91] 40.5. Quinctius then set out for Corinth and approached the gate with the Cretan contingent, that it might be clear to Philocles, the prefect of the city, that the tyrant had deserted Philip.

> Latin: 40.5. inde Quinctius Corinthum est profectus et ad portam cum Cretensium cohorte accessit, ut Philocli praefecto urbis appareret tyrannum a Philippo descisse.

[¶92] 40.6. Philocles also held a conference with the Roman commander, and to the suggestion that he at once desert and hand over the city, he returned a reply that hinted delay rather than refusal.

> Latin: 40.6. Philocles et ipse ad imperatorem Romanum in colloquium venit hortantique, ut extemplo transiret urbemque traderet, ita respondit, ut distulisse rem magis quam negasse videretur.

[¶93] 40.7. From Corinth Quinctius crossed to Anticyra; thence he sent his brother to sound the people of the Acarnanes.

> Latin: 40.7. a Corintho Quinctius Anticyram traiecit; inde fratrem ad temptandam Acarnanum gentem misit.

[¶94] 40.8. Attalus went from Argos to Sicyon. There the city, for its part, added new distinctions to the king's former honours, while he, in addition to the fact that he had once redeemed for them the sacred precinct of Apollo at a high price, at this time also, not to pass by an allied and friendly city without some act of generosity, gave them as a present ten talents of silver and ten thousand medimni of grain; and so he returned to his fleet at Cenchreae.

> Latin: 40.8. Attalus ab Argis Sicyonem est profectus. ibi et civitas novis honoribus veteres regis honores auxit, et rex ad id, quod sacrum Apollinis agrum grandi quondam pecunia redemerat iis, tum quoque, ne sine aliqua munificentia praeteriret civitatem sociam atque amicam, decem talenta argenti dono dedit et decem milia medimnum frumenti; atque ita Cenchreas ad naves redit.

[¶95] 40.10. And Nabis, strengthening the garrison at Argos and returning to Sparta, even as he had despoiled the men, sent his wife to rob the women.

> Latin: 40.10. et Nabis firmato praesidio Argis Lacedaemonem regressus, cum ipse viros spoliasset, ad feminas spoliandas uxorem Argos remisit.

[¶96] 40.11. She invited now prominent individuals, now groups of women related to one another, and partly by flattery, partly by threats, took from them not only their money but finally even their raiment and their whole feminine adornment as well.

> Latin: 40.11. ea nunc singulas illustres, nunc simul plures genere inter se iunctas accersendo blandiendoque ac minando non aurum modo iis, sed postremo vestem quoque mundumque omnem muliebrem ademit.