---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Book XLI · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/1.md)
2. [Book XLI · chapters 10–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/2.md)
3. [Book XLI · chapters 21–28](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/3.md)
4. [Book XLII · chapters 1–15](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/4.md)
5. [Book XLII · chapters 15–30](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/5.md)
6. [Book XLII · chapters 30–42](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/6.md)
7. [Book XLII · chapters 43–55](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7.md)
8. [Book XLII · chapters 56–67](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/8.md)
9. [Book XLIII · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9.md)
10. [Book XLIII · chapters 12–23](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10.md)
11. [Book XLIV · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/11.md)
12. [Book XLIV · chapters 12–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/12.md)
13. [Book XLIV · chapters 24–35](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/13.md)
14. [Book XLIV · chapters 35–46](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14.md)
15. [Book XLV · chapters 1–13](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/15.md)
16. [Book XLV · chapters 13–25](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16.md)
17. [Book XLV · chapters 25–35](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17.md)
18. [Book XLV · chapters 35–44](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/18.md)

## 1. Book XLI · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. ...Aepulo was said to have armed a people which had been kept in peace by his father and thus to have won great favour with the youth, who were desirous of plundering. When a council regarding a war with the Histrians was held by the consul, some argued that it should be begun at once, before the enemy should be able to draw his forces together, others that the senate should first be consulted.

> Latin: 1.1. … a patre in pace habitam armasse eoque iuventuti praedandi cupidae pergratus esse dicebatur. consilium de Histrico bello cum haberet consul, alii gerendum extemplo, antequam contrahere copias hostes possent, alii consulendum prius senatum censebant.

[¶1] 1.2. That opinion prevailed which proposed no delay. The consul, setting out from Aquileia, encamped near the lake of Timavus; this lake lies close to the sea.

> Latin: 1.2. vicit sententia, quae diem non proferebat. profectus ab Aquileia consul castra ad lacum Timavi posuit; inminet mari is lacus. eodem decem navibus C. Furius duumvir navalis venit.

[¶2] 1.3. Gaius Furius, the duumvir navalis, came to the same place with a fleet of ten ships. To oppose the fleet of the Illyrians duumviri navales had been elected, who, with twenty ships to protect the coast of the upper sea, were to make Ancona the hinge or pivot, so to speak; thence Lucius Cornelius was to defend the coast to the right as far as Tarentum, Gaius Furius the coast to the left as far as Aquileia.

> Latin: 1.3. adversus Illyriorum classem creati duumviri navales erant. qui tuendae viginti navibus maris superi orae Anconam velut cardinem haberent; inde L. Cornelius dextra litora usque ad Tarentum, C. Furius laeva usque ad Aquileiam tueretur.

[¶3] 1.4. These ships were sent to the nearest harbour in Histrian territory with transports and a large quantity of supplies, and the consul, following with the legions, encamped about five miles from the sea.

> Latin: 1.4. eae naves ad proximum portum in Histriae fines cum onerariis et magno commeatu missae, secutusque cum legionibus consul quinque ferme milia a mari posuit castra.

[¶4] 1.5. In a short time a market, visited by throngs, was established at the harbor, and from there everything was transported to the camp.

> Latin: 1.5. in portu emporium brevi perfrequens factum, omniaque hinc in castra subportabantur. et quo id tutius fieret, stationes ab omnibus castrorum partibus circumdatae sunt:

[¶5] 1.6. And in order that this might be done in greater safety, outposts were established on all sides of the camp: facing Histria there was a permanent post, and an emergency cohort from Placentia stationed there; to a position between the sea and the camp, with the additional mission of protecting water-carriers at the river, Marcus Aebutius, military tribune of the second legion, was ordered to bring two maniples of his troops;

> Latin: 1.6. in Histriam versum praesidium stativum repentina cohors Placentina obposita; inter mare et castra et, ut idem aquatoribus ad fluvium esset praesidium, M. Aebutius tribunus militum secundae legionis duos manipulos militum ducere iussus est;

[¶6] 1.7. Titus and Gaius Aelius, tribunes of the soldiers, had led the third legion, which was to guard the parties searching for forage and wood, on the road which leads to Aquileia.

> Latin: 1.7. T. et C. Aelii tribuni militum legionem tertiam, quae pabulatores et lignatores tueretur, via, quae Aquileiam fert, duxerant.

[¶7] 1.8. In the same area, about a mile distant, was the camp of the Gauls: their chief, Catmelus, was in command of not more than three thousand armed men.

> Latin: 1.8. ab eadem regione mille ferme passuum castra erant Gallorum; Catmelus pro regulo praeerat tribus haud amplius milibus armatorum.

[¶8] 2.1. The Histrians, as soon as the Romans had moved their camp to the lake of Timavus, themselves took up a hidden position in a spot behind a hill, and thence over byways followed the line of march, prepared for any opportunity; nor did anything that took place on land or sea escape their observation.

> Latin: 2.1. Histri, ut primum ad lacum Timavi castra sunt Romana mota, ipsi post collem occulto loco consederunt, et inde obliquis itineribus agmen sequebantur in omnem occasionem intenti, nec quicquam eos, quae terra marique agerentur, fallebat.

[¶9] 2.3. When they saw that the outposts in front of the camp were weak, and that the market, filled with an unarmed throng trafficking between the camp and the sea, was provided with no protection on land or on water, they at the same time attacked the two out-guards, the cohort from Placentia and the maniples of the second legion.

> Latin: 2.3. postquam stationes invalidas esse pro castris, forum turba inermi frequens inter castra et mare mercantium sine ullo terrestri aut maritimo munimento viderunt, duo simul praesidia, Placentinae cohortis et manipulorum secundae legionis, adgrediuntur.

[¶10] 2.4. A morning fog had concealed their enterprise; and as this cleared away before the first warmth of the sun, the light now penetrating it to some extent, but as yet, as is usual, not clear and furnishing the beholder a magnified impression of everything, at this time also deceived the Romans and revealed to them a battle-line of the enemy far stronger than it really was.

> Latin: 2.4. nebula matutina texerat inceptum; qua dilabente ad primum teporem solis perlucens iam aliquid, incerta tamen, ut solet, lux speciem omnium multiplicem intuenti reddens, tum quoque frustrata Romanos, multo maiorem iis, quam erat, hostium aciem ostendit.

[¶11] 2.5. When the soldiers from both outposts, terrified by this sight, had fled to the camp with mighty uproar they caused far more panic there than they had brought with them.

> Latin: 2.5. qua territi utriusque stationis milites ingenti tumultu cum in castra confugissent, haud paulo ibi plus, quam quod secum ipsi adtulerant, terroris fecerunt.

[¶12] 2.6. For they could neither explain from what they had fled nor answer any persons who questioned them; and some shouting at the gates was heard, showing that no guards were there to withstand an assault; and the rushing about in the dark, as one man collided with another, had made it uncertain whether or not the enemy was inside the rampart.

> Latin: 2.6. nam neque dicere, quid fugissent, nec percunctantibus reddere responsum poterant, et clamor in portis, ut ubi nulla esset statio, quae sustineret impetum, audiebatur, et concursatio in obscuro incidentium aliorum in alios incertum fecerat, an hostis intra vallum esset.

[¶13] 2.7. One voice was heard, that of men calling them to the sea; this cry, perhaps raised without design by a single man, rang everywhere through the whole camp.

> Latin: 2.7. una vox audiebatur ad mare vocantium; id forte temere ab uno exclamatum totis passim personabat castris.

[¶14] 2.8. And so a few at first, as if they had been ordered to do this, some armed, the majority unarmed, rushed down to the sea, then larger numbers, finally almost all of them, and even the consul, when, trying in vain to recall the fugitives, he had failed at the end to accomplish anything by orders or authority or entreaties.

> Latin: 2.8. itaque primo, velut iussi id facere, pauci, armati alii, maior pars inermes, ad mare decurrunt, dein plures, postremo prope omnes, et ipse consul, cum frustra revocare fugientes conatus nec imperio nec auctoritate nec precibus ad extremum valuisset.

[¶15] 2.9. One man alone remained, Marcus Licinius Strabo, military tribune of the third legion, having along with three companies been left behind by his legion. The Histrians, bursting into the empty camp, when no other armed man had met them, bore down upon him at the headquarters as he was forming his men and encouraging them.

> Latin: 2.9. unus remansit M. Licinius Strabo, tribunus militum secundae legionis, cum tribus signis ab legione sua relictus. hunc in vacua castra impetu facto Histri, cum alius armatus iis nemo obviam isset, in praetorio instruentem atque adhortantem suos obpresserunt.

[¶16] 2.10. A battle began, fiercer than one would expect considering the small number of defenders, and did not stop until the tribune of the soldiers and the men who had made a stand with him had fallen. The enemy, tearing down the general's tent and plundering whatever was there, moved on to the quaestor's quarters, the market, and the via quintana.

> Latin: 2.10. proelium atrocius quam pro paucitate resistentium fuit, nec ante finitum est, quam tribunus militum quique circa eum constiterant interfecti sunt.

[¶17] 2.11. When they had found there abundance of everything ready and laid out, and in the quaestor's quarters couches spread, the chief reclined and began to dine.

> Latin: 2.11. praetorio deiecto, direptisque quae ibi fuerunt, ad quaestorium, forum quintanamque hostes pervenerunt. ibi cum omnium rerum paratam expositamque copiam et stratos lectos in quaestorio invenissent, regulus accubans epulari coepit.

[¶18] 2.13. Presently all the others, forgetting their arms and the enemy, did the same; and since the rather rich fare was strange to them, they greedily loaded their bodies with wine and food.

> Latin: 2.13. mox idem ceteri omnes, armorum hostiumque obliti, faciunt et, ut quibus insuetus liberalior victus esset, avidius vino ciboque corpora onerant.

[¶19] 3.1. The state of affairs among the Romans was not at all the same at this moment; on land, on sea there was confusion; the sailors were striking their tents and were hurrying off to the ships the provisions set out on the shore;

> Latin: 3.1. nequaquam eadem est tum rei forma apud Romanos; terra mari trepidatur; nautici tabernacula detendunt commeatumque in litore expositum in naves rapiunt;

[¶20] 3.2. the terrified soldiers were rushing to the small boats and into the sea; some of the sailors, in the fear that the ships would be overcrowded, were blocking the onrush of the crowd while others were pushing out the ships from the shore into deep water.

> Latin: 3.2. milites in scaphas et mare territi ruunt; nautae metu, ne compleantur navigia, alii turbae obsistunt, alii ab litore naves in altum expellunt.

[¶21] 3.3. Then there was a struggle and soon even a battle, marked by the wounding and slaying of soldiers and sailors in turn, until the fleet was removed far from the land by order of the consul, who next began to segregate the armed men from the unarmed.

> Latin: 3.3. inde certamen, mox etiam pugna cum vulneribus et caede in vicem militum nautarumque oritur, donec iussu consulis procul a terra classis submota est.

[¶22] 3.4. There were barely twelve hundred out of so great a crowd who had their weapons, and a very few cavalry were found who had brought their horses away with them; the rest were a motley crowd like servants and sutlers, surely destined to be booty if the enemy had bethought himself of the war.

> Latin: 3.4. secernere inde inermes ab armatis coepit. vix mille ducenti ex tanta multitudine, qui arma haberent, perpauci equites, qui equos secum eduxissent, inventi sunt; cetera deformis turba velut lixarum calonumque, praeda vere futura, si belli hostes meminissent.

[¶23] 3.5. Then finally a messenger was sent to recall the third legion and the Gallic contingent, and at the same time from all sides there began the movement back to recover the camp and to wipe out the disgrace.

> Latin: 3.5. tunc demum nuntius missus ad tertiam legionem revocandam et Gallorum praesidium, et simul ex omnibus locis ad castra recipienda demendamque ignominiam rediri coeptum est.

[¶24] 3.6. The military tribunes of the third legion ordered foraging parties to abandon the forage and wood they had collected, directed the centurions to mount two of the older soldiers on each pack-animal whose load had been removed, and the cavalry to take one each of the younger infantrymen with them on their horses: they told them that the legion would win a fair report if by their valour they should recover the camp which had been lost through the panic of the men of the second legion.

> Latin: 3.6. tribuni militum tertiae legionis pabulum lignaque proicere iubent, centurionibus imperant, ut graviores aetate milites binos in ea iumenta, ex quibus onera deiecta erant, inponant, equites ut singulos e iuvenibus pedites secum in equos tollant:

[¶25] 3.7. The recovery of the camp would be easy, they said, if the barbarians could be suddenly surprised while engaged with the booty; just as they had taken it, so it could be taken from them.

> Latin: 3.7. egregiam gloriam legionis fore, si castra metu secundanorum amissa sua virtute recipiant. et recipi facile esse, si in praeda occupati barbari subito obprimantur; sicut ceperint, posse capi.

[¶26] 3.8. This exhortation was listened to with great enthusiasm on the part of the soldiers. They advanced the standards at full speed, nor did the troops lag behind the standard-bearers. Nevertheless the consul and the troops who were being brought back from the sea reached the rampart ahead of them.

> Latin: 3.8. summa militum alacritate adhortatio audita est. ferunt citati signa, nec signiferos armati morantur. priores tamen consul copiaeque, quae a mari reducebantur, ad vallum accesserunt.

[¶27] 3.9. Lucius Atius, the senior tribune of the second legion, not only urged on the men but also showed them that if the victorious Histrians intended to hold the captured camp with the same arms with which they had captured it, they would first have pursued to the sea the enemy, driven from his camp, and then at least have posted guards in front of the rampart; it was very probable that they were lying sunk in wine and sleep.

> Latin: 3.9. L. Atius tribunus primus secundae legionis non hortabatur modo milites, sed docebat etiam, si victores Histri, quibus armis cepissent castra, iisdem capta retinere in animo haberent, primum exutum castris hostem ad mare persecuturos fuisse, deinde stationes certe pro vallo habituros: vino somnoque veri simile esse mersos iacere.

[¶28] 4.1. Thereupon he directed his guidon-bearer, Aulus Baeculonius, a man of tried courage, to carry forward the standard. He replied that if they would follow him he would cause it to happen the more quickly;

> Latin: 4.1. sub haec A. Baeculonium signiferum suum, notae fortitudinis virum, inferre signum iussit.

[¶29] 4.2. and when with a great effort he had hurled the standard over the rampart, he was the first of all to enter the gate.

> Latin: 4.2. ille, si signum seque sequerentur, quo celerius fieret, facturum dixit, conisusque cum trans vallum signum traiecisset, primus omnium portam intravit.

[¶30] 4.3. And on another side Titus and Gaius Aelius, military tribunes of the third legion, were coming up with the cavalry. Straightway also came the soldiers whom they had mounted in pairs on the pack-animals, and the consul with the main body.

> Latin: 4.3. et parte alia T. et C. Aelii tribuni militum tertiae legionis cum equitatu adveniunt. confestim et quos binos oneraria in iumenta inposuerant secuti et consul cum toto agmine.

[¶31] 4.4. But a few of the Histrians, who had indulged only moderately in the wine, bethought them of flight, for the rest, death was a prolongation of sleep; and the Romans recovered their possessions in their entirety, except for the wine and food that had been consumed.

> Latin: 4.4. at Histrorum pauci, qui modice vino usi erant, memores fuerant fugae; aliis somno mors continuata est, integraque sua omnia Romani, praeterquam quod vini cibique absumptum erat, receperunt.

[¶32] 4.5. Even the sick troops, who had been left inside the camp, when they learned that their comrades were within the rampart, seized their arms and wrought great slaughter.

> Latin: 4.5. aegri quoque milites, qui in castris relicti fuerant, postquam intra vallum suos senserunt, armis arreptis caedem ingentem fecerunt.

[¶33] 4.6. Conspicuous beyond the rest was the performance of a trooper, Gaius Popilius; his cognomen was Sabellus. He, though wounded in the foot and left behind, killed by far the largest number of the enemy.

> Latin: 4.6. ante omnes insignis opera fuit C. Popili equitis; Sabello cognomen erat. is pede saucio relictus longe plurimos hostium occidit.

[¶34] 4.7. About eight thousand of the Histrians were slain, none captured, for rage and passion made the Romans heedless of booty. Nevertheless the chieftain of the Histrians, drunk as he was from the banquet, was hastily placed on a horse by his companions and escaped.

> Latin: 4.7. ad octo milia Histrorum sunt caesa, captus nemo, quia ira et indignatio inmemores praedae fecit. rex tamen Histrorum temulentus ex convivio raptim a suis in equum inpositus fugit.

[¶35] 4.8. Of the victors two hundred and thirty-seven fell, more in the flight in the morning than in the retaking of the camp.

> Latin: 4.8. ex victoribus ducenti triginta septem milites perierunt, plures in matutina fuga quam in recipiendis castris.

[¶36] 5.1. It so happened by chance that Gnaeus and Lucius Gavillius Novellus, from Aquileia, coming with provisions and not knowing what had happened, almost stumbled upon the camp which had been taken by the Histrians.

> Latin: 5.1. forte ita evenit, ut Cn. et L. Gavillii Novelli, Aquileienses, cum commeatu venientes, ignari prope in capta castra ab Histris inciderent.

[¶37] 5.2. When they, leaving their belongings, had fled to Aquileia, they filled everything with consternation and confusion, not only at Aquileia, but also, a few days later, at Rome;

> Latin: 5.2. ii cum Aquileiam relictis inpedimentis refugissent, omnia terrore ac tumultu non Aquileiae modo, sed Romae quoque post paucos dies impleverunt;

[¶38] 5.3. where the report was brought not merely that the camp had been captured by the enemy and that the Romans had fled (as was the case), but also that all was lost and the whole army destroyed.

> Latin: 5.3. quo non capta tantum castra ab hostibus nec fuga, quae vera erant, sed perditas res deletumque exercitum omnem adlatum est.

[¶39] 5.4. And so, as is usually done in times of panic, extraordinary levies were proclaimed not in the City alone but throughout Italy. Two legions of Roman citizens were enlisted and ten thousand infantry with five hundred cavalry were levied upon the allies of the Latin confederacy. Marcus Junius the consul was directed to cross into Gaul and to demand from the states of that province as many soldiers as each could furnish.

> Latin: 5.4. itaque quod in tumultu fieri solet, dilectus extra ordinem non in urbe tantum, sed tota Italia indicti. duae legiones civium Romanorum conscriptae et decem milia peditum cum equitibus quingentis sociis nominis Latini imperata.

[¶40] 5.5. At the same time it was decreed that Tiberius Claudius the praetor should issue an edict to the soldiers of the fourth legion and to five thousand foot and two hundred and fifty horse of the allies of the Latin confederacy that they should assemble at Pisa, and that Claudius should defend that province during the consul's absence;

> Latin: 5.5. M. Iunius consul transire in Galliam et ab civitatibus provinciae eius quantum quaeque posset militum exigere iussus. simul decretum, ut Ti. Claudius praetor militibus legionis quartae et socium Latini nominis quinque milibus, equitibus ducentis quinquaginta Pisas ut convenirent ediceret, eamque provinciam, dum consul inde abesset, tutaretur;

[¶41] 5.7. and also that Marcus Titinius the praetor should order the first legion and an equal number of infantry and cavalry of the allies to assemble at Rimini.

> Latin: 5.7. M. Titinius praetor legionem primam, parem numerum sociorum peditum equitumque, Ariminum convenire iuberet.

[¶42] 5.8. Nero in uniform set out for his province at Pisa; Titinius first sent Gaius Cassius, a tribune of the soldiers, to Rimini as commander of the legion and then conducted the levy at Rome.

> Latin: 5.8. Nero paludatus Pisas in provinciam est profectus; Titinius C. Cassio tribuno militum Ariminum, qui praeesset legioni, misso dilectum Romae habuit.

[¶43] 5.9. Marcus Junius the consul, having gone over from the Ligurians into the province of Gaul, and having immediately levied upon the Gallic states for auxiliaries and upon the colonies for regular troops, arrived at Aquileia.

> Latin: 5.9. M. Iunius consul ex Liguribus in provinciam Galliam transgressus, auxiliis protinus per civitates Galliae militibusque coloniis imperatis, Aquileiam pervenit.

[¶44] 5.10. There he was informed that the army was safe, and sending despatches to Rome in order to allay their fears, he himself sent home the auxiliaries which he had levied on the Gauls and set out to join his colleague.

> Latin: 5.10. ibi certior factus exercitum incolumem esse, scriptis litteris Romam, ne tumultuarentur, ipse remissis auxiliis, quae Gallis imperaverat, ad collegam est profectus.

[¶45] 5.11. At Rome there was great and unexpected joy; the levy was stopped, the soldiers who had taken the military oath were discharged, and the army, which had been suffering from a plague at Rimini, was sent home.

> Latin: 5.11. Romae magna ex necopinato laetitia fuit; dilectus omissus est, exauctorati, qui sacramento dixerant, et exercitus, qui Arimini pestilentia adfectus erat, domum dimissus.

[¶46] 5.12. Although the Histrians had a strong force in camp not far from the consul's camp, when they learned that the other consul with a new army had arrived they dispersed to their various states. The consuls led the legions into winter-quarters at Aquileia.

> Latin: 5.12. Histri magnis copiis cum castra haud procul consulis castris haberent, postquam alterum consulem cum exercitu novo advenisse audierunt, passim in civitates dilapsi sunt, consules Aquileiam in hiberna legiones reduxerunt.

[¶47] 6.1. The alarm in Histria having finally subsided, the senate passed a decree that the consuls should arrange between themselves which should come to Rome to hold the elections.

> Latin: 6.1. sedato tandem Histrico tumultu senatus consultum factum est, ut consules inter se compararent, uter eorum ad comitia habenda Romam rediret.

[¶48] 6.2. When the tribunes of the people, Aulus Licinius Nerva and Gaius Papirius Turdus, were tearing the absent consul Manlius to pieces in their assemblies and proposing a bill that Manlius should not hold his command after the Ides of March —for the provincial commands of the consuls had already been prolonged for a year — that he might be able to plead his cause immediately upon his retirement from office, this measure was vetoed by their colleague Quintus Aelius, who after violent arguments prevailed to prevent its passing.

> Latin: 6.2. cum absentem Manlium tribuni plebis Licinius Nerva et C. Papirius Turdus in contionibus lacerarent rogationemque promulgarent, ne Manlius post idus Martias — prorogatae namque consulibus iam in annum provinciae erant — imperium retineret, uti causam extemplo dicere, cum abisset magistratu, posset, huic rogationi Q. Aelius collega intercessit magnisque contentionibus obtinuit, ne perferretur.

[¶49] 6.4. At about this time, when Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius Postumius Albinus had returned to Rome from Spain, an audience before the senate was granted to them by the praetor Marcus Titinius, to be held in the temple of Bellona so that they might present an account of their achievements, claim the distinctions they deserved and ask that honour should be paid to the immortal gods.

> Latin: 6.4. per eos dies Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et L. Postumius Albinus ex Hispania Romam cum revertissent, senatus iis a M. Titinio praetore datus in aede Bellonae ad disserendas res, quas gessissent, postulandosque honores meritos … ut diis inmortalibus haberetur honos.

[¶50] 6.5. At the same time there was great confusion in Sardinia also, as was learned from dispatches from Titus Aebutius the praetor which had been brought to the senate by his son.

> Latin: 6.5. eodem tempore et in Sardinia magnum tumultum esse literis T. Aebuti praetoris cognitum est, quas filius eius ad senatum adtulerat.

[¶51] 6.6. The Ilienses, reinforced by auxiliaries of the Balari, had attacked the province while it was at peace, and could not be resisted since the army was weak and had lost a large number of its members as a result of a pestilence.

> Latin: 6.6. Ilienses adiunctis Balarorum auxiliis pacatam provinciam invaserant, nec eis invalido exercitu et magna parte pestilentia absumpto resisti poterat.

[¶52] 6.7. Ambassadors of the Sardinians also brought the same news and begged that the senate should send aid to the towns at least —for the fields had already been abandoned in despair. This embassy and the whole question about what was to be done concerning Sardinia was postponed to the new administration.

> Latin: 6.7. eadem et Sardorum legati nuntiabant orantes, ut urbibus saltem — iam enim agros deploratos esse — opem senatus ferret. haec legatio totumque, quod ad Sardiniam pertinebat, ad novos magistratus reiectum est.

[¶53] 6.8. An equally pitiful embassy from the Lycians arrived, who complained of the cruelty of the Rhodians, under whose control they had been placed by Lucius Cornelius Scipio.

> Latin: 6.8. aeque miserabilis legatio Lyciorum, qui crudelitatem Rhodiorum, quibus ab L. Cornelio Scipione adtributi erant, querebantur:

[¶54] 6.9. They said that they had been under the dominion of Antiochus; this slavery to the King, when compared with their present situation, seemed glorious liberty. They were not merely as a state oppressed by their government, but private citizens were suffering downright bondage.

> Latin: 6.9. fuisse se sub dicione Antiochi; eam regiam servitutem conlatam cum praesenti statu praeclaram libertatem visam. non publice tantum se premi imperio, sed singulos iustum pati servitium.

[¶55] 6.10. Their wives and children, they said, were abused; cruelty was wreaked upon their bodies and their backs; their reputations —a shameful procedure —were stained and dishonoured; and openly hateful acts were done merely for the sake of displaying an abuse of power, in order to leave no doubt that there was no distinction between themselves and slaves bought with money.

> Latin: 6.10. ipsos coniuges liberosque vexari; in corpus, in tergum saeviri, famam, quod indignum sit, maculari dehonestarique, et palam res odiosas fieri iuris etiam usurpandi causa, ne pro dubio habeant nihil inter se et argento parata mancipia interesse.

[¶56] 6.11. The senate, moved by this appeal, entrusted the Lycians with a letter for the Rhodians, stating that it was not their pleasure that the Lycians should be enslaved by the Rhodians nor any people who had been born in freedom by any other people;

> Latin: 6.11. motus his senatus litteras Lyciis ad Rhodios dedit, nec Lycios Rhodiis nec ullos alii cuiquam, qui nati liberi sint, in servitutem dari placere;

[¶57] 6.12. the Lycians had been placed under the administrative control and at the same time the protection of the Rhodians on the same conditions as the allied states enjoyed under the guardianship of the Roman people.

> Latin: 6.12. Lycios ita sub Rhodiorum simul imperio et tutela esse, ut in dicione populi Romani civitates sociae sint.

[¶58] 7.1. Then two triumphs over Spain were celebrated in succession. The first was that of Sempronius Gracchus, who triumphed over the Celtiberians and their allies, and the next day Lucius Postumius triumphed over the Lusitanians and other Spaniards in the same district. Gracchus carried in procession forty thousand pounds of silver, Albinus twenty thousand.

> Latin: 7.1. triumphi deinde ex Hispania duo continui acti. prior Sempronius Gracchus de Celtiberis sociisque eorum, postero die L. Postumius de Lusitanis aliisque eiusdem regionis Hispanis triumphavit. quadraginta milia pondo argenti Ti. Gracchus transtulit, viginti milia Albinus.

[¶59] 7.3. Both distributed as donatives twenty-five denarii each to the infantry, twice that sum to centurions, and thrice to the cavalry; the allies shared on the same terms with the Romans.

> Latin: 7.3. militibus denarios quinos vicenos, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti ambo diviserunt, sociis tantumdem quantum Romanis.

[¶60] 7.4. About this time it chanced that the consul Marcus Junius came from Histria to Rome in order to hold the elections.

> Latin: 7.4. per eosdem forte dies M. Iunius consul ex Histria comitiorum causa Romam venit.

[¶61] 7.5. When the tribunes of the people, Papirius and Licinius, had worn him out in the senate with questions as to what had happened in Histria, they finally haled him before an assembly.

> Latin: 7.5. eum cum in senatu fatigassent interrogationibus tribuni plebis Papirius et Licinius de iis, quae in Histria essent acta, in contionem quoque produxerunt.

[¶62] 7.6. When the consul said in reply that he had spent not more than eleven days in that province, and that what had happened in his absence he, like the tribunes, knew only from report, they continued to pursue the matter, inquiring why in the world Aulus Manlius rather than himself had not come to Rome, in order to render an account to the Roman people of the reason why he had gone from the province of Gaul, which he had obtained from the lot, over into Histria?

> Latin: 7.6. ad quae cum consul se dies non plus undecim in ea provincia fuisse responderet, quae se absente acta essent, se quoque, ut illos, fama comperta habere, exsequebantur deinde quaerentes, quid ita non potius A.

[¶63] 7.7. When, they asked, had the senate decreed that war? When had the Roman people ordered that war? But, by Hercules, he will say that although the war was undertaken on his own initiative, it was conducted wisely and courageously. On the contrary, they said, it was impossible to say whether it was undertaken more improperly or prosecuted more imprudently. Two outposts were surprised by the Histrians, a Roman camp captured, and all the infantry and cavalry in the camp slaughtered, the rest, unarmed and routed, the consul himself leading the way, had fled to the sea and the ships!

> Latin: 7.7. Manlius Romam venisset, ut rationem redderet populo Romano, cur ex Gallia provincia, quam sortitus esset, in Histriam transisset? quando id bellum senatus decrevisset, quando [id bellum] populus Romanus iussisset? at hercule privato quidem consilio bellum susceptum esse, sed gestum prudenter fortiterque.

[¶64] 7.9. As a private citizen Manlius would give account of his actions, since he had refused to do this as a consul. The consular elections were then held. The consuls chosen were Gaius Claudius Pulcher and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The next day the praetors were elected, Publius Aelius Tubero (for the second time), Gaius Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius Numisius, Lucius Mummius, Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, Gaius Valerius Laevinus.

> Latin: 7.9. immo utrum susceptum sit nequius an inconsultius gestum, dici non posse. stationes duas necopinantes ab Histris oppressas, castra Romana capta, quod peditum, quod equitum in castris fuerit caesum; ceteros inermes fusosque, ante omnes consulem ipsum, ad mare ac naves fugisse. privatum rationem redditurum earum rerum esse, quoniam consul noluisset. comitia deinde habita. consules creati C. Claudius Pulcher Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. et postero die praetores facti P. Aelius Tubero iterum C. Quinctius Flamininus C. Numisius L. Mummius Cn. Cornelius Scipio C. Valerius Laevinus.

[¶65] 8.2. The jurisdiction between citizens fell to Tubero, that between citizens and aliens to Quinctius, Sicily to Numisius, Sardinia to Mummius; but this, by reason of the seriousness of the war, was made a consular province. Scipio and Laevinus received from the lot Gaul, divided into two provinces.

> Latin: 8.2. Tuberoni urbana iurisdictio, Quinctio peregrina evenit, Numisio Sicilia, Mummio Sardinia; sed ea propter belli magnitudinem provincia consularis facta.

[¶66] 8.3. On the Ides of March, when Sempronius and Claudius were inaugurated consuls, a mere mention was made of the provinces of Sardinia and Histria and the enemies in both who had stirred up war in those provinces.

> Latin: 8.3. [Gracchus eam sortitur, Histriam Claudius.] Scipio et Laevinus Galliam in duas divisam provincias sortiti sunt.

[¶67] 8.4. On the next day the ambassadors of the Sardinians, whose hearing had been postponed to the administration of the new consuls, were heard, and Lucius Minucius Thermus, who had been a lieutenant of the consul Manlius in Histria, came into the senate.

> Latin: 8.4. idibus Martiis, quo die Sempronius Claudiusque consulatum inierunt, mentio tantum de provinciis Sardinia Histriaque et utriusque hostibus fuit, qui in his provinciis bellum concivissent.

[¶68] 8.5. By them the senate was informed to what extent these provinces were engaged in war. The senate was greatly impressed also by the embassies from the allies of the Latin confederacy, who had wearied both censors and former consuls, and were at length given audience before the senate.

> Latin: 8.5. postero die legati Sardorum, qui ad novos magistratus dilati erant, et L. Minucius Thermus, qui legatus Manli consulis in Histria fuerat, in senatum venit. ab his edoctus est senatus, quantum belli eae provinciae haberent.

[¶69] 8.6. The substance of their complaints was that large numbers of their citizens had been rated at Rome and had moved to Rome;

> Latin: 8.6. moverunt senatum et legationes socium nominis Latini, quae et censores et priores consules fatigaverant, tandem in senatum introductae.

[¶70] 8.7. but if this were allowed it would come to pass in a very few decades that there would be deserted towns and deserted farms which would be unable to furnish a single soldier.

> Latin: 8.7. summa querellarum erat, cives suos Romae censos plerosque Romam commigrasse; quod si permittatur, perpaucis lustris futurum, ut deserta oppida, deserti agri nullum militem dare possent.

[¶71] 8.8. Similarly the Samnites and Paelignians complained that four thousand families had moved from their territories to Fregellae, nor did either community furnish fewer soldiers on that account when the levy was made. Moreover, two kinds of fraud had been practised to secure individual transfers of citizenship.

> Latin: 8.8. Fregellas quoque milia quattuor familiarum transisse ab se Samnites Paelignique querebantur, neque eo minus aut hos aut illos in dilectu militum dare.

[¶72] 8.9. The law granted to any persons among the allies of the Latin confederacy, who should leave in their home towns offspring of their loins, the privilege of becoming Roman citizens. By the abuse of this law some were injuring the allies, some the Roman people.

> Latin: 8.9. genera autem fraudis duo mutandae viritim civitatis inducta erant. lex sociis [ac] nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat, ut cives Romani fierent. ea lege male utendo alii sociis, alii populo Romano iniuriam faciebant.

[¶73] 8.10. For in the first place, in order to evade the requirement that they should leave offspring at home, they would give their sons to any Romans whatsoever in slavery, on the condition that they should be manumitted and thus become citizens of freedman condition; in the second place, those who had no offspring to leave behind, in order to become Roman citizens adopted children.

> Latin: 8.10. nam et ne stirpem domi relinquerent, liberos suos quibusquibus Romanis in eam condicionem, ut manumitterentur, mancipio dabant, libertinique cives essent; et quibus stirpes deesset, quam relinquerent, ut cives Romani … fiebant.

[¶74] 8.11. Later, disdaining even these pretences of obedience to law, just as they pleased, with no regard to the statute or to the requirement of offspring, they would transfer to the Roman citizenship by migration and recognition in the census.

> Latin: 8.11. postea his quoque imaginibus iuris spretis, promiscue sine lege, sine stirpe in civitatem Romanam per migrationem et censum transibant.

[¶75] 8.12. In order that these things might not occur in future, the ambassadors requested first, that the senate should direct allies to return to their cities; second, that a law should be passed providing that no one should acquire a son or dispose of one for the purpose of changing his citizenship; third, that if anyone had thus become a Roman citizen, he should not be a Roman citizen. These petitions were granted by the senate.

> Latin: 8.12. haec ne postea fierent, petebant legati, et ut redire in civitates iuberent socios; deinde, ut lege caverent, ne quis quem civitatis mutandae causa suum faceret neve alienaret, et si quis ita civis Romanus factus esset, civis ne esset. haec impetrata ab senatu.

[¶76] 9.1. Next the provinces which were at war, Sardinia and Histria, were decreed to the consuls.

> Latin: 9.1. provinciae deinde, quae in bello erant, Sardinia atque Histria consulibus decretae.

[¶77] 9.2. For Sardinia two legions were ordered to be raised, each of fifty-two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry; also twelve thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry from the allies of the Latin confederacy, and ten ships of five banks of oars, in case the consul should wish to launch any from the docks. The same number of infantry and cavalry were decreed for Histria as for Sardinia.

> Latin: 9.2. in Sardiniam duae legiones scribi iussae, quina milia in singulas et duceni pedites, treceni equites, et duodecim milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et sescenti equites et decem quinqueremes naves, si deducere ex navalibus vellet.

[¶78] 9.3. Also, the consuls were directed to send one legion with three hundred cavalry and five thousand allied infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry to Marcus Titinius in Spain.

> Latin: 9.3. tantumdem peditum equitumque in Histriam, quantum in Sardiniam, decretum. et legionem unam cum equitibus trecentis et quinque milia peditum sociorum et ducentos quinquaginta mittere equites in Hispaniam consules ad M. Titinium iussi.

[¶79] 9.4. Before the consuls drew lots for their provinces, the prodigies were reported: a stone fell from the sky into the grove of Mars in the territory of Crustumerium; a boy whose body was without limbs was born near Rome and a four-legged snake was seen; and at Capua also many buildings in the forum were struck by lightning; and at Puteoli two ships were burned by lightning bolts. In the midst of the announcement of these occurrences, a wolf was pursued even in Rome by day, after entering by the Porta Collina, and escaped by the Porta Esquilina amid great uproar on the part of the pursuers.

> Latin: 9.4. priusquam consules provincias sortirentur, prodigia nuntiata sunt: lapidem in agro Crustumino in lucum Martis de caelo cecidisse, puerum trunci corporis in agro Romano natum et quadrupedem anguem visum, et Capuae multa in foro aedificia de caelo tacta, et Puteolis duas naves fulminis ictu concrematas esse.

[¶80] 9.6. By reason of these portents the consuls sacrificed full-grown victims, and for one day a supplication was held at all the banquet-tables of the gods.

> Latin: 9.6. inter haec, quae nuntiabantur, lupus etiam Romae interdiu agitatus, cum Collina porta intrasset, per Esquilinam magno consectantium tumultu evasit.

[¶81] 9.7. The sacrifices having been duly completed, the consuls drew for their provinces; Histria fell to Claudius, Sardinia to Sempronius. Then Gaius Claudius, with the authorization of the senate, proposed a law concerning the allies, and issued a proclamation to the effect that all allies of the Latin confederacy, in the event that they themselves or their ancestors had been registered among the allies of the Latin confederacy in the censorship of Marcus Claudius and Titus Quinctius or thereafter, should all return, each to his own state, before the Kalends of November.

> Latin: 9.7. eorum prodigiorum causa consules maiores hostias inmolarunt et diem unum circa omnia pulvinaria supplicatio fuit. sacrificiis rite perfectis provincias sortiti sunt; Claudio Histria, Sempronio Sardinia obvenit.

[¶82] 9.9. The investigation of those who should not have returned in this fashion was decreed to Lucius Mummius the praetor. To this law and proclamation of the consul a decree of the senate was added, that a dictator, consul, interrex, censor, or praetor, who was at the time in office or should henceforth be in office, before any one of whom a slave was brought for manumission and for the assertion of his claim to freedom, should require that an oath be given that the person who was manumitting the slave was not manumitting him for the purpose of changing his citizenship;

> Latin: 9.9. legem dein de sociis C. Claudius tulit ex senatus consulto et edixit, qui socii ac nominis Latini ipsi maioresve eorum M. Claudio T. Quinctio censoribus postve ea apud socios nominis Latini censi essent, ut omnes in suam quisque civitatem ante kal. Novembres redirent. quaestio, qui ita non redissent, L. Mummio praetori decreta est. ad legem et edictum consulis senatus consultum adiectum est, ut dictator, consul, interrex, censor, praetor, qui nunc esset quive postea futurus esset, apud eorum quem qui manu mitteretur, in libertatem vindicaretur, ut ius iurandum daret, qui eum manu mitteret, civitatis mutandae causa manu non mittere;

[¶83] 9.11. in any case in which this oath was not taken, they decreed that the manumission should not take place. These precautions were taken for the future, and orders were issued under the edict of Gaius Claudius the consul [for the return of the allies to their states. The investigation thereof] was ordered [to be conducted under the supervision] of Mummius.

> Latin: 9.11. in quo id non iuraret, eum manu mittendum non censuerunt. haec in posterum cauta, iussique edicto C. Claudi cons. … Claudio decreta est.

[¶84] 10.1. While all these things were being done at Rome, Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius, who had been consuls the preceding year, after wintering at Aquileia, in the beginning of spring led the army into the land of the Histrians;

> Latin: 10.1. dum haec Romae geruntur, M. Iunius et A. Manlius, qui priore anno consules fuerant, cum Aquileiae hibernassent, principio veris in finis Histrorum exercitum introduxerunt;

[¶85] 10.2. while they were plundering far and wide, grief and indignation at the sight of their ravaged possessions roused the Histrians more than any assured hope that they had strength enough to withstand the two armies.

> Latin: 10.2. ubi cum effuse popularentur, dolor magis et indignatio diripi res suas cernentes Histros, quam certa spes satis sibi virium adversus duos esse exercitus, excivit.

[¶86] 10.3. When the young men from all the communities had rushed together, the army, hastily raised for the emergency, fought at the first clash with greater vigour than perseverance.

> Latin: 10.3. concursu ex omnibus populis iuventutis facto repentinus et tumultuarius exercitus acrius primo inpetu quam perseverantius pugnavit.

[¶87] 10.4. About four thousand of them were killed in the battle-line, the rest, abandoning the campaign, scattered in every direction to their states. Then they first sent ambassadors to the Roman camp to ask peace, then the hostages which were demanded.

> Latin: 10.4. ad quattuor milia eorum in acie caesa; ceteri omisso bello in civitates passim diffugerunt. inde legatos primum ad pacem petendam in castra Romana, deinde obsides imperatos miserunt.

[¶88] 10.5. When this was known at Rome from the dispatch of the proconsuls, Gaius Claudius the consul, fearing that these occurrences might perhaps deprive him of his province and his army, without announcing his vows or clothing his lictors in uniform, notifying only his colleague of everything, set out by night and went off at headlong speed to his province; there his conduct was more rash than his coming.

> Latin: 10.5. haec cum Romae cognita litteris proconsulum essent, C. Claudius consul veritus, ne forte ea res provinciam et exercitum sibi adimeret, non votis nuncupatis, non paludatis lictoribus, uno omnium certiore facto collega nocte profectus, praeceps in provinciam abiit; ubi inconsultius quam venerat se gessit.

[¶89] 10.6. For when, calling an assembly, he had upbraided Aulus Manlius for his flight from the camp (the soldiers, who themselves had begun the flight, listening with hostile ears) and had heaped insults upon Marcus Junius, because he had made himself a partner in his colleague's disgrace, he ended by ordering both to leave the province.

> Latin: 10.6. nam cum contione advocata fugam e castris A. Manli adversis auribus militum, quippe qui primi ipsi fugissent, iactasset et ingessisset probra M. Iunio, quod se dedecoris socium collegae fecisset, ad extremum utrumque decedere provincia iussit.

[¶90] 10.7. When they had replied to this that they would obey the command of a consul at such time as he set out from the City in the manner of their forefathers, after public proclamation of his vows on the Capitoline and with his lictors in uniform, Claudius, maddened with rage, summoned the officer who was acting as quaestor for Manlius and demanded from him chains, threatening that he would send Junius and Manlius to Rome in irons. This officer also ignored the command of the consul; and the army standing round about favouring the cause of the generals and hostile to the consul, gave the quaestor courage to disobey.

> Latin: 10.7. ad quod cum illi tum consulis imperio dicto audientes futuros esse dicerent, cum is more maiorum, secundum vota in Capitolio nuncupata, lictoribus paludatis profectus ab urbe esset, furens ira vocatum, qui pro quaestore Manli erat, catenas poposcit, vinctos se Iunium Manliumque minitans Romam missurum.

[¶91] 10.9. At last the consul, worn out by the insults of individuals and the jeers of the whole crowd —for they ridiculed him as well —returned to Aquileia in the same ship in which he had come.

> Latin: 10.9. ab eo quoque spretum consulis imperium est; et circumfusus exercitus, favens imperatorum causae et consuli infestus, animos ad non parendum addebat. postremo fatigatus consul et contumeliis singulorum et multitudinis — nam insuper inridebant — ludibriis, nave eadem, qua venerat, Aquileiam rediit.

## 2. Book XLI · chapters 10–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/2/#p-N

[¶0] 10.11. Thence he wrote to his colleague to issue an edict that such portion of the new troops as had been enlisted for the province of Histria should assemble at Aquileia, lest anything delay him at Rome from announcing his vows and setting out from the City in uniform. This was done by his colleague as he requested, and an early date for the muster was proclaimed.

> Latin: 10.11. inde collegae scripsit, ut militum novorum ei parti, quae scripta in Histriam provinciam esset, ediceret, Aquileiam ut conveniret, ne quid se Romae teneret, quo minus votis nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe exiret.

[¶1] 10.12. Claudius almost overtook his own letter. On his arrival he delivered a speech on the conduct of Manlius and Junius, and after tarrying not more than three days at Rome, with his lictors in uniform and having proclaimed his vows on the Capitoline, he went off to his province with the same headlong speed as before.

> Latin: 10.12. haec a collega obsequenter facta, brevisque dies ad conveniendum edicta est. Claudius prope consecutus est litteras suas. contione adveniens de Manlio et Iunio habita, non ultra triduum moratus Romae, paludatis lictoribus votisque in Capitolio nuncupatis, in provinciam aeque ac prius praecipiti celeritate abit.

[¶2] 11.1. A few days before this Junius and Manlius had begun to assault with all their might the town of Nesattium, to which the leading men of the Histrians and even their chieftain Aepulo had withdrawn.

> Latin: 11.1. paucis ante diebus Iunius Manliusque oppidum Nesactium, quo se principes Histrorum et regulus ipse Aepulo receperat, summa vi oppugnare coeperant.

[¶3] 11.2. There Claudius, bringing up the two new legions and sending away the old army with its commanders, himself invested the town and prosecuted the siege with sheds; and a river which flowed past the walls and was both a hindrance to the besiegers and a water-supply to the Histrians, after many days' toil he diverted and led off by a new channel.

> Latin: 11.2. eo Claudius duabus legionibus novis adductis, vetere exercitu cum suis ducibus dimisso, ipse oppidum circumsedit et vineis oppugnare intendit amnemque praeterfluentem moenia, qui et inpedimento oppugnantibus erat et aquationem Histris praebebat, multorum dierum opere exceptum novo alveo avertit.

[¶4] 11.4. This act, by its miraculous cutting off of the water, terrified the barbarians; but, with no thought of peace even then, turning to the slaughter of their wives and children, in order that so horrible a deed might be in full view of the enemy also, they openly slew them on the walls and cast their bodies down.

> Latin: 11.4. ea res barbaros miraculo terruit abscisae aquae; et ne tum quidem memores pacis, in caedem coniugum ac liberorum versi, etiam ut spectaculo hostibus tam foedum facinus esset, palam in muris trucidatos praecipitabant.

[¶5] 11.5. In the midst of the simultaneous wailing of women and children and the dreadful slaughter, the soldiers scaled the wall and entered the town.

> Latin: 11.5. inter simul conplorationem feminarum puerorumque, simul nefandam caedem, milites transgressi murum oppidum intrarunt.

[¶6] 11.6. When the chief heard the din of its capture from the terrified cries of the fugitives, he stabbed himself with his sword, so as not to be taken alive;

> Latin: 11.6. cuius capti tumultum ubi ex pavido clamore fugientium accepit rex, traiecit ferro pectus, ne vivus caperetur;

[¶7] 11.7. the rest were captured or killed. Next two towns, Mutila and Faveria, were taken by storm and destroyed.

> Latin: 11.7. ceteri capti aut occisi. duo deinde oppida, Mutila et Faveria, vi capta et deleta.

[¶8] 11.8. The booty, considering the poverty of the people, was greater than they had hoped, and all of it was given to the soldiers. Five thousand six hundred and thirty-two captives were sold at auction. The persons responsible for the war were scourged and beheaded.

> Latin: 11.8. praeda, ut in gente inopi, spe maior fuit, et omnis militibus concessa est. quinque milia capitum sescenta triginta duo sub corona venierunt.

[¶9] 11.9. All Histria, through the destruction of three towns and the death of its king, was pacified; and all the surrounding tribes gave hostages and surrendered.

> Latin: 11.9. auctores belli virgis caesi et securi percussi. Histria tota trium oppidorum excidio et morte regis pacata est, omnesque undique populi obsidibus datis in dicionem venerunt.

[¶10] 11.10. Toward the end of the Histrian war the Ligurians began to hold councils regarding war.

> Latin: 11.10. sub Histrici finem belli apud Ligures concilia de bello haberi coepta.

[¶11] 12.1. Tiberius Claudius the proconsul, who had been praetor the preceding year, was in command at Pisa with a garrison of one legion.

> Latin: 12.1. Ti. Claudius proconsul, qui praetor priore anno fuerat, cum praesidio legionis unius Pisis praeerat.

[¶12] 12.2. The senate, informed by his dispatches, voted that these same dispatches should be forwarded to Gaius Claudius —for by now the other consul had crossed to Sardinia —and added a decree that, since the province of Histria had been subdued, he should, if it seemed wise to him, lead the army against the Ligurians.

> Latin: 12.2. cuius litteris senatus certior factus, eas ipsas litteras ad C. Claudium — nam alter consul iam in Sardiniam traiecerat — deferendas censet et adicit decretum, quoniam Histria provincia confecta esset, si ei videretur, exercitum traduceret in Ligures.

[¶13] 12.4. At the same time, in consequence of the dispatches of the consul, which he had written regarding events in Histria, a thanksgiving for two days was decreed. The other consul, Tiberius Sempronius, also conducted in Sardinia a successful campaign. He led the army into the country of the Sardinian Ilienses.

> Latin: 12.4. simul ex litteris consulis, quas de rebus in Histria gestis scripserat, in biduum supplicatio decreta. et ab altero consule Ti. Sempronio in Sardinia prospere res gesta.

[¶14] 12.5. Strong reinforcements of the Balari had come to the Ilienses; he fought in pitched battle with both tribes. The enemy was repulsed and routed and stripped of his camp; twelve thousand armed men were slain.

> Latin: 12.5. exercitum in agrum Sardorum Iliensium induxit. Balarorum magna auxilia Iliensibus venerant; cum utraque gente signis conlatis conflixit. fusi fugatique hostes castrisque exuti, duodecim milia armatorum caesa.

[¶15] 12.6. The next day the consul ordered the weapons to be collected, heaped up in a pile and burned as an offering to Vulcan. He led the conquering army back into winter quarters in allied cities.

> Latin: 12.6. postero die arma lecta conici in acervum iussit consul, sacrumque id Vulcano cremavit.

[¶16] 12.7. And Gaius Claudius, on receipt of the letter of Tiberius Claudius and the decree of the senate, led the legions over from Histria against the Ligurians.

> Latin: 12.7. victorem exercitum in hiberna sociarum urbium reduxit. et C. Claudius litteris Ti. Claudi et senatus consulto accepto ex Histria legiones in Ligures transduxit.

[¶17] 12.8. The enemy had advanced into the plains and encamped near the river Scultenna, and there he fought them in line of battle. Fifteen thousand were killed, more than seven hundred captured, either in the battle or in the camp —for it too was taken —and fifty-one military standards.

> Latin: 12.8. ad Scultennam flumen in campos progressi castra habebant hostes. ibi cum iis acie dimicatum. quindecim milia caesa, plus septingenti aut in proelio aut in castris — nam ea quoque expugnata sunt — capti et signa militaria unum et quinquaginta capta.

[¶18] 12.9. The Ligurians, the remnants left by the slaughter, fled to the mountains, and no armed force showed itself to the consul anywhere as he ravaged the farms in the plains far and wide.

> Latin: 12.9. Ligures, reliquiae caedis, in montes refugerunt passim, populantique campestris agros consuli nulla usquam apparuerunt arma.

[¶19] 12.10. Claudius, victorious over two peoples in one year, and having pacified two provinces in his consulship, a thing which had rarely happened, returned to Rome.

> Latin: 12.10. Claudius duarum gentium uno anno victor, duabus, quod raro alius, in consulatu, perdomitis pacatisque provinciis Romam revertit.

[¶20] 13.1. Prodigies were reported that year: in the territory of Crustumerium they say that a bird, called sanqualis cut a sacred stone with its beak, that in Campania a cow spoke, that at Syracuse a brazen heifer was approached and mounted by a wild bull which had strayed from its herd.

> Latin: 13.1. prodigia eo anno nuntiata, in Crustumino avem sanqualem, quam vocant, sacrum lapidem rostro cecidisse, bovem in Campania locutam, vaccam aeneam Syracusis ab agresti tauro, qui pecore aberrasset, initam ac semine aspersam.

[¶21] 13.3. In the territory of Crustumerium a day of prayer was held on the actual spot, and in Campania the cow was consigned to maintenance at the expense of the state.

> Latin: 13.3. in Crustumino diem unum in ipso loco supplicatio fuit et in Campania bos alenda publice data Syracusanumque prodigium expiatum editis ab haruspicibus dis, quibus supplicaretur.

[¶22] 13.4. Atonement was made for the prodigy at Syracuse, the gods to whom supplication should be made having been announced by the haruspices. That year occurred the death of the pontiff Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had been consul and censor. In his place was substituted in the priesthood his son Marcus Marcellus. Also in that year a colony of two thousand Roman citizens was established at Luna.

> Latin: 13.4. pontifex eo anno mortuus est M. Claudius Marcellus, qui consul censorque fuerat. in eius locum suffectus est pontifex filius eius M. Marcellus. et Lunam colonia eodem anno duo milia civium Romanorum sunt deducta.

[¶23] 13.5. The board of three which established it consisted of Publius Aelius, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Gnaeus Sicinius; the allotment to each colonist was fifty-one and one half iugera. The land had been taken from the Ligurians; it had belonged to the Etruscans before the Ligurians.

> Latin: 13.5. triumviri deduxerunt P. Aelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus, Cn. Sicinius; quinquagena et singula iugera et semisses agri in singulos dati sunt. de Liguribus captus ager erat; Etruscorum ante anta quam Ligurum fuerat.

[¶24] 13.6. Gaius Claudius the consul came to the City: when he had given an account in the senate of his successful operations in Histria and among the Ligurians, on his request a triumph was decreed.

> Latin: 13.6. C. Claudius consul ad urbem venit; cui, cum in senatu de rebus in Histria Liguribusque prospere gestis disseruisset, postulanti triumphus est decretus, triumphavit in magistratu de duabus simul gentibus.

[¶25] 13.7. He triumphed during his term of office over two peoples at once. He carried in procession in his triumph three hundred and seven thousand denarii, eighty-five thousand seven hundred and two victoriati. Each of the infantry received fifteen denarii, the centurions twice, the cavalry each thrice that sum. To the allies a half less was given than to the citizens.

> Latin: 13.7. tulit in eo triumpho denarium trecenta septem milia et victoriatum octoginta quinque milia septingentos duos. militibus in singulos quini deni denarii dati, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti.

[¶26] 13.8. And so they followed the car in silence, so that you could perceive that they were angry.

> Latin: 13.8. sociis dimidio minus quam civibus datum. itaque taciti, ut iratos esse sentires, secuti sunt currum.

[¶27] 14.1. While this triumph over the Ligurians was being celebrated, when the Ligurians perceived that not only had the consular army been taken away to Rome, but even the legion sent back from Pisa by Tiberius Claudius, being now freed from fear, secretly mustering an army they crossed the mountains by side roads and came down into the plains, and after devastating the lands around Mutina captured the colony itself by a surprise attack.

> Latin: 14.1. Cum is triumphus de Liguribus agebatur, Ligures, postquam senserunt non consularem tantum exercitum Romam abductum, sed legionem ab Ti. Claudio Pisis dimissam, soluti metu, clam exercitu indicto, per transversos limites superatis montibus in campos degressi, agrum Mutinensem populati, repentino impetu coloniam ipsam ceperunt.

[¶28] 14.3. When this was reported at Rome, the senate instructed the consul Gaius Claudius to hold the elections at the earliest possible moment, and after choosing the magistrates for the year to return to the province and rescue the colony from the enemy.

> Latin: 14.3. id ubi Romam adlatum est, senatus C. Claudium consulem comitia primo quoque tempore habere iussit creatisque in annum magistratibus in provinciam redire et coloniam ex hostibus eripere.

[¶29] 14.4. The elections were held as the senate had decreed. The consuls chosen were Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Hispallus and Quintus Petilius Spurinus.

> Latin: 14.4. ita, uti censuit senatus, comitia habita. consules creati Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispallus Q. Petilius Spurinus.

[¶30] 14.5. Next the praetors were elected, Marcus Popilius Laenas, Publius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Cornelius Scipio, Lucius Papirius Maso, Marcus Aburius, Lucius Aquilius Gallus. The imperium of Gaius Claudius the consul, together with his assignment to Gaul, was extended for a year;

> Latin: 14.5. praetores inde facti M. Popilius Laenas P. Licinius Crassus M. Cornelius Scipio L. Papirius Maso M. Aburius L. Aquilius Gallus.

[¶31] 14.6. he was also instructed, in order to prevent the Histrians from doing the same thing that the Ligurians had done, to send to Histria the allies of the Latin confederacy whom he had withdrawn from the province by reason of his triumph.

> Latin: 14.6. C. Claudio consuli prorogatum in annum imperium et Gallia provincia; et ne Histri idem, quod et Ligures, facerent, socios nominis Latini in Histriam mitteret, quos triumphi causa de provincia deduxisset.

[¶32] 14.7. The consuls, Gnaeus Cornelius and Quintus Petilius, on the day of their inauguration, sacrificed each an ox to Jupiter, as is usual, but in the victim which Quintus Petilius sacrificed no head to the liver was found. When this was announced to the senate he was instructed to continue sacrificing cattle until a favourable omen was secured.

> Latin: 14.7. Cn. Cornelio et Q. Petilio consulibus, quo die magistratum inierunt, immolantibus Iovi singulis bubus, uti solet, in ea hostia, qua Q. Petilius sacrificavit, in iocinere caput non inventum. id cum ad senatum rettulisset, bove perlitare iussus.

[¶33] 14.8. The senate next, when consulted about the provinces, decreed Pisa and the Ligurians as provinces for the consuls; the consul to whom Pisa should have fallen as a province was ordered to return for the elections on the arrival of the time of choosing magistrates.

> Latin: 14.8. de provinciis deinde consultus senatus Pisas et Ligures provincias consulibus decrevit; cui Pisae provincia obvenisset, cum magistratuum creandorum tempus esset, ad comitia reverti iussit.

[¶34] 14.10. It was added to the decree that they should each enroll two new legions and three hundred cavalry; and that each should call upon the allies of the Latin confederacy for ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 14.10. additum decreto, ut binas legiones novas scriberent et trecenos equites, et dena milia peditum sociis nominique Latino et sescenos imperarent equites.

[¶35] 14.11. The imperium of Tiberius Claudius was extended until such time as the consul should have come to the province.

> Latin: 14.11. Ti. Claudio prorogatum est imperium in id tempus, quo in provinciam consul venisset.

[¶36] 15.1. While these matters were being discussed in the senate, Gnaeus Cornelius, summoned by a messenger, left the senate-house, and shortly afterward returned with a troubled expression and reported to the Conscript Fathers that the liver of a sescenaris ox which he had sacrificed had melted away.

> Latin: 15.1. dum de iis rebus in senatu agitur, Cn. Cornelius evocatus a viatore, cum templo egressus esset, paulo post redit confuso vultu et exposuit patribus conscriptis bovis sescenaris, quem inmolavisset, iecur defluxisse.

[¶37] 15.2. He added that, scarcely believing the man in charge of the victims when he reported this, he had himself directed that the water be poured out of the kettle in which the entrails were being boiled and had seen all the rest of the entrails complete, but the whole liver had been consumed by an indescribable wasting.

> Latin: 15.2. id se victimario nuntianti parum credentem ipsum aquam effundi ex olla, ubi exta coquerentur, iussisse et vidisse ceteram integram partem extorum, iecur omne inenarrabili tabe absumptum.

[¶38] 15.3. To the Fathers, already terrified by this portent, the other consul brought additional anxiety by reporting that he had failed to obtain a favourable omen after sacrificing three cattle, as the head of the liver had been missing.

> Latin: 15.3. territis eo prodigio patribus, et alter consul curam adiecit, qui se, quod caput iocineri defuisset, tribus bubus perlitasse negavit.

[¶39] 15.4. The senate directed him to continue sacrificing full-grown victims until he received a favorable omen. They say that in the case of the other gods they were obtained; to Salus, they say, Petilius could find no good omen.

> Latin: 15.4. senatus maioribus hostiis usque ad litationem sacrificari iussit. ceteris diis perlitatum ferunt, Saluti Petilium perlitasse negant. inde consules praetoresque provincias sortiti. Pisae Cn. Cornelio, Ligures Petilio obvenerunt.

[¶40] 15.5. Then the consuls and praetors drew lots for their provinces. Pisa fell to Gnaeus Cornelius in the drawing, the Ligurians to Quintus Petilius. Of the praetors, Lucius Papirius Maso gained by lot the civil jurisdiction; Marcus Aburius that between citizens and aliens.

> Latin: 15.5. praetores L. Papirius Maso urbanam, M. Aburius inter peregrinos sortiti sunt. M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis Hispaniam ulteriorem, L. Aquilius Gallus Siciliam habuit.

[¶41] 15.6. Marcus Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had Farther Spain and Lucius Aquilius Gallus Sicily. Two asked to be excused from going to their provinces, Marcus Popilius to Sardinia: Gracchus, he said, was pacifying that province;

> Latin: 15.6. duo deprecati sunt, ne in provincias irent, M. Popilius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam provinciam pacare, ei T. Aebutium praetorem adiutorem ab senatu datum esse.

[¶42] 15.7. the praetor Titus Aebutius had been assigned him as an assistant by the senate.

> Latin: 15.7. interrumpi tenorem rerum, in quibus peragendis continuatio ipsa efficacissima esset, minime convenire;

[¶43] 15.8. That the regular course of business should be interrupted, in the completion of which mere continuity was most effective, was by no means expedient; during a transfer of command and the novitiate of the successor, which had to be devoted to learning things rather than doing them, opportunities for successful operations were often lost.

> Latin: 15.8. inter traditionem imperii novitatemque successoris, quae noscendis prius quam agendis rebus inbuenda sit, saepe bene gerendae rei occasiones intercidere.

[¶44] 15.9. The plea of Popilius was accepted. Publius Licinius Crassus alleged that he was hindered by obligatory sacrifices from going to his province; Nearer Spain had fallen to his lot. But he was ordered either to go or to take oath before the assembly that he was prevented by an obligatory sacrifice. When this had been approved in the case of Publius Licinius, Marcus Cornelius also demanded that they should accept his oath, as an excuse for not going to Farther Spain. Both praetors swore in the same formula.

> Latin: 15.9. probata Popilli excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in provinciam iret. citerior Hispania obvenerat. ceterum aut ire iussus aut iurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi. id ubi in P. Licinio ita statutum est, et ab se uti ius iurandum acciperent M. Cornelius postulavit, ne in Hispaniam ulteriorem iret.

[¶45] 15.11. Marcus Titinius and Titus Fonteius the proconsuls were instructed to remain in Spain with the same prerogative of command; it was also ordered that as reinforcements for them three thousand Roman citizens and two hundred cavalry, five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy should be sent.

> Latin: 15.11. praetores ambo in eadem verba iurarunt. M. Titinius et T. Fonteius proconsules manere cum eodem imperii iure in Hispania iussi, et ut in supplementum his tria milia civium Romanorum cum equitibus ducentis, quinque milia socium Latini nominis et trecenti equites mitterentur.

[¶46] 16.1. The Latin festival was held on the third day before the Nones of May, and a religious scruple arose because at the sacrifice of one victim the magistrate of Lanuvium had not prayed for the Roman people, the Quirites.

> Latin: 16.1. Latinae feriae fuere ante diem tertium nonas Maias, in quibus quia in una hostia magistratus Lanuvinus precatus non erat populo Romano Quiritium, religioni fuit.

[¶47] 16.2. When this was reported to the senate and the senate had referred the question to the college of pontiffs, the decree of the pontiffs was that the Latin festival should be repeated, since it had not been correctly performed, and that the people of Lanuvium, to whom was due the necessity of the repetition, should furnish the victims.

> Latin: 16.2. id cum ad senatum relatum esset senatusque ad pontificum collegium reiecisset, pontificibus, quia non recte factae Latinae essent, instauratis Latinis placuit Lanuvinos, quorum opera instauratae essent, hostias praebere.

[¶48] 16.3. Their religious fear was increased by the fact that Gnaeus Cornelius the consul fell on his return from the Alban Mount, and, paralyzed in some of his limbs, set out for Aquae Cumanae and, his illness growing more severe, died at Cumae.

> Latin: 16.3. accesserat ad religionem, quod Cn. Cornelius consul ex monte Albano rediens concidit et parte membrorum captus, ad Aquas Cumanas profectus ingravescente morbo Cumis decessit.

[¶49] 16.4. But after his death he was removed to Rome and was carried out and buried with an elaborate funeral. He was, in addition to being consul, a pontiff.

> Latin: 16.4. sed inde mortuus Romam adlatus et funere magnifico elatus sepultusque est.

[¶50] 16.5. The consul Quintus Petilius, as soon as the auspices permitted, was ordered to hold an election to choose his colleague and to proclaim the Latin festival; the election he declared for the third day before the Nones of August, the festival for the third day before the Ides of August.

> Latin: 16.5. pontifex idem fuerat. consul Q. Petilius cum primum per auspicia posset, collegae subrogando comitia habere iussus et Latinas edicere. comitia in ante diem tertium nonas Sextiles, Latinas in ante diem tertium idus Sextiles edixit.

[¶51] 16.6. At a time when men's minds were already filled with religious fears, to add to them prodigies were reported: at Tusculum, a firebrand was seen in the sky, and at Gabii the temple of Apollo and numerous private houses, at Gravisca the wall and gate, were struck by lightning. The Fathers ordered expiation for these, in a manner to be prescribed by the pontiffs.

> Latin: 16.6. plenis religionum animis prodigia insuper nuntiata, Tusculi facem in caelo visam, Gabiis aedem Apollinis et privata aedificia conplura, Graviscis murum portamque de caelo tacta. ea patres procurari, uti pontifices censuissent, iusserunt.

[¶52] 16.7. While the two consuls were delayed first by religious observances, then one consul by the death of the other and the election and the repetition of the Latin festival, in the meantime Gaius Claudius led the army toward Mutina, which the Ligurians had captured the year before.

> Latin: 16.7. dum consules primum religiones, deinde alterum alterius mors et comitia et Latinarum instauratio inpediunt, interim C. Claudius exercitum ad Mutinam, quam Ligures priore anno ceperant, admovit.

[¶53] 16.8. Within three days from the beginning of the siege he recovered it and restored it to the colonists. Eight thousand of the Ligurians perished there within the walls;

> Latin: 16.8. intra triduum quam oppugnare coeperat, receptam ex hostibus colonis restituit. octo milia ibi Ligurum intra muros caesa;

[¶54] 16.9. and dispatches were at once sent to Rome, in which he not only stated the facts but also boasted that as a result of his valour and good fortune there was no longer an enemy of the Roman people on this side of the Alps, and that a large amount of land had been captured which could be divided individually among many thousands of men.

> Latin: 16.9. litteraeque Romam extemplo scriptae, quibus non modo rem exponeret, sed etiam gloriaretur sua virtute ac felicitate neminem iam cis Alpis esse hostem populo Romano, agrique aliquantum captum, qui multis milibus hominum dividi viritim posset.

[¶55] 17.1. At the same time also Tiberius Sempronius in Sardinia completely subdued the Sardinians in many successful battles.

> Latin: 17.1. et Ti. Sempronius eodem tempore in Sardinia multis secundis proeliis Sardos perdomuit.

[¶56] 17.2. Fifteen thousand men were killed, and all the tribes of the Sardinians who had revolted were reduced to submission. Upon those who had been tributaries before, double taxes were imposed and levied, the rest contributed grain.

> Latin: 17.2. quindecim milia hostium sunt caesa, omnes Sardorum populi, qui defecerant, in dicionem redacti. stipendiariis veteribus duplex vectigal imperatum exactumque;

[¶57] 17.3. Now that he had pacified the province and received two hundred and thirty hostages from the whole island, he sent lieutenants to Rome to report these events and to ask the senate that by reason of the successes obtained under the leadership and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius honour should be paid to the immortal gods and that Sempronius himself, on his departure from the province, should be permitted to bring back his army.

> Latin: 17.3. ceteri frumentum contulerunt. pacata provincia opsidibusque ex tota insula ducentis triginta acceptis legati Romam, qui ea nuntiarent, missi, quique ab senatu peterent, ut ob eas res ductu auspicioque Ti. Semproni prospere gestas diis inmortalibus honos haberetur, ipsique decedenti de provincia exercitum secum deportare liceret.

[¶58] 17.4. The senate, meeting in the temple of Apollo, heard the words of the lieutenants, decreed a thanksgiving for two days, ordered the consuls to sacrifice forty full-grown victims, and directed Tiberius Sempronius the proconsul and the army to remain that year in the province.

> Latin: 17.4. senatus in aede Apollinis legatorum verbis auditis supplicationem in biduum decrevit, et quadraginta maioribus hostiis consules sacrificare iussit, Ti. Sempronium proconsulem exercitumque eo anno in provincia manere.

[¶59] 17.5. Then the election for the purpose of filling the one vacancy in the consulship, which had been announced for the third day before the Nones of August, was finished the same day. Quintus Petilius the consul declared Gaius Valerius Laevinus chosen as his colleague, to enter upon his office at once.

> Latin: 17.5. comitia deinde consulis unius subrogandi, quae in ante diem tertium nonas Sextiles edicta erant, eo ipso die sunt confecta.

[¶60] 17.6. He himself had long been eager for his province, when, fortunately for his ambition, dispatches arrived that the Ligurians had rebelled, and on the Nones of August he set out in uniform [for his province and sent back a letter concerning his achievements there. ] The senate, hearing the letter, by reason of the uprising ordered the third legion to set out to join Gaius Claudius the proconsul in Gaul, and the duumviri navales to proceed with the fleet to Pisa, in order to sail along the coast of the Ligurians, spreading terror by sea as well. At the same destination, Pisa, the consul Quintus Petilius had also named a rendezvous for his army.

> Latin: 17.6. Q. Petilius consul collegam, qui extemplo magistratum occiperet, creavit C. Valerium Laevinum. ipse iam diu cupidus provinciae, cum opportunae cupiditati eius litterae adlatae essent Ligures rebellasse, nonis Sextilibus paludatus … senatus litteris auditis tumultus eius causa legionem tertiam ad C. Claudium proconsulem in Galliam proficisci iussit, et duumviros navales cum classe Pisas ire, qui Ligurum oram, maritumum quoque terrorem admoventes, circumvectarentur. eodem Pisas et Q. Petilius consul ad conveniendum exercitui diem edixerat.

[¶61] 17.9. And Gaius Claudius the proconsul, hearing of the revolt of the Ligurians, in addition to the troops which he had with him at Parma, raised emergency troops and moved his army to the frontiers of the Ligurians.

> Latin: 17.9. et C. Claudius proconsul audita rebellione Ligurum praeter eas copias, quas secum Parmae habebat, subitariis collectis militibus, exercitum ad fines Ligurum admovit.

[¶62] 18.1. The enemy, on the arrival of Gaius Claudius, by whom as commander they recalled that recently at the Scultenna river they had been defeated and put to flight, with a view to defending themselves by the protection of the country rather than by arms against an attack which had turned out unhappily for them, occupied the two mountains, Letum and Ballista, and in addition surrounded them by a wall.

> Latin: 18.1. hostes sub adventum C. Claudi, a quo duce se meminerant nuper ad Scultennam flumen victos fugatosque, locorum magis praesidio adversus infeliciter expertam vim quam armis se defensuri, duos montes Letum et Ballistam ceperunt, muroque insuper amplexi sunt.

[¶63] 18.2. Those who were slow in moving from the fields were cut off and destroyed to the number of fifteen hundred; the rest kept within the mountains and not even in their fear forgetting their natural fierceness, they raged against the booty which had been taken at Mutina. The prisoners they slew after mutilating them cruelly; the beasts they butchered, scattered among the shrines, rather than sacrificed according to ritual. Sated with the slaughter of their living plunder, things which were inanimate, utensils of every sort, made for use rather than as ornaments to be looked at, they dashed against the walls. The consul Quintus Petilius, fearing lest the war should be finished in his absence, wrote to Gaius Claudius that he should bring the army to meet him in Gaul: he would await them, he said, at Campi Macri.

> Latin: 18.2. tardius ex agris demigrantes oppressi ad mille et quingenti perierunt; ceteri montibus se tenebant, et ne in metu quidem feritatis ingenitae obliti saeviunt in praedam, quae Mutinae parta erat. captivos cum foeda laceratione interficiunt, pecora in fanis trucidant verius passim quam rite sacrificant.

[¶64] 18.4. Claudius, on receipt of the letter, moved his camp from the Ligurian territory and at Campi Macri turned his army over to the consul. Thither a few days later Gaius Valerius, the other consul, came. There, dividing their forces, before they separated the two jointly purified the armies.

> Latin: 18.4. satiati caede animantium, quae inanima erant parietibus adfligunt, vasa omnis generis, usui magis quam ornamento [in speciem] facta.

[¶65] 18.5. Then, because they had determined that the two should not approach the enemy from the same direction, they cast lots for the districts to which they should direct their march. It was evident that Valerius cast his lot in accordance with the requirements for auspices, because he was in the consecrated space; the augurs later declared that this fault had existed in the case of Petilius —namely, the lot, which had been cast into the urn outside of the consecrated space, had been drawn by him while he was still outside of the consecrated area, although he should have been inside of it. From Campi Macri they marched in different directions. Petilius had his camp facing the height of Ballista and Letum, which joins these mountains with a continuous ridge.

> Latin: 18.5. Q. Petilius consul, ne absente se debellaretur, litteras ad C. Claudium misit, ut cum exercitu ad se in Galliam veniret: campis Macris se eum expectaturum. litteris acceptis Claudius ex Liguribus castra movit exercitumque ad campos Macros consuli tradidit. eodem [tempore] paucis post diebus C. Valerius consul alter venit.

[¶66] 18.7. Then, while he was encouraging the soldiers before the assembly, not thinking of the double meaning of the word, they said that he used the ominous expression that on that day he would gain Letum. He began to march up the hills in front on two sides at once. The column in which he himself was advanced vigorously.

> Latin: 18.7. ibi divisis copiis, prius quam digrederentur, communiter ambo exercitus lustraverunt. tum sortiti, quia non ab eadem utrumque parte adgredi hostem placebat, regiones, quas peterent.

[¶67] 18.8. When the enemy had repulsed the other, Petilius, in order to restore the wavering line, riding up on his horse, did indeed rally his men from their flight, but he himself, while riding before the standards with too little caution, fell struck with a javelin. But the enemy did not perceive that the commander had been killed, and the few of his own men who had seen it concealed his body with great care, knowing that victory depended on it.

> Latin: 18.8. Valerium auspicato sortitum constabat, quod in templo fuisset; in Petilio id vitii factum postea augures responderunt, quod extra templum sortem in sitellam in templum latam foris ipse … oporteret.

[¶68] 18.9. The rest of the body of infantry and cavalry dislodged the enemy and took the mountains without their general. About five thousand of the Ligurians were killed: of the Roman army fifty-two fell.

> Latin: 18.9. profecti inde in diversas regiones. Petilius adversus Ballistae et Leti iugum, quod eos montes perpetuo dorso inter se iungit, castra habuit.

[¶69] 18.10. In addition to this so manifest fulfilment of an omen of evil, it was also learned from the keeper of the chickens that there had been a flaw in the auspices, and that the consul had not been unaware of this. Gaius Valerius, hearing...

> Latin: 18.10. ibi adhortantem eum pro contione milites, inmemorem ambiguitatis verbi, ominatum ferunt se eo die Letum capturum esse.

[¶70] 18.11. . Those who were skilled in the rules of religion and in public law said that, since the two regular consuls of the year had perished, the one from disease, the other in battle, a substituted consul could not properly conduct an election..

> Latin: 18.11. duabus simul partibus subire in adversos montes coepit. ea pars, in qua ipse erat, inpigre succedebat; alteram hostes cum propulissent, ut restitueret rem inclinatam, consul equo advectus suos quidem a fuga revocavit, ipse, dum incautius ante signa obversatur, missili traiectus cecidit.

[¶71] 18.12. . brought them down. The Garuli, the Lapicini and the Hergates had lived on this side of the Apennines, the Friniates beyond them and on this side of the river Audena. Publius Mucius waged war on the tribes that had ravaged Luna and Pisa and disarmed them when all had been reduced to surrender. By reason of the successes in Gaul and among the Ligurians under the leadership and auspices of the two consuls, the senate decreed a thanksgiving for three days and ordered the sacrifice of forty victims. And indeed the Gallic and Ligurian uprising, which had broken out in the beginning of the year, was quickly suppressed with no great effort; now the anxiety as to the Macedonian War beset them, since Perseus was stirring up conflicts between the Dardanians and the Bastarnae.

> Latin: 18.12. nec hostes ducem occisum senserunt, et suorum pauci, qui viderant, haud neglegenter, ut qui in eo victoriam verti scirent, corpus occultavere. alia multitudo peditum equitumque deturbatis hostibus montis sine duce cepere. ad quinque milia Ligurum occisa; ex Romano exercitu duo et quinquaginta ceciderunt. super tam evidentem tristis ominis eventum etiam ex pullario auditum est vitium in auspicio fuisse, nec id consulem ignorasse. C. Valerius audita … periti religionum iurisque publici, quando duo ordinarii consules eius anni, alter morbo, alter ferro periisset, suffectum consulem negabant recte comitia habere posse. … deduxit. cis Apenninum Garuli et Lapicini et Hergates, trans Apenninum Briniates fuerant. intra Audenam amnem P. Mucius cum is, qui Lunam Pisasque depopulati erant, bellum gessit, omnibusque in dicionem redactis arma ademit. ob eas res in Gallia Liguribusque gestas duorum consulum ductu auspicioque senatus in triduum supplicationes decrevit et quadraginta hostiis sacrificari iussit. et tumultus quidem Gallicus et Ligustinus, qui principio eius anni exortus fuerat, haut magno conatu brevi oppressus erat;

[¶72] 19.4. And the ambassadors who had been sent to investigate the situation in Macedonia had already returned to Rome and had reported that war in Dardania was now in progress.

> Latin: 19.4. belli Macedonici subibat iam cura, miscente Perseo inter Dardanos Bastarnasque certamina. et legati, qui missi ad res visendas in Macedoniam erant, iam reverterant Romam renuntiaverantque bellum in Dardania esse.

[¶73] 19.5. At the same time envoys had also arrived from King Perseus, who were to explain on his behalf that he had neither invited the Bastarnae nor was he instigating any of their actions.

> Latin: 19.5. simul venerant et ab rege Perseo oratores, qui purgarent nec accitos ab eo Bastarnas nec auctore eo quicquam facere.

[¶74] 19.6. The senate neither absolved him of this blame nor charged him with it; they merely ordered that he be warned to take redoubled care to make it appear that he was respecting the treaty which was in force between him and the Romans.

> Latin: 19.6. senatus nec liberavit eius culpae regem neque arguit; moneri eum tantum modo iussit, ut etiam atque etiam curaret, ut sanctum haberet foedus, quod ei cum Romanis esse videri posset.

[¶75] 19.7. When the Dardanians saw that the Bastarnae were not only not leaving their territory, as they had hoped, but were growing more troublesome every day, and were relying on the aid of the neighbouring Thracians and the Scordisci, they decided that they must venture something, even rashly, and all from all sides met in arms at the town which was nearest to the camp of the Bastarnae. It was winter, and they had chosen that season in order that the Thracians and Scordisci might then depart to their own countries.

> Latin: 19.7. Dardani cum Bastarnas non modo non excedere finibus suis, quod speraverant, sed graviores fieri in dies cernerent, subnixos Thracum adcolarum et Scordiscorum auxiliis, audendum aliquid vel temere rati, omnes undique armati ad oppidum, quod proximum castris Bastarnarum erat, conveniunt.

[¶76] 19.8. When they learned that this had occurred as they had expected and that the Bastarnae were now alone, they divided their forces into two columns, one to march by the straight road to assail openly, the other, led around by an out-of-theway pass, to attack from the rear.

> Latin: 19.8. hiemps erat, et id anni tempus elegerant, ut Thraces Scordiscique in fines suos abirent. quod ubi ita factum et solos iam esse Bastarnas audierunt, bifariam dividunt copias, pars ut recto itinere ad lacessendum ex aperto iret, pars devio saltu circumducta ab tergo adgrederetur.

[¶77] 19.9. But before they could surround the camp of the enemy the battle took place; and the defeated Dardanians were driven back into the town, which was about twelve miles distant from the camp of the Bastarnae.

> Latin: 19.9. ceterum priusquam circumire castra hostium possent, pugnatum est; victique Dardani compelluntur in urbem, quae fere duodecim milia ab castris Bastarnarum aberat.

[¶78] 19.10. The victors followed in haste and invested the city, expecting confidently that the next day either the enemy would surrender on account of fear or they would take the town by storm.

> Latin: 19.10. victores confestim secuti circumsidunt urbem, haud dubie postero die aut metu dedituris se hostibus aut vi expugnaturi.

[¶79] 19.11. Meanwhile the other column of the Dardanians, which had followed the circuitous route, being ignorant of the defeat of their comrades, captured the camp of the Bastarnae, which had been left without a guard.

> Latin: 19.11. interim Dardanorum altera manus, quae circumducta erat, ignara cladis suorum, castra Bastarnarum sine praesidio relicta.

[¶80] 20.1. Antiochus, setting up an ivory chair in the Roman fashion, would administer justice and adjudge disputes on the most trifling matters.

> Latin: 20.1. … more sella eburnea posita ius dicebat disceptabatque controversias minimarum rerum.

[¶81] 20.2. And so incapable was his mind of sticking to any station in life, as it strayed through all the varieties of existence that it was not really clear either to himself or to others what kind of person he was.

> Latin: 20.2. adeoque nulli fortunae adhaerebat animus per omnia genera vitae errans, uti nec sibi nec aliis, quinam homo esset, satis constaret.

[¶82] 20.3. It was his habit not to speak to his friends, to smile at mere acquaintances in a most friendly way, and with an inconsistent generosity to make himself and others laughing-stocks; to some, men of distinction who held themselves in high esteem, he would give childish presents, as of food or toys, others, who expected nothing, he would make rich.

> Latin: 20.3. non adloqui amicos, vix notis familiariter arridere, munificentia inaequali sese aliosque ludificari; quibusdam honoratis magnoque aestimantibus se puerilia, ut escae aut lusus, munera dare, alios nihil expectantes ditare.

[¶83] 20.4. And so he seemed to some not to know what he wanted; some said that he was playing childish tricks, some that he was unquestionably insane.

> Latin: 20.4. itaque nescire, quid sibi vellet, quibusdam videri; quidam ludere eum simpliciter, quidam haud dubie insanire aiebant.

[¶84] 20.5. Nevertheless in two great and important respects his soul was truly royal —in his benefactions to cities and in the honours paid to the gods.

> Latin: 20.5. in duabus tamen magnis honestisque rebus vere regius erat animus, in urbium donis et deorum cultu.

[¶85] 20.6. To the people of Megalopolis in Arcadia he promised that he would enclose their city with a wall, and he gave the greater part of the money; at Tegea he began to build a magnificent theatre of marble; in the prytaneum at Cyzicus —this is the central hall of the city, where those men dine upon whom this distinction has been bestowed —he furnished a golden service for one table.

> Latin: 20.6. Megalopolitanis in Arcadia murum se circumdaturum urbi est pollicitus maioremque partem pecuniae dedit; Tegeae theatrum magnificum e marmore facere instituit;

[¶86] 20.7. While he gave the Rhodians nothing remarkable, yet he gave them gifts of every description, whatever their needs demanded. Of his magnificent ideas as to the treatment of the gods, the temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, the only one in the world which, though unfinished, was designed to conform to the greatness of the god, can well be evidence; besides, he also adorned Delos with marvellous altars and abundance of statuary, and at Antioch he built a magnificent temple to Jupiter Capitolinus, which had not merely its ceiling panelled with gold, but also its walls wholly covered with gilded plates;

> Latin: 20.7. Cyzici in Prytaneo — id est penetrale urbis, ubi publice, quibus is honos datus est, vescuntur — vasa aurea mensae unius posuit. Rhodiis ut nihil unum insigne, ita omnis generis, ut quaeque usus eorum postulaverunt, dona dedit. magnificentiae vero in deos vel Iovis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris incohatum pro magnitudine dei, potest testis esse;

[¶87] 20.9. and many other things he promised in other places, but by reason of the very short duration of his reign he did not finish them. Also in regard to the splendour of his shows of every sort he surpassed earlier kings, his other spectacles being given in their own proper style and with an abundance of Greek theatrical artists; a gladiatorial exhibition, after the Roman fashion, he presented which was at first received with greater terror than pleasure on the part of men who were unused to such sights;

> Latin: 20.9. sed et Delon aris insignibus statuarumque copia exornavit, et Antiochiae Iovis Capitolini magnificum templum, non laqueatum auro tantum, sed parietibus totis lammina inauratum, et alia multa in aliis locis pollicitus, quia perbreve tempus regni eius fuit, non perfecit. spectaculorum quoque omnis generis magnificentia superiores reges vicit, reliquorum sui moris et copia Graecorum artificum;

[¶88] 20.11. then by frequent repetitions, by sometimes allowing the fighters to go only as far as wounding one another, sometimes permitting them to fight without giving quarter, he made the sight familiar and even pleasing, and he roused in many of the young men a joy in arms.

> Latin: 20.11. gladiatorum munus Romanae consuetudinis primo maiore cum terrore hominum, insuetorum ad tale spectaculum, quam voluptate dedit;

[¶89] 20.12. And so, while at first he had been accustomed to summon gladiators from Rome, procuring them by large fees, finally he could find a sufficient supply at home.

> Latin: 20.12. deinde saepius dando, et modo volneribus tenus, modo sine missione etiam, et familiare oculis gratumque id spectaculum fecit, et armorum studium plerisque iuvenum accendit.

[¶90] 20.13. ... Scipio the jurisdiction between citizens and aliens. The lot had given the province of Sardinia to Marcus Atilius the praetor;

> Latin: 20.13. itaque, qui primo ab Roma magnis pretiis paratos gladiatores arcessere solitus erat, iam suo … Scipio inter peregrinos. M. Atilio praetori provincia Sardinia obvenerat;

## 3. Book XLI · chapters 21–28

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/3/#p-N

[¶0] 21.2. but he was ordered, with the new legion which the consuls had enlisted, consisting of five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, to cross over to Corsica. As long as he should be engaged in the war there, the imperium of Cornelius was prolonged, in order that he might hold Sardinia.

> Latin: 21.2. sed cum legione nova, quam consules conscripserant, quinque milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus, in Corsicam iussus est transire. dum is ibi bellum gereret, Cornelio prorogatum imperium, uti optineret Sardiniam.

[¶1] 21.3. For Gnaeus Servilius Caepio in Farther Spain and for Publius Furius Philus in Nearer Spain were enlisted three thousand Roman infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, and Sicily was decreed to Lucius Claudius without reinforcements.

> Latin: 21.3. Cn. Servilio Caepioni in Hispaniam ulteriorem et P. Furio Philo in citeriorem tria milia peditum Romanorum, equites centum quinquaginta, et socium Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, trecenti equites, Sicilia Lucio Claudio sine supplemento decreta.

[¶2] 21.4. The consuls were directed to enroll in addition two legions with the regular numbers of infantry and cavalry and to call upon the allies for ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 21.4. duas praeterea legiones consules scribere iussi cum iusto numero peditum equitumque, et decem milia peditum sociis imperare et sescentos equites.

[¶3] 21.5. The levy was more difficult for the consuls because the plague which had attacked the cattle the year before had this year turned into a disease which attacked men. Those who were assailed by it did not easily survive the seventh day; those who had survived that length of time suffered from a lingering disease, usually quartan.

> Latin: 21.5. dilectus consulibus eo difficilior erat, quod pestilentia, quae priore anno in boves ingruerat, eo veterat in hominum morbos. qui inciderant, haud facile septimum diem superabant, qui superaverant longinquo, maxime quartanae, inplicabantur morbo.

[¶4] 21.6. The slaves especially died; and along all the roads there were piles of their unburied bodies. Libitina sufficed not even for the funerals of free men.

> Latin: 21.6. servitia maxime moriebantur; eorum strages per omnis vias insepultorum erat; ne liberorum quidem funeribus Libitina sufficiebat.

[¶5] 21.7. The corpses, untouched by dogs and vultures, were consumed by decay; and it was generally observed that neither in this nor in the previous year, in spite of the great mortality of cattle and men, was a vulture seen anywhere.

> Latin: 21.7. cadavera intacta a canibus ac volturibus tabes absumebat, satisque constabat nec illo nec priore anno in tanta strage boum hominumque volturium usquam visum.

[¶6] 21.8. Of official priests, there perished in this epidemic Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, a pontifex, father of the praetor, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, the son of Tiberius, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, and Publius Aelius Paetus, an augur, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, an augur, Gaius Mamilius Atellus, the curio maximus, and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, a pontiff. As pontiffs there were appointed Gaius Sulpicius Galba... in the place of Tuditanus.

> Latin: 21.8. sacerdotes publici ea pestilentia mortui sunt Cn. Servilius Caepio pontifex, pater praetoris, et Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius Longus decemvir sacrorum et P. Aelius Paetus augur et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et C. Atellus Mamilius curio maximus et M. Sempronius Tuditanus pontifex.

[¶7] 21.9. Augurs were chosen in the stead of Gracchus —Titus Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus and, to replace Publius Aelius, Quintus Aelius Paetus. As decemvir in charge of sacrifices Gaius Sempronius Longus and as curio maximus Gaius Scribonius Curio were chosen.

> Latin: 21.9. pontifices suffecti sunt C. Sulpicius Galba in locum Caepionis, … in locum Tuditani. augures suffecti sunt in Gracchi locum T. Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus, in P. Aeli Q. Aelius Paetus. decemvir sacrorum C. Sempronius Longus, curio maximus C. Scribonius Curio sufficitur.

[¶8] 21.10. Since the pestilence would not come to an end, the senate decreed that the decemvirs should consult the Sibylline Books.

> Latin: 21.10. cum pestilentiae finis non fieret, senatus decrevit, ut decemviri libros Sibyllinos adirent.

[¶9] 21.11. In accordance with their decree a day of prayer was observed, and as Quintus Marcius Philippus dictated the formula, the people, assembled in the Forum, undertook a vow that if the disease and plague should have been banished from Roman territory they would celebrate a festival and thanksgiving for two days.

> Latin: 21.11. ex decreto eorum diem unum supplicatio fuit, et Q. Marcio Philippo verba praeeunte populus in foro votum concepit, si morbus pestilentiaque ex agro Romano emota esset, biduum ferias ac supplicationem se habiturum.

[¶10] 21.12. In the territory of Veii a boy with two heads was born, and at Sinuessa a boy with one hand, and at Auximum a girl with teeth; and a rainbow by day in a clear sky was seen extending over the temple of Saturn in the Forum Romanum, and three suns shone at once, and that same night numerous firebrands glided through the sky, and the people of Lanuvium and Caere asserted that a crested serpent dotted with yellow spots had appeared in their towns, and in the Campanian land there was ample evidence that a cow had spoken.

> Latin: 21.12. in Veienti agro biceps natus puer, et Sinuessae unimanus, et Auximi puella cum dentibus, et arcus interdiu sereno caelo super aedem Saturni in foro Romano intentus, et tres simul soles effulserunt, et faces eadem nocte plures per caelum lapsae sunt, et in Lanuvino …, Caeritesque anguem in oppido suo iubatum, aureis maculis sparsum, apparuisse adfirmabant, et in agro Campano bovem locutum esse satis constabat

[¶11] 22.1. On the Nones of June the ambassadors returned from Africa who, after first interviewing King Masinissa, had gone to Carthage; but they had received much more accurate information as to what had been going on in Carthage from the king than from the Carthaginians themselves.

> Latin: 22.1. legati nonis Juniis ex Africa redierunt, qui convento prius Masinissa rege Carthaginem ierant; ceterum certius aliquanto, quae Carthagine acta essent, ab rege scierant quam ab ipsis Carthaginiensibus.

[¶12] 22.2. Nevertheless they reported it as an ascertained fact that ambassadors had come from King Perseus and had been given an audience by night before the senate, assembled in the temple of Aesculapius. The king, moreover, had asserted that envoys had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, and the Carthaginians had denied this without very much firmness.

> Latin: 22.2. conpertum tamen adfirmaverunt legatos ab rege Perseo venisse, iisque noctu senatum in aede Aesculapi datum esse. ab Carthagine legatos in Macedoniam missos et rex adfirmaverat et ipsi parum constanter negaverant.

[¶13] 22.3. The senate decreed that ambassadors should also be sent to Macedonia. Three were dispatched, Gaius Laelius, Marcus Valerius Messalla, and Sextus Digitius.

> Latin: 22.3. in Macedoniam quoque mittendos legatos senatus censuit. tres missi sunt, C. Laelius M. Valerius Messala Sex. Digitius.

[¶14] 22.4. Perseus about this time, because certain of the Dolopians were insubordinate and wanted to refer the arbitration of the matters which were in dispute to the Romans instead of to the king, setting out with his army brought the whole district under his sovereignty and sway.

> Latin: 22.4. Perseus per id tempus, quia quidam Dolopum non parebant et de quibus ambigebatur rebus disceptationem ab rege ad Romanos revocabant, cum exercitu profectus sub ius iudiciumque suum totam coegit gentem.

[¶15] 22.5. Thence, crossing over the Oetaean mountains, since certain religious difficulties beset his mind, he climbed up to Delphi to consult the oracle. When he had suddenly appeared in the midst of Greece, he not merely roused great terror in the neighbouring cities but even caused the dispatch of excited messages to King Eumenes in Asia.

> Latin: 22.5. inde per Oetaeos montes transgressus, religionibus quibusdam animo obiectis, oraclum aditurus Delphos escendit. cum in media repente Graecia apparuisset, magnum non finitumis modo urbibus terrorem praebuit, sed in Asiam quoque ad regem Eumenen nuntii tumultuosi missi.

[¶16] 22.6. Having tarried in Delphi not more than three days, he returned through Phthiotic Achaea and Thessaly to his kingdom without doing any damage or injury to those through whose lands he marched.

> Latin: 22.6. triduum non plus Delphis moratus per Phthiotidem Achaiam Thessaliamque sine damno iniuriaque ullorum, per quos iter fecit, in regnum rediit.

[¶17] 22.7. Nor was he content with winning the good will of only those states through which he was planning to march; he sent out either ambassadors or letters, asking that they should no longer remember the quarrels in which they had engaged with his father; for, he said, they had not been so serious that they could not and should not be ended with him; so far as he was concerned at least, everything was in order for a faithful establishment of friendly relations with them;

> Latin: 22.7. nec earum tantum civitatium, per quas iturus erat, satis habuit animos sibi conciliare; aut legatos aut litteras dimisit, petens, ne diutius simultatum, quae cum patre suo fuissent, meminissent, nec enim tam atroces fuisse eas, ut non cum ipso potuerint ac debuerint finiri;

[¶18] 22.8. with the people of the Achaeans especially he was seeking for a way of restoring good feeling.

> Latin: 22.8. secum quidem omnia illis integra esse ad instituendam fideliter amicitiam; cum Achaeorum maxime gente reconciliandae gratiae viam quaerebat.

[¶19] 23.1. This one people out of all Greece, together with the Athenian state, had gone so far in their anger as to exclude Macedonians from their territories.

> Latin: 23.1. haec una ex omni Graecia gens et Atheniensium civitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus.

[¶20] 23.2. And so when slaves escaped from Achaea Macedonia was a refuge for them because, since the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to enter their country, they themselves did not dare to cross the frontiers of their kingdom.

> Latin: 23.2. itaque, servitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia, cum finibus suis iis interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non audebant.

[¶21] 23.3. Accordingly, when Perseus had become aware of this, he arrested all the fugitives [and sent letters graciously promising to restore such slaves to them]. But, he added, they too should take measures that similar escapes of slaves should not happen in future.

> Latin: 23.3. id cum Perseus animadvertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae …. ceterum ne similis fuga servorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis esse.

[¶22] 23.4. When this letter was read by their general Xenarchus, who was seeking for an opportunity to curry favour personally with the king, and when the majority believed that it had been written in a spirit of moderation and kindliness, this being especially the view of those who were to recover, contrary to expectations, their lost slaves, Callicrates, one of those who believed that the safety of the state depended on whether the treaty with the Romans were preserved inviolate, spoke as follows: “The matter under discussion,”

> Latin: 23.4. recitatis his litteris per Xenarchum praetorem, qui privatae gratiae aditum apud regem quaerebat, et plerisque moderate et benigne scriptas esse censentibus litteras, atque iis maxume, qui praeter spem recepturi essent amissa mancipia, Callicrates ex iis, qui in eo verti salutem gentis crederent, si cum Romanis inviolatum foedus servaretur, “parva” inquit “

[¶23] 23.6. “Achaeans, appears to some to be trivial or of only moderate importance, but I for my part consider that a question by far the most serious of all is not only being decided, but somehow or other has been decided. For we who had forbidden to the kings of the Macedonians and to the Macedonians themselves admission to our territories and who knew that the decree was still in force, namely that by which we had made provision that we should not receive the ” “ambassadors or the messengers of the kings, through whom the sentiments of some of us might be affected, we, I say, are now listening to the king who, so to say, speaks to us though absent, and (heaven help us!) we even approve his speech. And while wild beasts generally disdain and refuse ” “food offered to entrap them, we, blind fools, are caught by the showy bait of a trifling kindness, and, in the hope of recovering some paltry slaves of the slightest value, permit our very liberty to be undermined and endangered.

> Latin: 23.6. aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam videtur agi; ego maxumam gravissimamque omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus, manereque id decretum …, scilicet ne legatos, ne nuntios admitteremus regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem quodam modo absentem audimus regem et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus.

[¶24] 23.8. For who does not see that a way for an alliance with the king is being sought, whereby the Roman treaty, on which our whole fate depends, would be violated? Or is it doubtful to anybody that ” “a war between the Romans and Perseus is inevitable, and that this war, anticipated while Philip was alive and postponed ”

> Latin: 23.8. et cum ferae bestiae cibum ad fraudem suam positum plerumque aspernentur et refugiant, nos caeci specie parvi beneficii inescamur et servulorum minimi pretii recipiendorum spe nostram ipsorum libertatem subrui et temptari patimur. quis enim non videt viam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, violetur? nisi hoc dubium alicui est bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod vivo Philippo expectatum, morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum.

[¶25] 23.10. “by his death, will come after the death of Philip? As you know, Philip had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus. In birth on his mother's side, in character, in intellect, in influence with the Macedonians, Demetrius far surpassed the other. But because Philip had set up the throne as a prize for hatred of the Romans, he put Demetrius to death, for no other crime than that he had cultivated ” “the friendship of the Romans; Perseus he made king, knowing that he would inherit a war with the Roman people almost before he could inherit the throne. Accordingly, what has he done after his father's death except prepare for war? First, to the alarm of all, he turned the Bastarnae loose into Dardania, and if they had retained this district Greece ” “would have found them neighbours more dangerous than Asia found the Gauls.

> Latin: 23.10. duos, ut scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea. genere materno, virtute, ingenio, favore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius. sed quia in Romanos odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae amicitiae initae occidit, Persea, quem belli cum populo Romano prius paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit.

[¶26] 23.12. Disappointed in that hope, he nevertheless did not abandon his plans for the war; no: if we are willing to speak frankly, he has already begun the war. Dolopia he has overrun with arms, and when they wished to appeal in their disputes to the arbitrament of the Roman people he paid no heed. Next, crossing Oeta, so that he suddenly appeared at the very navel of Greece, he climbed up to Delphi. Toward what, do ” “you think, does this assumption of the right to travel an unaccustomed route tend?

> Latin: 23.12. itaque quid hic post mortem patris egit aliud quam bellum paravit? Bastarnas primum ad terrorem omnium in Dardaniam inmisit; qui si sedem eam tenuissent, graviores eos accolas Graecia habuisset, quam Asia Gallos habebat.

[¶27] 23.13. Then he traversed Thessaly; but if he did so without injuring in any way men whom he hated, all the ” “more do I fear his scheming. Next he directed a letter to us, under pretence of doing us a service, and bids us consider how we shall not need this service in future, that is, that we shall repeal the decree by which Macedonians are excluded from the Peloponnesus, and again see the king's ambassadors, and hospitalities exchanged with their leaders, and presently Macedonian armies and even the king himself crossing from Delphi (for how great a strait flows between us? ) to the Peloponnesus, and shall ” “be mingled with the Macedonians as they arm themselves against the Romans!

> Latin: 23.13. ea spe depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si vere volumus dicere, iam incohavit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec provocantis de controversiis ad disceptationem populi Romani audivit; inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit. haec usurpatio itineris insoliti quo vobis spectare videtur? Thessaliam deinde peragravit; quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.

[¶28] 23.15. I vote that we shall decree nothing new but preserve everything as it is, until it shall ” “be reduced to certainty whether our fears are false or justified. If the peace between the Macedonians and the Romans remains inviolate, let us ” “too share the friendship and the intercourse; to plan about it now seems dangerous and premature.” After him Archo, brother of the general Xenarchus, spoke as follows: “Difficult indeed has Callicrates made the task of speaking for me and for all of us who disagree with him; for by pleading the cause of the Roman alliance he himself.”

> Latin: 23.15. inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur Peloponneso Macedones, tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis — quantum enim interfluit fretum? — traicientem in Peloponnesum videamus, inmisceamur Macedonibus armantibus se adversus Romanos. ego nihil novi censeo decernendum servandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, vanusne hic timor noster an verus fuerit. si pax inviolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit, nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo cogitare periculosum et inmaturum videtur.” post hunc Archo, frater Xenarchi praetoris, ita disseruit. “difficilem orationem Callicrates et mihi et omnibus, qui ab eo dissentimus, fecit:

[¶29] 24.2. “by alleging that it is being endangered and attacked, although no one is either endangering or attacking it, has brought it to pass that whoever should disagree with him would seem to be speaking against the Romans.”

> Latin: 24.2. agendo enim Romanae societatis causam ipse temptarique et oppugnari dicendo, quam nemo neque temptat neque oppugnat, effecit, ut, qui ab se dissentiret, adversus Romanos dicere videretur.

[¶30] 24.3. “And first of all, just as if he had not been here with us, but were either coming from the senate-house of the Roman people or were a sharer in the secrets of kings, he knows everything and reports everything which has been done in concealment.”

> Latin: 24.3. ac primum omnium, tamquam non hic nobiscum fuisset, sed aut ex curia populi Romani veniret aut regum arcanis interesset, omnia scit et nuntiat, quae occulte facta sunt.

[¶31] 24.4. “He even foretells what would have happened if Philip had lived, why Perseus became heir to the throne in such a way, what preparations the Macedonians are making, what the Romans are considering.”

> Latin: 24.4. divinat etiam, quae futura fuerint, si Philippus vixisset, quid ita Perseus regni heres sit, quid parent Macedones, quid cogitent Romani.

[¶32] 24.5. “But we who know neither for what reason or in what manner Demetrius died nor what Philip would have done if he had lived, ought to adjust our decision to those events which are taking place in full view.”

> Latin: 24.5. nos autem, qui nec ob quam causam nec quem ad modum perierit Demetrius scimus, nec, quid Philippus, si vixisset, facturus fuerit, ad haec, quae palam geruntur, consilia nostra accommodare accomodare oportet.

[¶33] 24.6. “And we do know that Perseus, having gained the throne, was saluted as king by the Roman people: we hear that Roman ambassadors came to King Perseus and that they were courteously received.”

> Latin: 24.6. ac scimus Persea regno accepto regem a populo Romano appellatum; audimus legatos Romanos venisse ad regem et eos benigne exceptos.

[¶34] 24.7. “All these things I, for my part, interpret as signs of peace, not war; nor can the Romans be offended if, as we followed them in waging war, we now follow them likewise as sponsors of peace. Why indeed we, alone of men, should wage unrelenting war against the Kingdom of the Macedonians, I do not see. Are we vulnerable because of our very proximity to Macedonia? Or are we, like the Dolopians whom he has just subdued, the weakest of all mortals?”

> Latin: 24.7. haec omnia pacis equidem signa esse iudico, non belli, nec Romanos offendi posse, si, ut bellum gerentes eos secuti sumus, nunc quoque pacis auctores sequamur. cur quidem nos inexpiabile omnium soli bellum adversus regnum Macedonum geramus, non video.

[¶35] 24.8. “No, on the contrary, by the grace of the gods, either our own strength or the distance which separates us makes us secure.”

> Latin: 24.8. opportuni propinquitate ipsa Macedoniae sumus? an infirmissimi omnium, tamquam, quos nuper subegit, Dolopes? immo contra ea vel viribus nostris, deum benignitate, vel regionis intervallo tuti.

[¶36] 24.9. “Grant that we are as much at the mercy of the king as the Thessalians, and the Aetolians; have we no more credit and standing in the eyes of the Romans, we who have always been their allies and friends, than the Aetolians, who but a short time ago were their enemies? Whatever rights exist between the Macedonians and the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epirotes, in a word, all Greece, let us also possess.”

> Latin: 24.9. sed simus aeque subiecti ac Thessali Aetolique: nihilo plus fidei auctoritatisque habemus adversus Romanos, qui semper socii atque amici fuimus, quam Aetoli, qui paulo ante hostes fuerunt?

[¶37] 24.10. “Why should we alone experience that accursed loosening, so to speak, of human ties? Assume that Philip has done something for which we should pass this decree against him when he was armed and waging war;”

> Latin: 24.10. quod Aetolis, quod Thessalis, quod Epirotis, omni denique Graeciae cum Macedonibus iuris est, idem et nobis sit. cur exsecrabilis ista nobis solis velut dissertio iuris humani est? fecerit aliquid Philippus, cur adversus eum armatum et bellum gerentem hoc decerneremus;

[¶38] 24.11. “what has Perseus deserved, a new king, innocent of all wrong, who now wipes out by his kindness the memory of his father's quarrels, that we alone of all men should be his enemies?”

> Latin: 24.11. quid Perseus, novus rex, omnis iniuriae insons, suo beneficio paternas simultates oblitterans, meruit, cur soli omnium hostes ei simus?

[¶39] 24.12. “And yet I might have said even this, that so great were the benefits conferred upon us by former kings of Macedonia that they, especially now that he is dead, wipe out the memory of wrongs committed by Philip alone, if perchance there were such.” “Does it not come to mind that when the Roman fleet lay at Cenchreae and the consul with his army was at Elatia, we spent three days in the council deliberating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip? Grant that no immediate fear of the Romans affected our judgment: there was certainly something, nevertheless, which caused so long consideration; and this was our long-standing association with the Macedonians and the ancient and great services rendered us by their kings. Let the ancient arguments prevail even now, not to make us conspicuously their friends, but to prevent our being conspicuously their ” “enemies.

> Latin: 24.12. quamquam et illud dicere poteram, tanta priorum Macedoniae regum merita erga nos fuisse, ut Philippi unius iniurias, si quae forte fuerunt, utique post mortem … cum classis Romana Cenchreis staret, consul cum exercitu Elatiae esset, triduum nos in concilio fuisse consultantis, utrum Romanos an Philippum sequeremur.

[¶40] 24.14. Let us not pretend, Callicrates, that the question is being settled which is not being settled. No one counsels us to make a new alliance or conclude a new treaty by which we may without knowing it entangle ourselves in difficulties; only intercourse of proffering and receiving justice, and that we shall not exclude ourselves from the territory of the kingdom by barring our frontiers to ” “them; that it may not be permitted our slaves to flee anywhere —how is that against the Roman treaties?

> Latin: 24.14. nihil metus praesens ab Romanis sententias nostras inclinarit; fuit certe tamen aliquid, quod tam longam deliberationem faceret. [id quod] erat vetusta coniunctio cum Macedonibus, vetera et magna in nos regum merita.

[¶41] 24.15. Why do we turn a slight and open matter into one that is important and suspicious? Why do we stir up groundless ” “alarms? Why, in order that we may have an opportunity to flatter the Romans, do we bring others under suspicion and ” “distrust?

> Latin: 24.15. valeant et nunc eadem illa, non ut praecipue amici, sed ne praecipue inimici simus. ne id, quod non agitur, Callicrates, simulaverimus agi; nemo novae societatis aut novi foederis, quo nos temere inligemus, conscribendi est auctor, sed commercium tantum iuris praebendi repetendique sit, ne interdictione finium nostrorum nostros quoque et nos regno arceamus, ne servis nostris aliquo fugere liceat.

[¶42] 24.17. If there is to be war not even Perseus doubts that we will follow the Romans; in peace, even if hatreds are not ended, let them be suspended.” When the same persons who had applauded the king's letter applauded this speech, on account of the indignation of the chiefs, that what Perseus did not deem deserving even of an embassy he should secure by means of a letter a few lines long, the decree was deferred. Later on ambassadors were sent by the king, at the time when the council was meeting at Megalopolis, and precautions were taken by the party which feared that the Romans would take offence, that they should not be received.

> Latin: 24.17. quid hoc adversus Romana foedera est? quid rem parvam et apertam magnam et suspectam facimus? quid vanos tumultus ciemus? quid ut ipsi locum adsentandi Romanis habeamus, suspectos alios invisosque efficimus? si bellum erit, ne Perseus quidem dubitat, quin Romanos secuturi simus. in pace, etiam si non finiuntur odia, intermittantur. ” cum idem huic orationi, qui litteris regis adsensi erant, adsentirentur, indignatione principum, quod quam rem ne legatione quidem dignam iudicasset Perseus, litteris paucorum versuum impetraret, decretum differtur. legati deinde postea missi ab rege, cum Megalopoli concilium esset, dataque opera est ab iis, qui offensionem apud Romanos timebant, ne admitterentur.

[¶43] 25.1. At this time the rage of the Aetolians, being turned upon themselves, seemed likely, as they murdered one another, to bring the whole people to extermination.

> Latin: 25.1. per haec tempora Aetolorum in semet ipsos versus furor mutuis caedibus ad internecionem adducturus videbatur gentem.

[¶44] 25.2. Then, as they grew wearied, each faction sent ambassadors to Rome, and of their own accord negotiated with one another regarding the restoration of harmony; this effort, broken up by a new crime, reawakened the old passions.

> Latin: 25.2. fessi deinde et Romam utraque pars miserunt legatos et inter se ipsi de reconcilianda concordia agebant; quae novo facinore discussa res veteres etiam iras excitavit.

[¶45] 25.3. When exiles from Hypata, who belonged to the party of Proxenus, had been promised restoration to their city and a public safeguard had been promised them by Eupolemus, the chief of the city, eighty distinguished men, whom Eupolemus with the rest of the population had even gone out to meet on their return, although they were received with courteous addresses and hand-clasps, as they entered the gate appealing in vain to the assurances of safety given and to the gods, were slain.

> Latin: 25.3. exulibus Hypataeis, qui factionis Proxeni erant, cum reditus in patriam promissus esset, fidesque data per principem civitatis Eupolemum, octoginta inlustres homines, quibus redeuntibus inter ceteram multitudinem Eupolemus etiam obvius exierat, cum salutatione benigna excepti essent dextraeque datae, ingredientes portam, fidem datam deosque testis nequiquam invocantes interfecti sunt.

[¶46] 25.5. In consequence of this a more serious war flared up afresh. Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Gaius Memmius, Marcus Popilius, and Lucius Canuleius, sent by the senate, had arrived.

> Latin: 25.5. inde gravius de integro bellum exarsit. C. Valerius Laevinus et Ap. Claudius Pulcher et C. Memmius et M. Popilius et L. Canuleius missi ab senatu venerant.

[¶47] 25.6. When representatives of both factions spoke before them at Delphi with great contentiousness, Proxenus seemed to outstrip the rest, both in the merit of his cause and in eloquence; a few days later he was poisoned by his wife Orthobula; and she being condemned on that charge, went into exile. The same madness rent the Cretans too.

> Latin: 25.6. apud eos cum Delphis utriusque partis legati magno certamine agerent, Proxenus maxime cum causa tum eloquentia praestare visus est; qui paucos post dies ab Orthobula uxore veneno est sublatus; damnataque eo crimine in exilium abiit.

[¶48] 25.7. The arrival of Quintus Minucius the commissioner, who had been sent with ten ships to quell their contentions, then brought them to the hope of peace. But the truce was for six months only; then a much more serious war flared up. The Lycians also at this time were being harassed in war by the Rhodians.

> Latin: 25.7. idem furor et Cretenses lacerabat. adventu deinde Q. Minuci legati, qui cum decem navibus missus ad sedanda eorum certamina erat, ad spem pacis venerant. ceterum indutiae tantum sex mensum fuerunt; inde multo gravius bellum exarsit.

[¶49] 25.8. But the wars which foreign nations waged among themselves and the manner in which they were conducted, it is not worth while to relate in detail, since I carry enough and too much of a burden in describing in full the achievements of the Roman people.

> Latin: 25.8. Lycii quoque per idem tempus ab Rhodiis bello vexabantur. sed externorum inter se bella, quo quaeque modo gesta sint, persequi non operae est satis superque oneris sustinenti res a populo Romano gestas scribere.

[¶50] 26.1. The Celtiberians in Spain, who had surrendered to Tiberius Gracchus after their defeat in the war, had remained quiet while Marcus Titinius held the province as praetor. They rebelled on the arrival of Appius Claudius and began the war by a surprise attack on the Roman camp.

> Latin: 26.1. Celtiberi in Hispania, qui bello domiti se Ti. Graccho dediderant, pacati manserant M. Titinio praetore obtinente provinciam. rebellarunt sub adventum Ap. Claudi, orsique bellum sunt ab repentina oppugnatione castrorum Romanorum.

[¶51] 26.2. It was about daybreak, when the sentinels were on the rampart and the outposts were on guard at the gates, that they saw the enemy coming afar off and called the troops to arms.

> Latin: 26.2. prima lux ferme erat, cum vigiles in vallo quique in portarum stationibus erant, cum vidissent procul venientem hostem, ad arma conclamaverunt.

[¶52] 26.3. Appius Claudius, after displaying the signal for battle and briefly exhorting the troops, led them out by three gates at once. The Celtiberians met them as they came out, and at first there was a drawn battle, since on account of the narrow space not all the Romans could fight in the entrance;

> Latin: 26.3. Ap. Claudius signo proposito pugnae, paucis adhortatus milites, tribus simul portis eduxit. obsistentibus ad exitum Celtiberis primo par utrimque proelium fuit, quia propter angustias non omnes in faucibus pugnare poterant Romani;

[¶53] 26.4. then, as they pressed forward one on another, when they had forced their way out beyond the rampart in order that they might extend their line and form it to meet the flanks of the enemy by which they were being surrounded, they burst out so suddenly that the Celtiberians were unable to withstand the charge.

> Latin: 26.4. urguentes deinde alii alios secuti ubi evaserunt extra vallum, ut pandere aciem et exaequari cornibus hostium, quibus circumibantur, possent, ita repente inruperunt, ut sustinere impetum eorum Celtiberi nequirent. ante horam secundam pulsi sunt;

[¶54] 26.5. Before the second hour they were repulsed; about fifteen thousand were killed or captured, and thirty-two standards were taken. The camp was also captured that day and the war was over: for those who survived the battle scattered to their towns. Thereafter they quietly submitted to authority.

> Latin: 26.5. ad quindecim milia caesa aut capta, signa adempta duo et triginta. castra etiam eo die expugnata debellatumque; nam qui superfuere proelio, in oppida sua dilapsi sunt. quieti deinde paruerunt imperio.

[¶55] 27.1. The censors who were elected that year, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius Albinus, chose the members of the senate; as princeps senatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus the chief pontiff was chosen.

> Latin: 27.1. censores eo anno creati Q. Fulvius Flaccus et A. Postumius Albinus legerunt senatum; princeps lectus M. Aemilius Lepidus pontufex maximus.

[¶56] 27.2. They expelled nine from the senate. The conspicuous victims of the censure were Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, who two years before had been praetor in Spain, and Lucius Cornelius Scipio the praetor, who at the time exercised jurisdiction over cases between citizens and aliens, and Lucius Fulvius who was own brother to the censor and, as Valerius Antias writes, held their father's property jointly with the censor.

> Latin: 27.2. de senatu novem eiecerunt. insignes notae fuerunt M. Corneli Maluginensis, qui biennio ante praetor in Hispania fuerat, et L. Corneli Scipionis praetoris, cuius tum inter civis et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, et L. Fulvi, qui frater germanus et, ut Valerius Antias tradit, consors etiam censoris erat.

[¶57] 27.3. The consuls, after publicly proclaiming their vows on the Capitoline, departed to their provinces. To one of them, Marcus Aemilius, the senate had entrusted the task of suppressing a revolt of the people of Patavium in Venetia, since even their own ambassadors had reported that civil war had flared up in consequence of the rivalry of factions.

> Latin: 27.3. consules votis in Capitolio nuncupatis in provincias profecti sunt. ex iis M. Aemilio senatus negotium dedit, ut Patavinorum in Venetia seditionem conprimeret, quos certamine factionum ad intestinum bellum exarsisse et ipsorum legati adtulerant.

[¶58] 27.4. The ambassadors who had gone to Aetolia to repress similar disturbances reported that the madness of the people could not be checked. The consul's arrival was the cause of safety to the people of Patavium; since he had nothing else to do in the province, he returned to Rome.

> Latin: 27.4. legati, qui in Aetoliam ad similis motus conprimendos ierant, renuntiarunt coerceri rabiem gentis non posse. Patavinis saluti fuit adventus consulis; neque aliud quod ageret in provincia cum habuisset, Romam rediit.

[¶59] 27.5. The censors first of all let contracts for paving the streets in the City with flint, and for laying the bases of roads outside the City with gravel and constructing footpaths along their edges, and for the construction of bridges in many places; also a stage to be placed at the disposal of the aediles and praetors; stalls too in the Circus, and egg-shaped markers to designate the laps... and turning-points across... and iron cages through which the wild beasts might be let in... the festival on the Alban Mount.

> Latin: 27.5. censores vias sternendas silice in urbe, glarea extra urbem substruendas marginandasque primi omnium locaverunt, pontesque multis locis faciendos; et scaenam aedilibus praetoribusque praebendam, et carceres in circo, et ova ad notas curriculis numerandis … dam, et metas trans … et caveas ferrea … intromitterentur … feriis in monte Albano consulibus,

[¶60] 27.7. .., and they arranged for the pavement with flint of the Clivus Capitolinus and for the construction of a portico from the temple of Saturn to the assembly-room of the senators on the Capitoline, and, above it, to the Curia. And outside the Porta Trigemina they paved the warehouse with stone and enclosed it with paling, and they contracted for repairs to the portico of Aemilius, and built a stairway from the Tiber to the warehouse.

> Latin: 27.7. et clivom Capitolinum silice sternendum curaverunt, et porticum ab aede Saturni in Capitolium et ad senaculum ac super id curiam. et extra portam Trigeminam emporium lapide straverunt stipitibusque saepserunt, et porticum Aemiliam reficiendam curarunt, gradibusque ascensum ab Tiberi in emporium fecerunt.

[¶61] 27.9. And within the same gate they paved with flint the portico leading to the Aventine, and they built... from the temple of Venus.

> Latin: 27.9. et extra eandem portam in Aventinum porticum silice straverunt et † eo publico ab aede Veneris fecerunt.

[¶62] 27.10. The same censors contracted for the construction of walls at Calatia and Auximum; and after selling the public land there, the money which had been collected they devoted to building shops around the forum in each town.

> Latin: 27.10. idem Calatiae et Auximi muros faciendos locaverunt; venditisque ibi publicis locis pecuniam, quae redacta erat, tabernis utrique foro circumdandis consumpserunt.

[¶63] 27.11. Also one of them, Fulvius Flaccus —for Postumius had announced that he would let no contract without the order of the Roman senate or assembly —with the money allotted to them contracted for a temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum and at Fundi, and for conducting water to Potentia also, and for paving with flint a street at Pisaurum and at Sinuessa for the construction of suburbs... in them, for both sewers and a surrounding wall... and a forum, to be enclosed by porticoes and shops, and for the erection of three statues of Janus. These contracts were let by the one censor to the great satisfaction of the colonists.

> Latin: 27.11. et alter ex iis Fulvius Flaccus — nam Postumius nihil nisi senatus Romani populive iussu se locaturum ipsorum pecunia … — Iovis aedem Pisauri, et Fundis, et Potentiae etiam aquam adducendam, et Pisauri viam silice sternendam, et Sinuessae magalia addenda … aviariae in his et cloacas … et murum circumducen dum et forum porticibus tabernisque claudendum et Ianos tris faciendos.

[¶64] 27.13. In the supervision of morals the censorship was careful and strict. The horses of many were taken away.

> Latin: 27.13. haec ab uno censore opera locata cum magna gratia colonorum. moribus quoque regendis diligens et severa censura fuit. multis equi adempti.

[¶65] 28.1. At about the end of the year there was a day of thanksgiving on account of the successes in Spain under the leadership and auspices of Appius Claudius the proconsul, and twenty full-grown victims were sacrificed.

> Latin: 28.1. exitu prope anni diem unum supplicatio fuit ob res prospere gestas in Hispania ductu auspicioque Appi Claudi proconsulis;

[¶66] 28.2. There was also a second day of prayer at the temples of Ceres, Liber and Libera, because from Sabine territory there came the news of a severe earthquake causing many buildings to collapse. When Appius Claudius had returned from Spain to Rome, the senate decreed that he should enter the city in ovation.

> Latin: 28.2. et maioribus hostiis viginti sacrificatum. et alterum diem supplicatio ad Cereris, Liberi Liberaeque fuit, quod ex Sabinis terrae motus ingens cum multis aedificiorum ruinis nuntiatus erat.

[¶67] 28.3. The consular election was now at hand; when this was held with great contention because of the large number of candidates, Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Laenas were chosen.

> Latin: 28.3. cum Ap. Claudius ex Hispania Romam redisset, decrevit senatus, ut ovans urbem iniret.

[¶68] 28.4. Next the praetors were elected, Numerius Fabius Buteo, Gaius Matienus, Gaius Cicereius, Marcus Furius Crassipes, Aulus Atilius Serranus, Gaius Cluvius Saxula (the last three each for the second time).

> Latin: 28.4. iam consularia comitia adpetebant; quibus magna contentione habitis propter multitudinem petentium creati L. Postumius Albinus et M. Popilius Laenas.

[¶69] 28.5. When the elections were over and Appius Claudius Cento entered the City in ovation over the Celtiberians, he deposited in the treasury ten thousand pounds of silver and five thousand of gold. Gnaeus Cornelius was inaugurated as flamen Dialis.

> Latin: 28.5. praetores inde facti N. Fabius Buteo M. Matienus C. Cicereius M. Furius Crassipes iterum A. Atilius Serranus iterum C. Cluvius Saxula iterum.

[¶70] 28.6. In the same year a tablet was set up in the temple of Mater Matuta with this inscription: “Under the command and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus the legion and army of the Roman people conquered Sardinia.”

> Latin: 28.6. comitiis perfectis Ap. Claudius Centho ex Celtiberis ovans cum in urbem iniret, decem milia pondo argenti, quinque milia auri in aerarium tulit.

[¶71] 28.7. “In this province more than eighty thousand of the enemy were slain or captured.”

> Latin: 28.7. flamen Dialis inauguratus est Cn. Cornelius.

[¶72] 28.8. “The state having been most successfully administered and the allies set free, the revenues restored, he brought back home the army safe and secure and enriched with booty; for the second time he entered the city of Rome in triumph. In commemoration of this event he set up this tablet to Jupiter.” It had the form of the island of Sardinia, and on it representations of battles were painted.

> Latin: 28.8. eodem anno tabula in aede matris Matutae cum indice hoc posita est: “Ti. Semproni Gracchi consulis imperio auspicioque legio exercitusque populi Romani Sardiniam subegit. in ea provincia hostium caesa aut capta supra octoginta milia.

[¶73] 28.9. Many gladiatorial games were given that year, some of them unimportant; one was noteworthy beyond the rest, that of Titus Flamininus, which he gave to commemorate the death of his father, lasted four days, and was accompanied by a public distribution of meats, a banquet and scenic performances.

> Latin: 28.9. re publica felicissume gesta atque sociis liberatis, vectigalibus restitutis, exercitum salvom atque incolumem plenissimum praeda domum reportavit; iterum triumphans in urbem Romam rediit. cuius rei ergo hanc tabulam donum Iovi dedit.

[¶74] 28.10. The climax of a show which was big for that time was that in three days seventy-four gladiators fought. When the consuls Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Laenas had first of all referred to the senate the question of the provinces and the armies, the Ligurians were decreed to them both, with the provision that they should each enlist legions with which to hold this province —two were decreed to each —and for each also ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy, and as a reinforcement for Spain three thousand Roman infantry and two hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 28.10. ” Sardiniae insulae forma erat, atque in ea simulacra pugnarum picta. munera gladiatorum eo anno aliquot, parva alia data; unum ante cetera insigne fuit T. Flaminini, quod mortis causa patris sui cum visceratione epuloque et ludis scaenicis quadriduum dedit. magni tamen muneris ea summa fuit, ut per triduum quattuor et septuaginta homines pugnarint. L. Postumius Albinus M. Popilius Laenas cum omnium primum de provinciis et exercitibus ad senatum rettulissent, Ligures utrique decreti sunt, ut novas ambo, quibus eam provinciam optinerent, legiones — binae singulis decretae — et socium Latini nominis dena milia peditum et sescenos equites, et supplementum Hispaniae tria milia peditum Romanorum scriberent et ducentos equites.

## 4. Book XLII · chapters 1–15

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/4/#p-N

[¶0] 1.3. It was also ordered that fifteen hundred Roman infantry and one hundred cavalry be enrolled, taking whom the praetor to whose lot Sardinia should have fallen was to cross to Corsica to prosecute the war there; in the meantime Marcus Atilius, the old praetor, was to hold the province of Sardinia.

> Latin: 1.3. ad hoc mille et quingenti pedites Romani cum centum equitibus scribi iussi, cum quibus praetor, cui Sardinia obtigisset, in Corsicam transgressus bellum gereret:

[¶1] 1.4. The praetors then cast lots for the provinces.

> Latin: 1.4. interim M. Atilius vetus praetor provinciam optineret Sardiniam.

[¶2] 1.5. The civil jurisdiction was received by Aulus Atilius Serranus, that between citizens and aliens by Gaius Cluvius Saxula, Nearer Spain by Numerius Fabius Buteo, Farther Spain by Marcus Matienus, Sicily by Marcus Furius Crassipes, Sardinia by Gaius Cicereius.

> Latin: 1.5. praetores deinde provincias sortiti sunt, A. Atilius Serranus urbanam, C. Cluvius Saxula inter cives et peregrinos, N. Fabius Buteo Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Matienus ulteriorem, M. Furius Crassipes Siciliam, C. Cicereius Sardiniam.

[¶3] 1.6. The senate decreed that before the magistrates departed for their provinces, Lucius Postumius the consul should proceed to Campania to determine the boundaries between the public and private lands, since it was well known that private persons, by gradually moving their boundaries outward, were occupying a very large part of it.

> Latin: 1.6. priusquam in provincias magistratus proficiscerentur, senatui placuit L. Postumium consulem ad agrum publicum a privato terminandum in Campaniam ire, cuius ingentem modum possidere privatos paulatim proferendo fines constabat.

[¶4] 1.7. Postumius being angry at the people of Praeneste because, when he had journeyed thither as a private citizen for the purpose of offering sacrifice in the temple of Fortune, no mark of respect had been shown by that people, either officially or unofficially, before he set out from Rome sent a message to Praeneste to the effect that the magistrate should come out to meet him, that they should engage at public expense quarters for his entertainment, and that when he should leave there transport-animals should be in readiness. Before his consulship no one had ever put the allies to any trouble or expense in any respect.

> Latin: 1.7. hic iratus Praenestinis, quod, cum eo privatus sacrificii in templo Fortunae faciundi causa profectus esset, nihil in se honorifice neque publice neque privatim factum a Praenestinis esset, priusquam ab Roma proficisceretur, litteras Praeneste misit, ut sibi magistratus obviam exiret, locum publice pararet, ubi deverteretur, jumentaque, cum exiret inde, praesto essent.

[¶5] 1.8. Magistrates were supplied with mules and tents and all other military equipment, precisely in order that they might not give any such command to the allies.

> Latin: 1.8. ante hunc consulem nemo umquam sociis ulla re oneri aut sumptui fuit.

[¶6] 1.9. The senators generally had private relations of hospitality, which they generously and courteously cultivated, and their homes at Rome were open to the guests at whose houses they themselves were wont to lodge.

> Latin: 1.9. ideo magistratus mulis tabernaculisque et omni alio instrumento militari ornabantur, ne quid tale imperarent sociis.

[¶7] 1.10. Ambassadors who were sent on short notice to any place would call upon the towns through which their route took them, for one pack-animal each: no other expense did the allies incur in behalf of Roman officials.

> Latin: 1.10. privata hospitia habebant; ea benigne comiterque colebant, domusque eorum Romae hospitibus patebant, apud quos ipsis deverti mos esset.

[¶8] 1.11. The anger of the consul, even if it was justifiable, should nevertheless not have found vent while he was in office, and its silent acceptance by the Praenestines, whether too modest or too fearful, established, as by an approved precedent, the right of magistrates to make demands of this sort, which grew more burdensome day by day.

> Latin: 1.11. legati, qui repente aliquo mitterentur, singula iumenta per oppida, iter qua faciundum erat, imperabant; aliam inpensam socii in magistratus Romanos non faciebant. ira consulis, etiamsi iusta, non tamen in magistratu exercenda, et silentium nimis aut modestum aut timidum Praenestinorum ius, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.

[¶9] 2.1. In the beginning of this year the ambassadors who had been sent to Aetolia and Macedonia reported that an opportunity to interview King Perseus, since some pretended that he was away, some that he was ill (but both falsely), had not been given them.

> Latin: 2.1. principio huius anni legati, qui in Aetoliam et Macedoniam missi erant, renuntiarunt, sibi conveniendi regis Persei, cum alii abesse eum, alii aegrum esse, falso utrumque, fingerent, potestatem non factam;

[¶10] 2.2. Nevertheless, they said, it had become easily apparent to them that preparations for war were being made and that Perseus would not further put off his resort to arms. The ambassadors also reported that the strife in Aetolia was growing daily, and that the leaders in the disputes could not be restrained by their authority.

> Latin: 2.2. facile tamen apparuisse sibi bellum parari nec ultra ad arma ire dilaturum. item in Aetolia seditionem gliscere in dies, neque discordiarum principes auctoritate sua coerceri potuisse.

[¶11] 2.3. Since a Macedonian war was in prospect, before it should be undertaken it was decreed that atonement should be made by reason of the prodigies and the peace of the gods should be sought by the rituals which had been published from the oracular books.

> Latin: 2.3. cum bellum Macedonicum in expectatione esset, priusquam id susciperetur, prodigia expiari pacemque deum peti precationibus, qui editi ex fatalibus libris essent, placuit.

[¶12] 2.4. At Lanuvium the vision of a great fleet was said to have been seen in the sky, and at Privernum that dark-coloured wool had grown from the earth, and in the Veientine country about Remens that there had been a shower of stones: it was reported that the whole Pomptine region had been covered by clouds, one might say, of locusts; and that in the Gallic land, wherever the plough was driven, fish came forth from the upturned sod.

> Latin: 2.4. Lanuvi classis magnae species in caelo visae dicebantur et Priverni lana pulla terra enata et in Veienti apud Rementem lapidatum, Pomptinum omne velut nubibus lucustarum coopertum esse, in Gallico agro, qua induceretur aratrum, sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse.

[¶13] 2.6. By reason of these prodigies the oracular books were consulted, and announcement was made by the decemvirs to what gods and with what victims the sacrifices should be performed, and it was directed that a period of prayer should be celebrated in atonement for the prodigies and that a second such period should be observed which had been vowed a year before for the sake of the health of the people and that a festival should be held.

> Latin: 2.6. ob haec prodigia libri fatales inspecti editumque ab decemviris est, et quibus diis quibusque hostiis sacrificaretur, et ut supplicatio prodigiis expiandis fieret, alteraque, quae priore anno valetudinis populi causa vota esset, ea uti fieret feriaeque essent.

[¶14] 2.7. Accordingly sacrifice was offered in the manner which the decemvirs had published in writing.

> Latin: 2.7. ita … sacrificatumque est, ut decemviri scriptum ediderunt.

[¶15] 3.1. In the same year the temple of Juno Lacinia was stripped of its roof. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus as censor was building the temple to Fortuna Equestris which he had vowed while praetor in Spain during the Celtiberian war, striving zealously that there should be no temple in Rome larger or more splendid.

> Latin: 3.1. eodem anno aedis Iunonis Laciniae detecta. Q. Fulvius Flaccus censor aedem Fortunae equestris, quam in Hispania praetor bello Celtiberico voverat, faciebat enixo studio, ne ullum Romae amplius aut magnificentius templum esset.

[¶16] 3.2. Considering that it would add great beauty to the temple if the roof tiles were of marble, he set out for Bruttium and stripped the temple of Juno Lacinia of its tiles up to half their number, thinking that these would be sufficient to cover the building which was now being erected.

> Latin: 3.2. magnum ornatum ei templo ratus adiecturum, si tegulae marmoreae essent, profectus in Brittios aedem Iunonis Laciniae ad partem dimidiam detegit, id satis fore ratus ad tegendum quod aedificaretur.

[¶17] 3.3. Ships were made ready to load and transport them, the inhabitants being prevented by the censor's high office from forbidding the sacrilege. When the censor returned the tiles were unloaded from the ships and were being taken to the temple.

> Latin: 3.3. naves paratae fuerunt, quae tollerent atque asportarent, auctoritate censoria sociis deterritis id sacrilegium prohibere.

[¶18] 3.4. Although nothing was said as to where they were obtained, yet such an act could not be concealed.

> Latin: 3.4. postquam censor rediit, tegulae expositae de navibus ad templum portabantur.

[¶19] 3.5. There was accordingly an outcry in the senate: from all sides the demand was made that the consuls should lay the question before that body. But when the censor was summoned and entered the senate and died as a result of hearing that one son had been killed house, one and all assailed him to his face far more violently:

> Latin: 3.5. quamquam, unde essent, silebatur, non tamen celari potuit. fremitus igitur in curia ortus est; ex omnibus partibus postulabatur, ut consules eam rem ad senatum referrent. ut vero accersitus in curiam censor venit, multo infestius singuli universique praesentem lacerare:

[¶20] 3.6. the most venerable shrine of that region, a shrine which neither Pyrrhus nor Hannibal had violated, he had not been content with violating but had shamefully robbed it of its covering and well-nigh destroyed it.

> Latin: 3.6. templum augustissimum regionis eius, quod non Pyrrhus, non Hannibal violassent, violare parum habuisse, nisi detexisset foede ac prope diruisset.

[¶21] 3.7. The top, they said, had been torn from the temple and the bare framing laid open to be rotted by the rains. Was it for this, they demanded, that a censor was chosen to control behaviour? That the magistrate to whom had been entrusted, in the fashion of the forefathers, the duty of enforcing the repair of public shrines and of contracting for their maintenance, was himself roving through the cities of the allies plundering the temples and stripping off the roofs of sacred edifices! A thing, they continued, which might well seem unworthy if done to private buildings of the allies, he was doing when he destroyed the temples of the immortal gods, and fastening upon the Roman people the guilt of impiety, building temples with the ruins of temples, just as if the immortal gods were not the same everywhere, but that some should be worshipped and adorned with the spoils of others!

> Latin: 3.7. detractum culmen templo, nudatum tectum patere imbribus putrefaciendum. et censorem moribus regendis creatum, cui sarta tecta exigere sacris publicis et locare tuenda more maiorum traditum esset, eum per sociorum urbes diruentem templa nudantemque tecta aedium sacrarum vagari, et quod, si in privatis sociorum aedificiis faceret, indignum videri posset, id deum immortalium templa demolientem facere, et obstringere religione populum Romanum ruinis templorum templa aedificantem, tamquam non idem ubique di immortales sint, sed spoliis aliorum alii colendi exornandique.

[¶22] 3.10. When it was clear, before the vote was taken, what the sentiment of the Fathers was, when the motion was put, all unanimously decreed that a contract should be let for carrying the tiles back to the temple and that atonements should be offered to Juno.

> Latin: 3.10. cum, priusquam referretur, appareret, quid sentirent patres, relatione facta in unam omnes sententiam ierunt, ut eae tegulae reportandae in templum locarentur piaculariaque Iunoni fierent.

[¶23] 3.11. Those matters which concerned expiation were scrupulously performed; the contractors reported that the tiles had been left in the court of the temple because no workman could devise a plan for replacing them.

> Latin: 3.11. quae ad religionem pertinent, cum cura facta; tegulas relictas in area templi, quia reponendarum nemo artifex inire rationem potuerit, redemptores nuntiarunt.

[¶24] 4.1. Of the praetors who had gone to the provinces, Numerius Fabius died at Massilia, while he was on his way to Nearer Spain.

> Latin: 4.1. ex praetoribus, qui in provincias ierant, N. Fabius Massiliae moritur, cum in citeriorem Hispaniam iret.

[¶25] 4.2. Therefore, when news of this was brought by ambassadors from Massilia, the senate decreed that Publius Furius and Gnaeus Servilius, who were being replaced, should cast lots and decide between them which should govern Nearer Spain under an extension of his imperium.

> Latin: 4.2. itaque cum id nuntiatum a Massiliensibus legatis esset, senatus decrevit, ut P. Furius et Cn. Servilius, quibus succedebatur, inter se sortirentur, uter citeriorem Hispaniam prorogato imperio optineret.

[¶26] 4.3. The lot was fortunate in that Publius Furius, the same man under whose command that province had been, was selected to remain. The same year, since a considerable part of the Ligurian and Gallic land which had been captured in war was unoccupied, a decree of the senate was passed that this land should be assigned to individuals.

> Latin: 4.3. sors opportuna fuit, ut P. Furius idem, cuius ea provincia fuerat, remaneret. Eodem anno, cum agri Ligustini et Gallici, quod bello captum erat, aliquantum vacaret, senatus consultum est factum, ut is ager viritim divideretur.

[¶27] 4.4. For this purpose and in accordance with the decree of the senate, the praetor urbanus, Aulus Atilius, presided at the election as decemvirs of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Gaius Cassius, Titus Aebutius Parrus, Gaius Tremellius, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus and Lucius Apuleius, Marcus Caecilius, Gaius Salonius, Gaius Munatius. Their allotments to individual citizens were ten iugera each, to allies of the Latin confederacy, three each.

> Latin: 4.4. decemviros in eam rem ex senatus consulto creavit A. Atilius praetor urbanus M. Aemilium Lepidum C. Cassium T. Aebutum Carum C. Tremellium P. Cornelium Cethegum Q. et L. Aipuleios M. Caecilium C. Salonium C. Munatium. diviserunt dena iugera in singulos, sociis nominis Latini terna.

[¶28] 4.5. About the same time that these events occurred, ambassadors from Aetolia came to Rome to report concerning the quarrels and internal strife of the Aetolians, as well as Thessalian ambassadors bringing news of what was happening in Macedonia.

> Latin: 4.5. per idem tempus, quo haec agebantur, legati ex Aetolia Romam venerunt de discordiis seditionibusque suis, et Thessali legati nuntiantes, quae in Macedonia gererentur.

[¶29] 5.1. Perseus, pondering in his mind the war which had been planned even before his father's death, was striving to win over to himself not only all the states of Greece but also the cities, sending embassies and making promises rather than carrying them out.

> Latin: 5.1. Perseus bellum iam vivo patre cogitatum in animo volvens, omnis non gentis modo Graeciae, sed civitates etiam legationibus mittendis, pollicendo plura quam praestando, sibi conciliabat.

[¶30] 5.2. Moreover, the sympathies of a large proportion of the people were for him, and they were much more inclined to favour him than Eumenes, although the acts of kindness and generosity of Eumenes had put all of the cities of Greece and many important personages under obligations to him, and he so conducted himself in his kingdom that the cities which were under his control did not desire to exchange their condition for that of any free state. On the other hand, there was the rumour that after his father's death Perseus had killed his wife with his own hand;

> Latin: 5.2. erant tamen magnae partis hominum ad favorem eius inclinati animi et aliquanto quam in Eumenem propensiores, cum Eumenis beneficiis muneribusque omnes Graeciae civitates et plerique principum obligati essent, et ita se in regno suo gereret, ut, quae sub dicione eius urbes essent, nullius liberae civitatis fortunam secum mutatam vellent.

[¶31] 5.4. that Apelles, once the agent of treachery in the murder of his brother, who for that reason had been sought out for punishment by Philip, he had recalled from exile, after the death of his father, with lavish offers of rewards for performing so splendid a deed, and then had secretly put to death.

> Latin: 5.4. contra Persea fama erat post patris mortem uxorem manu sua occidisse; Apellem, ministrum quondam fraudis in fratre tollendo atque ob id [et] quaesitum a Philippo ad supplicium exulantem, accersitum post patris mortem ingentibus promissis ad praemia tantae perpetratae rei clam interfecisse.

[¶32] 5.5. A man made infamous by many other murders of citizens and aliens, and worthy of praise for no good quality whatever, was generally preferred by the states to a king so devoted to his relatives, so just to his citizens, so generous to all men, whether because these states were predisposed, on account of the reputation and dignity of the Macedonian kings, to despise the origin of a kingdom recently formed, or because they were eager for a change in their condition, or because they did not wish all things to become completely subject to the Romans.

> Latin: 5.5. intestinis externisque praeterea multis caedibus infamem nec ullo commendabilem merito praeferebant volgo civitates tam pio erga propinquos, tam iusto in civis, tam munifico erga omnis homines regi, seu fama et maiestate Macedonum regum praeoccupati ad spernendam originem novi regni, seu mutationis rerum cupidi, seu quia non obiecti esse Romanis volebant.

[¶33] 5.7. But it was not the Aetolians alone who were in a state of civil war because of the huge burden of debt, but also the Thessalians; and spreading by contact like a pestilence, the evil had reached even into Perrhaebia.

> Latin: 5.7. erant autem non Aetoli modo in seditionibus propter ingentem vim aeris alieni, sed Thessali etiam. ex contagione velut tabes in Perrhaebiam quoque id pervaserat malum.

[¶34] 5.8. When the news came that the Thessalians were in arms, the senate sent Appius Claudius as commissioner to investigate and settle these affairs. He, after reproving the leaders of both factions and lightening the burden of the debts which had been made more grievous by illegal interest, the majority of the creditors who had imposed it having made this concession, provided for the payment of the just debts in ten annual installments. The difficulties in Perrhaebia were settled by the same Appius and on the same basis.

> Latin: 5.8. cum Thessalos in armis esse nuntiatum esset, Ap. Claudium legatum ad eas res aspiciendas conponendasque senatus misit. qui utriusque partis principibus castigatis, cum iniusto faenore gravatum aes alienum, ipsis magna ex parte concedentibus, qui onerarant, levasset, iusti crediti solutionem in decem annorum pensiones distribuit.

[¶35] 5.10. Marcus Marcellus, who was at Delphi about the same time, learned that the Aetolians were pleading their cases in the same belligerent spirit which they had shown in their civil war.

> Latin: 5.10. per eundem Appium eodemque modo conpositae in Perrhaebia res. Aetolorum causas Marcellus Delphis per idem tempus hostilibus actas animis, quos intestino gesserant bello, cognovit.

[¶36] 5.11. When he saw that both sides were contending with reckless violence, he was unwilling, so far as his decree was concerned, either to lighten or to increase the burden of either side; he asked the two in common to refrain from their warfare and to end their quarrels in forgetfulness of the past. By an exchange of hostages they gave assurance of their mutual good faith in their reconciliation.

> Latin: 5.11. cum certatum utrimque temeritate atque audacia cerneret, decreto quidem suo neutram partem aut levare aut onerare voluit; communiter ab utrisque petiit, abstinerent bello et oblivione praeteritorum discordias finirent.

[¶37] 5.12. Corinth was designated as the place in which the hostages should be placed in custody.

> Latin: 5.12. huius reconciliationis inter ipsos fides obsidibus ultro citroque datis firmata est. Corinthus, [ut] ubi deponerentur obsides, convenit.

[¶38] 6.1. From Delphi and the meeting of the Aetolian council Marcellus crossed to Aegium in the Peloponnesus, where he had called a meeting of the Achaeans.

> Latin: 6.1. a Delphis et Aetolico concilio Marcellus in Peloponnesum traiecit …, quo Achaeis edixerat conventum.

[¶39] 6.2. There, having heartily praised the people because they had steadfastly adhered to their old resolution not to permit the kings of the Macedonians to enter their territory, he made conspicuous the hatred which the Romans felt for Perseus;

> Latin: 6.2. ubi conlaudata gente, quod constanter vetus decretum de arcendis aditu finium regibus Macedonum tenuissent, insigne adversus Persea odium Romanorum fecit;

[¶40] 6.3. that this hatred should break out betimes was the consequence of the arrival in Rome of King Eumenes, bringing with him a memorandum which he had prepared, after thorough investigation, as to Perseus' preparations for war.

> Latin: 6.3. quod ut maturius erumperet, Eumenes rex commentarium ferens secum, quod de apparatibus belli omnia inquirens fecerat, Romam venit.

[¶41] 6.4. About the same time five commissioners were sent to the king to look into the situation in Macedonia. They were also instructed to proceed to Alexandria for the purpose of renewing the friendship of the Romans with Ptolemy.

> Latin: 6.4. per idem tempus quinque legati ad regem missi, qui res in Macedonia aspicerent. Alexandriam idem ad Ptolemaeum renovandae amicitiae causa proficisci iussi.

[¶42] 6.5. The commissioners were the following: Gaius Valerius, Gaius Lutatius Cerco, Quintus Baebius Sulca, Marcus Cornelius Mammula, Marcus Caecilius Denter.

> Latin: 6.5. legati erant hi: C. Valerius Cn. Lutatius Cerco Q. Baebius Sulca M. Cornelius Mammula M. Caecilius Denter.

[¶43] 6.6. From King Antiochus also came ambassadors about the same time: their chief, Apollonius, when he was given an audience before the senate, made explanations for the king, giving many plausible reasons why he was paying his tribute later than the appointed day;

> Latin: 6.6. et ab Antiocho rege sub idem tempus legati venerunt. quorum princeps Apollonius Appollonius in senatum introductus multis iustisque causis regem excusavit, quod stipendium serius quam ad diem praestaret;

[¶44] 6.7. he had, he said, brought the entire sum with him in order that the king might ask no indulgence except in the matter of the delay. In addition, he said that he was bringing, as a gift, golden vases of five hundred pounds' weight.

> Latin: 6.7. id se omne advexisse, ne cuius nisi temporis gratia regi fieret. donum praeterea afferre.

[¶45] 6.8. The king begged that the alliance and friendship which had existed with his father might be renewed with him too, and that the Roman people would give him any orders which were proper to give to a king who was a loyal and faithful ally; he would fail in no performance of duty.

> Latin: 6.8. vasa aurea quingentum pondo. petere regem, ut, quae cum patre suo societas atque amicitia fuisset, ea secum renovaretur, imperaretque sibi populus Romanus, quae bono fidelique socio regi essent imperanda; se nullo usquam cessaturum officio.

[¶46] 6.9. The senate, the ambassador went on, had rendered such services to the king when he was in Rome, the young men such courtesy, that all ranks had regarded him as a king, not as a hostage.

> Latin: 6.9. ea merita in se senatus fuisse, cum Romae esset, eam comitatem iuventutis, ut pro rege, non pro obside omnibus ordinibus fuerit.

[¶47] 6.10. The ambassadors received a gracious reply, and Aulus Atilius, the praetor urbanus, was instructed to renew with Antiochus the treaty which had existed with his father.

> Latin: 6.10. legatis benigne responsum et societatem renovare cum Antiocho, quae cum patre eius fuerat, A. Atilius praetor urbanus iussus.

[¶48] 6.11. The city quaestors received the tribute, the censors the golden vases, and the responsibility was delegated to them of depositing them in whatever temples they saw fit; the ambassador received one hundred thousand as-pieces as a gift, and a house, free of charge, was given for his entertainment, and his expenses, so long as he should be in Italy, were provided for by decree.

> Latin: 6.11. quaestores urbani stipendium, vasa aurea censores acceperunt, eisque negotium datum est, ut ponerent ea in quibus templis videretur; legatoque centum milium aeris munus missum et aedes liberae hospitio datae sumptusque decretus, donec in Italia esset.

[¶49] 6.12. The Roman ambassadors who had been in Syria had reported that Apollonius stood in highest favour with the king and was most friendly to the Roman people.

> Latin: 6.12. legati, qui in Syria fuerant, renuntiaverant in maximo eum honore apud regem esse amicissimumque populo Romano.

[¶50] 7.1. The following were the events of the year in the provinces: Gaius Cicereius the praetor fought a pitched battle in Corsica; seven thousand of the Corsicans were killed and more than seventeen hundred captured. During that battle the praetor had vowed a temple to Juno Moneta.

> Latin: 7.1. in provinciis eo anno haec acta. C. Cicereius praetor in Corsica signis conlatis pugnavit; septem milia Corsorum caesa, capti amplius mille et septingenti. voverat in ea pugna praetor aedem Iunoni Monetae.

[¶51] 7.2. Peace was then granted at the request of the Corsicans, and two hundred thousand pounds of wax demanded of them. Having subdued Corsica, Cicereius then crossed into Sardinia. Among the Ligurians also there was a battle near the town of Carystus in the territory of Statellae.

> Latin: 7.2. pax deinde data petentibus Corsis, et exacta cerae ducenta milia pondo. ex Corsica subacta Cicereius in Sardiniam transmisit.

[¶52] 7.3. Thither a great army of Ligurians had assembled. At first, at the approach of Marcus Popilius the consul, they kept within their ramparts; later, when they saw that the Roman was about to assault the town, they moved out and formed in line of battle in front of the gates.

> Latin: 7.3. et in Liguribus in agro Statellati pugnatum ad oppidum Carystum. eo se magnus exercitus Ligurum contulerat. primo sub adventum M. Popili consulis moenibus sese continebant; deinde, postquam oppidum oppugnaturum Romanum cernebant, progressi ante portas aciem struxerunt.

[¶53] 7.5. Nor did the consul, since he had sought just this by threatening an assault, delay the engagement. The battle raged for more than three hours in such a way that hope inclined to neither side.

> Latin: 7.5. nec consul, ut qui id ipsum oppugnatione comminanda quaesisset, moram certamini fecit. pugnatum amplius tris est horas, ita ut neutro inclinaret spes.

[¶54] 7.6. Then, when the consul saw that the Ligurian masses were nowhere shaken, he ordered the cavalry to mount their horses and to charge the enemy at three points at the same time and with all possible uproar. A large part of the cavalry penetrated the centre of the line and pushed their way through to the rear of the fighters.

> Latin: 7.6. quod ubi consul vidit nulla parte moveri Ligurum signa, imperat equitibus, ut equos conscendant ac tribus simul partibus in hostis, quanto maximo possent tumultu, incurrant.

[¶55] 7.7. As a result, the Ligurians were thrown into a panic; they scattered in flight in all directions, very few returning to the town because there more than anywhere else the cavalry had thrown themselves in the way.

> Latin: 7.7. pars magna equitum mediam traiecit aciem et ad terga pugnantium pervasit. inde terror iniectus Liguribus;

[¶56] 7.8. Not only had a fight so stubborn destroyed many of the Ligurians, but others also were cut down in their random flight.

> Latin: 7.8. diversi in omnes partes fugerunt, perpauci retro in oppidum, quia inde se maxime obiecerat eques. et pugna tam pervicax multos absumpserat Ligurum, et in fuga passim caesi sunt.

[¶57] 7.9. It is said that ten thousand men were killed, and more than seven hundred captured, and that eighty-two military standards were brought back.

> Latin: 7.9. decem milia hominum caesa traduntur, amplius septingenti [passim] capti, signa militaria relata octoginta duo.

[¶58] 7.10. Nor was the victory bloodless: more than three thousand Roman soldiers were lost, since the front ranks on both sides were slain when neither army gave way.

> Latin: 7.10. nec incruenta victoria fuit; amplius tria milia militum amissa, cum cedentibus neutris ex parte utraque primores caderent.

[¶59] 8.1. When the Ligurians, after this battle, had assembled in one place from their scattered flight, and they saw that a far greater number of their citizens was lost than saved —for there were not more than ten thousand of them —they surrendered, without, indeed, making any stipulations;

> Latin: 8.1. post hanc pugnam ex diversa fuga in unum collecti Ligures, cum maiorem multo partem civium amissam quam superesse cernerent — nec enim plus decem milia hominum erant —, dediderunt sese, nihil quidem illi pacti;

[¶60] 8.2. nevertheless they had hoped that the consul would treat them with no greater severity than former commanders had shown. But he disarmed them all, demolished their town, and sold them and all their property; then he sent dispatches to the senate reporting his achievement. When Aulus Atilius the praetor had read them in the senate —for the other consul Postumius was absent, being busy in Campania with surveying the public lands —the action seemed outrageous to the senate, that the Statellates, who alone of the Ligurians had not made war on the Romans, who even on this occasion had been attacked although they had not begun a war, who had entrusted themselves to the good faith of the Roman people, should have been harassed and destroyed with every form of extreme cruelty, that so many thousands of innocent persons, calling upon the Roman people for protection, should have been sold —a fate which established the worst possible precedent and issued a warning that no one should ever dare in the future to surrender —and, scattered in every direction, should, though at peace, be slaves to those who had once been downright enemies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 8.2. speraverant tamen non atrocius quam superiores imperatores consulem in se saeviturum. at ille arma omnibus ademit, oppidum diruit, ipsos bonaque eorum vendidit; litterasque senatui de rebus ab se gestis misit. quas cum A. Atilius praetor in curia recitasset — nam consul alter Postumius agris recognoscendis in Campania occupatus aberat — atrox res visa senatui, Statellates, qui uni ex Ligurum gente non tulissent arma adversus Romanos, tum quoque oppugnatos, non ultro inferentis bellum, deditos in fidem populi Romani omni ultimae crudelitatis exemplo laceratos ac deletos esse, tot milia capitum innoxiorum, fidem inplorantia populi Romani, ne quis umquam se postea dedere auderet, pessumo exemplo venisse, et distractos passim iustis quondam hostibus populi Romani vix pacatis servire.

[¶61] 8.7. For these reasons the senate decreed that the consul Marcus Popilius should restore to liberty the Ligurians themselves, returning the purchase-price to the purchasers, and should see to it that their property, such of it as could be recovered, should be given back to them; that their arms also should be returned to them; and that all this should be done at the earliest possible moment; and that the consul should not leave his province until he had re-established the surrendered Ligurians in their homes. A truly glorious victory, they added, was won by defeating men in battle, not by torturing the distressed.

> Latin: 8.7. quas ob res placere senatui, M. Popilium consulem Ligures pretio emptoribus reddito ipsos restituere in libertatem bonaque ut is, quidquid eius reciperari possit, reddantur curare, arma quoque reddi, eaque primo quoque tempore fieri, nec ante consulem de provincia decedere quam deditos in sedem suam Ligures restituisset: claram victoriam vincendo pugnantes, non saeviendo in adflictos fieri.

[¶62] 9.1. The consul turned the arrogance of soul which he had displayed towards the Ligurians to disobeying the senate.

> Latin: 9.1. consul, qua ferocia animi usus erat in Liguribus, eadem ad non parendum fuit senatui.

[¶63] 9.2. He straightway sent the legions into winter-quarters at Pisa, and himself, angry with the Fathers and enraged at the praetor, returned to Rome; and immediately summoning the senate to the temple of Bellona, he assailed at great length the praetor who, although by reason of the success in the war he ought to have put to the senate a motion that honour be paid to the immortal gods, had proposed a decree of the senate directed against Popilius and in favour of the enemy, by which he was transferring the consul's victory to the Ligurians and (although himself only a praetor) was almost ordering the consul to be delivered to them:

> Latin: 9.2. legionibus extemplo Pisas in hibernacula missis iratus patribus, infestus praetori Romam rediit, senatuque extemplo ad aedem Bellonae vocato, multis verbis invectus est in praetorem, qui, cum ob rem bello bene gestam uti diis immortalibus honos haberetur referre ad senatum debuisset, adversus se pro hostibus senatus consultum fecisset, quo victoriam suam ad Ligures transferret dedique iis prope consulem praetor iuberet:

[¶64] 9.4. therefore he imposed a fine upon the praetor; he begged the Fathers to order that the decree of the senate which had been passed against him should be repealed, and that the thanksgiving which they should have voted in his absence, in consequence of the dispatches which he had sent regarding his victory, should now be decreed in his presence: first, to render honour to the gods; second, to show at least some sign of respect to himself.

> Latin: 9.4. itaque multam ei se dicere; a patribus postulare, ut senatus consultum in se factum tolli iuberent supplicationemque, quam absente se ex litteris de bene gesta re publica missis decernere debuerint, praesente honoris deorum primum causa, deinde et sui aliquo tamen respectu decernerent.

[¶65] 9.6. The consul was attacked by a number of the senators in speeches no less severe than those delivered in his absence, and returned to his province without obtaining either petition.

> Latin: 9.6. nihilo lenioribus quam absens senatorum aliquot orationibus increpitus neutra impetrata re in provinciam rediit.

[¶66] 9.7. The other consul, Postumius, spent the summer surveying the public lands, and without seeing his province at all returned to Rome to hold the elections.

> Latin: 9.7. alter consul Postumius consumpta aestate in recognoscendis agris, ne visa quidem provincia sua, comitiorum causa Romam rediit.

[¶67] 9.8. He announced the choice of Gaius Popilius Laenas and Publius Aelius Ligus. Next the praetors were chosen: Gaius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Junius Pennus, Spurius Lucretius, Spurius Cluvius, Gnaeus Sicinius, Gaius Memmius (for the second time).

> Latin: 9.8. consules C. Popilium Laenatem P. Aelium Ligurem creavit. praetores exinde facti C. Licinius Crassus M. Iunius Pennus Sp. Lucretius Sp. Cluvius Cn. Sicinius C. Memmius iterum.

[¶68] 10.1. In that year the lustrum was closed; the censors were Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius Albinus; Postumius closed the lustrum.

> Latin: 10.1. eo anno lustrum conditum est; censores erant Q. Fulvius Flaccus A. Postumius Albinus;

[¶69] 10.2. The number of Roman citizens listed in the census was 269,015, a somewhat smaller number because the consul Lucius Postumius had proclaimed before an assembly that of the allies of the Latin confederacy who had been obligated, under the edict of Gaius Claudius the consul, to return to their cities, no one should be listed at Rome but all in their own cities. The censorship was harmonious and useful to the state.

> Latin: 10.2. Postumius condidit. censa sunt civium Romanorum capita CCLXVIIII et XV, minor aliquanto numerus, quia L. Postumius consul pro contione edixerat, qui socium Latini nominis ex edicto C. Claudi consulis redire in civitates suas debuissent, ne quis eorum Romae, et omnes in suis civitatibus censerentur.

[¶70] 10.4. All those whom they expelled from the senate or whose horses they took away were transferred to the aerarii and removed from their tribes; neither censor approved anyone who had been marked for censure by the other.

> Latin: 10.4. concors et e re publica censura fuit. omnis, quos senatu moverunt quibusque equos ademerunt, aerarios fecerunt et tribu moverunt, neque ab altero notatum alter probavit.

[¶71] 10.5. Fulvius dedicated the temple of Fortuna Equestris which, as proconsul in Spain, he had vowed while fighting with the legions of the Celtiberians, six years after he had vowed it, and he gave theatrical performances for four days and one day in the circus.

> Latin: 10.5. Fulvius aedem Fortunae equestris, quam proconsul in Hispania dimicans cum Celtiberorum legionibus voverat, annis sex post quam voverat dedicavit, et scaenicos ludos per quadriduum, unum diem in circo fecit.

[¶72] 10.6. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, died that year. To replace him Aulus Postumius Albinus was chosen. Such great clouds of locusts from the sea suddenly appeared over Apulia that they covered the fields far and wide with their swarms. To destroy this pest, so fatal to crops, Gnaeus Sicinius, praetor-elect, was invested with the imperium and sent to Apulia, and assembling a vast crowd of men to collect the locusts, spent a certain amount of time in this way.

> Latin: 10.6. L. Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir sacrorum, eo anno mortuus est. in locum eius suffectus A. Postumius Albinus. lucustarum tantae nubes a mari repente in Apuliam inlatae sunt, ut examinibus suis agros late operirent.

[¶73] 10.8. The beginning of the following year, in the consulship of Gaius Popilius and Publius Aelius, continued the unfinished controversies of the preceding year.

> Latin: 10.8. ad quam pestem frugum tollendam Cn. Sicinius, praetor designatus, cum imperio in Apuliam missus, ingenti agmine hominum ad colligendas eas coacto aliquantum temporis absumpsit.

[¶74] 10.9. The Fathers wished the decree of the senate regarding the Ligurians to be resubmitted and re-adopted, and the consul Aelius was ready to submit it.

> Latin: 10.9. principium insequentis anni, quo C. Popilius et P. Aelius fuerunt consules, residuas contentiones ex priore anno habuit.

[¶75] 10.10. Popilius entreated both his colleague and the senate on behalf of his brother, declaring that if they passed any decree he would veto it. Aelius he discouraged from acting; the Fathers, enraged at both consuls alike for that reason, stood by their proposal the more vigorously.

> Latin: 10.10. patres referri de Liguribus renovarique senatus consultum volebant et consul Aelius referebat; Popilius et collegam et senatum pro fratre deprecabatur, prae se ferens, si quid decernerent, intercessurum.

[¶76] 10.11. And so, when the question of provinces was taken up and Macedonia was sought after, because war with Perseus was now threatening, they decreed the Ligurians to both consuls; they refused to decree Macedonia unless the motion regarding Marcus Popilius were put to them.

> Latin: 10.11. collegam deterruit; patres eo magis utrique pariter consuli infensi in incepto perstabant. itaque cum de provinciis ageretur et Macedonia iam inminente Persei bello peteretur, Ligures ambobus consulibus decernunt;

[¶77] 10.12. Then, when the consuls requested that they be authorized to enlist new armies or reinforcements for the old, both petitions were denied.

> Latin: 10.12. Macedoniam decreturos negant, ni de M. Popilio referretur. postulantibus deinde, ut novos exercitus scribere aut supplementum veteribus liceret, utrumque negatum est.

[¶78] 10.13. The praetors also, who were asking for reinforcements for Spain, were refused, Marcus Junius for Nearer Spain, Spurius Lucretius for Farther Spain.

> Latin: 10.13. praetoribus quoque in Hispaniam supplementum petentibus negatum, M. Iunio in citeriorem, Sp. Lucretio in ulteriorem.

[¶79] 10.14. Gaius Licinius Crassus had received the civil jurisdiction from the lots, Gnaeus Sicinius that between aliens, Sicily was assigned to Gaius Memmius, Sardinia to Spurius Cluvius.

> Latin: 10.14. C. Licinius Crassus urbanam iurisdictionem, Cn. Sicinius inter peregrinos erat sortitus, C. Memmius Siciliam, Sp. Cluvius Sardiniam.

[¶80] 10.15. The consuls, angered at the senate for these reasons, proclaimed the Latin festival for the first available day and announced that they would set out to their province and would transact no public business except that which pertained to the government of the provinces.

> Latin: 10.15. consules ob ea irati senatui, Latinis feriis in primam quamque diem indictis, in provinciam abituros esse denuntiarunt, nec quicquam rei publicae acturos, praeterquam quod ad provinciarum administrationem adtineret.

[¶81] 11.1. Valerius Antias writes that Attalus, the brother of King Eumenes, came as an ambassador to Rome in this same consulship, to lay charges against Perseus and to give an account of his preparations for war. The works of the majority of historians, and men whom you would prefer to trust, say that Eumenes himself came.

> Latin: 11.1. Attalum, regis Eumenis fratrem, legatum venisse Romam Valerius Antias his consulibus scribit ad deferenda de Perseo crimina indicandosque apparatus belli. plurium annales, et quibus credidisse malis, ipsum Eumenem venisse tradunt.

[¶82] 11.2. Eumenes, then, on his arrival in Rome was received with such honours as they believed not only due to his deserts but also commensurate with their own favours which had been heaped upon him in abundance, and was introduced into the senate by the praetor.

> Latin: 11.2. Eumenes igitur ut Romam venit, exceptus cum tanto honore, quantum non meritis tantum eius, sed beneficiis etiam suis, ingentia quae in eum congesta erant, existimaret deberi populus Romanus, in senatum est introductus.

[¶83] 11.3. He said that the reason for his coming to Rome, in addition to his desire to see the gods and men by whose kindness he enjoyed a fortune beyond which he did not venture even to wish for anything, had been to give public warning to the senate that they should take measures against the designs of Perseus.

> Latin: 11.3. causam veniendi sibi Romam fuisse dixit praeter cupiditatem visendi deos hominesque, quorum beneficio in ea fortuna esset, supra quam ne optare quidem auderet, etiam ut coram moneret senatum, ut Persei conatis obviam iret.

[¶84] 11.4. Then, beginning with the plans of Philip, he spoke of the death of Philip's son Demetrius, who opposed the war with Rome, and mentioned the summoning of the people of the Bastarnae from their homes, relying on whose aid Philip was to cross into Italy. While he was revolving such plans in his mind, death had overtaken him, and he had left his kingdom to the one who (he had seen) was most dangerous to the Romans.

> Latin: 11.4. orsus inde a Philippi consiliis, necem Demetri filii rettulit, adversantis Romano bello; Bastarnarum gentem excitam sedibus suis, quorum auxiliis fretus in Italiam transiret;

[¶85] 11.5. And so, Eumenes said, Perseus had long been preparing a war which had been left him as a legacy by his father and handed on to him along with the throne, and had been feeding and nursing it —it was now very close —by all possible schemes.

> Latin: 11.5. haec secum volutantem in animo oppressum fato regnum ei reliquisse, quem infestissimum esse sensisset Romanis. itaque Persea hereditarium a patre relictum bellum et simul cum imperio traditum iamiam primum alere ac fovere omnibus consiliis.

[¶86] 11.6. Perseus, besides, was strong in the number of his young men, a generation which the long peace had brought forth, was strong in the resources of his kingdom, was strong too in his own youth. While he possessed strength and vigour of body, his mind too had been long trained in the theory and practice of war. Even from boyhood, in his fathers' tent, he had been made accustomed to wars with Rome, not merely to campaigns against their neighbours, and had been sent by his father on many and various expeditions.

> Latin: 11.6. florere praeterea iuventute, quam stirpem longa pax ediderit, florere opibus regni, florere etiam aetate. quae cum corporis robore ac viribus vigeat, animum esse inveteratum diutina arte atque usu belli, iam inde a puero patris contubernio Romanis quoque bellis, non finitumis tantum adsuetum, missum a patre in expeditiones multas variasque.

[¶87] 11.8. From the moment he had received the throne, Eumenes went on to say, he had gained, in a marvellous series of triumphs, many things which Philip had been unable to accomplish either by force or by craft, although he had left nothing untried.

> Latin: 11.8. iam ex quo ipse accepisset regnum, multa, quae non vi, non dolo Philippus, omnia expertus, potuisset moliri, admirando rerum successu tenuisse.

[¶88] 11.9. There had been added to his strength an influence which was usually acquired through a long period of time and by numerous and important services.

> Latin: 11.9. accessisse ad vires eam, quae longo tempore multis magnisque meritis pareretur, auctoritatem.

[¶89] 12.1. For, said Eumenes, all men in the cities of Greece and Asia revered his dignity. In consideration of what services or what generosity such respect was being paid him, Eumenes could not see, or say for certain whether this was happening by reason of a certain good luck or whether —and Eumenes feared to suggest this —the ill-will felt for the Romans won men over to his cause.

> Latin: 12.1. nam apud Graeciae atque Asiae civitates vereri maiestatem eius omnes. nec pro quibus meritis, pro qua munificentia tantum ei tribuatur, cernere, nec dicere pro certo posse, utrum felicitate id quadam eius accidat, an, quod ipse vereatur dicere, invidia adversus Romanos favorem illi conciliet.

[¶90] 12.3. Even among the kings he was great in influence and had married the daughter of Seleucus, not having sought her but rather having been sought; he had given his sister to Prusias, who had begged and entreated for her;

> Latin: 12.3. inter ipsos quoque reges ingentem auctoritate, Seleuci filiam duxisse eum, non petentem, sed petitum ultro; sororem dedisse Prusiae precanti atque oranti;

[¶91] 12.4. both marriages had been greeted with congratulations and gifts from countless embassies, and the nuptial processions were accompanied, as it were, by the noblest peoples as sponsors and attendants.

> Latin: 12.4. celebratas esse utrasque nuptias gratulatione et donis innumerabilium legationum et velut auspicibus nobilissumis populis deductas esse.

[¶92] 12.5. The Boeotian people, to whom Philip had paid court, could never be induced to sign any treaty of alliance; but now a treaty with Perseus was engraved in three places, one at Thebes, the second at Delium in a most revered and celebrated temple, the third at Delphi.

> Latin: 12.5. Boeotorum gentem, captatam Philippo, numquam ad scribendum amicitiae foedus adduci potuisse; tribus nunc locis cum Perseo foedus incisum litteris esse, uno Thebis, altero ad Delum, augustissumo et celeberrumo in templo, tertio Delphis.

[¶93] 12.6. In the Achaean council, moreover, if the action had not been prevented by a few men who threatened them with the Roman might, matters were almost brought to such a pass that access into Achaea was granted him.

> Latin: 12.6. in Achaico concilio vero nisi discussa res per paucos Romanum imperium intentantis esset, eo rem prope adductam, ut aditus ei in Achaiam daretur.

[¶94] 12.7. But, by Hercules, the honours of Eumenes himself, of whose services to that people it could hardly be determined whether the public or the private were the greater, had partly been abandoned from disuse and neglect, partly abolished in hostility. Again, who, he asked, did not know that the Aetolians in their internal strife had sought aid, not from the Romans, but from Perseus? Supported by these alliances and friendships, Perseus had such military resources at home that he did not need foreign aid.

> Latin: 12.7. at hercule suos honores, cuius merita in eam gentem privatim an publice sint maiora, vix dici posset, partim desertos per incultum ac neglegentiam, partim hostiliter sublatos esse. iam Aetolos quem ignorare in seditionibus suis non ab Romanis, sed a Perseo praesidium petisse?

[¶95] 12.8. He had made ready a grain supply sufficient for ten years for thirty thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry, so that he could be independent of both his own and the enemy's land in the matter of provisions.

> Latin: 12.8. his eum fultum societatibus atque amicitiis eos domesticos apparatus belli habere, ut externis non egeat. triginta milibus peditum, quinque milibus equitum, in decem annos frumentum praeparasse, ut abstinere et suo et hostium agro frumentandi causa possit.

[¶96] 12.9. He now possessed so much money that he had in readiness pay for ten thousand mercenary troops, for the same period of years, in addition to his Macedonian forces, besides the annual revenue which he derived from the royal mines. Weapons for armies even three times as great had been heaped up by him in his arsenals.

> Latin: 12.9. iam pecuniam tantam habere, ut decem milibus mercennariorum militum praeter Macedonum copias stipendium in totidem annos praeparatum habeat, praeter annuum, quod ex metallis regiis capiat, vectigal.

[¶97] 12.10. Now the youth of Thrace was placed under his control, from which he could draw as if from a never-failing spring in case Macedonia should ever be exhausted.

> Latin: 12.10. arma vel tribus tantis exercitibus in armamentaria congessisse. iuventutem, ut iam Macedonia deficiat, velut ex perenni fonte unde hauriat, Threciam subiectam esse.

[¶98] 13.1. The rest of his speech was exhortation: “I am relating this to you, conscript Fathers,” he said, “not as founded on uncertain rumours and too eagerly accepted because I wished these charges against an enemy to be true, but as ascertained and discovered with as much accuracy as if I had been sent by you as a scout to investigate and were reporting what lay before my eyes;”

> Latin: 13.1. reliquom orationis adhortatio fuit: “non ego haec” inquit “incertis iactata rumoribus et cupidius credita, quia vera esse de inimico crimina volebam, adfero ad vos, patres conscripti, sed conperta et explorata, haud secus quam si speculator missus a vobis subiecta oculis referrem;

[¶99] 13.2. “nor should I have left my kingdom, which you have made extensive and noble, and crossed so great a sea, in order to diminish your confidence in me by bringing you an idle tale;”

> Latin: 13.2. neque relicto regno meo, quod amplum et egregium vos fecistis, mare tantum traiecissem, ut vana ad vos adferendo fidem abrogarem mihi:

[¶100] 13.3. “I saw the most famed states of Asia and Greece daily laying bare their judgments more clearly, with the intention, if it were permitted, of proceeding so far presently that they would have no chance to draw back and repent;”

> Latin: 13.3. cernebam nobilissimas Asiae et Graeciae civitates in dies magis denudantis iudicia sua, mox, si permitteretur, eo processuras, unde receptum ad paenitendum non haberent;

[¶101] 13.4. “I saw Perseus not limiting himself to the kingdom of Macedonia, seizing some places by arms, and by influence and kindness winning over others which could not be subdued by force;”

> Latin: 13.4. cernebam Persea non continentem se Macedoniae regno, alia armis occupantem, alia, quae vi subigi non possent, favore ac benivolentia conplectentem;

[¶102] 13.5. “I saw how unjust was the fortune that caused you, while he was preparing war on you, to grant him the security of peace, although to me indeed he seemed to be, not preparing war, but almost waging it.”

> Latin: 13.5. videbam, quam inpar esset sors, cum ille vobis bellum pararet, vos ei securam pacem praestaretis, quamquam mihi quidem non parare, sed gerere paene bellum videbatur.

[¶103] 13.6. “Abrupolis, your ally and friend, he expelled from his kingdom; Arthetaurus, the Illyrian, also your ally and friend, because he had learned of some written communications from him to you, he put to death;”

> Latin: 13.6. Abrupolim, socium atque amicum vestrum, regno expulit; Arthetaurum Illyrium, quia scripta ab eo quaedam vobis conperit, socium item atque amicum vestrum, interfecit;

[¶104] 13.7. “Eversa and Callicritus the Thebans, leading men of their state, because they had spoken too freely against him in the Boeotian council and had declared that they would report to you what was going on, he caused to be done away with;”

> Latin: 13.7. euersam et Callicritum Thebanos, principes civitatis, quia liberius adversus eum in concilio Boeotorum locuti fuerant delaturosque ad vos, quae agerentur, professi erant, tollendos curavit;

[¶105] 13.8. “he sent assistance to the Byzantines contrary to the treaty; he made war on Dolopia; he traversed Thessaly and Doris with his army, in order that he might in their civil war aid the worse cause and crush the ” “better; he threw into confusion and turmoil everything in Thessaly and Perrhaebia by the prospect of abolition of debts, in order that with the band of debtors bound to him he might overthrow the nobility.”

> Latin: 13.8. auxilium Byzantiis adversus foedus tulit; Dolopiae bellum intulit; Thessaliam et Doridem cum exercitu pervasit, ut in bello intestino deterioris partis auxilio meliorem adfligeret; confudit et miscuit omnia in Thessalia Perrhaebiaque spe novarum tabularum, ut manu debitorum obnoxia sibi optumatis opprimeret.

[¶106] 13.10. “Since you remained passive and acquiescent while he did this, and he sees that Greece has been surrendered to him by you, he feels assured that before he crosses into Italy no armed man will meet him.”

> Latin: 13.10. haec cum vobis quiescentibus et patientibus fecerit et concessam sibi Graeciam esse a vobis videat, pro certo habet neminem sibi, antequam in Italiam traiecerit, armatum occursurum.

[¶107] 13.11. “How safe or how honourable this is for you is for yourselves to consider; I at least have deemed it to be a disgrace to me that Perseus should come to Italy to bring war before I, your ally, should have come to warn you to be on guard.”

> Latin: 13.11. hoc quam vobis tutum aut honestum sit, vos videritis; ego certe mihi turpe esse duxi, prius Persea ad bellum inferendum quam me socium ad praedicendum, ut caveretis, venire in Italiam.

[¶108] 13.12. “Having performed my needful task and, so to speak, absolved and acquitted myself of my trust, what more can I do except pray to the gods and the goddesses that you will look after the interests of yourselves and your state, and of us, your allies and friends who depend upon you?”

> Latin: 13.12. functus necessario mihi officio et quodam modo liberata atque exonerata fide mea, quid ultra facere possum, quam uti deos deasque precer, ut vos et vestrae rei publicae et nobis sociis atque amicis, qui ex vobis pendemus, consulatis?

[¶109] 14.1. This speech made a profound impression upon the conscript Fathers. But at the time no one was allowed to know anything except that the king had been in the senate-house; with such silence was the senate-house closed. Finally, after the war was over, information leaked out as to what the king had said and what response had been made.

> Latin: 14.1. ” haec oratio movit patres conscriptos. ceterum in praesentia nihil praeterquam fuisse in curia regem scire quisquam potuit: eo silentio clausa curia erat; bello denique perfecto, quaeque dicta ab rege quaeque responsa essent, emanavere.

[¶110] 14.2. Then a few days later an audience before the senate was given to the ambassadors of King Perseus. But the senators' feelings even more than their ears having been prepossessed by King Eumenes, every plea and every excuse of the ambassadors was rejected: and the excessively arrogant demeanour of Harpalus, who was the leader of the embassy, exasperated their minds.

> Latin: 14.2. Persei deinde regis legatis post paucos dies senatus datus est. ceterum praeoccupatis non auribus magis quam animis ab Eumene rege, omnis et defensio et deprecatio legatorum respuebatur;

[¶111] 14.3. He said that the king really wished and exerted himself that he should be believed when he pled in his defence that he had neither said nor done anything with hostile intent;

> Latin: 14.3. et exasperavit animos ferocia nimia Harpali, qui princeps legationis erat. is velle quidem et laborare dixit regem, ut purganti se nihil hostile dixisse aut fecisse fides habeatur;

[¶112] 14.4. but if he saw that a pretext for war was being all too eagerly sought, he would defend himself with resolution. Mars, he said, was impartial, and the result of war uncertain.

> Latin: 14.4. ceterum si pervicacius causam belli quaeri videat, forti animo defensurum se. Martem communem esse et eventum incertum belli.

[¶113] 14.5. All the cities of Greece and Asia were interested in what the ambassadors of Perseus and what Eumenes had said in the senate; and by reason of his coming, which they believed would provoke some action, most of the cities had sent ambassadors alleging this or that as to their errands.

> Latin: 14.5. omnibus civitatibus Graeciae atque Asiae curae erat, quid Persei legati, quid Eumenes in senatu egisset; et propter adventum eius, quem moturum aliquid rebantur, miserant pleraeque civitates alia in speciem praeferentis legatos.

[¶114] 14.6. [And an embassy of the Rhodians was also present in Rome, the leading man in which was insolent, although what he was to say was not devoid of truth]; he felt certain that Eumenes had included some charges against their state too, along with his charges against Perseus.

> Latin: 14.6. et legatio Rhodiorum erat † hac falsa iturus princeps, haud dubius, quin Eumenes civitatis quoque suae Persei criminibus iunxisset.

[¶115] 14.7. And so in every fashion, through their patrons and Roman hosts, the envoy sought the opportunity to argue with the king in the senate.

> Latin: 14.7. itaque omni modo per patronos hospitesque disceptandi cum rege locum in senatu quaerebat.

[¶116] 14.8. When this did not fall to his lot, assailing the king with unrestrained violence, because he had stirred up the Lycian people against the Rhodians and because he was more oppressive to Asia than Antiochus had been, he delivered a speech which was ingratiating and not displeasing to the peoples of Asia —for the popularity of Perseus had spread even there —but was offensive to the senate and useless to the Rhodians and their state.

> Latin: 14.8. quod cum non contigisset, libertate intemperanti invectus in regem, quod Lyciorum gentem adversus Rhodios concitasset graviorque Asiae esset, quam Antiochus fuisset, popularem quidem gratam … populis — nam eo quoque iam favor Persei venerat — orationem habuit, ceterum invisam senatui inutilemque sibi et civitati suae.

[¶117] 14.10. But the conspiracy against Eumenes won for him greater favour with the Romans. And so all honours were conferred upon him and the most generous gifts were bestowed upon him, together with a curule chair and an ivory sceptre.

> Latin: 14.10. Eumeni vero conspiratio adversus eum favorem apud Romanos fecit. ita omnes ei honores habiti donaque quam amplissima data cum sella curuli atque eburneo scipione.

[¶118] 15.1. After the embassies had been dismissed, when Harpalus with all possible speed had returned to Macedonia and reported to the king that he had left the Romans not yet, indeed, preparing for war, but so unfriendly that it was easily evident that they would not try to delay it, then Perseus likewise, not to mention the fact that he believed that this would be the outcome, was now even eager for war, believing that he was at the height of his power.

> Latin: 15.1. legationibus dimissis cum Harpalus, quanta maxima celeritate poterat, regressus in Macedoniam nuntiasset regi, nondum quidem parantis bellum reliquisse se Romanos, sed ita infestos, ut facile appareret non dilaturos, et ipse, praeterquam quod et ita credebat futurum, iam etiam volebat, in flore virium se credens esse.

[¶119] 15.3. He was more specially incensed at Eumenes; beginning the war with an attempt on his life, he employed Evander the Cretan, a commander of auxiliaries, and three Macedonians who were accustomed to the performance of such crimes, to murder the king, and he gave them a letter to his friend Praxo, a woman high in influence and wealth at Delphi.

> Latin: 15.3. Eumeni ante omnis infestus erat; a cuius sanguine ordiens bellum, Euandrum Cretensem, ducem auxiliorum, et Macedonas tres adsuetos ministeriis talium facinorum ad caedem regis subornat litterasque eis dat ad Praxo hospitam, principem auctoritate et opibus Delphorum.

## 5. Book XLII · chapters 15–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/5/#p-N

[¶0] 15.4. It was generally known that Eumenes was intending to go up to Delphi to offer sacrifices to Apollo. The plotters, led by Evander, going in advance and carefully reconnoitering the ground, were searching for nothing else than a suitable place at which to accomplish their purpose.

> Latin: 15.4. satis constabat Eumenem, ut sacrificaret Apollini, Delphos escensurum. praegressi cum Euandro insidiatores nihil aliud ad peragendum inceptum quam loci opportunitatem, omnia circumeuntes, quaerebant.

[¶1] 15.5. As travellers ascend to the temple from Cirrha, before they reach the districts where buildings abound, there was a wall on the left beside a path which stood out only a little distance from the lower courses of the wall, where men could only pass in single file; the right side, in consequence of a land-slide, had fallen away to a considerable depth.

> Latin: 15.5. ascendentibus ad templum a Cirrha, priusquam perveniretur ad frequentia aedificiis loca, maceria erat ab laeva juxta semitam paulum extantem a fundamento, qua singuli transirent, dextra pars labe terrae in aliquantum altitudinis derupta erat.

[¶2] 15.6. They concealed themselves behind the wall, building up steps so that they might hurl their missiles, as from a rampart, upon the king as he passed.

> Latin: 15.6. post maceriam se abdiderunt gradibus adstructis, ut ex ea velut e muro tela in praetereuntem coicerent.

[¶3] 15.7. At first he approached from the sea surrounded by a crowd of his friends and courtiers, then the narrowness of the road gradually thinned out the line.

> Latin: 15.7. primo a mari circumfusa turba amicorum ac satellitum procedebat, deinde extenuabant paulatim angustiae agmen.

[¶4] 15.8. When they came to that place where they had to walk in single file, the first to enter the path was Pantaleon, a leading citizen of Aetolia, with whom the king had begun a conversation.

> Latin: 15.8. ubi ad eum locum ventum est, qua singulis eundum erat, primus semitam ingressus Pantaleon Aetoliae princeps, cum quo institutus regi sermo erat.

[¶5] 15.9. Then the plotters, springing up, rolled down two huge stones, one of which struck the king's head, the other his shoulder; and being stunned he fell from the path down the slope, and many stones were heaped upon him as he now lay prostrate.

> Latin: 15.9. tum insidiatores exorti saxa duo ingentia devolvunt, quorum altero caput ictum est regi, altero umerus;

[¶6] 15.10. And the rest, even the crowd of his friends and courtiers, scattered after they saw his fall; Pantaleon on the other hand courageously remained to defend the king.

> Latin: 15.10. sopitusque ex semita proclivi ruit in declive, multis super prolapsum iam satis congestis. et ceteri quidem etiam amicorum et satellitum, postquam cadentem videre, diffugiunt; Pantaleon constanter inpavidus mansit ad protegendum regem.

[¶7] 16.1. The assassins might have made a short detour around the end of the wall and have run down to kill the wounded man, but, as if their task was completed, they fled toward the ridge of Parnassus with such speed that when one of them, finding it difficult to keep up with the others on the pathless and difficult ground, was delaying their escape, they in order that no information might be got from him in case he were caught, killed him, their companion.

> Latin: 16.1. latrones cum brevi circumitu maceriae decurrere ad conficiendum saucium possent, velut perfecta re in iugum Parnasi refugerunt eo cursu, ut, cum unus non facile sequendo per invia atque ardua moraretur fugam eorum, ne ex conprenso indicium emanaret, occiderint comitem. ad corpus regis primo amici, deinde satellites ac servi concurrerunt. tollentes sopitum volnere ac nihil sentientem, vivere tamen ex calore et spiritu remanente in praecordiis senserunt;

[¶8] 16.3. First the king's friends, then his courtiers and slaves, gathered around his body; lifting him up, still stunned by the blow and unconscious, they nevertheless, from the warmth and the breath which remained in his chest, perceived that he was alive; there was slight hope —almost no hope at all —that he would recover. Some of the courtiers, following the trail of the murderers, when, wearying themselves in vain, they had reached the ridge of Parnassus, returned without accomplishing anything.

> Latin: 16.3. victurum exigua ac prope nulla spes erat. quidam ex satellitibus secuti latronum vestigia, cum usque ad iugum Parnasi nequiquam fatigati pervenissent, re infecta redierunt.

[¶9] 16.5. The Macedonians, although they planned their crime not injudiciously and boldly, yet abandoned their undertaking injudiciously and cravenly.

> Latin: 16.5. adgressi facinus Macedones ut inconsulte ita audacter, coeptum nec consulte et timide reliquerunt.

[¶10] 16.6. The next day the king, having recovered consciousness, was carried aboard ship by his friends; thence they proceeded to Corinth and from Corinth, the ships having been drawn over the ridge of the Isthmus, to Aegina.

> Latin: 16.6. conpotem iam sui regem amici postero die deferunt ad navem; inde Corinthum, ab Corintho per Isthmi iugum navibus traductis Aeginam traiciunt.

[¶11] 16.7. There his treatment was conducted so secretly, no one being admitted to his presence, that the rumour reached Asia that he was dead.

> Latin: 16.7. ibi adeo secreta eius curatio fuit, admittentibus neminem, ut fama mortuum in Asiam perferret. Attalus quoque celerius, quam dignum concordia fraterna erat, credidit;

[¶12] 16.8. Even Attalus believed it more readily than was worthy of their fraternal harmony; for he conferred with his brother's wife and with the commander of the citadel as if he were now beyond doubt heir to the throne.

> Latin: 16.8. nam et cum uxore fratris et praefecto arci tamquam iam haud dubius regni heres est locutus.

[¶13] 16.9. Later on this did not escape the knowledge of Eumenes; and although he decided to ignore it and pass over it in silence and to endure it, he yet at their first meeting did not refrain from reproaching his brother for his excessive haste to woo his wife. To Rome also the report of the death of Eumenes spread.

> Latin: 16.9. quae postea non fefellere Eumenen; et quamquam dissimulare et tacita habere et pati statuerat, tamen in primo congressu non temperavit, quin uxoris petendae immaturam festinationem fratri obiceret. Romam quoque fama de morte Eumenis perlata est.

[¶14] 17.1. About the same time Gaius Valerius, who had gone to Greece as commissioner to investigate the condition of the region and to enquire into the designs of Perseus, returned from thence, and his reports agreed in all respects with the charges brought by Eumenes.

> Latin: 17.1. sub idem tempus C. Valerius ex Graecia, qui legatus ad visendum statum regionis eius speculandaque consilia Persei regis missus erat, rediit, congruentiaque omnia criminibus ab Eumene adlatis referebat, simul et adduxerat secum Praxo a Delphis, cuius domus receptaculum latronum fuerat, et L.

[¶15] 17.2. At the same time, too, he had brought with him Praxo from Delphi, whose house had been the shelter of the assassins, and Lucius Rammius of Brundisium, who was the bearer of the following information. Rammius was a prominent citizen of Brundisium, and he entertained hospitably all Romans, both generals and ambassadors, as well as distinguished personages of foreign states and especially members of princely houses.

> Latin: 17.2. Rammium Brundisinum, qui talis indicii delator erat. princeps Brundisii Rammius fuit, hospitioque et duces Romanos omnes et legatos, exterarum quoque gentium insignis, praecipue regios, accipiebat.

[¶16] 17.4. In consequence he had formed an acquaintance with Perseus, though he was far away; and when a letter roused in him the hope of a more intimate friendship and of great prosperity as a result, he went to visit the king and in a short time began to be regarded as his confidant and to be drawn into his secret conferences to a greater degree than he desired.

> Latin: 17.4. ex eo notitia ei cum absente Perseo fuerat; litterisque spem amicitiae interioris magnaeque inde fortunae facientibus ad regem profectus brevi perfamiliaris haberi trahique magis quam vellet in arcanos sermones est coeptus.

[¶17] 17.5. For by the promise of great rewards the king began to ask of him, since all the Roman generals and ambassadors were accustomed to avail themselves of his hospitality, that he should undertake to poison those about whom Perseus should communicate with him by letter.

> Latin: 17.5. promissis enim ingentibus praemiis petere institit ab eo rex, quoniam duces omnes legatique Romani hospitio eius uti adsuessent, quibus eorum ipse scripsisset ut venenum dandum curaret:

[¶18] 17.6. The king said that he was aware that to prepare poison involved a great deal of trouble and risk; that it was prepared with too many persons sharing in the secret; moreover, that its administration was uncertain, whether doses were sufficiently powerful to accomplish the purpose or sufficiently safe to keep the act concealed.

> Latin: 17.6. cuius scire se conparationem plurimum difficultatis et periculi habere; pluribus consciis conparari; eventu praeterea incerto esse, ut aut satis efficacia ad rem peragendam aut tuta ad [rem] celandam dentur.

[¶19] 17.7. He promised that he would supply a poison which could not be detected by any symptom, either while being given or after it was given.

> Latin: 17.7. se daturum quod nec in dando nec datum ullo signo deprendi posset.

[¶20] 17.8. Rammius, fearing that if he refused he himself would be the first to be a test of the poison, promised that he would do as the king wished and departed; nor did he wish to return to Brundisium until he had met Gaius Valerius, who was said to be in the neighbourhood of Chalcis.

> Latin: 17.8. Rammius veritus, ne, si abnuisset, primus ipse veneni experimentum esset, facturum pollicitus proficiscitur. nec Brundisium ante redire quam convento C. Valerio legato, qui circa Chalcidem esse dicebatur, voluit.

[¶21] 17.9. Having first given him this information, by the order of Valerius he came with him to Rome. Being introduced into the senate, he reported what had occurred.

> Latin: 17.9. ad eum primum indicio delato, iussu eius Romam simul venit. introductus in curiam, quae acta erant, exposuit.

[¶22] 18.1. These revelations, added to those which Eumenes had given, brought to pass a speedier declaration that Perseus was an enemy, since they saw that he was not merely preparing a regular war, as a king should, but was also perpetrating crimes of brigandage and poisoning by all sorts of secret means.

> Latin: 18.1. haec ad ea, quae ab Eumene delata erant, accessere, quo maturius hostis Perseus iudicaretur, quippe quem non iustum modo apparare bellum regio animo, sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera latrociniorum ac veneficiorum cernebant.

[¶23] 18.2. The conduct of the war was referred to the next consuls; for the present however, it was decided that Gnaeus Sicinius, the praetor who exercised jurisdiction over cases between citizens and aliens, should enlist troops who should be conducted as rapidly as possible to Brundisium and thence be transported to Apollonia in Epirus as garrisons for the cities on the coast, where the consul to whose lot the province of Macedonia should have fallen might safely put in with his fleet and conveniently disembark his troops.

> Latin: 18.2. belli administratio ad novos consules reiecta est; in praesentia tamen Cn. Sicinium praetorem, cuius inter cives et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, scribere milites placuit, qui Brundisium ducti primo quoque tempore Apolloniam in Epirum traicerentur ad occupandas maritimas urbes, ubi consul, cui provincia Macedonia obvenisset, classem appellere tuto et copias per commodum exponere posset.

[¶24] 18.4. Eumenes, who had been detained for some time at Aegina by a dangerous and difficult course of treatment, setting out for Pergamum as soon as he could safely, was preparing for war with the greatest energy, this fresh attack by Perseus, in addition to his former hatred, urging him on.

> Latin: 18.4. Eumenes aliquamdiu Aeginae retentus periculosa et difficili curatione, cum primum tuto potuit, profectus Pergamum, praeter pristinum odium recenti etiam scelere Persei stimulante summa vi parabat bellum.

[¶25] 18.5. Ambassadors from Rome came there bringing congratulations because he had escaped from so great a danger.

> Latin: 18.5. legati eo ab Roma gratulantes, quod e tanto periculo evasisset, venerunt.

[¶26] 18.6. When the Macedonian war had been put off for a year and the other praetors had already set out for their provinces, Marcus Junius and Spurius Lucretius, to whose lots the Spanish provinces had fallen, after wearying the senate again and again by the same request, at length succeeded in having reinforcements voted to them for the army: they were directed to enlist three thousand infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry for the Roman legions, and for the allied army five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 18.6. cum Macedonicum bellum in annum dilatum esset, ceteris praetoribus iam in provincias profectis M. Iunius et Sp. Lucretius, quibus Hispaniae provinciae obvenerant, fatigantes saepe idem petendo senatum, tandem pervicerunt, ut supplementum sibi ad exercitum daretur: tria milia peditum, centum et quinquaginta equites in Romanas legiones, in socialem exercitum quinque milia peditum et trecentos equites imperare sociis iussi.

[¶27] 18.7. These troops were transported to the two Spains with the new praetors.

> Latin: 18.7. hoc copiarum in Hispanias cum praetoribus novis portatum est.

[¶28] 19.1. This same year, since as a result of the investigation conducted by the consul Postumius a great part of the Campanian land, which private individuals had occupied without making due distinction of boundaries, had been recovered for the state, Marcus Lucretius, tribune of the people, published a measure providing that the censors should issue leases for the use of the Campanian land, which had not been done for so many years after the fall of Capua that the greed of private citizens had a free field in which to wander. While the senate was in a state of expectancy (the war having already been determined upon even though not formally declared) as to which kings would follow their friendship and which that of Perseus, ambassadors from King Ariarathes came to Rome, bringing with them his young son:

> Latin: 19.1. eodem anno, quia per recognitionem Postumi consulis magna pars agri Campani, quem privati sine discrimine passim possederant, recuperata in publicum erat, M. Lucretius tribunus plebis promulgavit, ut agrum Campanum censores fruendum locarent, quod factum tot annis post captam Capuam non fuerat, ut in vacuo vagaretur cupiditas privatorum. cum in expectatione senatus esset bello etsi non indicto, tamen iam decreto, qui regum suam, Persei qui secuturi amicitiam essent, legati Ariarathis puerum filium regis secum adducentes Romam venerunt.

[¶29] 19.4. their message was that the king sent his son to Rome to be brought up, to the end that even from boyhood he might be accustomed to Roman manners and men.

> Latin: 19.4. quorum oratio fuit, regem educendum filium Romam misisse, ut iam inde a puero adsuesceret moribus Romanis hominibusque;

[¶30] 19.5. He asked the Romans to receive him, not only under the care of citizens of private station who were his hosts, but as it were under the care and guardianship of the state.

> Latin: 19.5. petere, ut eum non sub hospitum modo privatorum custodia, sed publicae etiam curae ac velut tutelae vellent esse.

[¶31] 19.6. The king's embassy was pleasing to the Senate; they decreed that Gnaeus Sicinius the praetor should contract for the rental of a house where the prince and his retinue could suitably reside. When ambassadors of the Thracians, the Maedi, the Cepnati, and the Asti, sought an alliance and friendship, their request was granted and in addition gifts of two thousand asses were presented to each.

> Latin: 19.6. egregie ea legatio grata senatui fuit; decreverunt, ut Cn. Sicinius praetor aedis instructas locaret, ubi filius regis comitesque eius habitare possent. et Threcum legatis Maedis … que et Astiis societatem amicitiamque petentibus et quod petebant datum est, et munera binum milium aeris summae in singulos missa.

[¶32] 19.7. The Romans were glad that these peoples particularly had joined the alliance because Thrace lay in the rear of Macedonia. But, in order to have full information regarding Asia and the islands also, they sent Tiberius Claudius Nero and Marcus Decimius as commissioners.

> Latin: 19.7. hos utique populos, quod ab tergo Macedoniae Threcia esset, adsumptos in societatem gaudebant. sed ut in Asia quoque et insulis explorata omnia essent, Ti. Claudium Neronem M. Decimium legatos miserunt.

[¶33] 19.8. The senate directed them to visit Crete and Rhodes, partly to renew friendships, partly to ascertain whether the sympathies of the allies had been excited by King Perseus.

> Latin: 19.8. adire eos Cretam et Rhodum iusserunt, simul renovare amicitiam, simul speculari, num sollicitati animi sociorum ab rege Perseo essent.

[¶34] 20.1. In a city which was at the highest pitch of excitement about the new war, during a storm at night the columna rostrata which had been set up on the Capitoline in the first Punic war in honour of the victory of the consul Marcus Aemilius, whose colleague was Servius Fulvius, was completely destroyed by lightning.

> Latin: 20.1. in suspensa civitate ad expectationem novi belli, nocturna tempestate columna rostrata in Capitolio bello Punico … cons. cui collega Ser. Fulvius fuit, tota ad imum fulmine discussa est.

[¶35] 20.2. This event was regarded as a prodigy and was referred to the senate; the Fathers ordered that the matter should be referred to the haruspices and, moreover, that the decemvirs should consult the Books.

> Latin: 20.2. ea res prodigii loco habita ad senatum relata est; patres et ad haruspices referri et decemviros adire libros iusserunt.

[¶36] 20.3. The decemvirs reported back that the city should be purified, that a period of supplication and prayer should be held and that sacrifices of full-grown victims should be offered both on the Capitoline at Rome and in Campania at the promontory of Minerva; further, that at the earliest possible moment games for ten days should be celebrated in honour of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.

> Latin: 20.3. decemviri lustrandum oppidum, supplicationem obsecrationemque habendam, victimis maioribus sacrificandum et in Capitolio Romae et in Campania ad Minervae promunturium renuntiarunt; ludos per decem dies Iovi optimo maximo primo quoque die faciendos.

[¶37] 20.4. All these directions were scrupulously obeyed. The haruspices pronounced that this omen would turn out for the best, and that an extension of frontiers and the destruction of the enemy were foretold, because those beaks which the storm had overthrown had been spoils taken from the enemy.

> Latin: 20.4. ea omnia cum cura facta. haruspices in bonum versurum id prodigium, prolationemque finium et interitum perduellium portendi responderunt, quod ex hostibus spolia fuissent ea rostra, quae tempestas diiecisset.

[¶38] 20.5. Other occurrences also increased their concern to appease the gods: news had been brought that at Saturnia there were showers of blood in the town on three successive days; that at Calatia an ass with three feet was born and a bull with five cows was killed by a single bolt of lightning; that at Auximum a shower of earth had fallen.

> Latin: 20.5. accesserunt, quae cumularent religiones animis. Saturniae nuntiatum erat sanguine per triduum in oppido pluvisse, Calatiae asinum tripedem natum et taurum cum quinque vaccis uno ictu fulminis exanimatos, Auximi terra pluvisse.

[¶39] 20.6. By reason of these prodigies also sacrifices were offered and a day of prayer and a festival were celebrated.

> Latin: 20.6. horum quoque prodigiorum causa res divinae factae et supplicatio unum diem feriaeque habitae.

[¶40] 21.1. The consuls up to this time had not set out to their province because they would not yield to the senate in passing a decree regarding Marcus Popilius, and the Fathers were determined to allow no other decree to have precedence over it.

> Latin: 21.1. consules ad id tempus in provinciam non exierant, quia neque, uti de M. Popilio referrent, senatui obsequebantur et nihil aliud decernere prius statutum patribus erat.

[¶41] 21.2. The ill-will against Popilius was increased again by dispatches in which he reported that as proconsul he had fought a second time with the Ligurian Statellates and had killed six thousand of them; because of the injustice done in this war the rest of the Ligurian peoples also took up arms.

> Latin: 21.2. aucta etiam invidia est Popili litteris eius, quibus iterum cum Statellis Liguribus procons. pugnasse se scripsit ac sex milia eorum occidisse; propter cuius iniuriam belli ceteri quoque Ligurum populi ad arma ierunt.

[¶42] 21.3. Then indeed not the absent Popilius alone was reproached in the senate because he had made war on surrendered tribes contrary to justice and right, and had roused pacified people to rebellion, but the consuls as well, because they did not go to their province.

> Latin: 21.3. tum vero non absens modo Popilius, qui deditis contra ius ac fas bellum intulisset et pacatos ad rebellandum incitasset, sed consules, quod non exirent in provinciam, in senatu increpiti.

[¶43] 21.4. Prompted by this harmony among the Fathers, Marcus Marcius Sermo and Quintus Marcius Scilla, tribunes of the people, first proclaimed that they would lay a fine upon the consuls if they should not go to their provinces, and then read in the senate the motion which they proposed to offer regarding the surrendered Ligurians.

> Latin: 21.4. hoc consensu patrum accensi M. Marcius Sermo et Q. Marcius Scylla tribuni plebis et consulibus multam se dicturos, nisi in provinciam exirent, denuntiarunt et rogationem, quam de Liguribus deditis promulgare in animo haberent, in senatu recitarunt.

[¶44] 21.5. It was proposed that in case anyone of the surrendered Statellans had not been restored to liberty before the Kalends of August following, the senate should decree on oath what officials should investigate this matter and punish the person by whose malice the aforesaid person had become a slave. Then, on the authorization of the senate, they published this decree. Before the consuls set out, an audience before the senate was granted to Gaius Cicereius, praetor of the preceding year, in the temple of Bellona.

> Latin: 21.5. sanciebatur, ut qui ex Statellis deditis in libertatem restitutus ante calendas Sextiles primas non esset, cuius dolo malo is in servitutem venisset, ut iuratus senatus decerneret, qui eam rem quaereret animadverteretque. ex auctoritate deinde senatus eam rogationem promulgarunt.

[¶45] 21.6. When he had set forth his achievements in Corsica and had vainly demanded a triumph, he celebrated his triumph on the Alban Mount, which had now become customary in order to permit the celebration of a triumph without the authorization of the state.

> Latin: 21.6. priusquam proficiscerentur consules, C. Cicereio praetori prioris anni ad aedem Bellonae senatus datus est.

[¶46] 21.7. The plebeian assembly voted and ordered the Marcian proposal regarding the Ligurians with complete unanimity.

> Latin: 21.7. is expositis quas in Corsica res gessisset postulatoque frustra triumpho in monte Albano, quod iam in morem venerat, ut sine publica auctoritate fieret, triumphavit.

[¶47] 21.8. In accordance with this legislation the praetor Gaius Licinius consulted the senate as to whom they would choose to investigate under that bill. The Fathers ordered Licinius himself to conduct the investigation.

> Latin: 21.8. rogationem Marciam de Liguribus magno consensu plebes scivit iussitque. ex eo plebiscito C. Licinius praetor consuluit senatum, quem quaerere ea rogatione vellet. patres ipsum eum quaerere iusserunt.

[¶48] 22.1. Then at last the consuls set out for their province and took over the army from Marcus Popilius.

> Latin: 22.1. tum demum consules in provinciam profecti sunt exercitumque a M. Popilio acceperunt.

[¶49] 22.2. The ex-consul, however, did not dare to return to Rome for fear of having to stand his trial, in the face of an unfriendly senate and still more hostile commons, before the praetor who had put to the senate the question of the investigation directed against him.

> Latin: 22.2. neque tamen M. Popilius reverti Romam audebat, ne causam diceret adverso senatu, infestiore populo, apud praetorem, qui de quaestione in se posita senatum consuluisset.

[¶50] 22.3. This reluctance of his was met by the threat of another decree sponsored by the tribunes of the people, to the effect that if Popilius did not enter Rome before the thirteenth of November, Gaius Licinius was to determine the facts and pass judgment in his absence.

> Latin: 22.3. huic detractationi eius tribuni plebis alterius rogationis denuntiatione occurrerunt, ut, si non ante idus Novembres in urbem Romam introisset, de absente eo C. Licinius statueret ac iudicaret.

[¶51] 22.4. When he returned, dragged home by this fetter, he came before the senate amid great ill-feeling.

> Latin: 22.4. hoc tractus vinculo cum redisset, ingenti cum invidia in senatum venit.

[¶52] 22.5. After he had been assailed there by the attacks of many, a resolution of the senate was passed that those Ligurians who had not been enemies since the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius should be restored to freedom under the supervision of the praetors Gaius Licinius and Gnaeus Sicinius, and should be given land across the Po by the consul Gaius Popilius.

> Latin: 22.5. ibi cum laceratus iurgiis multorum esset, senatus consultum factum est, ut qui Ligurum post Q. Fulvium L. Manlium consules hostes non fuissent, ut eos C. Licinius Cn. Sicinius praetores in libertatem restituendos curarent, agrumque is trans Padum consul C. Popilius daret.

[¶53] 22.6. Many thousand persons were restored to freedom by this resolution of the senate, and after they had been led across the Po, land was allotted to them.

> Latin: 22.6. multa milia hominum hoc senatus consulto restituta in libertatem, transductisque Padum ager est adsignatus.

[¶54] 22.7. Marcus Popilius twice stood trial before Gaius Licinius in accordance with the Marcian decree; on the third occasion the praetor, overcome by the influence of the absent consul and the entreaties of the house of Popilius, ordered the defendant to appear on the fifteenth of March, the day on which the new magistrates were to enter upon their offices, so that Licinius himself, since he would be a private citizen, need not pass judgment.

> Latin: 22.7. M. Popilius rogatione Marcia bis apud C. Licinium causam dixit; tertio praetor, gratia consulis absentis et Popiliae familiae precibus victus, idibus Martiis adesse reum iussit, quo die novi magistratus inituri erant honorem, ne diceret ius, qui privatus futurus esset.

[¶55] 22.8. Thus the decree about the Ligurians was evaded by trickery.

> Latin: 22.8. ita rogatio de Liguribus arte fallaci elusa est.

[¶56] 23.1. Carthaginian ambassadors were at Rome at that time, and also Gulussa, the son of Masinissa. Between these, great disputes arose before the senate.

> Latin: 23.1. legati Carthaginienses eo tempore Romae erant et Gulussa filius Masinissae. inter eos magnae contentiones in senatu fuere.

[¶57] 23.2. The Carthaginians complained that, besides the land about which envoys from Rome had previously been sent to review the situation on the ground, more than seventy towns and forts in Carthaginian territory had been siezed by force of arms during the past two years by Masinissa; this was a simple matter for him, since he was wholly reckless.

> Latin: 23.2. Carthaginienses querebantur praeter agrum, de quo ante legati ab Roma, qui in re praesenti cognoscerent, missi essent, amplius septuaginta oppida castellaque agri Carthaginiensis biennio proxumo Masinissam vi atque armis possedisse:

[¶58] 23.3. The Carthaginians, enmeshed in the treaty, had kept quiet, said the envoys, for they were forbidden to campaign beyond their own boundaries;

> Latin: 23.3. id illi, cui nihil pensi sit, facile esse. Carthaginienses foedere inligatos silere:

[¶59] 23.4. for, even though they knew that if they were to drive out the Numidians, they would be fighting within their boundaries, they were discouraged by that quite definite article of the treaty by which they were expressly forbidden to wage war against allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 23.4. prohiberi enim extra fines efferre arma; quamquam sciant in suis finibus, si inde Numidas pellerent, se gesturos bellum, illo haud ambiguo capite foederis deterreri, quo diserte vetentur cum sociis populi Romani bellum gerere.

[¶60] 23.5. But now the Carthaginians could no longer endure Masinissa's arrogance, cruelty and greed. They, the envoys, had been sent to beg the senate to grant one of the following three requests: either that the Romans should impartially draw the line between the possessions of their royal ally and those of the Carthaginian people;

> Latin: 23.5. sed iam ultra superbiam crudelitatemque et avaritiam eius non pati posse Carthaginienses. missos esse, qui orarent senatum, ut trium harum rerum unam ab se impetrari sinerent:

[¶61] 23.6. or that they should permit the Carthaginians to protect themselves by a righteous and proper war against unjust invasion; or, as a last resort, if favouritism outweighed truth with the Romans, that they should decide once and for all what gift of the possessions of others they wished to be given to Masinissa; the Romans would surely be more moderate in their giving, and the Carthaginians would know what they had given;

> Latin: 23.6. ut vel ex aequo in … socium populumque, quid cuiusque esset, disceptarent, vel permitterent Carthaginiensibus, ut adversus iniusta arma pio iustoque se tutarentur bello, vel ad extremum, si gratia plus quam veritas apud eos valeret, semel statuerent, quid donatum ex alieno Masinissae vellent.

[¶62] 23.7. for the Numidian himself would set no limit except in accordance with his own pleasure.

> Latin: 23.7. modestius certe daturos eos, et scituros, quid dedissent; ipsum nullam praeterquam suae libidinis arbitrio finem facturum.

[¶63] 23.8. If they were granted none of these requests, and some fault had been incurred by them since the peace granted them by Publius Scipio, let the Romans rather inflict punishment upon them.

> Latin: 23.8. horum si nihil impetrarent, et aliquod suum post datam a P. Scipione pacem delictum esset, ipsi potius animadverterent in se.

[¶64] 23.9. They preferred a safe slavery under Roman masters to a freedom exposed to the injustices of Masinissa; lastly, it was better for them to perish once than to drag out their existence at the whim of a most bitter torturer.

> Latin: 23.9. tutam servitutem se sub dominis Romanis quam libertatem expositam ad iniurias Masinissae malle;

[¶65] 23.10. With this speech they prostrated themselves in tears, and as they couched on the ground won as much ill-feeling against the king as pity for themselves. The senate voted to ask Gulussa what he would reply to these charges, or, if he preferred to explain this first, on what business he had come to Rome.

> Latin: 23.10. perire denique semel ipsis satius esse, quam sub acerbissimi carnificis arbitrio spiritum ducere. sub haec dicta lacrimantis procubuerunt, stratique humi non sibi magis misericordiam quam regi invidiam concitarunt. interrogari Gulussam placuit, quid ad ea responderet, aut, si prius mallet, expromere, super qua re Romam venisset.

[¶66] 24.2. Gulussa replied that it was not easy for him to discuss matters on which he had no instructions from his father, nor had it been easy for his father to give instructions, inasmuch as the Carthaginians had not given notice as to what they intended to discuss, or even that they were going to Rome in the first place.

> Latin: 24.2. Gulussa neque sibi facile esse dixit de is rebus agere, de quibus nihil mandati a patre haberet, neque patri facile fuisse mandare. cum Carthaginienses nec de qua re acturi essent nec omnino omnio ituros se Romam indicaverint;

[¶67] 24.3. They had held a secret council of the leading men in the temple of Aesculapius for several nights, about which no news had leaked out except that envoys with secret instructions were being sent to Rome.

> Latin: 24.3. in aede Aesculapi clandestinum eos per aliquot noctes consilium principum habuisse, unde … praeterea legatos occultis cum mandatis Romam mitti.

[¶68] 24.4. This had been the occasion of his father's sending him to Rome, in order that he might beg the senate not to believe the enemies of both peoples when they brought charges against Masinissa, whom they hated for no other reason than his unwavering loyalty toward the Roman people.

> Latin: 24.4. eam causam fuisse patri mittendi se Romam, qui deprecaretur senatum, ne quid communibus inimicis criminantibus se crederent, quem ob nullam aliam causam nisi propter constantem fidem erga populum Romanum odissent.

[¶69] 24.5. After these addresses from both parties, the senate, when questioned on the subject of the requests of the Carthaginians, ordered the following answer to be given: It was the decision of the senate that Gulussa should depart at once for Numidia and report to his father that he should send envoys as soon as possible to the senate to answer the complaints of the Carthaginians, and that he should announce this to the Carthaginians, so that they might come to argue the matter.

> Latin: 24.5. his utrimque auditis senatus de postulatis Carthaginiensium consultus responderi ita iussit, Gulussam placere extemplo in Numidiam proficisci et nuntiare patri, ut de iis, de quibus Carthaginienses querantur, legatos quam primum ad senatum mittat denuntietque Carthaginiensibus, ut ad disceptandum veniant:

[¶70] 24.7. The senate had done and would do whatever it could to honour Masinissa, but justice it did not hand over to favouritism.

> Latin: 24.7. se alia, quae possent, Masinissae honoris causa et fecisse et facturos esse;

[¶71] 24.8. It wished land to be in the possession of the rightful owner, and its purpose was not to set new boundaries, but to maintain the old.

> Latin: 24.8. ius gratiae non dare. agrum, qua cuiusque sit, possideri velle, nec novos statuere fines, sed veteres observare in animo habere.

[¶72] 24.9. After conquering the Carthaginians, the Romans had granted them both their city and their territory, not in order to rob them unjustly in peace of what they had not taken under the laws of war. With this reply the prince and the Carthaginians were dismissed.

> Latin: 24.9. Carthaginiensibus victis se et urbem et agros concessisse, non ut in pace eriperent per iniuriam, quae iure belli non ademissent.

[¶73] 24.10. Gifts were given to both embassies according to custom and the other duties of hospitality were courteously observed.

> Latin: 24.10. ita regulus Carthaginiensesque dimissi munera ex instituto data utrisque aliaque hospitalia comiter conservata.

[¶74] 25.1. About the same time there returned Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, Appius Claudius Cento and Titus Annius Luscus, the envoys sent to Macedonia to demand reparations and denounce the treaty of friendship with King Perseus. These envoys inflamed the hostility which the senate had felt of its own accord toward Perseus by telling, one after another, the things which they had seen and heard; they had seen, they said, preparations for war going forward with the utmost vigour through all Macedonian cities.

> Latin: 25.1. sub idem tempus Cn. Servilius Caepio Ap. Claudius Centho T. Annius Luscus legati ad res repetendas in Macedoniam renuntiandamque amicitiam regi missi redierunt, qui iam sua sponte infestum Persei senatum insuper accenderunt relatis ordine, quae vidissent quaeque audissent: vidisse se per omnes urbes Macedonum summa vi parari bellum.

[¶75] 25.3. When they had come to the court, for many days an opportunity of meeting the king was denied them; finally, when, having actually despaired of a conference, they had departed, then at last they had been recalled from their journey and brought before him.

> Latin: 25.3. cum ad regem pervenissent, per multos dies conveniendi eius potestatem non factam; postremo cum desperato iam conloquio profecti essent, tum demum se ex itinere revocatos et ad eum introductos esse.

[¶76] 25.4. The gist of their speech had been as follows: a treaty had been made with Philip, and renewed with Perseus himself after his father's death, in which he was explicitly forbidden to lead his army beyond his own territory, and also forbidden to assail in war the allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 25.4. suae orationis summam fuisse: foedus cum Philippo ictum esse, cum ipso eo post mortem patris renovatum, in quo diserte prohiberi eum extra fines arma effere, prohiberi socios populi Romani lacessere bello.

[¶77] 25.5. Next the envoys had explained in detail the whole series of ascertained facts which the Fathers had recently heard Eumenes recount in the senate. Moreover, the king had held at Samothrace for many days a secret conference with embassies from the states of Asia.

> Latin: 25.5. exposita deinde ab se ordine, quae ipsi nuper in senatu Eumenen vera omnia et conperta referentem audissent.

[¶78] 25.6. For these violations, the envoys informed the king, the senate thought it right that reparation be made, and that possessions which the king held contrary to the regulations of the treaty be returned to the Romans and their allies.

> Latin: 25.6. Samothracae praeterea per multos dies occultum consilium cum legationibus civitatium Asiae regem habuisse. pro his iniuriis satisfieri senatum aecum censere reddique sibi res sociisque suis, quas contra ius foederis habeat.

[¶79] 25.8. The king had at first replied to these statements ungraciously, being inflamed with anger, had charged the Romans with greed and arrogance, and had yelled that embassies kept coming one after another to spy upon his words and actions, because they thought it right that he should do and say everything at their beck and call;

> Latin: 25.8. regem ad ea primo accensum ira inclementer locutum, avaritiam superbiamque Romanis obicientem frementemque, quod alii super alios legati venirent speculaturi dicta factaque sua, quod se ad nutum imperiumque eorum omnia dicere ac facere aecum censerent;

[¶80] 25.9. finally, after shouting a long wordy harangue, he had ordered them to return the next day, since he wished to give them a reply in writing.

> Latin: 25.9. postremo multum ac diu vociferatum reverti postero die iussisse: scriptum se responsum dare velle.

[¶81] 25.10. Then the following written statement had been given them: the treaty made with Perseus' father was in no way binding on him; he had endured its renewal, not because he approved of it, but because immediately on assuming the kingship he had had to endure anything.

> Latin: 25.10. tum ita sibi scriptum traditum esse: foedus cum patre ictum ad se nihil pertinere; id se renovari, non quia probaret, sed quia in nova possessione regni patienda omnia essent, passum.

[¶82] 25.11. If the Romans wished to make a new treaty with him, some agreement as to terms should first be reached; if they could bring themselves to make a treaty on terms of equality, he for his part would see what he should do and they for theirs, he supposed, would take care of the interests of their state. After delivering this message, Perseus had begun to hurry out, and the dismissal of everyone from the palace had begun.

> Latin: 25.11. novom foedus si secum facere vellent, convenire prius de condicionibus debere; si in animum inducerent, ut ex aequo foedus fieret, et se visurum, quid sibi faciundum esset, et illos credere rei publicae consulturos.

[¶83] 25.12. Thereupon the envoys had denounced the friendship and alliance. Angered at this utterance, Perseus had stopped and in a loud voice had enjoined upon them to leave the borders of his realm within three days. Accordingly they had set out; no sign of hospitality or courtesy had been shown them during their stay or as they departed.

> Latin: 25.12. atque ita se proripuisse et summoveri e regia omnis coeptos. tum se amicitiam et societatem renuntiasse. qua voce eum accensum restitisse atque voce clara denuntiasse sibi, ut triduo regni sui decederent finibus.

[¶84] 25.13. Next the envoys of the Thessalians and Aetolians were heard. In order that the senate might know as soon as possible what military commanders the state was to use, it was voted that dispatches be sent to the consuls to request that whichever of them could do so should come to Rome for the election of magistrates.

> Latin: 25.13. ita se profectos, nec sibi aut venientibus aut manentibus quicquam hospitaliter aut benigne factum. Thessali deinde Aetolique legati auditi. senatui, ut scirent quam primum, quibus ducibus usura res publica esset, litteras mitti consulibus placuit, ut uter eorum posset, Romam ad magistratus creandos veniret.

[¶85] 26.1. The consuls had accomplished for the state during this year nothing which is particularly worth mentioning. It was considered more useful to the state that the thoroughly aroused Ligurians should be restrained and calmed.

> Latin: 26.1. nihil magnopere, quod memorari adtineat, rei publicae eo anno consules gesserant. magis e re publica visum erat conprimi ac sedari exasperatos Ligures.

[¶86] 26.2. While war with Macedonia was awaited, Issaean envoys brought suspicion also on Gentius, king of the Illyrians, both by complaining that he had ravaged their territory, and also by reporting that the Illyrian king was in harmony with the Macedonian; that they were concerting plans for war against the Romans; and that Illyrian spies, ostensibly an embassy, had been sent to Rome at Perseus' suggestion to get information of what was going forward.

> Latin: 26.2. cum Macedonicum bellum expectaretur, Gentium quoque Illyriorum regem suspectum Issenses legati fecerunt, simul questi fines suos eum depopulatum, simul nuntiantes uno animo vivere Macedonum atque Illyriorum regem, communi consilio parare Romanis bellum, et specie legatorum Illyrios speculatores Romae esse Perse auctore missos, ut, quid ageretur, scirent.

[¶87] 26.4. These Illyrians were called before the senate: when they said that they had been sent by the king as envoys to clear him of any charges which might be brought by the Issaeans, they were asked why in that case they had not approached a magistrate, in order to receive lodging and official entertainment according to custom, and indeed in order that their arrival and their purpose might be known.

> Latin: 26.4. Illyrii vocati in senatum. qui cum legatos se esse missos ab rege dicerent ad purganda crimina, si qua de rege Issenses deferrent, quaesitum est, quid ita non adissent magistratum, ut ex instituto loca, lautia acciperent, sciretur denique venisse eos et super qua re venissent.

[¶88] 26.5. When they hesitated in their answer, they were bidden to leave the senate-house; the senate refused to reply, as they would to envoys, to men who had not requested to be presented to the senate. It was decided to send envoys to the king to inform him of the complaints made by Rome's allies, with the message that the senate considered that he was acting unjustly in not refraining from wrong to these allies of theirs.

> Latin: 26.5. haesitantibus in responso, ut curia excederent, dictum; responsum tamquam legatis, ut qui adire senatum non postulassent, dari non placuit, mittendosque ad regem legatos censuerunt, qui nuntiarent, quid socii quererentur; senatum existumare, non aecum eum facere, qui ab sociis suis non abstineret iniuriam.

[¶89] 26.7. On this embassy were sent Aulus Terentius Varro, Gaius Plaetorius and Gaius Cicereius. From Asia the envoys, who had been sent round to the several allied kings, returned and reported that they had met Eumenes at Aegina, Antiochus in Syria and Ptolemy at Alexandria. All had received overtures from the embassies of Perseus but remained nobly loyal and had promised to accomplish everything which the Roman people might command.

> Latin: 26.7. in hanc legationem missi A. Terentius Varro C. Plaetorius C. Cicereius. ex Asia, qui circa socios reges missi erant, redierunt legati, qui renuntiarunt Eumenen in ea, Antiochum in Syria, Ptolemaeum Alexandriae sese convenisse;

[¶90] 26.8. The envoys had also visited the allied city-states; they had found all of them loyal except Rhodes, which was wavering and steeped in Perseus' plots. Envoys of Rhodes had come to Rome to clear the city of the charges which they knew were generally being bandied about;

> Latin: 26.8. omnes sollicitatos legationibus Persei, sed egregie in fide permanere, pollicitosque omnia, quae populus Romanus imperasset, praestaturos. et civitates socias adisse; ceteras satis fidas, solos Rhodios fluctuantis et inbutos Persei consiliis invenisse, venerant Rhodii legati ad purganda ea, quae volgo iactari de civitate sciebant;

[¶91] 26.9. however, it was decided not to hold a meeting of the senate for them until the new consuls should have entered on their office.

> Latin: 26.9. ceterum senatum iis non ante dari quam novi consules magistratum inissent, placuit.

[¶92] 27.1. The senate decided not to postpone the preparations for war. To Gaius Licinius the praetor was given the task of repairing and making ready fifty of the old quinqueremes which were stored in the ship-yards at Rome and might still be usable.

> Latin: 27.1. belli apparatum non differendum censuerunt. C. Licinio praetori negotium datur, ut ex veteribus quinqueremibus in navalibus Romae subductis, quae possent usui esse, reficeret pararetque naves quinquaginta.

[¶93] 27.2. If these were insufficient to make up the number, he was to write to his colleague Gaius Memmius in Sicily to repair and fit out the ships in Sicily, so that they could be sent as soon as possible to Brundisium.

> Latin: 27.2. si quid ad eum numerum explendum deesset, C. Memmio collegae in Siciliam scriberet, ut eas, quae in Sicilia naves essent, reficeret atque expediret, ut Brundisium primo quoque tempore mitti possent.

[¶94] 27.3. Gaius Licinius the praetor was ordered to enroll, from among Roman citizens of the class of freedmen, sailors for twenty-five ships; Gnaeus Sicinius was to order an equal number for twenty-five ships from the allies; the same praetor was to raise eight thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry from the allies of the Latin Name.

> Latin: 27.3. socios navales libertini ordinis in viginti et quinque naves ex civibus Romanis C. Licinius praetor scribere iussus, in quinque et viginti parem numerum Cn. Sicinius sociis imperaret; idem praetor peditum octo milia, quadringentos equites ab sociis Latini nominis exigeret.

[¶95] 27.4. To receive this soldiery at Brundisium and send it to Macedonia, Aulus Atilius Serranus, who had been praetor the preceding year, was chosen.

> Latin: 27.4. hunc militem qui Brundisi acciperet atque in Macedoniam mitteret, A. Atilius Serranus, qui priore anno praetor fuerat, deligitur.

[¶96] 27.5. In order that Gnaeus Sicinius the praetor should have an army ready to cross over, Gaius Licinius the praetor, on authorization of the senate, wrote to Gaius Popilius the consul to order both the second legion, which was the longest in service in the Ligurian country, and four thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin Name to be at Brundisium on the thirteenth of February.

> Latin: 27.5. Cn. Sicinius praetor ut exercitum paratum ad traiciendum haberet, C. Popilie consuli ex auctoritate senatus C. Licinius praetor scribit, ut et legionem secundam, quae maxume veterana in Liguribus erat, et ex sociis Latini nominis quattuor milia peditum, ducentos equites idibus Februariis Brundisi adesse iuberet.

[¶97] 27.6. With this fleet and this army Gnaeus Sicinius was instructed to hold the theatre of operations in Macedonia until his successor should arrive, his term of command being prolonged for a year. All these orders voted by the senate were vigorously carried out.

> Latin: 27.6. hac classe et hoc exercitu Cn. Sicinius provinciam Macedoniam optinere, donec successor veniret, iussus, prorogato in annum imperio. ea omnia, quae senatus censuit, inpigre facta sunt. duodequadraginta quinqueremes ex navalibus deductae; qui deduceret eas Brundisium, L. Porcius Licinus praepositus;

[¶98] 27.7. Thirty-eight quinqueremes were launched from the ship-yards; Lucius Porcius Licinus was put in command to take them to Brundisium; twelve were sent from Sicily. To purchase grain in Apulia and Calabria for the fleet and army three commissioners were sent, Sextus Digitius, Titus Juventius, and Marcus Caecilius. Gnaeus Sicinius the praetor set out from Rome in military dress, and on arriving in Brundisium found everything in readiness.

> Latin: 27.7. duodecim ex Sicilia missae. ad frumentum classi exercituique coemendum in Apuliam Calabriamque tres legati missi, Sex. Digitius T. Iuventius M. Caecilius. ad omnia praeparata Cn. Sicinius praetor paludatus ex urbe profectus Brundisium venit.

[¶99] 28.1. Almost at the end of the year Gaius Popilius the consul returned to Rome, somewhat later than the senate had advised, for they had thought it to the interest of the state, since so great a war was impending, that magistrates be elected as early as possible.

> Latin: 28.1. exitu prope anni C. Popilius consul Romam rediit aliquanto serius quam senatus censuerat, cui primo quoque tempore magistratus creari, cum tantum bellum immineret, e re publica visum erat.

[¶100] 28.2. And so it was in no favourable mood that the Fathers listened to the consul as in the temple of Bellona he discussed his accomplishments among the Ligurians.

> Latin: 28.2. itaque non secundis auribus patrum auditus est consul, cum in aede Bellonae de rebus in Liguribus gestis dissereret.

[¶101] 28.3. There were frequent outcries and questions as to why he had not restored to freedom the Ligurians crushed by his brother's injustice.

> Latin: 28.3. succlamationes frequentes erant interrogationesque, cur scelere fratris oppressos Ligures in libertatem non restituisset.

[¶102] 28.4. The consular elections were held on the day for which they had been proclaimed, the eighteenth of February.

> Latin: 28.4. comitia consularia, in quam edicta erant diem, ante diem duodecimum kal.

[¶103] 28.5. The consuls elected were Publius Licinius Crassus and Gaius Cassius Longinus. On the following day there were elected as praetors Gaius Sulpicius Galba, Lucius Furius Philus, Lucius Canuleius Dives, Gaius Lucretius Gallus, Gaius Caninius Rebilus and Lucius Villius Annalis.

> Latin: 28.5. Martias sunt habita. creati consules P. Licinius Crassus C. Cassius Longinus. postero die praetores facti C. Sulpicius Galba L. Furius Philus L. Canuleius Dives C. Lucretius Gallus C. Caninius Rebilus L. Villius Annalis.

[¶104] 28.6. To these praetors there were assigned as provinces two judgeships in Rome, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia, so that for one there was an unassigned position, at the disposal of the senate.

> Latin: 28.6. his praetoribus provinciae decretae, duae iure Romae dicendo, Hispania et Sicilia et Sardinia, ut uni sors integra esset, quo senatus censuisset.

[¶105] 28.7. The consuls-elect were instructed by the senate that, on the day of their entering upon their office, they were to pray, after due sacrifice of full-grown victims, that, in the war which the Roman people were intending to wage, the outcome might be favourable.

> Latin: 28.7. consulibus designatis imperavit senatus, ut, qua, die magistratum inissent, hostiis maioribus rite mactatis precarentur, ut, quod bellum populus Romanus in animo haberet gerere. ut id prosperum eveniret.

[¶106] 28.8. On the same day the senate decreed that Gaius Popilius the consul should vow that games for ten days be dedicated to Jupiter, Greatest and Best, and that gifts be given to all the banquet-tables of the gods if for ten years the state should remain in unchanged fortune.

> Latin: 28.8. eodem die decrevit senatus, C. Popilius consul ludos per dies decem Iovi optumo maxumo fieri voveret donaque circa omnia pulvinaria dari, si res publica decem annos in eodem statu fuisset.

[¶107] 28.9. As the senate had decreed, the consul made on the Capitol the vow that games be held and gifts given from as large an appropriation as the senate, with a quorum of one hundred and fifty, might decree. Lepidus the chief pontifex dictated the words as this vow was taken. In this year there died of the priests of the state Lucius Aemilius Papus, of the Board of Ten for Ritual, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus the pontifex, who had been censor the year before.

> Latin: 28.9. ita, ut censuerant, in Capitolio vovit consul ludos fieri donaque dari, quanta ex pecunia decresset senatus, cum centum et quinquaginta non minus adessent. praeeunte verba Lepido pontifice maxumo id votum susceptum est.

[¶108] 28.10. He died a disgraceful death. Of his two sons, who were at that time serving in the army in Illyricum, it was reported that one had been killed and one was stricken with a severe and dangerous disease. Grief and fear together overwhelmed the father's mind; slaves who entered his bedroom in the morning found him hanging in a noose.

> Latin: 28.10. eo anno sacerdotes publici mortui, L. Aemilius Papus decemvir sacrorum et Q. Fulvius Flaccus pontifex, qui priore anno fuerat censor. hic foeda morte periit. ex duobus filiis eius, qui tum in Illyrico militabant, nuntiatum alterum decessisse, alterum gravi et periculoso morbo aegrum esse.

[¶109] 28.12. It was thought that after his censorship he was not wholly himself; a common rumour had it that the wrath of Lacinian Juno over the robbing of her temple had unbalanced his mind.

> Latin: 28.12. obruit animum simul luctus metusque; mane ingressi cubiculum servi laqueo dependentem invenere. erat opinio post censuram minus conpotem fuisse sui; volgo Iunonis Laciniae iram ob spoliatum templum alienasse mentem ferebant.

[¶110] 28.13. In Aemilius' place on the Board of Ten Marcus Valerius Messalla was substituted; in Fulvius' place as pontifex Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, a man quite young for a priesthood, was chosen.

> Latin: 28.13. suffectus in Aemili locum decemvir M. Valerius Messala, in Fulvi pontifex Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, oppido adulescens sacerdos, est lectus.

[¶111] 29.1. In the consulship of Publius Licinius and Gaius Cassius, not only the city of Rome and the land of Italy, but also all kings and states both in Europe and in Asia, had turned their minds to concern over the war between Macedonia and Rome.

> Latin: 29.1. P. Licinio C. Cassio consulibus non urbs tantum Roma nec terra Italia, sed omnes reges civitatesque, quaeque in Europa quaeque in Asia erant, converterant animos in curam Macedonici ac Romani belli.

[¶112] 29.2. Eumenes was urged on by his former enmity and quite as much by his fresh anger, because through the king's crime he had been almost slaughtered like a beast for sacrifice at Delphi.

> Latin: 29.2. Eumenen cum vetus odium stimulabat, tum recens ira, quod scelere regis prope ut victuma mactatus Delphis esset.

[¶113] 29.3. Prusias, the king of Bithynia, had determined to refrain from arms and await the outcome; for, he thought, the Romans for their part could not think it right that he should take up arms against his wife's brother, and, as for Perseus, if he conquered, reconciliation might be effected with him through his sister.

> Latin: 29.3. Prusias Bithyniae rex statuerat abstinere armis et quietus eventum expectare: nam neque Romanos posse aequom censere adversus fratrem uxoris se arma ferre et apud Persea victorem veniam per sororem impetrabilem fore.

[¶114] 29.4. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia, apart from the fact that he had promised aid directly to the Romans, was from the time of his alliance in marriage with Eumenes in harmony with the latter in all plans for peace or war.

> Latin: 29.4. Ariarathes Cappadocum rex, praeterquam quod Romanis suo nomine auxilia pollicitus erat, ex quo est iunctus Eumeni adfinitate, in omnia belli pacisque se consociaverat consilia.

[¶115] 29.5. Antiochus was indeed threatening the kingdom of Egypt, in scorn of the youth of the king and the sluggishness of his guardians; and he expected, by raising disputes about Hollow Syria, to have a cause for war and to wage it without obstacle while the Romans were busied with the Macedonian war;

> Latin: 29.5. Antiochus inminebat quidem Aegypti regno, et pueritiam regis et inertiam tutorum spernens, et ambigendo de Coele Syria causam belli se habiturum existumabat gesturumque sine ullo impedimento occupatis Romanis in Macedonico bello;

[¶116] 29.6. however, for this war he had zealously promised everything to the senate through his envoys, and personally to the envoys of the senate.

> Latin: 29.6. quod ad bellum tamen omnia et per suos legatos senatui et ipse legatis eorum enixe pollicitus erat.

[¶117] 29.7. Ptolemy because of his age was at that time still under the control of others; his guardians were both preparing war against Antiochus, in order to clear their title to Hollow Syria, and were promising the Romans everything for the war with Macedonia.

> Latin: 29.7. Ptolemaeus propter aetatem alieni etiam tum arbitrii erat; tutores et bellum adversus Antiochum parabant, quo vindicarent Coelen Syriam, et Romanis omnia pollicebantur ad Macedonicum bellum.

[¶118] 29.8. Masinissa was helping the Romans with grain and was preparing to send to the war troops with elephants under command of his son Misagenes.

> Latin: 29.8. Masinissa et frumento iuvabat Romanos, et auxilia cum elephantis Misagenenque filium mittere ad bellum parabat;

[¶119] 29.9. However, he had plans ready for any outcome, and arranged as follows: if victory should be on the side of the Romans, then his own situation would remain unchanged, nor should he make any move to expand, for the Romans would not permit violence to be used against the Carthaginians;

> Latin: 29.9. consilia autem in omnem fortunam ita disposita habebat: si penes Romanos victoria esset, suas quoque in eodem statu mansuras res esse, neque ultra quidquam movendum, non enim passuros Romanos vim Carthaginiensibus adferri;

[¶120] 29.10. if the powers of Rome, which then were sheltering the Carthaginians, should be broken, all Africa would be his.

> Latin: 29.10. si fractae essent opes Romanorum, quae tum protegerent Carthaginienses, suam omnem Africam fore.

[¶121] 29.11. Gentius, king of the Illyrians, did not so much determine which side he would favour, as succeed in becoming an object of suspicion to the Romans, and seemed to be about to join the one or the other through impulse more than reasoning.

> Latin: 29.11. Gentius rex Illyriorum fecerat potius, cur suspectus esset Romanis, quam satis statuerat, utram foveret partem, impetuque magis quam consilio his aut illis se adiuncturus videbatur.

[¶122] 29.12. The Thracian Cotys, king of the Odrysae, secretly sided with Macedonia.

> Latin: 29.12. Cotys Thrax, Odrysarum rex, iam Macedonum partis erat.

[¶123] 30.1. While these were the feelings of the kings about the war, among the free groups and peoples, the commons everywhere were almost all, as usual, for the worse side, being inclined toward the king and the Macedonians; among the leading men one might notice conflicting interests.

> Latin: 30.1. haec sententia regibus cum esset de bello, in liberis gentibus populisque plebs ubique omnis ferme, ut solet, deterioris erat, ad regem Macedonasque inclinata;

## 6. Book XLII · chapters 30–42

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/6/#p-N

[¶0] 30.2. Some were so enraptured with the Romans as to undermine their own influence by their unrestrained partizanship; a few of them were attracted by the justice of Roman rule, most were moved by the thought that if they displayed some especial service for the Romans they would become powerful in their own states.

> Latin: 30.2. principum diversa cerneres studia. pars ita in Romanos effusi erant, ut auctoritatem inmodico favore corrumperent, pauci ex is iustitia imperii Romani capti, plures ita, si praecipuam operam navassent, potentes sese in civitatibus suis futuros rati.

[¶1] 30.4. Another group were toadies to the king; some, because of debt and despair of their own fortunes if no change should occur, were driven headlong to the overturning of everything. Some were upset by their own windy instability of character, since the breeze of popular favour turned in Perseus' direction.

> Latin: 30.4. pars altera regiae adulationis erat, quos aes alienum et desperatio rerum suarum eodem manente statu praecipites ad novanda omnia agebat, quosdam ventosum ingenium, quia Perseus magis aurae popularis erat.

[¶2] 30.5. A third group, which was also the worthiest and wisest, if merely a choice of a dominating superior were offered them, preferred to be under the Romans rather than under the king;

> Latin: 30.5. tertia pars, optuma eadem et prudentissima, si utique optio domini potioris daretur, sub Romanis quam sub rege malebat esse;

[¶3] 30.6. but if they had a free choice of destiny in this respect, they wished neither side to become the more powerful through the downfall of the other, but rather that, the strength of both sides being unexhausted, peace on terms of equality should continue; thus the situation of the free states with respect to the two powers would be most advantageous, since one power would always protect the weak against wrongdoing by the other.

> Latin: 30.6. si liberum inde arbitrium fortunae esset, neutram partem volebant potentiorem altera oppressa fieri, sed inlibatis potius viribus utriusque partis pacem ex aequo manere: ita inter utrosque optimam condicionem civitatium fore protegente altero semper inopem ab alterius iniuria.

[¶4] 30.7. With these sentiments they watched silently from a safe position the contests of the partisans of either side.

> Latin: 30.7. haec sentientis certamina fautorum utriusque partis taciti ex tuto spectabant.

[¶5] 30.8. In accordance with a decree of the senate, the consuls, on the day of their inauguration, offered sacrifices of full-grown victims at all the temples in which a banquet for the god is usually spread during the greater part of the year; thereupon, feeling assured that their prayers were approved by the immortal gods, they reported to the senate that due sacrifice and prayer for the war had been made.

> Latin: 30.8. consules quo die magistratum inierunt, ex senatus consulto cum circa omnia fana, in quibus lectisternium maiorem partem anni esse solet, maioribus hostiis immolassent, inde preces suas acceptas ab diis immortalibus ominati, senatui rite sacrificatum precationemque de bello factam renuntiarunt.

[¶6] 30.9. The diviners gave the following report: If any new enterprise should be begun, it should be speeded on; victory, triumph, and enlargement of the realm were forecast.

> Latin: 30.9. haruspices ita responderunt, si quid rei novae inciperetur, id maturandum esse:

[¶7] 30.10. The Fathers, with the wish that it might be well and of good omen and fortune for the Roman people, instructed the consuls to present on the first possible day to the people, assembled in their Hundreds, the resolution that, whereas Perseus, son of Philip, King of Macedonia, contrary to the treaty made with his father Philip and renewed with himself after the death of his father, had invaded allies of the Roman people, had devastated their land and seized their cities, and whereas he had entered on plans for preparing war against the Roman people, and had assembled arms, soldiers and fleet for the said purpose, resolved that, unless he offered satisfaction in these matters, war against him be undertaken. This resolution was passed by the people.

> Latin: 30.10. victoriam, triumphum, propagationem finium portendi. patres quod faustum felixque populo Romano esset, centuriatis comitiis primo quoque die ferre ad populum consules iusserunt, ut quod Perseus, Philippi filius, Macedonum rex, adversus foedus cum patre Philippo ictum et secum post mortem eius renovatum sociis populi Romani arma intulisset, agros vastasset urbesque occupasset, quodque belli parandi adversus populum Romanum consilia inisset, arma milites classem eius rei causa comparasset, ut, nisi de iis rebus satisfecisset, bellum cum eo iniretur. haec rogatio ad populum lata est.

[¶8] 31.1. Thereupon a decree of the senate was passed that the consuls should with each other arrange or draw lots for the districts of Italy and Macedonia, and that the consul to whom Macedonia should fall should attack in war King Perseus and those who took his part, unless they rendered satisfaction to the Roman people.

> Latin: 31.1. senatus consultum inde factum est, ut consules inter se provincias Italiam et Macedoniam compararent sortirenturve; cui Macedonia obvenisset, ut is regem Persea quique eius sectam secuti essent, nisi populo Romano satisfecissent, bello persequeretur.

[¶9] 31.2. It was voted to enroll four new legions, two for each consul. The special arrangement was made for the district of Macedonia that, although to the legions of the other consul five thousand two hundred infantry per legion were allotted in accordance with old custom, for Macedonia six thousand infantry were ordered to be enrolled and for both forces three hundred cavalry in each legion.

> Latin: 31.2. legiones quattuor novas scribi placuit, binas singulis consulibus. id praecipuum provinciae Macedoniae datum, quod, cum alterius consulis legionibus quina milia et duceni pedites ex vetere instituto darentur in singulas legiones, in Macedoniam sena milia peditum scribi iussa, equites treceni aequaliter in singulas legiones.

[¶10] 31.3. Also the number for the force of allies was increased for the one consul; he was to take over to Macedonia sixteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry besides the six hundred cavalry under the command of Gnaeus Sicinius.

> Latin: 31.3. et in sociali exercitu consuli alteri auctus numerus: sedecim milia peditum, octingentos equites, praeter eos, quos Cn. Sicinius duxisset, sescentos equites, in Macedoniam traiceret.

[¶11] 31.4. For Italy twelve thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies were judged sufficient. The following privilege was also granted to the Macedonian allotment, that the consul might at his discretion enroll former centurions and soldiers up to fifty years of age.

> Latin: 31.4. Italiae satis visa duodecim milia sociorum peditum, sescenti equites. illud quoque praecipuum datum sorti Macedoniae, ut centuriones militesque veteres scriberet, quos vellet consul, usque ad quinquaginta annos.

[¶12] 31.5. In connection with the tribunes of the soldiers, an innovation was made that year because of the Macedonian war, a change brought before the commons by the consuls in accordance with a resolution of the senate, namely, that tribunes of the soldiers should not be chosen by vote for this year but that the consuls and praetors should exercise their judgment and choice in appointing them. Commands were divided among the praetors as follows: it was decided that the praetor whose lot it was to go where the senate determined should go to the fleet at Brundisium and there inspect the sailors; after discharging any who were unfit, he was to enroll replacements from among freedmen, and see to it that two-thirds should be Roman citizens and one-third allies.

> Latin: 31.5. in tribunis militum novatum eo anno propter Macedonicum bellum, quod consules ex senatus consulto ad populum tulerunt, ne tribuni militum eo anno suffragiis crearentur, sed consulum praetorumque in is faciendis iudicium arbitriumque esset. inter praetores ita partita imperia: praetorem, cuius sors fuisset, ut iret quo senatus censuisset, Brundisium ad classem ire placuit atque ibi recognoscere socios navales, dimissisque, si qui parum idonei essent, supplementum legere ex libertinis et dare operam, ut duae partes civium Romanorum, tertia sociorum esset.

[¶13] 31.8. It was voted to instruct the praetors who should draw Sicily and Sardinia, in order that provisions from these provinces might be conveyed to the fleet and legions, that they should impose a second tithe on the Sicilians and Sardinians, this grain to be transported to the army in Macedonia.

> Latin: 31.8. commeatus classi legionibusque ut ex Sicilia Sardiniaque subveherentur, praetoribus, qui eas provincias sortiti essent, mandari placuit, ut alteras decumas Siculis Sardisque imperarent, quod frumentum ad exercitum in Macedoniam portaretur.

[¶14] 31.9. Sicily was drawn by Gaius Caninius Rebilus, Sardinia by Lucius Furius Philus, Spain by Lucius Canuleius, the jurisdiction over citizens by Gaius Sulpicius Galba, that over aliens by Lucius Villius Annalis; the lot placed Gaius Lucretius Gallus at the senate's disposal.

> Latin: 31.9. Siciliam C. Caninius Rebilus est sortitus, L. Furius Philus Sardiniam, L. Canuleius Hispaniam, C. Sulpicius Galba urbanam iurisdictionem, L. Villius Annalis inter peregrinos; C. Lucretio Gallo, quo senatus censuisset, sors obvenit.

[¶15] 32.1. Between the consuls there was an outburst of sarcasm rather than a great dispute concerning the assignment of their provinces. Cassius said he would choose Macedonia without the lot and that his colleague could not, without perjury, cast lots with him.

> Latin: 32.1. inter consules magis cavillatio quam magna contentio de provincia fuit. Cassius sine sorte se Macedoniam optaturum dicebat, nec posse collegam salvo iure iurando secum sortiri:

[¶16] 32.2. For when Licinius had been praetor, that he might not have to go to his province, he had sworn before an assembly that he had sacrifices in a fixed place and on fixed days which could not be duly performed in his absence;

> Latin: 32.2. praetorem eum enim, ne in provinciam iret, in contione iurasse, se stato loco statisque diebus sacrificia habere, quae absente se recte fieri non possent; quae non magis consule quam praetore absente recte fieri posse.

[¶17] 32.3. sacrifices could no more be duly performed in the absence of a consul than in the absence of a praetor, unless the senate thought it best to take notice of Publius Licinius' wishes as consul, rather than of the oath he had taken as praetor; however, said Cassius, he would submit himself to the senate.

> Latin: 32.3. si senatus, non quod vellet in consulatu potius, quam quod in praetura iuraverit P. Licinius, animadvertendum esse censeat, se tamen futurum in senatus potestate.

[¶18] 32.4. When the matter was laid before the Fathers, inasmuch as they thought it would be arrogant on their part to withhold a province from the man from whom the Roman people had not withheld the consulship, they ordered the consuls to cast lots.

> Latin: 32.4. consulti patres, cui consulatum populus Romanus non negasset, ab se provinciam negari superbum rati, sortiri consules iusserunt.

[¶19] 32.5. Macedonia fell to Publius Licinius, Italy to Gaius Cassius. Next the legions were allotted; the first and third were to cross to Macedonia, the second and fourth to remain in Italy.

> Latin: 32.5. P. Licinio Macedonia, C. Cassi Italia obvenit. legiones inde sortiti sunt; prima et tertia in Macedoniam traicerentur, secunda et quarta ut in Italia remanerent. dilectum consules multo intentiore quam alias cura habebant.

[¶20] 32.6. The consuls were conducting the levy with by far more painstaking care than usual. Licinius was also enrolling the veteran soldiers and centurions; likewise many enlisted voluntarily, because they saw that those who had served in the former Macedonian campaign or against Antiochus in Asia had become rich.

> Latin: 32.6. Licinius veteres quoque scribebat milites centurionesque; et multi voluntate nomina dabant, quia locupletes videbant, qui priore Macedonico bello aut adversus Antiochum in Asia stipendia fecerant.

[¶21] 32.7. When the military tribunes who were appointing centurions were assigning men as they came, twenty-three veterans who had held the rank of chief centurion on being named appealed to the tribunes of the people.

> Latin: 32.7. cum tribuni militum, qui centuriones …, sed primum quemque citarent, tres et viginti centuriones, qui primos pilos duxerant, citati tribunos plebis appellarunt. duo ex collegio, M. Fulvius Nobilior et M. Claudius Marcellus, ad consules reiciebant:

[¶22] 32.8. Two of these magistrates, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, referred the matter back to the consuls; for, they said, the investigation belonged to those to whom the levy and the war had been committed; the other tribunes said they would investigate the matter of the appeal, and if wrong was being done, they would come to the aid of their fellow-citizens.

> Latin: 32.8. eorum cognitionem esse debere, quibus dilectus quibusque bellum mandatum esset; ceteri cognituros se, de quo appellati essent, aiebant et, si iniuria fieret, auxilium civibus laturos.

[¶23] 33.1. The investigation took place at the benches of the tribunes; thither came Marcus Popilius, the ex-consul, as counsel for the centurions, the centurions themselves, and the consul.

> Latin: 33.1. ad subsellia tribunorum res agebatur; eo M. Popilius consularis, advocatus centurionum, et centuriones et consul venerunt.

[¶24] 33.2. At the request of the consul that this investigation take place before an assembly, the people were summoned to an assembly.

> Latin: 33.2. consule inde postulanti, ut in contione ea res ageretur, populus in contionem advocatus. pro centurionibus M. Popilius, qui biennio ante consul fuerat, ita verba fecit:

[¶25] 33.3. On behalf of the centurions Marcus Popilius, who had been consul two years before, addressed the people as follows: These soldierly men had ended their regular military service and had also ended their physical vigour because of both age and unremitting labour; however, they offered no objection to contributing their services to the state. This one request they did make, that they should not be assigned ranks lower than those they had held during their regular service.

> Latin: 33.3. militares homines et stipendia iusta et corpora et aetate et adsiduis laboribus confecta habere, nihil recusare tamen, quo minus operam rei publicae dent; id tantum deprecari, ne inferiores iis ordines, quam quos, cum militassent, habuissent, adtribuerentur.

[¶26] 33.4. Publius Licinius the consul ordered to be read the decrees of the senate, first that in which the senate authorized the war against Perseus, then that in which it resolved that as many former centurions as possible be enrolled for this war, and no exemption from service be granted to anyone under fifty-one years of age.

> Latin: 33.4. P. Licinius consul senatus consulta recitari iussit, primum, quo bellum senatus Perseo iussisset, deinde, quo veteres centuriones quam plurimos ad id bellum scribi censuisset nec ulli, qui non maior annis quinquaginta esset, vacationem militiae esse.

[¶27] 33.5. Then he made the request that, in a new war, at so little a distance from Italy, against a very powerful king, the people should not hinder the military tribunes who were holding the levy or prevent the consul from assigning such rank to each man as was to the best interests of the state.

> Latin: 33.5. deprecatus est deinde, ne novo bello, tam propinquo Italiae, adversus regem potentissimum, aut tribunos militum dilectum habentis inpedirent, aut prohiberent consulem, quem cuique ordinem adsignari e re publica esset, eum adsignare.

[¶28] 33.6. If there were any doubtful point in this matter, let them refer it back to the senate.

> Latin: 33.6. si quid in ea re dubium esset, ad senatum reicerent.

[¶29] 34.1. After the consul had said what he wished, Spurius Ligustinus, one of the men who had appealed to the tribunes of the people, asked of the consul and the tribunes that he be permitted to address a few words to the people.

> Latin: 34.1. postquam consul, quae voluerat, dixit, Sp. Ligustinus ex eo numero, qui tribunos appellaverant, a consule et ab tribunis petiit, ut sibi paucis ad populum agere liceret. permissu omnium ita locutus fertur.

[¶30] 34.2. With everyone's permission he is said to have spoken as follows: "I, Spurius Ligustinus of the tribe of Crustumina, come of Sabine stock, fellow-citizens. My father left me an acre of land and a little hut, in which I was born and brought up, and to this day I live there.

> Latin: 34.2. “Sp. Ligustinus tribus Crustuminae ex Sabinis sum oriundus, Quirites. pater mihi iugerum agri reliquit et parvom tugurium, in quo natus educatusque sum; hodieque ibi habito.

[¶31] 34.3. When I first came of age, my father gave me as wife his brother's daughter, who brought with her nothing but her free birth and her chastity, and with these a fertility which would be enough even for a wealthy home.

> Latin: 34.3. cum primum in aetatem veni, pater mihi uxorem fratris sui filiam dedit, quae secum nihil adtulit praeter libertatem pudicitiamque et cum his fecunditatem, quanta vel in diti domo satis esset.

[¶32] 34.4. We have six sons, and two daughters, both of whom are now married. Four of our sons have assumed the toga of manhood, two wear the boys' stripe.

> Latin: 34.4. sex filii nobis, duae filiae sunt, utraeque iam nuptae. filii quattuor togas virilis habent, duo praetextati sunt.

[¶33] 34.5. I became a soldier in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius and Gaius Aurelius. In the army which was taken over to Macedonia I served two years as a private soldier against King Philip; in the third year, for my bravery, Titus Quinctius Flamininus made me centurion of the tenth maniple of the advance formation.

> Latin: 34.5. miles sum factus P. Sulpicio C. Aurelio consulibus. in eo exercitu, qui in Macedoniam est transportatus, biennium miles gregarius fui adversus Philippum regem; tertio anno virtutis causa mihi T. Quinctius Flamininus decumum ordinem hastatum adsignavit.

[¶34] 34.6. After the defeat of Philip and the Macedonians, when we had been brought back to Italy and discharged, immediately I set out for Spain as a volunteer soldier with Marcus Porcius the consul.

> Latin: 34.6. devicto Philippo Macedonibusque cum in Italiam portati ac dimissi essemus, continuo miles voluntarius cum M. Porcio consule in Hispaniam sum profectus.

[¶35] 34.7. No one, of all the generals now living, was a keener observer and judge of bravery, as those know who have had experience of him and other leaders, too, through long service. This general judged me worthy to be assigned as centurion of the forward first century of the advance formation.

> Latin: 34.7. neminem omnium imperatorum, qui vivant, acriorem virtutis spectatorem ac iudicem fuisse sciunt, qui et illum et alios duces longa militia experti sunt. hic me imperator dignum iudicavit, cui primum hastatum prioris centuriae adsignaret.

[¶36] 34.8. For the third time I enlisted, again voluntarily, in the army which was sent against the Aetolians and King Antiochus. By Manius Acilius I was given the rank of centurion of the forward first century of the main formation.

> Latin: 34.8. tertio iterum voluntarius miles factus sum in eum exercitum, qui adversus Aetolos et Antiochum regem est missus. a M’. Acilio mihi primus princeps prioris centuriae est adsignatus.

[¶37] 34.9. When King Antiochus had been driven out and the Aetolians beaten, we were brought back to Italy; and twice after that I was in campaigns where the legions served for a year. Then I campaigned twice in Spain, once when Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was praetor, and again when Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus held that office.

> Latin: 34.9. expulso rege Antiocho, subactis Aetolis reportati sumus in Italiam, et deinceps bis quae annua merebant legiones stipendia feci. bis deinde in Hispania militavi, semel Q. Fulvio Flacco, iterum Ti. Sempronio Graccho praetore.

[¶38] 34.10. I was brought home by Flaccus along with the others whom he brought with him from the province for his triumph because of their bravery; I went back to the province because Tiberius Gracchus asked me.

> Latin: 34.10. a Flacco inter ceteros, quos virtutis causa secum ex provincia ad triumphum deducebat, deductus sum; a Ti. Graccho rogatus in provinciam ii.

[¶39] 34.11. Four times within a few years I held the rank of chief centurion; thirty-four times I was rewarded for bravery by my generals; I have received six civic crowns. I have done twenty-two years of service in the army, and I am over fifty years old.

> Latin: 34.11. quater intra paucos annos primum pilum duxi, quater et tricies virtutis causa donatus ab imperatoribus sum, sex civicas coronas accepi. viginti duo stipendia annua in exercitu emerita habeo et maior annis sum quinquaginta.

[¶40] 34.12. But if all my years of service had not been completed and my age did not yet give me exemption, still, since I could give you four soldiers in my place, Publius Licinius, it would be fair to discharge me.

> Latin: 34.12. quod si mihi nec stipendia omnia emerita essent, necdum aetas vacationem daret, tamen, cum quattuor milites pro me uno vobis dare, P. Licini, possem, aecum erat me dimitti.

[¶41] 34.13. But I should like you to accept these things that I have said on my side of the case; for my part, as long as anyone who is enrolling armies considers me fit for service, I will never beg off.

> Latin: 34.13. sed haec pro causa mea dicta accipiatis velim: ipse me, quoad quisquam, qui exercitus scribit, idoneum militem iudicabit, numquam sum excusaturus.

[¶42] 34.14. Of what rank the military tribunes think me worthy is for them to decide; I shall see to it that no one in the army surpasses me in bravery; and that I have always done so, both my generals and those who have served with me are witnesses.

> Latin: 34.14. ordine quo me dignum iudicent tribuni militum, ipsorum est potestatis; ne quis me virtute in exercitu praestet, dabo operam, et semper ita fecisse me et imperatores mei et qui una stipendia fecerunt testes sunt.

[¶43] 34.15. It is fair for you too, fellow-soldiers, even though you are within your rights in this appeal, since, when you were young you never did anything against the authority of the magistrates and the senate, now also to submit to the consuls and the senate, and to consider every place honourable in which you will be defending the state."

> Latin: 34.15. vos quoque aecum est, commilitones, etsi appellatione [vos] usurpatis ius, cum adulescentes nihil adversus magistratuum senatusque auctoritatem usquam feceritis, nunc quoque in potestate senatus ac consulum esse et omnia honesta loca ducere, quibus rem publicam defensuri sitis.

[¶44] 35.1. When he had said this, Publius Licinius the consul praised him at some length and took him from the assembly to the senate.

> Latin: 35.1. ” haec ubi dixit, conlaudatum multis verbis P. Licinius consul ex contione in senatum duxit.

[¶45] 35.2. There also thanks were expressed to him by authorization of the senate, and the military tribunes gave him for his bravery a chief centurionship in the first legion. The other centurions gave up their appeal and obediently responded to the levy.

> Latin: 35.2. ibi quoque ei ex auctoritate senatus gratiae actae tribunique militares in legione prima primum pilum virtutis causa ei adsignarunt. ceteri centuriones remissa appellatione ad dilectum oboedienter responderunt.

[¶46] 35.3. In order that the magistrates might set out sooner for their provinces, the Latin Festival was held on the first of June; and after this ceremony had been completed the praetor Gaius Lucretius, having sent ahead everything needed for the fleet, set out for Brundisium.

> Latin: 35.3. quo maturius in provincias magistratus proficiscerentur, Latinae kal. Iuniis fuere; eoque sollemni perfecto C. Lucretius praetor omnibus, quae ad classem opus erant, praemissis Brundisium est profectus.

[¶47] 35.4. Besides those armies which the consuls were raising, the task was given the praetor Gaius Sulpicius Galba of enrolling four city legions of the regular number of infantry and cavalry, and of choosing for them from the senate four military tribunes as commanders;

> Latin: 35.4. praeter eos exercitus, quos consules conparabant, C. Sulpicio Galbae praetori negotium datum, ut quattuor legiones scriberet urbanas iusto numero peditum equitumque, iisque quattuor tribunos militum ex senatu legeret qui praeessent;

[¶48] 35.5. he was to order from the allies of the Latin Name fifteen thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry, this force to assemble at a place which the senate should determine.

> Latin: 35.5. sociis Latini nominis imperaret quindecim milia peditum, mille et ducentos equites: is exercitus uti paratus esset, quo senatus censuisset.

[¶49] 35.6. At the request of the consul Publius Licinius, to his army of citizens and allies there were added auxiliary troops, two thousand Ligurians, archers from Crete — the number which the Cretans sent on request is not certain —and also Numidian cavalry and elephants.

> Latin: 35.6. P. Licinio consuli ad exercitum civilem socialemque petenti addita auxilia Ligurum duo milia, Cretenses sagittarii — incertus numerus, quantum rogati auxilia Cretenses misissent — , Numidae item equites elephantique.

[¶50] 35.7. For this purpose there were sent as envoys to Masinissa and the Carthaginians Lucius Postumius Albinus, Quintus Terentius Culleo and Gaius Aburius. It was also decided that three envoys should go to Crete, Aulus Postumius Albinus, Gaius Decimius and Aulus Licinius Nerva.

> Latin: 35.7. in eam rem legati ad Masinissam Carthaginiensesque missi L. Postumius Albinus Q. Terentius Culleo C. Aburius. in Cretam item legatos tres ire placuit, A. Postumium Albinum C. Decimium A. Licinium Nervam.

[¶51] 36.1. During the same time envoys from King Perseus arrived. It was decided not to admit them to the city, since the senate had decreed and the people had ordered war with their king and the Macedonians.

> Latin: 36.1. per idem tempus legati ab rege Perseo venerunt. eos in oppidum intromitti non placuit, cum iam bellum regi eorum et Macedonibus et senatus decresset et populus iussisset.

[¶52] 36.2. On being presented before the senate in the temple of Bellona they spoke as follows: King Perseus wondered why armies had been carried across to Macedonia;

> Latin: 36.2. in aedem Bellonae in senatum introducti ita verba fecerunt: mirari Persea regem, quid in Macedoniam exercitus transportati essent;

[¶53] 36.3. if he might persuade the senate to recall them, the king would make amends at the discretion of the senate for any wrongs done to their allies, of which they might complain. Spurius Carvilius, who had been sent back from Greece by Gnaeus Sicinius for this very purpose, was in the senate.

> Latin: 36.3. si impetrari a senatu posset, ut ii revocentur, regem de iniuriis, si quas sociis factas quererentur, arbitratu senatus satisfacturum esse.

[¶54] 36.4. When he had complained of Perrhaebia's having been stormed by force of arms, of the capture of several Thessalian cities, and of other things which the king was either doing or about to do, the envoys were ordered to make a reply thereto.

> Latin: 36.4. Sp. Carvilius ad eam ipsam rem ex Graecia remissus ab Cn. Sicinio in senatu erat. is Perrhaebiam expugnatam armis, Thessaliae aliquot urbes captas, cetera, quae aut ageret aut pararet rex, cum argueret, respondere ad ea legati iussi.

[¶55] 36.5. After they hesitated, saying that they had no further instructions, they were ordered to report to the king that the consul Publius Licinius would shortly be in Macedonia with an army; let the king, if giving satisfaction was his purpose, send envoys to him.

> Latin: 36.5. postquam haesitabant, negantes sibi ultra quidquam mandatum esse, iussi renuntiare regi consulem P. Licinium brevi cum exercitu futurum in Macedonia esse:

[¶56] 36.6. There was no further reason, the senate declared, for his sending envoys to Rome; for none of them would be permitted to pass through Italy.

> Latin: 36.6. ad eum, si satisfacere in animo esset, mitteret legatos; Romam quod praeterea mitteret, non esse: neminem eorum per Italiam ire liciturum.

[¶57] 36.7. After they were thus dismissed, instructions were given to Publius Licinius the consul to order them to depart from Italy within eleven days, and that he should send Spurius Carvilius to guard them until they boarded ship. These things took place at Rome before the consuls took the field.

> Latin: 36.7. ita dimissis P. Licinio consuli mandatum, intra undecimum diem iuberet eos Italia excedere, et Sp. Carvilium mitteret, qui, donec navem conscendissent, custodiret.

[¶58] 36.8. By this time Gnaeus Sicinius, who before giving up his office had been sent ahead to Brundisium to the fleet and army, had transported to Epirus five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry and had encamped near the Place of the Nymphs in the territory of Apollonia.

> Latin: 36.8. haec Romae acta nondum profectis in provinciam consulibus. iam Cn. Sicinius, qui, priusquam magistratu abiret, Brundisium ad classem et ad exercitum praemissus erat, traiectis in Epirum quinque milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus, ad Nymphaeum in agro Apolloniati castra habebat.

[¶59] 36.9. Thence he sent tribunes with two thousand soldiers to hold forts of the Dassaretii and of the Illyrians, since these people themselves requested garrisons, in order that they might be better protected against attack by their neighbours the Macedonians.

> Latin: 36.9. inde tribunos cum duobus milibus militum ad occupanda Dassaretiorum et Illyriorum castella, ipsis accersentibus praesidia, ut tutiores a finitimorum impetu Macedonum essent, misit.

[¶60] 37.1. A few days later, Quintus Marcius, Aulus Atilius, Publius and Servius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Decimius, who had been sent as envoys to Greece, brought a thousand infantry with them to Corcyra; there they divided among themselves both the districts they were to approach, and the soldiers.

> Latin: 37.1. paucis post diebus Q. Marcius A. Atilius et P. et Servius Cornelii Lentuli et L. Decimius, legati in Graeciam missi, Corcyram peditum mille secum advexerunt; ibi inter se et regiones, quas obirent, et milites diviserunt.

[¶61] 37.2. Lucius Decimius was sent to Gentius, king of the Illyrians; if he saw that the king had any regard for friendship with the Roman people, he was ordered to try also to induce him to become an ally in the war.

> Latin: 37.2. Decimius missus est ad Gentium regem Illyriorum, quem si aliquem respectum amicitiae cum … habere cerneret, temptare, ut … etiam ad belli societatem perliceret, iussus.

[¶62] 37.3. The Lentuli were sent to Cephallania, so that they might cross to the Peloponnese and before winter make the circuit of the coast of the westward sea.

> Latin: 37.3. Lentuli in Cephallaniam missi, ut in Peloponnesum traicerent oramque maris in occidentem versi ante hiemem circumirent.

[¶63] 37.4. To Marcius and Atilius, the task of making the circuit of Epirus, Aetolia and Thessaly was assigned; after that, they were ordered to investigate Boeotia and Euboea, and then to cross to the Peloponnese; there they agreed to meet the Lentuli.

> Latin: 37.4. Marcio et Atilio Epirus, Aetolia, Thessalia circumeundae adsignantur; inde Boeotiam atque Euboeam aspicere iussi, tum in Peloponnesum traicere;

[¶64] 37.5. Before they left Corcyra, a letter from Perseus was brought them, in which he asked what reason the Romans had for either sending troops over to Greece or garrisoning cities.

> Latin: 37.5. ibi congressuros se cum Lentulis constituunt. priusquam digrederentur a Corcyra, litterae a Perseo adlatae sunt, quibus quaerebat, quae causa Romanis aut in Graeciam traiciendi copias aut urbes occupandi esset.

[¶65] 37.6. It was decided not to answer him in writing, but to say to the king's messenger, who had brought the letter, that the Romans were acting for the protection of the cities themselves. As the Lentuli went about the towns of the Peloponnese, exhorting all cities indiscriminately to aid the Romans against Perseus with the same good will and loyalty with which they had assisted them first in the war against Philip, then in that against Antiochus, they aroused an unfriendly murmur in the assemblies, because the Achaeans were angered that they, who had offered every assistance to the Romans from the first beginnings of war against Macedonia, should be placed on a level with the peoples of Messene and Elis, who in the war with Philip the Macedonian had been enemies of the Romans and later had borne arms for Antiochus against the Roman people, and, having been recently assigned to the Achaean League, were complaining that they were being handed over as spoils of war to the victorious Achaeans.

> Latin: 37.6. cui rescribi non placuit, nuntio ipsius, qui litteras attulerat, dici praesidii causa ipsarum urbium Romanos facere. Lentuli circumeuntes Peloponnesi oppida, cum sine discrimine omnes civitates adhortarentur, ut quo animo, qua fide adiuvissent Romanos Philippi primum, deinde Antiochi bello, eodem adversus Persea iuvarent, fremitum in contionibus audiebant Achaeis indignantibus eodem se loco esse, qui omnia a principiis Macedonici belli praestitissent Romanis et Macedonis Philippi [bello] hostes fuissent, quo Messenii atque Elei, qui pro Antiocho hoste arma adversus populum Romanum tulissent ac, nuper in Achaicum contributi. concilium, velut praemium belli se victoribus Achaeis tradi quererentur.

[¶66] 38.1. Marcius and Atilius went up to Gitana, a town of Epirus, ten miles from the sea, called a conference of Epirotes, and were heard with great and universal approval; and they sent four hundred native young men to the Orestans to be a guard for those who had been freed from the Macedonians.

> Latin: 38.1. Marcius et Atilius ad Gitanas Epiri oppidum decem milia a mari cum escenderent, concilio Epirotarum habito cum magno omnium adsensu auditi sunt et quadringentos iuventutis eorum in Orestas, ut praesidio essent liberatis ab senatu Macedonibus, miserunt.

[¶67] 38.2. Thence the Romans proceeded to Aetolia, and, after a stay of a few days there, while a general was being elected in place of the one who had died, upon the election of Lyciscus, who, it was quite certain, favoured the Roman side, the envoys crossed to Thessaly. There Acarnanian envoys and Boeotian exiles came to them.

> Latin: 38.2. inde in Aetoliam progressi ac paucos ibi morati dies, dum in praetoris mortui locum alius sufficeretur, et Lycisco praetore facto, quem Romanorum favere rebus satis conpertum erat, transierunt in Thessaliam, eo legati Acarnanes et Boeotorum exules venerunt.

[¶68] 38.3. The Acarnanians were ordered to report that an opportunity had presented itself to them of making amends for the acts of hostility done by them against the Roman people because they had been deceived by the kings' promises, first in the war with Philip, then in that with Antiochus.

> Latin: 38.3. Acarnanes nuntiare iussi, quae Philippi primum, Antiochi deinde bello, decepti pollicitationibus regiis adversus populum Romanum commisissent, ea corrigendi occasionem illis oblatam;

[¶69] 38.4. If, when they had ill deserved it, they had experienced the mercy of the Roman people, let them by deserving well experience the Romans' generosity. The Boeotians were reproached for having entered into an alliance with Perseus.

> Latin: 38.4. si male meriti clementiam populi Romani experti essent, bene merendo liberalitatem experirentur.

[¶70] 38.5. When they placed the blame on Ismenias, the leader of the opposite faction, and said that certain cities had been drawn into the affair against their will, Marcius replied that this was about to be made clear; for they were about to give the individual cities an opportunity of providing for their own welfare.

> Latin: 38.5. Boeotis exprobratum societatem eos cum Perseo iunxisse. cum culpam in Ismeniam principem alterius partis conferrent et quasdam civitates dissentientis in causam deductas, appariturum id esse Marcius respondit: singulis enim civitatibus de se ipsis consulendi potestatem facturos.

[¶71] 38.6. A council of the Thessalians was held at Larisa. Both parties found there a pleasant opportunity to express their thanks, the Thessalians for the Romans' gift to them of freedom, and the Roman envoys for the vigorous help from the Thessalian confederacy, first in the war with Philip and again later in that with Antiochus.

> Latin: 38.6. Thessalorum Larisae fuit concilium, ibi et Thessalis benigna materia gratias agendi Romanis pro libertatis munere fuit, et legatis, quod et Philippi prius et post Antiochi bello enixe adiuti a gente Thessalorum essent.

[¶72] 38.7. By this mutual recital of benefits the minds of the gathering were fired to vote everything which the Romans wished.

> Latin: 38.7. hac mutua commemoratione meritorum accensi animi multitudinis ad omnia decernenda, quae Romani vellent.

[¶73] 38.8. Following this council, envoys came from King Perseus, relying especially on the personal guest-friendship which existed between his father and the father of Marcius. Beginning with a mention of this relationship, the envoys asked that he give the king the opportunity of coming to confer with him.

> Latin: 38.8. secundum hoc concilium legati a Perseo rege venerunt, privati maxime hospitii fiducia, quod ei paternum cum Marcio erat. ab huius necessitudinis commemoratione orsi petierunt legati, in conloquium veniendi regi potestatem faceret.

[¶74] 38.9. Marcius said both that he had been told by his father that a relationship of amity and hospitality had existed with Philip, and also that he had been by no means forgetful of this relationship when he undertook this embassy.

> Latin: 38.9. Marcius et se ita a patre suo accepisse dixit, amicitiam hospitiumque cum Philippo fuisse, et minime immemorem necessitudinis eius legationem eam suscepisse;

[¶75] 38.10. As for a conference, if he were in sufficiently good health he would not think of deferring it; as it was, they would come, as soon as he was able, to the Peneus river, at the crossing between Homolium and Dium, after sending ahead messengers to inform the king.

> Latin: 38.10. conloquium, si satis commode valeret, non fuisse se dilaturum; nunc, ubi primum posset, ad Peneum flumen, qua transitus ab Homolio Dium esset, praemissis qui nuntiarent regi, venturos.

[¶76] 39.1. And for the time being Perseus retired from Dium to the interior of his kingdom, a faint breath of hope presenting itself, because Marcius had said he had undertaken the embassy on Perseus' account; a few days later they met at the spot agreed upon.

> Latin: 39.1. et tum quidem ab Dio Perseus in interiora regni recepit se levi aura spei obiecta, quod Marcius ipsius causa suscepisse se legationem dixisset; post dies paucos ad constitutum locum venerunt.

[¶77] 39.2. The royal retinue was large, a crowd, both of friends and attendants, thronging about him. With no less a train came the envoys, for many escorted them from Larisa, besides the embassies of certain cities which had assembled at Larisa and wanted to report home facts which they had heard.

> Latin: 39.2. magnus comitatus fuit regius cum amicorum tum satellitum turba stipante. non minore agmine legati venerunt, et ab Larisa multis prosequentibus et legationibus civitatium, quae convenerant Larisam et renuntiare domum certa, quae audissent, volebant.

[¶78] 39.3. There was a desire, natural to mankind, to see the meeting of a famous king and the envoys of the people foremost in the whole world.

> Latin: 39.3. inerat cura insita mortalibus videndi congredientis nobilem regem et populi principis terrarum omnium legatos.

[¶79] 39.4. When they stood in sight of each other, with the river between, there was a brief delay for exchange of messages, as to which party should cross over. The one group felt that some consideration was due to the dignity of the king, the other group, to the reputation of the Roman people, especially since Perseus had sought the conference.

> Latin: 39.4. ut in conspectu steterunt dirimente amni, paulisper internuntiando cunctatio fuit, utri transgrederentur. aliquid illi regiae maiestati, hi aliquid populi Romani nomini, cum praesertim Perseus petisset conloquium, existumabant deberi.

[¶80] 39.5. A jest from Marcius also influenced the undecided: “Let the younger,” said he, “cross over to his elders, and” —for his own personal name was Philip —“the son to his father.” This solution easily recommended itself to the king.

> Latin: 39.5. ioco etiam Marcius cunctantis movit. “minor” inquit “ad maiorem et” — quod Philippo ipsi cognomen erat — “filius ad patrem transeat.”

[¶81] 39.6. Then another problem arose, as to how large an escort should cross with him. The king thought it proper to cross with his entire suite; the envoys bade him either to come with three attendants, or, if he should bring over so large a train, to give hostages that there would be no treachery during the conference.

> Latin: 39.6. facile persuasum id regi est. aliud deinde ambigebatur, cum quam multis transiret. rex cum omni comitatu transire aecum censebat; legati vel cum tribus venire iubebant vel, si tantum agmen traduceret, obsides dare nihil fraudis fore in conloquio.

[¶82] 39.7. He gave as hostages Hippias and Pantauchus, his leading friends, whom he had also sent as envoys. However, hostages were not desired so much as a pledge of good faith, as to show the allies that the king was meeting with the envoys on no terms of equality.

> Latin: 39.7. Hippian et Pantauchum, quos et legatos miserat, principes amicorum, obsides dedit. nec tam in pignus fidei obsides desiderati erant, quam ut appareret sociis nequaquam ex dignitate pari congredi regem cum legatis.

[¶83] 39.8. The greetings were not like those of enemies, but welcoming and kindly, and when seats had been placed, they sat down.

> Latin: 39.8. salutatio non tamquam hostium, sed hospitalis ac benigna fuit, positisque sedibus consederunt.

[¶84] 40.1. After there had been a silence for a moment, “What is awaited, I suppose,” said Marcius, “is a reply from us to your letter which you sent to Corcyra, in which you ask why we have ” “come in this fashion as envoys with soldiers and are sending garrisons to the several cities.”

> Latin: 40.1. cum paulisper silentium fuisset, “expectari nos” inquit Marcius “arbitror, ut respondeamus litteris tuis, quas Corcyram misisti, in quibus quaeris, quid ita legati cum militibus venerimus et praesidia in singulas urbes dimittamus. ad hanc interrogationem tuam et non respondere vereor, ne superbum sit, et vera respondere, ne nimis acerbum audienti tibi videatur.

[¶85] 40.3. “I hesitate to make no reply to this inquiry of yours, for fear of acting arrogantly, and also to reply truly, lest the reply seem to you, as you hear it, too harsh.”

> Latin: 40.3. sed cum aut verbis castigandus aut armis sit, qui foedus rumpit, sicut bellum adversus te alii quam mihi mandatum malim, ita orationis acerbitatem adversus hospitem, utcumque est, subibo, sicut medici, cum salutis causa tristiora remedia adhibent.

[¶86] 40.4. “But since one who breaks a treaty must be rebuked either with words or with arms, as on the one hand I should prefer war against you to be entrusted to some other rather than to me, so on the other hand I shall take upon myself the harshness of this speech to a guest-friend, however it may ” “be, as physicians do in applying somewhat painful remedies for the sake of a cure.

> Latin: 40.4. ex quo regnum adeptus es, unam rem te, quae facienda fuerit, senatus fecisse censet, quod legatos Romam ad renovandum … iudicat potius quam, cum renovatum esset, violandum.

[¶87] 40.5. From the time when you attained the throne the senate believes you have done one thing which you should have done, in that you sent envoys to Rome to renew the treaty;”

> Latin: 40.5. Abrupolim, socium atque amicum populi Romani, regno expulisti; Arthetauri interfectores, ut caede, ne quid ultra dicam, laetatum appareret, recepisti, qui omnium Illyriorum fidissimum Romano nomini regulum occiderant;

[¶88] 40.6. “yet even this, the senate considers, you should have failed to renew instead of breaking it after it had been renewed.” “Abrupolis, the ally and friend of the Roman people, you drove from his kingdom; the assassins of Arthetaurus you sheltered, so that it was obvious that you rejoiced, to say nothing more, in the ” “crime of those who had killed the prince most faithful of all the Illyrians to Rome; you went to Delphi with an army through Thessalian and Malian territory, contrary to the treaty;”

> Latin: 40.6. per Thessaliam et Maliensem agrum cum exercitu contra foedus Delphos isti; Byzantiis item contra foedus misisti auxilia; cum Boeotis, sociis nostris, secretam tibi ipsi societatem, quam non licebat, iureiurando pepigisti; Thebanos legatos, Euersam et Callicritum, venientis ad nos, quaerere malo, quis interfecerit, quam arguere. in Aetolia bellum intestinum et caedes principum, per quos nisi per tuos factae videri possunt? Dolopes a te ipso evastati sunt. Eumenes rex ab Roma cum in regnum rediret, prope ut victuma Delphis in sacrato loco ante aras mactatus, quem insimulet, piget referre;

[¶89] 40.9. “again, you sent help to the Byzantines, contrary to the treaty; you pledged by oath a secret alliance between yourself and the Boeotians, our allies, which was not permitted;”

> Latin: 40.9. quae hospes Brundisinus occulta facinora indicet, certum habeo et scripta tibi omnia ab Roma esse et legatos tuos renuntiasse.

[¶90] 40.10. “as for the Theban envoys, Eversa and Callicritus, who were on their way to us, I prefer to ask who killed them than to make an accusation.”

> Latin: 40.10. haec ne dicerentur a me, uno modo vitare potuisti, non quaerendo, quam ob causam exercitus in Macedoniam traicerentur, aut praesidia in sociorum urbes mitteremus. quaerenti tibi superbius tacuissemus, quam vera respondimus.

[¶91] 40.11. “In Aetolia, who, if not your men, can seem to have brought about the civil war and slaughter of leading men?”

> Latin: 40.11. equidem pro paterno nostro hospitio faveo orationi tuae, et opto, ut aliquid mihi materiae praebeas agendae tuae apud senatum causae.”

[¶92] 41.1. “The Dolopians were utterly ravaged by you yourself. King Eumenes, on his return from Rome to his kingdom, was almost slaughtered like a beast for sacrifice on consecrated ground before the altars of Delphi —and ” “I am reluctant to mention whom he accuses; about the secret crimes of which your guest-friend at Brundisium informs us, I am sure that everything has been written you from Rome and also that your own envoys have reported.”

> Latin: 41.1. ad ea rex “bonam causam, si apud iudices aequos ageretur, apud eosdem et accusatores et iudices agam. eorum autem, quae obiecta sunt mihi, partim ea sunt, quibus nescio an gloriari debeam, partim ea, quae fateri non erubescam, partim quae verbo obiecta verbo negare sit.

[¶93] 41.3. “You could have avoided my saying these things in one way, and that was by not asking for what reason armies were being brought across to Macedonia or why we were sending garrisons to the cities of our allies. Since you did inquire, we should have been more arrogant in keeping silence than we are in replying truthfully. Indeed, on account of our inherited guest-friendship, I am eager to hear what you have to say and hope that you will give me some foundation for pleading your cause before the senate.” XLI. To this the king replied: "A cause, which would be good if it were pled before impartial judges, I shall plead before men who are at once accusers and judges.

> Latin: 41.3. quid enim, si legibus vestris hodie reus sim, aut index Brundisinus aut Eumenes mihi obiciat, ut accusare potius vere quam convitiari videantur? scilicet nec Eumenes, cum tam multis gravis publice ac privatim sit, alium quam me inimicum habuit; neque ego potiorem quemquam ad ministeria facinorum quam Rammium, quem neque umquam ante videram nec eram postea visurus, invenire potui.

[¶94] 41.5. However, of the charges made against me, some are such that I should perhaps boast of them, not such that I should blush to confess them, others are such that, since they are made in a word, it is enough to deny them in a word.

> Latin: 41.5. et Thebanorum, quos naufragio perisse constat, et Arthetauri caedis mihi reddenda ratio est; in qua tamen nihil ultra obicitur quam interfectores eius in regno exulasse meo.

[¶95] 41.6. For with what, if I should be a defendant to-day under your laws, could either the informer at Brundisium or Eumenes charge me, so that they might seem truly to accuse me rather than to revile me? Doubtless Eumenes, although he is offensive to so many people because of personal reasons or those of state, had no other enemy than me! Nor could I find anyone superior as a tool in crime to Rammius, whom I had never seen previously nor was to see afterwards!

> Latin: 41.6. cuius condicionis iniquitatem ita non sum recusaturus, si vos quoque accipitis, ut quicumque exules in Italiam aut Romam se contulerunt, his facinorum, propter quae damnati sunt, auctores vos fuisse fateamini.

[¶96] 41.7. Even for the Thebans, who, it is known, perished by shipwreck, and for the murder of Arthetaurus I must give an accounting! In this latter case, however, no charge is brought against me except that his assassins went into exile in my kingdom.

> Latin: 41.7. si hoc et vos recusabitis et omnes aliae gentes, ego quoque inter ceteros ero. et hercule, quid adtinet cuiquam exilium patere. si nusquam exuli futurus locus est?

[¶97] 41.8. The unfairness of this situation I shall not protest, on condition that you too agree that whenever exiles betake themselves to Italy or Rome you will confess that you were sponsors of the crimes for which they have been condemned.

> Latin: 41.8. ego tamen istos, ut primum in Macedonia esse admonitus a vobis conperi, requisitos abire ex regno iussi et in perpetuum interdixi finibus meis.

[¶98] 41.9. If both you and all other peoples will protest against this, I too shall be among the others. And, heavens, what use is there for exile to be allowed to anyone, if there is to be nowhere room for the fugitive?

> Latin: 41.9. et haec quidem mihi tamquam causam dicenti reo objecta sunt, illa tamquam regi et quae de foedere, quod mihi est vobiscum, disceptationem habeant.

[¶99] 41.10. However, as soon as I had learned, on advices from you, that these men were in Macedonia, I had them searched out, ordered them to depart from my kingdom, and banished them forever from my territory. And these charges have been made against me as if I were a prisoner at the bar; the other charges are made as against a king, and are such as to involve interpretation of the treaty between you and me.

> Latin: 41.10. nam si est in foedere ita scriptum, ut ne si bellum quidem quis inferat, tueri me regnumque meum liceat, mihi fatendum est, quod me armis adversus Abrupolim, socium populi Romani, defenderim, foedus violatum esse.

[¶100] 41.11. For if it is written in the treaty that I may not be permitted to protect myself and my kingdom, even if someone attacks me, then I must confess that, inasmuch as I have defended myself with arms against Abrupolis, an ally of the Roman people, the treaty has been broken. But if, on the other hand, it is both permitted by the treaty and is arranged by the law of nations that arms may be beaten back by arms, what, pray, was it proper for me to do when Abrupolis devastated the confines of my kingdom even to Amphipolis, and carried off many free persons, a great abundance of slaves, and many thousand cattle?

> Latin: 41.11. sin autem hoc et ex foedere licuit et iure gentium ita conparatum est, ut arma armis propulsentur, quid tandem me facere decuit, cum Abrupolis finis mei regni usque ad Amphipolim pervastasset, multa libera capita, magnam vim mancipiorum, multa milia pecorum abegisset?

[¶101] 41.12. Should I have kept quiet and suffered, until he came armed to Pella and into my palace? But, you say, I proceeded against him in a just war indeed, but he should not have been conquered, nor have suffered the further consequences which befall the conquered; since I, who was assailed with arms, suffered the misfortune of like disasters, how can he who was the cause of the war complain that they happened to him?

> Latin: 41.12. quiescerem et paterer, donec Pellam et in regiam meam armatus pervenisset? at enim bello quidem iusto sum persecutus, sed vinci non oportuit eum neque ea, quae victis accidunt, pati; quorum casum cum ego subierim, qui sum armis lacessitus, quid potest queri sibi accidisse, qui causa belli fuit?

[¶102] 41.13. I will not use the same defence, Romans, for having checked the Dolopians with arms; since, even had they not deserved it, I acted within my rights, since they were in my kingdom and under my sway, having been assigned by your decree to my father.

> Latin: 41.13. non sum eodem modo defensurus, Romani, quod Dolopas armis coercuerim, quia etsi non merito eorum, iure feci meo, cum mei regni, meae dicionis essent, vestro decreto patri adtributi meo.

[¶103] 41.14. Moreover, if it were proper for me to give an accounting, I could not seem, I will not say to you and your allies, but even to those who do not approve harsh and unjust exercise of authority even over slaves, to have exceeded justice and virtue in punishing them; inasmuch as they killed Euphranor, the governor placed over them by me, in such fashion that death would have been the lightest of vengeance for him.

> Latin: 41.14. nec, si causa reddenda sit, non vobis nec foederatis, sed iis, qui ne in servos quidem saeva atque iniusta imperia probant, plus aequo et bono saevisse in eos videri possum, quippe Euphranorem praefectum a me inpositum ita occiderunt, ut mors poenarum eius levissima fuerit.

[¶104] 42.1. "But when I proceeded thence to see Larisa and Antronae and Pteleon, by a way near which is Delphi, I went up to Delphi to offer sacrifice in order to pay vows long overdue.

> Latin: 42.1. at cum processissem inde ad visendas Larisam et Antronas et Pteleon, quia in propinquo Delphis, … sacrificandi causa, ut multo ante debita vota persolverem, Delphos escendi.

[¶105] 42.2. And to this charge —that the accusation may be greater —is added the further charge that I went with an army; as if indeed it was in order to seize cities, as I now am complaining of your doing, and to place garrisons in the citadels.

> Latin: 42.2. et his criminis augendi causa cum exercitu me isse adicitur; scilicet ut, quod nunc vos facere queror, urbes occuparem, arcibus imponerem praesidia.

[¶106] 42.3. Call to conference the cities of Greece through which I made my way, let any single person complain of injury from a soldier of mine; I shall not protest against being thought to have, by a pretence of sacrifice, sought ulterior ends.

> Latin: 42.3. vocate in concilium Graeciae civitates, per quas iter feci; queratur unus quilibet militis mei iniuriam: non recusabo, quin simulato sacrificio aliud petisse videar.

[¶107] 42.4. To the Aetolians and Byzantines we have sent military forces, and with the Boeotians we have made a treaty of friendship. These acts, such as they are, have been frequently not only announced but even defended by my envoys in your senate, where I usually found certain critics not as fair-minded as you, Quintus Marcius, a friend and guest by inheritance.

> Latin: 42.4. Aetolis et Byzantiis praesidia misimus et cum Boeotis amicitiam fecimus. haec qualiacumque sunt, per legatos meos non solum indicata, sed etiam excusata sunt saepe in senatu vestro, ubi aliquos ego disceptatores non tam aequos quam te, Q. Marci, paternum amicum et hospitem, habebam.

[¶108] 42.5. But Eumenes had not as yet come to Rome as accuser, in order by slandering and distorting everything to arouse general suspicion and hatred and to try to persuade you that it is impossible for Greece to be free and to enjoy your bounty as long as the kingdom of Macedonia is intact.

> Latin: 42.5. sed nondum Romam accusator Eumenes venerat, qui calumniando omnia detorquendoque suspecta et invisa efficeret et persuadere vobis conaretur, non posse Graeciam in libertate esse et vestro munere frui, quoad regnum Macedoniae incolume esset.

[¶109] 42.6. This argument will be brought around full circle; soon there will be one to charge that Antiochus was to no avail driven beyond the range of Taurus; a far worse tyrant over Asia than Antiochus had been exists in Eumenes; your allies cannot take their ease as long as the palace of Pergamum stands; that looms like a citadel over the heads of neighbouring states.

> Latin: 42.6. circumagetur hic orbis; erit mox, qui arguat nequidquam Antiochum ultra iuga Tauri emotum; graviorem multo Asiae, quam Antiochus fuerit, Eumenen esse; conquiescere socios vestros non posse, quoad regia Pergami sit: eam arcem supra capita finitimarum civitatium impositam.

[¶110] 42.7. I am aware, Quintus Marcius and Aulus Atilius, that these charges which have either been made by you or answered by me are such as the ears and minds of the hearers are, and that it does not so much matter what I have done or with what intent as how you will receive the action.

> Latin: 42.7. ego haec, Q. Marci et A. Atili, quae aut a vobis obiecta aut purgata a me sunt, talia esse scio, ut aures, ut animi audientium sint, nec tam referre, quid ego aut qua mente fecerim, quam quo modo id vos factum accipiatis.

[¶111] 42.8. I am confident that I have done no wrong knowingly and that if I have done anything through an unintentional slip, I can be corrected and bettered by this rebuke.

> Latin: 42.8. conscius mihi sum nihil me scientem deliquisse et, si quid fecerim inprudentia lapsus, corrigi me et emendari castigatione hac posse.

[¶112] 42.9. Certainly I have done nothing irreparable, nor such that you should think it must be avenged by war and arms; or else the fame of your mercy and poise has been spread abroad among the nations all in vain, if for such causes, which are hardly worthy of complaint and protest, you rush to arms and declare war on your royal allies."

> Latin: 42.9. nihil certe insanabile nec quod bello et armis persequendum esse censeatis commisi, aut frustra clementiae gravitatisque vestrae fama volgata per gentes est, si talibus de causis, quae vix querella et expostulatione dignae sunt, arma capitis et regibus sociis bella infertis.”

## 7. Book XLII · chapters 43–55

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7/#p-N

[¶0] 43.1. When applause had followed this speech, Marcius proposed his sending envoys to Rome; since the king believed that every recourse should be tried to the very last and no hope be overlooked, the rest of the conference was on means of safety for the envoys' journey.

> Latin: 43.1. haec dicentem et cum adsensu Marcius audivit et auctor fuit mittendi Romam legatos. … cum experienda omnia ad ultimum nec praetermittendam spem ullam censuissent, reliqua consultatio erat, quonam modo tutum iter legatis esset.

[¶1] 43.2. Although for this a request for a truce was clearly essential and Marcius was eager for it and was seeking for nothing else at the conference, he granted it grudgingly and as a great favour to the petitioner.

> Latin: 43.2. ad id cum necessaria petitio indutiarum videretur, cuperetque Marcius neque aliud conloquio petisset, gravate et in magnam gratiam petentis concessit.

[¶2] 43.3. For the Romans had nothing thoroughly ready for war at this time, neither army nor leader, while Perseus, had not an idle hope of peace blinded his counsels, would have had everything ready and on hand and could have begun the war at a time most favourable to himself and inopportune for the enemy.

> Latin: 43.3. nihil enim satis paratum ad bellum in praesentia habebant Romani, non exercitum, non ducem, cum Perseus, ni spes vana pacis occaecasset consilia, omnia praeparata atque instructa haberet et suo maxime tempore atque alieno hostibus incipere bellum posset.

[¶3] 43.4. From this conference the Roman envoys, relying on the truce as security, at once set out for Boeotia.

> Latin: 43.4. ab hoc conloquio fide indutiarum interposita legati Romani in Boeotiam conparati sunt.

[¶4] 43.5. In that region there already had begun to be disturbance as certain peoples departed from association in the common council of the Boeotians, after the report had come that the envoys had answered that it would become evident which peoples for their own part disliked the forming of an alliance with the king.

> Latin: 43.5. ibi iam motus coeperat esse discedentibus a societate communis concilii Boeotorum quibusdam populis, ex quo renuntiatum erat respondisse legatos, appariturum, quibus populis proprie societatem cum rege iungi displicuisset.

[¶5] 43.6. First envoys from Chaeronia, then from Thebes, met the Romans while still on the way, asserting that they had not been present in the council in which this alliance had been voted; the Roman envoys, giving them no answer for the time being, ordered them to follow them to Chalcis. At Thebes a great dispute arose from a different rivalry.

> Latin: 43.6. primi a Chaeronia legati, deinde a Thebis in ipso itinere occurrerunt, adfirmantes non interfuisse se quo societas ea decreta esset concilio; quos legati nullo in praesentia responso dato Chalcidem se sequi iusserunt.

[¶6] 43.7. The party beaten in the election for general and the Governors of Boeotia, by way of avenging their rebuff, gathered a mob and passed a vote at Thebes that the Governors be not received in the cities.

> Latin: 43.7. Thebis magna contentio orta erat ex alio certamine. comitiis praetoriis Boeotorum victa pars iniuriam persequens coacta multitudine decretum Thebis fecit, ne Boeotarchae urbibus reciperentur.

[¶7] 43.8. The exiles all departed to Thespiae; from there — for they had been received without hesitation —they were recalled, by a change of sentiment, to Thebes and passed a decree that twelve men who though private citizens had held an assembly and council should be punished by exile.

> Latin: 43.8. exules Thespias universi concesserunt; inde — recepti enim sine cunctatione erant — Thebas iam mutatis animis revocati decretum faciunt, ut duodecim, qui privati coetum et concilium habuissent, exilio multarentur.

[¶8] 43.9. Next, the new general —he was Ismenias, a man of rank and power —by decree in their absence condemned these men to death. They fled to Chalcis; thence they set out to the Romans at Larisa and brought a charge of alliance with Perseus against Ismenias; from this dispute, they said, the contest had arisen.

> Latin: 43.9. novus deinde praetor — Ismenias is erat, vir nobilis ac potens — capitalis poenae absentis eos decreto damnat. Chalcidem fugerant; inde ad Romanos Larisam profecti causam cum Perseo societatis in Ismeniam contulerant:

[¶9] 43.10. Envoys of both factions came at that time to the Romans, both the exiles and accusers of Ismenias, and Ismenias himself.

> Latin: 43.10. ex contentione ortum certamen. utriusque tamen partis legati ad Romanos venerunt, et exules accusatoresque Ismeniae et Ismenias ipse.

[¶10] 44.1. When the party arrived at Chalcis, a thing very pleasing to the Romans occurred, for the chief men of the other states each by their own particular decree rejected the alliance with the king and associated themselves with the Romans; Ismenias thought it proper to put the Boeotian League in the care of the Romans.

> Latin: 44.1. Chalcidem ut ventum est, aliarum civitatium principes, id quod maxume gratum erat Romanis, suo quisque proprio decreto, regiam societatem aspernati, Romanis se adiungebant, Ismenias gentem Boeotorum in fidem Romanorum permitti aecum censebat.

[¶11] 44.2. Thereupon a dispute arose, and save that he escaped to the headquarters of the Roman envoys, Ismenias lacked little of meeting his death at the hands of the exiles and their partisans.

> Latin: 44.2. inde certamine orto, nisi in tribunal legatorum perfugisset, haud multum afuit, quin ab exulibus fautoribusque eorum interficeretur.

[¶12] 44.3. Thebes itself, the capital of Boeotia, was also in a great uproar, as some urged the city toward the king, others toward the Romans; and a mob from Coronea and Haliartus had assembled to defend the vote of alliance with the king.

> Latin: 44.3. Thebae quoque ipsae, quod Boeotiae caput est, in magno motu erant, aliis ad regem trahentibus civitatem, aliis ad Romanos.

[¶13] 44.4. But due to the steadfastness of the chief men in demonstrating by the disasters which had befallen Philip and Antiochus how great was the might and good fortune of the Roman State, the commons were at length overcome and voted to cancel the alliance with the king, besides sending to Chalcis those who had been sponsors of sanctioning the friendly relations to make amends to the envoys, and ordering that the city be recommended to the care of the envoys.

> Latin: 44.4. et turba Coronaeorum Haliartiorumque eo convenerat ad defendendum decretum regiae societatis. sed constantia principum docentium cladibus Philippi Antiochique, quanta esset vis et fortuna imperii Romani, victa tandem multitudo et ut tolleretur regia societas decrevit et eos, qui auctores paciscendae amicitiae fuerant, ad satisfaciendum legatis Chalcidem misit fideique legatorum commendari civitatem iussit.

[¶14] 44.5. Marcius and Atilius heard the Thebans with joy and recommended both to these and severally to the various others that they send envoys to Rome to renew friendly relations.

> Latin: 44.5. Thebanos Marcius et Atilius laeti audierunt auctoresque et his et separatim singulis fuerunt ad renovandam amicitiam mittendi Romam legatos.

[¶15] 44.6. First of all they ordered that the exiles be restored, and condemned by their own decree the sponsors of alliance with the king. Thus having obtained their fondest desire, the disruption of the Boeotian League, they set out for the Peloponnese after summoning Servius Cornelius to Chalcis.

> Latin: 44.6. ante omnia exules restitui iusserunt et auctores regiae societatis decreto suo damnarunt. ita, quod maxume volebant, discusso Boeotico concilio Peloponnesum proficiscuntur Ser. Cornelio Chalcidem accersito.

[¶16] 44.7. An assembly was called for them at Argos; there they asked nothing of the Achaean League but the contribution of one thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 44.7. Argis praebitum est iis concilium; ubi res … nihil aliud a gente Achaeorum petierunt, quam ut mille milites darent.

[¶17] 44.8. This garrison was sent to guard Chalcis until the Roman army could be brought over to Greece. Marcius and Atilius, having accomplished their mission in Greece, as winter came on returned to Rome.

> Latin: 44.8. id praesidium ad Chalcidem tuendam, dum Romanus exercitus in Graeciam traiceretur, missum est. Marcius et Atilius peractis, quae agenda in Graecia erant, principio hiemis Romam redierunt.

[¶18] 45.1. Thence an embassy had been sent during this time to Asia and among the islands.

> Latin: 45.1. inde legatio sub idem tempus in Asiam ac circum insulas missa.

[¶19] 45.2. There were three envoys, Tiberius Claudius, Spurius Postumius and Marcus Junius. These went about exhorting the allies to undertake war against Perseus on the side of the Romans; and the richer any given city was the more painstakingly they negotiated there, because the lesser cities would follow the leadership of the greater.

> Latin: 45.2. tres erant legati, Ti. Claudius Sp. Postumius M. Iunius. ii circumeuntes hortabantur socios ad suscipiendum adversus Persea pro Romanis bellum, et quo quaeque opulentior civitas erat, eo accuratius agebant, quia minores secuturae maiorum auctoritatem erant.

[¶20] 45.3. The Rhodians were considered of the greatest importance in everything, because they could not only embrace the war, but assist in it, too, with their forces, since forty ships had been made ready, on motion of Hegesilochus; this man, who held the chief magistracy —their own title is prytanis —had by numerous speeches won over the Rhodians to give up the hope, which they had repeatedly discovered to be idle, of currying favour with kings, and to keep the alliance with Rome, the only alliance in the world at that time which was secure whether through power or trustworthiness.

> Latin: 45.3. Rhodii maxumi ad omnia momenti habebantur, quia non fovere tantum, sed adiuvare viribus suis bellum poterant, quadraginta navibus auctore Hegesilocho praeparatis. qui cum in summo magistratu esset — prytanin ipsi vocant — multis orationibus perpulerat Rhodios, ut omissa, quam saepe vanam experti essent, regum fovendorum spe Romanam societatem, unam tum in terris vel viribus vel fide stabilem, retinerent.

[¶21] 45.5. War with Perseus, said Hegesilochus, was imminent; the Romans would call for the same naval force which they had recently seen in the war with Antiochus, and previously in that with Philip.

> Latin: 45.5. bellum imminere cum Perseo; desideraturos Romanos eundem navalem apparatum, quem nuper Antiochi, quem Philippi ante bello vidissent.

[¶22] 45.6. The Rhodians would be in a panic over the sudden need to prepare a fleet at the time it should be sent, if they did not begin to refit their ships and equip them with sailors. This they must do with the greater vigour in order to refute by the proof of actions the accusations brought by Eumenes.

> Latin: 45.6. trepidaturos tum repente paranda classe, cum mittenda esset, nisi reficere naves, nisi instruere navalibus sociis coepissent. id eo magis enixe faciundum esse, ut crimina delata ab Eumene fide rerum refellerent.

[¶23] 45.7. Aroused by these arguments, they displayed to the Roman envoys on their arrival, so that it might be evident that they had not waited to be urged, a fleet of forty ships prepared and equipped.

> Latin: 45.7. his incitati quadraginta navium classem instructam ornatamque legatis Romanis advenientibus, ut non expectatam adhortationem esse appareret, ostenderunt.

[¶24] 45.8. This embassy, moreover, had great weight in winning the allegiance of the states of Asia. Decimius alone returned to Rome without accomplishing anything, and disgraced by the suspicion of having even solicited bribes from the Illyrian kings.

> Latin: 45.8. et haec legatio magnum ad conciliandos animos civitatium Asiae momentum fuit. Decimius unus sine ullo effectu, captarum etiam pecuniarum ab regibus Illyriorum suspicione infamis, Romam rediit.

[¶25] 46.1. When Perseus had returned to Macedonia from his conference with the Romans, he sent to Rome envoys about the terms of peace outlined with Marcius; also to Byzantium and Rhodes... he gave the envoys [letters] to present.

> Latin: 46.1. Perseus cum ab conloquio Romanorum in Macedoniam recepisset sese, legatos Romam de incohatis cum Marcio condicionibus pacis misit, et Byzantium et Rhodum … et legatis ferendas dedit.

[¶26] 46.2. In the letters the same sentiments were expressed to all, namely, that he had conferred with envoys from Rome; what he had heard and what he had said had turned out to be such that he might seem to have had the better of the discussion.

> Latin: 46.2. in litteris eadem sententia ad omnis erat, conlocutum se cum Romanorum legatis; quae audisset quaeque dixisset, ita disposita, ut superior fuisse in disceptatione videri posset.

[¶27] 46.3. Before the Rhodians the envoys added that the king was sure there would be peace; for at the suggestion of Marcius and Atilius envoys had been sent to Rome. If the Romans continued to stir up war contrary to the treaty, then the Rhodians must strive with all their resources of friendly influence to bring peace again; if they did not succeed with their entreaties, they must act to prevent authority and power over everything coming into the hands of a single people.

> Latin: 46.3. apud Rhodios legati addiderunt, confidere pacem futuram, auctoribus enim Marcio atque Atilio missos Romam legatos. si pergerent Romani contra foedus movere bellum, tum omni gratia, omni ope enitendum fore Rhodiis, ut reconcilient pacem:

[¶28] 46.4. This was to the interest both of all states and especially of the Rhodians, in proportion as they were outstanding among other states in position and resources; these blessings would be enslaved and in bondage, if there were no recourse to anyone but the Romans.

> Latin: 46.4. si nihil deprecando proficiant, id agendum, ne omnium rerum ius ac potestas ad unum populum perveniat. cum ceterorum id interesse, tum praecipue Rhodiorum, quo plus inter alias civitates dignitate atque opibus excellant; quae serva atque obnoxia fore, si nullus alio sit quam ad Romanos respectus.

[¶29] 46.5. The friendly hearing given to the letter and the words of the envoys was greater than the weight they had in changing the Rhodians' minds; the influence of the better party began to be the stronger.

> Latin: 46.5. magis et litterae et verba legatorum benigne sunt audita quam momentum ad mutandos animos habuerunt; potentior esse partis melioris auctoritas coeperat.

[¶30] 46.6. The reply as voted was that the Rhodians hoped for peace; if there were war, the king must not expect or ask anything of the Rhodians which would destroy between them and the Romans the ancient friendship, cemented by many great services in peace and war.

> Latin: 46.6. responsum ex decreto est optare pacem Rhodios; si bellum esset, ne quid ab Rhodiis speraret aut peteret rex, quod veterem amicitiam, multis magnisque meritis pace belloque partam, diiungeret sibi ac Romanis.

[¶31] 46.7. On the way back from Rhodes, the envoys also approached the cities of Boeotia, not only Thebes but also Coronea and Haliartus, for it was believed that their desertion of the alliance with the king and adhesion to the Romans had been forced upon them against their will.

> Latin: 46.7. ab Rhodo redeuntes Boeotiae quoque civitates, [et] Thebas et Coroneam et Haliartum, adierunt, quibus expressum invitis existimabatur, ut relicta regia societate Romanis adiungerentur.

[¶32] 46.8. The Thebans were not at all moved, although, both for the condemnation of the chief men and the restoration of the exiles, they were angry with the Romans.

> Latin: 46.8. Thebani nihil moti sunt, quamquam nonnihil et damnatis principibus et restitutis exulibus succensebant Romanis.

[¶33] 46.9. The peoples of Coronea and Haliartus, through some inborn prejudice in favour of kings, sent envoys to Macedonia asking for a garrison, by which they might protect themselves against the reckless insolence of the Thebans.

> Latin: 46.9. Coronaei et Haliartii favore quodam insito in reges legatos in Macedoniam miserunt praesidium petentes, quo se adversus inpotentem superbiam Thebanorum tueri possint.

[¶34] 46.10. To this embassy the king's reply was, that because of the truce made with the Romans he could not send them a garrison; however, he advised them to protect themselves as best they might against the injustice of the Thebans in such a way as not to offer the Romans an excuse for harshness against them.

> Latin: 46.10. cui legationi responsum ab rege est, praesidium se propter indutias cum Romanis factas mittere non posse: tamen ita suadere ab Thebanorum iniuriis, qua possent, ut se vindicarent, ne Romanis praeberent causam in se saeviendi.

[¶35] 47.1. When Marcius and Atilius had arrived in Rome, in the Capitol they reported about their embassy, emphasizing nothing as a greater achievement than the deception of the king by the truce and the hope of peace.

> Latin: 47.1. Marcius et Atilius Romam cum venissent, legationem in Capitolio ita renuntiarunt, ut nulla re magis gloriarentur quam decepto per indutias et spem pacis rege.

[¶36] 47.2. For he had been, they said, so equipped with apparatus for war, while the Romans had made no preparations, that all the commanding places might have been seized by him before an army could be sent over to Greece.

> Latin: 47.2. adeo enim apparatibus belli fuisse instructum, ipsis nulla parata re, ut omnia opportuna loca praeoccupari ante ab eo potuerint, quam exercitus in Graeciam traiceretur.

[¶37] 47.3. However, with the time consumed by the truce, the war would be waged on even terms; he would be in no way better prepared, and the Romans would start the war better equipped in everything. Also they had subtly disrupted the Boeotian League, they said, so that the Boeotians could no longer be joined by any common action to the Macedonians.

> Latin: 47.3. spatio autem indutiarum sumpto aecum … venturum; illum nihilo paratiorem, Romanos omnibus instructiores rebus coepturos bellum. Boeotorum quoque se concilium arte distraxisse, ne coniungi amplius ullo consensu Macedonibus possent.

[¶38] 47.4. These actions a large part of the senate approved as having been done with great wisdom; the older men and those mindful of ancient custom said they did not recognize in this embassy the ways of Rome.

> Latin: 47.4. haec ut summa ratione acta magna pars senatus adprobabat; veteres et moris antiqui memores negabant se in ea legatione Romanas agnoscere artes:

[¶39] 47.5. “Not by ambushes and battles by night,” they thought, "nor by pretended flight and unexpected return to an enemy off his guard, nor in such a way as to boast of cunning rather than real bravery, did our ancestors wage war; they were accustomed to declare war before they waged it, and even at times to announce a battle and specify the place in which they were going to fight.

> Latin: 47.5. non per insidias et nocturna proelia nec simulatam fugam inprovisosque ad incautum hostem reditus nec ut astu magis quam vera virtute gloriarentur, bella maiores gessisse; indicere prius quam gerere solitos bella, denuntiare etiam interdum … finire, in quo dimicaturi essent.

[¶40] 47.6. With the same straightforwardness the information was given to King Pyrrhus that his physician was plotting against his life;

> Latin: 47.6. eadem fide indicatum Pyrrho regi medicum vitae eius insidiantem, eadem Faliscis vinctum traditum proditorem liberorum.

[¶41] 47.7. in the same way the betrayer of their children was delivered bound to the Faliscans; these are the acts of Roman scrupulousness, not of Carthaginian artfulness nor of Greek slyness, since among these peoples it has been more praiseworthy to deceive an enemy than to conquer by force.

> Latin: 47.7. vere haec Romana esse, non versutiarum Punicarum neque calliditatis Graecae, apud quos fallere hostem quam vi superare gloriosius fuerit.

[¶42] 47.8. Occasionally a greater advantage is gained for the time being by trickery than by courage, but final and lasting conquest of the spirit overtakes one from whom the admission has been extorted that he has been conquered, not by craft or accident, but by the hand-tohand clash of force in a proper and righteous war."

> Latin: 47.8. interdum in praesens tempus plus profici dolo quam virtute; sed eius demum animum in perpetuum vinci, cui confessio expressa sit se neque arte neque casu, sed conlatis comminus viribus, iusto ac pio esse bello superatum.

[¶43] 47.9. Thus the older men, who were less well pleased by the new and over-sly wisdom; however, that part of the senate to whom the pursuit of advantage was more important than that of honour, prevailed to the effect that the previous embassy of Marcius should be approved, and he should be sent back again to Greece with... quinqueremes and instructed to conduct further affairs as might seem best to serve the state.

> Latin: 47.9. haec seniores, quibus nova haec minus placebat sapientia; vicit tamen ea pars senatus, cui potior utilis quam honesti cura erat, ut conprobaretur prior legatio Marci et eodem rursus in Graeciam cum … quinqueremibus remitteretur iubereturque cetera, uti e re publica maxime visum esset, agere.

[¶44] 47.10. Aulus Atilius, too, they sent to hold Larisa in Thessaly, fearing that if the time of the truce should expire, Perseus might send a garrison there and have in his power the capital of Thessaly.

> Latin: 47.10. A. quoque Atilium miserunt ad occupandam Larisam in Thessalia timentes, ne, si indutiarum dies exisset, Perseus praesidio eo misso caput Thessaliae in potestate haberet.

[¶45] 47.11. Atilius was instructed to call on Gnaeus Sicinius for two thousand soldiers to accomplish this mission. Publius Lentulus too —he had returned from Achaea —was given three hundred soldiers of Italian stock in order that he should do what he could at Thebes to keep Boeotia under Roman control.

> Latin: 47.11. duo milia peditum Atilius ab Cn. Sicinio accersere ad eam rem agendam iussus. et P. Lentulo, qui ex Achaia redierat, trecenti milites Italici generis dati, ut Thebis daret operam, ut in potestate Boeotia esset.

[¶46] 48.1. With these preparations made, although plans for making war had been determined upon, yet it was decided to receive the envoys before the senate.

> Latin: 48.1. his praeparatis, quamquam ad bellum consilia erant destinata, senatum tamen praeberi legatis placuit.

[¶47] 48.2. Nearly the same statements as had been made at the conference by the king were presented by his envoys. The charge of setting an ambush for Eumenes was both their chief concern and at the same time —for the situation was obvious —the least plausibly refuted; the rest of what they had to say was mollification.

> Latin: 48.2. eadem fere, quae in conloquio ab rege dicta erant, relata ab legatis. insidiarum Eumeni factarum crimen et maxima cura et minime tamen probabiliter — manifesta enim res erat — defensum;

[¶48] 48.3. But the envoys were not heard by spirits which could be either enlightened or moved. The stern order was given them to depart from the walls of Rome at once, and within thirty days from Italy.

> Latin: 48.3. cetera deprecatio erat. sed non eis animis audiebantur, qui aut doceri aut flecti possent. denuntiatum, extemplo moenibus urbis Romae, Italia intra tricesimum diem excederent.

[¶49] 48.4. Then to the consul Publius Licinius, to whom Macedonia had fallen as province, the order was given that he should appoint the first possible day for the army to assemble.

> Latin: 48.4. P. Lincinio deinde consuli, cui Macedonia provincia obvenerat, denuntiatum, ut exercitui diem primam quamque diceret ad conveniendum.

[¶50] 48.5. Gaius Lucretius the praetor, whose duty was the command of the fleet, left the city with forty quinqueremes; for it had been decided to keep at the city several of the refitted ships for various purposes.

> Latin: 48.5. C. Lucretius praetor, cui classis provincia erat, cum quadraginta quinqueremibus ab urbe profectus: nam ex refectis navibus alias in alium usum retineri ad urbem placuit.

[¶51] 48.6. The praetor sent his brother Marcus Lucretius on in advance with one quinquereme, with orders to meet the fleet at Cephallania with the ships received from the allies according to treaty.

> Latin: 48.6. praemissus a praetore est frater M. Lucretius cum quinquereme una, iussusque ab sociis ex foedere acceptis navibus ad Cephallaniam classi occurrere, ab Reginis triremi una, ab Locris duabus, ab Uritibus quattuor.

[¶52] 48.7. After taking on one trireme from Rhegium, two from Locri, four from the district of Uria, he coasted along Italy past the farthest cape of Calabria and crossed the Ionian sea to Dyrrhachium.

> Latin: 48.7. praeter oram supervectus [Italiae] Calabriae extremum promunturium [in] Ionio mari Dyrrhachium traicit.

[¶53] 48.8. There he came upon ten cutters of the Dyrrhachians themselves, twelve of the Issaeans, and fifty-four of King Gentius, and pretending that he believed they had been collected for the use of the Romans, took them all with him on the third day to Corcyra and thence crossed at once to Cephallania. Gaius Lucretius the praetor set out from Naples, passed through the straits and made the crossing to Cephallania in five days.

> Latin: 48.8. ibi decem ipsorum Dyrrhachinorum, duodecim Issaeorum, quinquaginta quattuor Genti regis lembos nanctus, simulans se credere eos in usum Romanorum conparatos esse, omnibus abductis die tertio Corcyram, inde protinus in Cephallaniam traicit.

[¶54] 48.9. There the fleet halted, not only to wait till the land forces were brought over, but also so that the supply-ships, scattered over the deep off their course, might catch up with it.

> Latin: 48.9. C. Lucretius praetor ab Neapoli profectus superato freto die quinto in Cephallaniam transmisit. ibi stetit classis, simul opperiens, ut terrestris copiae traicerentur, simul ut onerariae ex agmine suo per altum dissipatae consequerentur.

[¶55] 49.1. During these days, as it happened, the consul Publius Licinius, after announcing his vows on the Capitol, set out from the city in military dress.

> Latin: 49.1. per hos forte dies P. Licinius consul votis in Capitolio nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe profectus est.

[¶56] 49.2. Such a departure is always indeed conducted with great solemnity and pomp; it particularly draws the eyes and minds of men when they escort a consul going against an enemy great and famous either for bravery or for good fortune.

> Latin: 49.2. semper quidem ea res cum magna dignitate ac maiestate geritur; praecipue tamen convertit oculos animosque, cum ad magnum nobilemque aut virtute aut fortuna hostem euntem consulem prosecuntur.

[¶57] 49.3. For not only care in paying their respects, but also eagerness for the spectacle brings crowds to see their leader, to whose command and wisdom they have entrusted the whole welfare of the state.

> Latin: 49.3. contrahit enim non officii mode cura, sed etiam studium spectaculi, ut videant ducem suum, cuius imperio consilioque summam rem publicam tuendam permiserunt.

[¶58] 49.4. Thereupon there steals over their minds a thought of the calamities of war, and how uncertain is the outcome of fortune and how impartial the god of war —a thought of reverses and successes, of what disasters have often occurred through the ignorance and rashness of leaders, of what gains, on the other hand, prudence and courage have produced.

> Latin: 49.4. subit deinde cogitatio animum, qui belli casus, quam incertus fortunae eventus communisque Mars belli sit; adversa secundaque, quae inscitia et temeritate ducum cladis saepe acciderint, quae contra bona prudentia et virtus attulerit.

[¶59] 49.6. What mortal knows, men think, which kind of mind and fortune belongs to this consul whom we are sending to war? Shall it be in swift triumph, as he climbs the Capitol with a conquering army toward those gods from whom he now takes his leave, that we shall see him, or are we to give that joy to the enemy? To King Perseus in particular, against whom the consul was going, fame had come from the brilliance of the Macedonian nation in war and from Philip, the king's father, whose reputation sprang from many successful achievements and, besides, even from the war with Rome.

> Latin: 49.6. quem scire mortalium utrius mentis, utrius fortunae consulem ad bellum mittant? triumphantemne mox cum exercitu victore scandentem in Capitolium ad eosdem deos, a quibus proficiscatur, visuri, an hostibus eam praebituri laetitiam sint?

[¶60] 49.7. Then, too, Perseus' own name, because of the expectation of war with him, never from the time he mounted the throne had ceased to be on men's lips. With such thoughts, men of all classes escorted the departing consul.

> Latin: 49.7. Persei autem regi, adversus quem ibatur, famam et bello clara Macedonum gens et Philippus pater, inter multa prospere gesta Romano etiam nobilitatus bello, praebebat; tum ipsius Persei numquam, ex quo regnum accepisset, desitum belli expectatione celebrari nomen. cum his cogitationibus omnium ordinum homines proficiscentem consulem prosecuti sunt.

[¶61] 49.9. Two ex-consuls were sent with him as military tribunes, Gaius Claudius and Quintus Mucius and three noted young men, Publius Lentulus and two named Manlius Acidinus —one was the son of Marcus Manlius, the other of Lucius Manlius.

> Latin: 49.9. duo consulares tribuni militum cum eo missi, C. Claudius Q. Mucius, et tres inlustres iuvenes, P. Lentulus et duo Manli Acidini; alter M. Manli, alter L. Manli filius erat.

[¶62] 49.10. With these the consul left for the army at Brundisium and crossing thence with all his forces, pitched camp near the Place of the Nymphs in the territory of Apollonia.

> Latin: 49.10. cum is consul Brundisium ad exercitum atque inde cum omnibus copiis transvectus ad Nymphaeum in Apolloniatium agro posuit castra.

[¶63] 50.1. A few days before, after the envoys returning from Rome had cut off hope of peace, Perseus held a council. There a contest of opposing views took place for a time.

> Latin: 50.1. paucos ante dies Perseus, postquam legati ab Roma regressi praeciderant spem pacis, consilium habuit. ibi aliquamdiu diversis sententiis certatum est.

[¶64] 50.2. There were those who thought that either a tribute should be paid, if it were imposed, or part of their territory yielded, if this form of fine were inflicted —or, finally, that anything else which must be endured for the sake of peace should not be rejected, nor should the king risk staking himself and his kingdom on a cast with so great a forfeit.

> Latin: 50.2. erant, quibus vel stipendium pendendum, si iniungeretur, vel agri parte cedendum, si multarent, quidquid denique aliud pacis causa patiendum esset, non recusandum videretur, nec committendum, ut in aleam tanti casus se regnumque daret:

[¶65] 50.3. If his hold on the kingdom remained quite undisputed, the passage of time might bring, they thought, many means not only of recouping his losses but of making him positively an object of fear to those whom he now feared.

> Latin: 50.3. si possessio haud ambigua regni maneret, multa diem tempusque adferre posse, quibus non amissa modo reciperare, sed timendus ultro is esse, quos nunc timeret, posset, ceterum multo maior pars ferocioris sententiae erat.

[¶66] 50.4. However, by far the majority held a bolder opinion. No matter what he should have yielded, they declared, along with it he would immediately have to yield his kingdom.

> Latin: 50.4. quidquid cessisset, cum eo simul regno protinus cedendum esse adfirmabant:

[¶67] 50.5. For the Romans were not in want of money or territory, but understood that not only all human affairs, but in particular the greatest of kingdoms and empires, were subject to many vicissitudes.

> Latin: 50.5. neque enim Romanos pecunia aut agro egere, sed hoc scire, cum omnia humana, tum maxima quaeque et regna et imperia sub casibus multis esse;

[¶68] 50.6. The Romans, said these advisers, knew that they had shattered the power of the Carthaginians and had set upon their necks a very powerful royal neighbour; Antiochus and his line had been driven beyond the range of Taurus;

> Latin: 50.6. Carthaginiensium opes fregisse sese et cervicibus eorum praepotentem finitimum regem inposuisse; Antiochum progeniemque eius ultra iuga Tauri emotum;

[¶69] 50.7. only the kingdom of Macedonia remained, both near in situation, and such that, when in any way its good fortune began to fail the Roman people, it might seem able to inspire its kings with the spirit of their ancestors.

> Latin: 50.7. unum esse Macedoniae regnum, et regione propincum et quod, [quia] sicubi populo Romano sua fortuna labet, antiquos animos regibus suis videatur posse facere.

[¶70] 50.8. While his strength was intact, Perseus ought to make up his mind whether, after being stripped, by concession after concession, of his resources, and thrust from his kingdom, he would prefer finally to beg of the Romans Samothrace or some other island, where as an untitled survivor of his own kingdom he might grow old amid scorn and poverty, or whether, armed in defense of his power and high position, he would either, in a fashion worthy of a brave man, endure whatever the fortune of war might bring, or as conqueror free the world from Roman domination. It would be no more astounding for the Romans to be driven from Greece than for Hannibal to have been driven from Italy.

> Latin: 50.8. dum integrae res sint, statuere apud animum suum Persea debere, utrum singula concedendo nudatus ad extremum opibus extorrisque regno Samothraciam aliamve quam insulam petere ab Romanis, ubi privatus superstes regno suo in contemptu atque inopia consenescat, malit, an armatus vindex fortunae dignitatisque suae, aut, ut viro forti dignum sit, patiatur, quodcumque casus belli tulerit, aut victor liberet orbem terrarum ab imperio Romano.

[¶71] 50.10. Nor in truth could they see how it was consistent to resist with the utmost vehemence a brother who was wrongly laying claim to the kingdom, and then, when the kingdom had been securely won, to yield it to aliens.

> Latin: 50.10. non esse admirabilius Romanos Graecia pelli quam Hannibalem Italia pulsum esse. neque hercule videre, qui conveniat fratri, adfectanti per iniuriam regnum, summa vi restitisse, alienigenis bene parto eo cedere.

[¶72] 50.11. Finally this discussion about peace and war was based on the universally accepted view that nothing is more disgraceful than to have yielded a kingdom without a struggle, nor anything more glorious than to have made trial of fortune to the utmost in defense of rank and crown.

> Latin: 50.11. postremo ita de bello et pace quaeri, ut inter omnes conveniat, nec turpius quicquam esse quam sine certamine cessisse regno, nec praeclarius quicquam quam pro dignitate ac maiestate omnem fortunam expertum esse.

[¶73] 51.1. This conference was held at Pella, in the ancient palace of the Macedonians. “Let us, then,” said Perseus, “wage war, since this seems best, with the kindly help of the gods,” and sending dispatches to his officers he drew all his forces together at Citium, a city of Macedonia.

> Latin: 51.1. Pellae, in vetere regia Macedonum, hoc consilium erat. “geramus ergo” inquit, “dis bene iuvantibus, quando ita videtur, bellum;” litterisque circa praefectos dimissis Citium — Macedoniae oppidum est — copias omnis contrahit.

[¶74] 51.2. He himself offered a sacrifice of one hundred victims in regal style to Minerva whom they call “Defender of the Folk,” and set out for Citium with a band of wearers of the purple and attendants.

> Latin: 51.2. ipse centum hostiis sacrificio regaliter Minervae, quam vocant Alcidemon, facto cum purpuratorum et satellitum manu profectus Citium est. eo iam omnes Macedonum et externorum auxiliorum convenerant copiae.

[¶75] 51.3. There all the forces of Macedonians and foreign auxiliaries had already assembled. He pitched camp before the city and drew up all the soldiers on the plain; the total of all was forty-three thousand under arms; about half of these were phalanx-men; Hippias of Beroea was their commander.

> Latin: 51.3. castra ante urbem ponit omnisque armatos in campo struxit. summa omnium quadraginta tria milia armata fuere, quorum pars ferme dimidia phalangitae erant; Hippias Beroeaeus praeerat.

[¶76] 51.4. Then there were two thousand chosen from all the force of light infantry for their strength and the vigour of their youth; this unit the Macedonians called the Guard; its commanders were Leonnatus and Thrasippus, Eulyestans.

> Latin: 51.4. delecta deinde et viribus et robore aetatis ex omni cetratorum numero duo milia erant; agema hanc ipsi legionem vocabant; praefectos habebat Leonnatum et Thrasippum Eulyestas.

[¶77] 51.5. The leader of the other light infantry, about three thousand men, was Antiphilus of Edessa. The Paeonians from the districts both of the Mountainside and of the Strymon Valley —these places march with Thrace — and the Agrianes, with an admixture, besides, of Thracian settlers, also supplied a contingent of nearly three thousand.

> Latin: 51.5. ceterorum cetratorum, trium ferme milium hominum, dux erat Antiphilus Edessaeus. Paeones et ex Paroria et Parstrymonia — sunt autem ea loca subiecta Thraciae — et Agrianes, admixtis etiam Threcibus incolis, trium milium ferme et ipsi expleverunt numerum.

[¶78] 51.6. Didas the Paeonian, who had killed young Demetrius, had armed and mustered them.

> Latin: 51.6. armaverat contraxeratque eos Didas Paeon, qui adulescentem Demetrium occiderat.

[¶79] 51.7. There were also two thousand Gauls under arms; their commander was Asclepiodotus from Heraclea of the Sintians; three thousand free Thracians were under their own commander. About an equal number of Cretans followed native leaders, Susus of Phalasarnae and Syllus of Knossus.

> Latin: 51.7. et armatorum duo milia Gallorum erant, praefecto Asclepiodoto ab Heraclea ex Sintis. tria milia Threcum liberorum suum ducem habebant. Cretensium par paene numerus suos duces sequebatur, Susum Phalasarneum et Syllum Gnosium.

[¶80] 51.8. Leonides too, the Lacedaemonian, commanded five hundred from Greece, a mixed group of men. He was said to be of the royal blood, an exile, condemned by a full council of the Achaeans because of dispatches to Perseus which had been intercepted.

> Latin: 51.8. et Leonides Lacedaemonius quingentis ex Graecia, mixto generi hominum, praeerat. regii is generis ferebatur, exul damnatus frequenti concilio Achaeorum, litteris ad Persea deprensis.

[¶81] 51.9. Lycon the Achaean was commander of the Aetolians and Boeotians, who amounted in all to not more than five hundred. Of these auxiliaries, made up of so many peoples and tribes, the total under arms came to about twelve thousand. Of cavalry, the king had assembled three thousand from all Macedonia.

> Latin: 51.9. Aetolorum et Boeotorum, qui non explebant plus quam quingentorum omnes numerum, Lyco Achaeus praefectus erat. ex his mixtis tot populorum, tot gentium auxiliis duodecim milia armatorum ferme efficiebantur. equitum ex tota Macedonia contraxerat tria milia.

[¶82] 51.10. To Citium had come Cotys, son of Seuthes, king of the tribe of the Odrysae, with one thousand picked cavalry and about an equal number of infantry.

> Latin: 51.10. venerat eodem Cotys, Seuthis filius, rex gentis Odrysarum, cum mille dilectis equitibus, pari ferme peditum numero.

[¶83] 51.11. Thus the total of the whole army was thirty-nine thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry. It was generally agreed that, except for the army which Alexander the Great took over to Asia, never had the forces of any Macedonian king been so great.

> Latin: 51.11. ita summa totius exercitus undequadraginta milia peditum erant, quattuor equitum. satis constabat, secundum eum exercitum, quem magnus Alexander in Asiam traiecit, numquam ullius Macedonum regis copias tantas fuisse.

[¶84] 52.1. The twenty-sixth year was passing, since peace had been granted to Philip at his request;

> Latin: 52.1. sextus et vicesimus annus agebatur, ex quo petenti Philippo data pax erat;

[¶85] 52.2. throughout all that time unmolested Macedonia had both produced offspring, a large number of whom were of military age, and yet, in minor wars with her Thracian neighbours, of a sort to give training rather than to produce weariness, had been unremittingly in arms.

> Latin: 52.2. per id omne tempus quieta Macedonia et progeniem ediderat, cuius magna pars matura militiae esset, et levibus bellis Thracum accolarum, quae exercerent magis quam fatigarent, sub adsidua tamen militia fuerat;

[¶86] 52.3. Also the long planning for war with Rome, first by Philip, then by Perseus, had brought it about that everything was ready and at hand.

> Latin: 52.3. et diu meditatum Philippo primo, deinde et Persei Romanum bellum, omnia ut instructa parataque essent, effecerat.

[¶87] 52.4. The array of the review was set briefly in motion (not however in a regular manoeuvre ), so that they might not seem to have merely stood under arms; the king summoned them, in arms as they were, to an assembly.

> Latin: 52.4. mota parumper acies, non iusto decursu tamen, ne stetisse tantum in armis viderentur; armatosque, sicut erant, ad contionem vocavit.

[¶88] 52.5. He himself stood on a platform, having about him his two sons, the elder of whom, Philip, was by birth his brother, by adoption his son, while the younger, whom they called Alexander, was his own.

> Latin: 52.5. ipse constitit in tribunali, circa se habens filios duos, quorum maior Philippus natura frater, adoptione filius, minor, quem Alexandrum vocabant, naturalis erat.

[¶89] 52.6. He cheered the soldiers on to the war; he recited the wrongs done by the Roman people to his father and himself; the former had been driven by all sorts of outrages to fight back, but had been overtaken by fate during preparations for the war;

> Latin: 52.6. cohortatus est milites ad bellum, iniurias populi Romani in patrem seque conmemoravit:

[¶90] 52.7. to Perseus himself envoys had been sent at the same moment as soldiers for the seizing of the cities of Greece.

> Latin: 52.7. illum omnibus indignitatibus conpulsum ad rebellandum, inter apparatum belli fato oppressum; ad se simul legatos, simul milites ad occupandas Graeciae urbes missos.

[¶91] 52.8. Then through a treacherous conference, by means of a pretence of reorganizing peace, the winter had been wasted, so that the Romans might have time for preparation; now the consul was coming with two Roman legions, each of which contained six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, and about the same number of allied infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 52.8. fallaci deinde conloquio per speciem reconciliandae pacis extractam hiemem, ut tempus ad conparandum haberent; consulem nunc venire cum duabus legionibus Romanis, quae …, trecenos equites habeant, et pari ferme numero sociorum peditum equitumque;

[¶92] 52.9. Supposing that there were added to this force auxiliaries from the kings, Eumenes and Masinissa, there would be not more than thirty-seven thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 52.9. eo ut accedant regum auxilia, Eumenis et Masinissae, non plus … septem milia peditum, duo equitum futura.

[¶93] 52.10. Now that they had heard the numbers of the enemy let them consider their own army, how much it excelled in numbers and in type of soldiers, how much they, trained in the arts of warfare from boyhood, disciplined and hardened in so many wars, excelled these recruits hastily enrolled for this war. The auxiliaries of the Romans were Lydians, Phrygians, and Numidians; their own, Thracians and Gauls, the most warlike of all nations.

> Latin: 52.10. auditis hostium copiis respicerent suum ipsi exercitum, quantum numero, quantum genere militum praestarent tironibus raptim ad id bellum conscriptis ipsi a pueris eruditi artibus militiae, tot subacti atque durati bellis.

[¶94] 52.11. Their enemies had such arms as each poverty-stricken soldier might have acquired for himself, the Macedonians had arms taken from the royal arsenals, laid up through so many years by his father's care and expenditure. Provisions for the enemy would come not only from a long distance, but subject to all the accidents of seafaring; he himself had stored up both money and grain, not counting the revenue from the mines, for a ten years' war.

> Latin: 52.11. auxilia Romanis Lydos et Phrygas et Numidas esse, sibi Thracas Gallosque, ferocissimas gentium. arma illos habere ea, quae sibi quisque paraverit pauper miles, Macedonas prompta ex regio apparatu, per tot annos patris sui cura et inpensa facta.

[¶95] 52.12. Everything which, by the beneficence of the gods and by the prudence of the king, was to be made ready the Macedonians had in abundant plenty;

> Latin: 52.12. commeatum illis cum procul, tum omnibus sub casibus maritimis fore; se et pecuniam et frumentum, praeter reditus metallorum, in decem annos seposuisse.

[¶96] 52.13. they must have, too, the spirit which their ancestors had possessed, who, having subdued all Europe, had crossed to Asia and opened up with their arms a whole world unknown even to rumour, and had not ceased their conquests, until, within the barrier of the Indian Ocean, there was nothing left for them to conquer. But now, by Hercules, fortune had proclaimed a contest, not for the farthermost shores of India, but for the possession of Macedonia itself.

> Latin: 52.13. omnia, quae deorum indulgentia, quae regia cura praeparanda fuerint, plena cumulataque habere Macedonas. animum habendum esse, quem habuerint maiores eorum, qui Europa omni domita transgressi in Asiam incognitum famae aperuerint armis orbem terrarum nec ante vincere desierint, quam rubro mari inclusis quod vincerent defuerit.

[¶97] 52.15. When the Romans had been waging war with his father, they had held out the plausible pretext of the freedom of Greece; now openly they sought to enslave Macedonia, that there might be no king neighbouring the Roman empire, that no people famed in war might keep its arms.

> Latin: 52.15. at hercule nunc non de ultimis Indiae oris, sed de ipsius Macedoniae possessione certamen fortunam indixisse. cum patre suo gerentis bellum Romanos speciosum Graeciae liberandae prae tulisse titulum;

[¶98] 52.16. All these things they must surrender to haughty masters, along with their king and kingdom, if they wished to cease waging war and do the bidding of others.

> Latin: 52.16. nunc propalam Macedoniam in servitutem petere, ne rex vicinus imperio sit Romano, ne gens bello nobilis arma habeat. haec enim tradenda superbis dominis esse cum rege regnoque, si absistere bello et facere imperata velint.

[¶99] 53.1. Although throughout all the speech there had been often enough outbursts of applause, at that moment indeed such an outcry arose from those who were at once enraged and threatening, while some of them bade the king be of good cheer, that he put an end to his speech, merely ordering them to prepare for a march, for it was reported that the Romans had already moved camp from the Place of the Nymphs.

> Latin: 53.1. cum per omnem orationem satis frequenti adsensu succlamatum esset, tum vero ea vociferatio simul indignantium minitantiumque, partim iubentium bonum animum habere regem, exorta est, ut finem dicendi faceret, tantum iussis ad iter parare:

[¶100] 53.2. After dismissing the assembly he turned to hearing embassies from the cities of Macedonia.

> Latin: 53.2. iam enim dici movere castra ab Nymphaeo Romanos. contione dimissa, ad audiendas legationes civitatium Macedoniae se contulit.

[¶101] 53.3. These groups had come in order to promise funds for the war, each according to its ability, and grain.

> Latin: 53.3. venerant autem ad pecunias pro facultatibus quaeque suis et frumentum pollicendum ad bellum.

[¶102] 53.4. To all thanks were expressed and the offers refused; they were informed that the royal stores were sufficient for these purposes. Only wagons were ordered, to carry the catapults and a huge supply of missile weapons which was ready and other martial equipment.

> Latin: 53.4. omnibus gratiae actae, remissum omnibus; satis regios apparatus ad ea dictum sufficere. vehicula tantum imperata, ut tormenta telorumque missilium ingentem vim praeparatam bellicumque aliud instrumentum veherent.

[¶103] 53.5. Then setting out by way of Eordaea with the whole army, after camping at the lake called Begorritis, the king advanced on the next day into Elimea to the Haliacmon river.

> Latin: 53.5. profectus inde toto exercitu, Eordaeam petens, ad Begorritim quem vocant lacum positis castris, postero die in Elimeam ad Haliacmona fluvium processit.

[¶104] 53.6. Then crossing the mountains which they call Cambunian by a narrow pass, he came down to Azorus, Pythoüs and Dolichê; the inhabitants call them Tripolis.

> Latin: 53.6. deinde saltu angusto superatis montibus, quos Cambunios vocant, descendit ad Azorum, Pythoum et Dolichen;

[¶105] 53.7. These three towns, after brief hesitation because they had given hostages to the people of Larisa, nevertheless, overcome by immediate fear, yielded in surrender.

> Latin: 53.7. Tripolim vocant incolentes. haec tria oppida paulisper cunctata, quia obsides Larisaeis dederant, victa tamen praesenti metu in deditionem concesserunt.

[¶106] 53.8. After reassuring speeches to these, Perseus, not doubting that the Perrhaebians also would do the same... at once on his arrival received the surrender of the city with no delay on the part of the inhabitants.

> Latin: 53.8. benigne his appellatis haud dubius Perrhaebos quoque idem facturos, … urbem nihil cunctatis, qui incolebant, primo adventu recipit.

[¶107] 53.9. Forced to besiege Cyretiae, he was repulsed the first day by a sharp rally of fighters at the gates; on the next day, by attacking with all his forces, he received before nightfall the surrender of everyone.

> Latin: 53.9. Cyretias oppugnare coactus primo etiam die acri concursu ad portas armatorum est repulsus; postero die omnibus copiis adortus in deditionem omnes ante noctem accepit.

[¶108] 54.1. Mylae, the next town, being so fortified that their hope that the defences were impregnable made the inhabitants overbold, considered it insufficient to shut its gates to the king, but also assailed him and the Macedonians with saucy insults.

> Latin: 54.1. Mylae, proximum oppidum, ita munitum, ut inexsuperabilis munimenti spes incolas ferociores faceret, non portas claudere regi satis habuerunt, sed probris quoque in ipsum Macedonasque procacibus iaculati sunt.

[¶109] 54.2. This impertinence both made the enemy more vehement in the attack and fired the citizens, through despair of obtaining pardon, to defend themselves more vigorously.

> Latin: 54.2. quae res cum infestiorem hostem ad oppugnandum fecisset, ipsos desperatione veniae ad tuendos sese acrius accendit.

[¶110] 54.3. Therefore for three days with great spirit on both sides the city was attacked and defended. The numbers of the Macedonians were easily sufficient to undertake the battle in relays; the townspeople, guarding the walls day and night without relief, were worn out not only by wounds but also by wakefulness and unbroken toil.

> Latin: 54.3. itaque per triduum ingentibus utrimque animis et oppugnata est urbs et defensa. multitudo Macedonum ad subeundum in vicem proelium haud difficulter sufficiebat; oppidanos diem noctem eosdem tuentis moenia non vulnera modo, sed etiam vigiliae et continens labor conficiebat.

[¶111] 54.4. When on the fourth day ladders were lifted against the walls on all sides and also the gate was attacked with greater violence, the townspeople, after thrusting back the assault on the walls, rallied to guard the gate and made a sudden sally against the enemy;

> Latin: 54.4. quarto die cum et scalae undique ad muros erigerentur, et porta vi maiore oppugnaretur, oppidani depulso … muris ad portam tuendam concurrunt eruptionemque repentinam in hostis faciunt;

[¶112] 54.5. this being more the result of heedless rage than of genuine confidence in their strength, the small number of weary men, routed by fresh opponents, turned tail and in their flight let the enemy in through the open gate.

> Latin: 54.5. quae cum irae magis inconsultae quam verae fiduciae virium esset, pauci et fessi ab integris pulsi terga dederunt fugientesque per patentem portam hostes acceperunt.

[¶113] 54.6. Thus the city was captured and sacked; even the free persons who survived the slaughter were sold. After the town had been in large part torn down and burned, Perseus, departing, moved his camp to Phalanna and thence on the next day arrived at Gyrton.

> Latin: 54.6. ita capta urbs ac direpta est; libera quoque corpora, quae caedibus superfuerunt, venum data. diruto magna ex parte et incenso oppido profectus ad Phalannam castra movit, inde postero die Gyrtonem pervenit.

[¶114] 54.7. When he heard that Titus Minucius Rufus and Hippias, general of the Thessalians, had entered that town with a garrison, he passed by without even trying an attack and received the submission of Elatia and Gonnus because the inhabitants were frightened by his unexpected arrival.

> Latin: 54.7. quo cum T. Minucium Rufum et Hippiam, Thessalorum praetorem, cum praesidio intrasse accepisset, ne temptata quidem oppugnatione praetergressus, Elatiam et Gonnum perculsis inopinato adventu oppidanis recepit.

[¶115] 54.8. Both towns are in the narrows by which Tempê is approached, especially Gonnus. Therefore he left this town both protected by a stronger garrison of cavalry and infantry and fortified in addition by a triple ditch and a rampart.

> Latin: 54.8. utraque oppida in faucibus sunt, qua Tempe adeunt, magis Gonnus. itaque et firmiore id praesidio tutum equitum peditumque, ad hoc fossa triplici ac vallo munitum reliquit.

[¶116] 54.9. He himself having advanced to Sycurium decided to await there the approach of the enemy; at the same time he ordered his army to gather grain everywhere in the adjoining hostile territory. For Sycurium is in the foothills of Mount Ossa.

> Latin: 54.9. ipse ad Sycurium progressus opperiri ibi hostium adventum statuit, simul et frumentari passim exercitum iubet in subiecto hostium agro.

[¶117] 54.10. This mountain by its southern slope commands the plains of Thessaly, and to the rear, Macedonia and Magnesia.

> Latin: 54.10. namque Sycurium est sub radicibus Ossae montis: qua in meridiem vergit, subiectos habet Thessaliae campos, ab tergo Macedoniam atque Magnesiam.

[¶118] 54.11. To these advantages of position are added the greatest healthfulness and an abundance of unfailing water, since numerous springs surround it.

> Latin: 54.11. ad has opportunitates accedit summa salubritas et copia pluribus circumiectis fontibus perennium aquarum.

[¶119] 55.1. The Roman consul, being on his way to Thessaly with his army during these same days, first made a rapid march through Epirus;

> Latin: 55.1. consul Romanus per eosdem dies Thessaliam cum exercitu petens iter expeditum primo per Epirum habuit;

[¶120] 55.2. then, after he crossed into Athamania, a land of rough and almost pathless terrain, with great difficulty by small roads he barely got through to Gomphi;

> Latin: 55.2. deinde postquam in Athamaniam est transgressus asperi ac prope invii soli, cum ingenti difficultate parvis itineribus aegre Gomphos pervenit;

[¶121] 55.3. while his men and horses were in trouble, and since he commanded a novice army, if the king had opposed him with a force advantageously arrayed as to time and place, even the Romans do not deny that they would have fought with great loss to themselves.

> Latin: 55.3. cui si vexatis hominibus equisque tironem exercitum ducenti acie instructa et loco suo et tempore obstitisset rex, ne Romani quidem abnuunt magna sua cum clade fuisse pugnaturos.

[¶122] 55.4. After their arrival at Gomphi without opposition, besides the joy of having negotiated a dangerous pass, scorn of enemies who were so ignorant of their own advantages also came to them.

> Latin: 55.4. postquam Gomphos sine certamine ventum est, praeter gaudium periculosi saltus superati contemptus quoque hostium adeo ignorantium opportunitates suas accessit.

[¶123] 55.5. After sacrifice duly performed and a distribution of grain to the soldiers, the consul, delaying a few days to rest beasts and men, on hearing that the Macedonians were wandering scattered through Thessaly and that the territory of the allies was being plundered, led his now sufficiently refreshed soldiery to Larisa.

> Latin: 55.5. sacrificio rite perfecto consul et frumento dato militibus paucos ad requiem iumentorum hominumque moratus dies, cum audiret vagari Macedonas effusos per Thessaliam vastarique sociorum agros, satis iam refectum militem ad Larisam ducit.

[¶124] 55.6. When about three miles distant from there, at Tripolis —they call it Scaea —above the Peneüs river he pitched camp.

> Latin: 55.6. inde cum tria milia ferme abesset, ad Tripolim — Scaeam vocant — super Peneum amnem posuit castra.

[¶125] 55.7. During this same time Eumenes arrived at Chalcis with a fleet, accompanied by his brothers Attalus and Athenaeus, his brother Philetaerus having been left at Pergamum for the protection of the kingdom. From Chalcis he came with Attalus and four thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry to the consul; at Chalcis two thousand infantry were left under the command of Athenaeus.

> Latin: 55.7. per idem tempus Eumenes ad Chalcidem navibus accessit cum Attalo atque Athenaeo fratribus, Philetaero fratre relicto Pergami ad tutelam regni. Chalcide cum Attalo et quattuor milibus peditum, mille equitum ad consulem venit;

[¶126] 55.8. Also the other auxiliaries of the Romans assembled at Tripolis from all the peoples of Greece everywhere, many of whom — so small were they —have come to oblivion. The people of Apollonia sent three hundred cavalry and one hundred infantry.

> Latin: 55.8. Chalcide relicta duo milia peditum, quibus Athenaeus praepositus. et alia eodem auxilia Romanis ex omnibus undique Graeciae populis convenerunt, quorum pleraque — adeo parva erant — in oblivionem adducta.

[¶127] 55.9. From the Aetolians there came the equivalent of one squadron, the total force of cavalry of the whole league, and of the Thessalians, whose entire cavalry force had been hoped for, not more than three hundred horsemen were in the Roman camp.

> Latin: 55.9. Apolloniatae trecentos equites, centum pedites miserunt. Aetolorum alae unius instar, quantum ab tota gente equitum [erat] venerat, et Thessalorum, quorum omnis equitatus speratus erat, non plus quam trecenti erant equites in castris Romanis.

[¶128] 55.10. The Achaeans contributed of their young men, mostly with Cretan armament, about fifteen hundred.

> Latin: 55.10. Achaei iuventutis suae Cretico maxime armatu ad mille quingentos dederunt.

## 8. Book XLII · chapters 56–67

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/8/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/8/#p-N

[¶0] 56.1. At about the same time Gaius Lucretius too, the praetor who commanded the ships at Cephallania, ordering his brother Marcus Lucretius to make for Chalcis around Malea with the fleet, himself embarked on a trireme, sailing for the Corinthian Gulf in order to be the first in the field in Boeotia.

> Latin: 56.1. sub idem tempus et C. Lucretius praetor, qui navibus praeerat ad Cephallaniam, M. Lucretio fratre cum classe super Maleum Chalcidem iusso petere, ipse triremem conscendit, sinum Corinthium petens ad praeoccupandas in Boeotia res.

[¶1] 56.2. His voyage was somewhat slow because of his bodily weakness.

> Latin: 56.2. tardior ei navigatio propter infirmitatem corporis fuit.

[¶2] 56.3. Marcus Lucretius, on his arrival at Chalcis, hearing that Haliartus was being besieged by Publius Lentulus, sent a messenger to order him in the name of the praetor to depart from there.

> Latin: 56.3. M. Lucretius Chalcidem adveniens cum a P. Lentulo Haliartum oppugnari audisset, nuntium, praetoris verbis qui abscedere eum inde iuberet, misit.

[¶3] 56.4. The commissioner, who had undertaken this enterprise with the Boeotian young men of the party supporting the Romans, departed from the walls.

> Latin: 56.4. Boeotorum iuventute, quae pars cum Romanis stabat, eam rem adgressus legatus a moenibus abscessit.

[¶4] 56.5. The raising of this siege gave room for another new siege; for immediately Marcus Lucretius with the naval force, ten thousand men-at-arms, and in addition the two thousand king's men who were under Athenaeus, blockaded Haliartus; and while they were preparing also to assault it, the praetor joined them from Creüsa.

> Latin: 56.5. haec soluta obsidio [cuius] locum alteri novae obsidioni dedit; namque extemplo M. Lucretius cum exercitu navali, decem milibus armatorum, ad hoc duobus milibus regiorum, qui sub Athenaeo erant, Haliartum circumsedit, parantibusque iam oppugnare supervenit a Creusa praetor.

[¶5] 56.6. At about the same time ships from the allies also assembled at Chalcis —two Carthaginian quinqueremes, two triremes from Heraclea on the Euxine, four from Chalcedon, as many from Samos, and also five quadriremes from Rhodes. These, since there was no naval warfare in any quarter, the praetor sent back to the allies.

> Latin: 56.6. ad idem fere tempus et ab sociis naves Chalcidem convenerunt, duae Punicae quinqueremes, duae ab Heraclea ex Ponto triremes, quattuor Chalcedone, totidem Samo, tum quinque Rhodiae quadriremes.

[¶6] 56.7. Quintus Marcius also came to Chalcis with ships, after capturing Alopê in Phthiotis and attacking Larisa which is called Cremastê.

> Latin: 56.7. has praetor, quia nusquam erat maritumum bellum, remisit sociis. et Q. Marcius Chalcidem navibus venit Alope capta, Larisa, quae Cremaste dicitur, obpugnata.

[¶7] 56.8. While this was the situation in Boeotia, and Perseus, as has been said above, had his permanent camp at Sycurium, after all the grain had been brought in from the fields round about, he sent a force to devastate the territory of Pherae, thinking that thus he might catch the Romans drawn a rather long distance from their camp for the purpose of aiding the cities of their allies.

> Latin: 56.8. cum hic status in Boeotia esset, Perseus, cum ad Sycurium, sicut ante dictum est, stativa haberet, frumento undique circa ex agris convecto, ad vastandum Pheraeorum agrum misit, ratus ad iuvandas sociorum urbes longius a castris abstractos deprehendi Romanos posse.

[¶8] 56.10. When he discovered that they had not stirred at all because of this raid, he divided all the booty at least, only the human beings excepted —it consisted chiefly of all sorts of livestock —among his soldiers for feasting.

> Latin: 56.10. quos cum eo tumultu nihil motos animadvertisset, praedam quidem praeterquam hominum — pecora autem maxume omnis generis fuere — divisit ad epulandum militibus ….

[¶9] 57.1. Then about the same time both the consul and the king held a council to consider how to open the campaign.

> Latin: 57.1. sub idem deinde tempus consilium et consul et rex habuerunt, unde bellum ordirentur.

[¶10] 57.2. The spirits of the king's men had risen when the devastated area of Pheraean territory had been yielded to their side by the enemy; and so they advised going thence at once against the enemy's camp and giving him no further time for delay.

> Latin: 57.2. regiis creverant animi vastatione concessa sibi ab hoste Pheraei agri; itaque eundum inde ad castra nec dandum ultra spatium cunctandi censebant.

[¶11] 57.3. The Romans also were aware that their delay was being roundly criticized among their allies, who were especially incensed that aid had not been given the Pheraeans.

> Latin: 57.3. et Romani censebant cunctationem suam infamem apud socios esse, maxume indigne ferentis non latam Pheraeis opem.

[¶12] 57.4. While they were conferring as to what to do —for Eumenes and Attalus were present in the council —an alarmed messenger reported that the enemy was at hand with a large column. The council was dismissed and the signal for arming immediately given. Meanwhile it was decided to send out from the king's auxiliary troops a hundred cavalry and an equal number of javelin-throwers on foot.

> Latin: 57.4. consultantibus, quid agerent — aderant autem Eumenes et Attalus in concilio — trepidus nuntius adfert hostem magno agmine adesse. consilio dimisso signum extemplo datur, uti arma capiant interim placet ex regiis auxiliis centum equites et parem numerum iaculatorum peditum exire.

[¶13] 57.6. At about the fourth hour of the day Perseus ordered the ranks of the infantry to halt at a distance of a little over a mile from the Roman camp; he himself led the way with the cavalry and light-armed force; Cotys too and the leaders of the other auxiliaries went on with him.

> Latin: 57.6. Perseus hora ferme diei quarta, cum paulo plus mille passus abesset a castris Romanis, consistere signa peditum iussit. praegressus ipse cum equitibus ac levi armatura; et Cotys cum eo ducesque aliorum auxiliorum praecesserunt.

[¶14] 57.7. They were less than half a mile from the camp when enemy cavalry came in sight; there were two squadrons made up mostly of Gauls —Cassignatus was the commander —and of light-armed troops about one hundred and fifty Mysians and Cretans.

> Latin: 57.7. minus quingentos passus ab castris aberant, cum in conspectu fuere hostium equites; duae alae erant magna ex parte Gallorum, Cassignatus praeerat, et levis armaturae centum fere et quinquaginta Mysi aut Cretenses.

[¶15] 57.8. The king halted, not being sure how large the enemy forces were. Then he sent from the column two troops of Thracians and two of Macedonians with two cohorts each of Cretans and Thracians.

> Latin: 57.8. constitit rex, incertus, quantum esset hostium. duas inde ex agmine turmas Threcum, duas Macedonum cum binis Cretensium cohortibus et Threcum misit.

[¶16] 57.9. Since they were equally matched as to numbers and from neither the one side nor the other were reinforcements sent up, the battle ended in a draw. Of Eumenes' men about thirty were killed, among whom Cassignatus, leader of the Gauls, fell.

> Latin: 57.9. proelium, cum pares numero essent neque ab hac aut illa parte nova auxilia subvenirent, incerta victoria finitum est. Eumenis ferme triginta interfecti, inter quos Cassignatus dux Gallorum cecidit. et tunc quidem Perseus ad Sycurium copias reduxit;

[¶17] 57.10. And for the time being Perseus led back his forces to Sycurium; on the next day at about the same hour to the same place the king brought up his troops, followed by wagons with water; for the journey of twelve miles was all waterless and exceedingly dusty; it was clear that they would have fought under the handicap of thirst if the battle had begun at the first sight of the foe.

> Latin: 57.10. postero die circa eandem horam in eundem locum rex copias admovit plaustris cum aqua sequentibus; nam duodecim milium passuum via omnis sine aqua et plurimi pulveris erat, adfectosque siti, si primo in conspectu dimicassent, pugnaturos fuisse apparebat.

[¶18] 57.11. When the Romans kept quiet, even withdrawing their outposts within the rampart, the king's men also returned to camp. This they did during several days, hoping that the Roman cavalry would attack the rear of their departing column;

> Latin: 57.11. cum Romani quiessent stationibus etiam intra vallum reductis, regii quoque in castra redeunt. hoc per aliquot dies fecerunt sperantes fore, ut Romani equites abeuntium novissimum agmen adgrederentur;

[¶19] 57.12. then after a fight had begun, when they had lured them too far from camp, they could easily, wheresoever they might be, turn the tide of battle by their superior power in cavalry and light troops.

> Latin: 57.12. inde certamine orto cum longius a castris eos elicuissent, facile, ubiubi essent, se, qui equitatu et levi armatura plus possent, conversuros aciem.

[¶20] 58.1. After the attempt failed of success, the king moved his camp nearer the enemy and fortified it at five miles' distance.

> Latin: 58.1. postquam inceptum non succedebat, castra propius hostem movit rex et a quinque milibus passum communiit.

[¶21] 58.2. From there at dawn he drew up his battle-line of infantry in the usual place and led all his cavalry and light troops to the camp of the enemy.

> Latin: 58.2. inde luce prima in eodem, quo solebat, loco peditum acie instructa equitatum omnem levemque armaturam ad castra hostium ducit.

[¶22] 58.3. The sight of dust nearer to them and from a larger force than usual caused alarm in the Roman camp. At first they hardly believed their sentry's report, because regularly on previous days the enemy had never appeared before the fourth hour; this time it was at sunrise.

> Latin: 58.3. visus et plurium et propior solito pulvis trepidationem in castris Romanis fecit. et primo vix creditum nuntianti est, quia prioribus continuis diebus numquam ante horam quartam hostis apparuerat;

[¶23] 58.4. Then as doubt vanished at the shouting and dashing back from the gates of a larger number of men, a great confusion arose. The tribunes, prefects and centurions rushed to headquarters, the rank-and-file each to his own tent.

> Latin: 58.4. tum solis ortus erat. deinde ut plurium clamore et cursu a portis dubitatio exempta est, tumultus ingens oboritur. tribuni praefectique et centuriones in praetorium, miles ad sua quisque tentoria discurrit.

[¶24] 58.5. Less than half a mile from the rampart Perseus drew up his men about the hill which they call Callinicus. King Cotys was in charge of the left wing with all his tribesmen; light-armed troops, placed between, divided the units of cavalry.

> Latin: 58.5. minus quingentos passus a vallo instruxerat Perseus suos circa tumulum, quem Callicinum vocant.

[¶25] 58.6. On the right wing were Macedonian cavalry, and Cretans interspersed among their troops; Midon of Beroea was in charge of the latter force, Menon of Antigonea commanded the cavalry and the formation as a whole.

> Latin: 58.6. laevo cornu Cotys rex praeerat cum omnibus suae gentis; equitum ordines levis armatura interposita distinguebat. in dextro cornu Macedones erant equites, intermixti turmis eorum Cretenses;

[¶26] 58.7. Next to the wings were posted the royal cavalry and mixed units of the picked auxiliaries of many nations;

> Latin: 58.7. huic armaturae Midon Beroeaeus, equitibus et summae partis eius Meno Antigonensis praeerat.

[¶27] 58.8. Patrocles of Antigonea and Didas the governor of Paeonia were in command of these. The king was in the centre of the whole line; around him was what they call the Guard, and the sacred squadrons of the cavalry. Before him he placed the slingers and javelin-throwers;

> Latin: 58.8. proximi cornibus constiterant regii equites et mixtum genus, delecta plurium gentium auxilia; Patrocles Antigonensis his et Paeoniae praefectus Didas erant praepositi. medius omnium rex erat, circa eum agema quod vocant, equitumque sacrae alae.

[¶28] 58.10. each band attained to the number of four hundred; Ion of Thessalonica and Artemon, a Dolopian, he put in command of these. Thus the king's men were arrayed.

> Latin: 58.10. ante se statuit funditores iaculatoresque, quadringentorum manus utraque numerum explebat; Ionem Thessalonicensem et … Neoptolemum iis praefecit. sic regii constiterant.

[¶29] 58.11. After the Roman infantry had been drawn up within the rampart, the consul likewise sent out all his cavalry with the light troops; they were arrayed before the rampart.

> Latin: 58.11. consul intra vallum peditum acie instructa et ipse equitatum omnem cum levi armatura emisit; pro vallo instructi sunt:

[¶30] 58.12. On the right wing the commander was Gaius Licinius Crassus, the brother of the consul, with all the Italian cavalry, and the light infantry of the legions intermingled; on the left Marcus Valerius Laevinus had the allied cavalry from the peoples of Greece and the light troops of the same nation; the centre, however, Quintus Mucius held with the picked Élite Cavalry.

> Latin: 58.12. dextro cornu praepositus C. Licinius Crassus consulis frater cum omni Italico equitatu velitibus intermixtis; sinistro M. Valerius Laevinus sociorum ex Graecis populis equites habebat et eiusdem gentis levem armaturam;

[¶31] 58.13. Before the standards of the centre were arrayed two hundred Gallic cavalry and three hundred of Eumenes' Cyrtian auxiliaries. Four hundred Thessalian cavalry were placed at a short distance beyond the left wing.

> Latin: 58.13. mediam autem aciem cum delectis equitibus extraordinariis tenebat Quintus Mucius. ducenti equites Galli ante signa horum instructi et de auxiliis Eumenis Cyrtiorum gentis trecenti.

[¶32] 58.14. King Eumenes and Attalus with all their forces were posted behind, between the rear line and the rampart.

> Latin: 58.14. Thessali quadringenti equites parvo intervallo super laevum cornu locati. Eumenes rex Attalusque cum omni manu sua ab tergo inter postremam aciem ac vallum steterunt.

[¶33] 59.1. Drawn up in very nearly this fashion and with numbers of cavalry and light troops about even on both sides, the lines clashed, the battle beginning with the slingers and javelin-throwers, who were in advance.

> Latin: 59.1. in hunc modum maxime instructae acies, par ferme utrimque numerus equitum ac levis armaturae, concurrunt, a funditoribus iaculatoribusque, qui praecesserant, proelio orto.

[¶34] 59.2. First of all the Thracians, like beasts of prey long held behind bars, charged so vigorously with a great shout upon the Roman right wing, the Italian cavalry, that this people, courageous by nature and through experience in war, was thrown into confusion...

> Latin: 59.2. primi omnium Thraces, haud secus quam diu claustris retentae ferae, ita concitati cum ingenti clamore in dextrum cornu, Italicos equites, incurrerunt, ut usu belli et ingenio inpavida gens turbaretur.

[¶35] 59.3. spears to attack the infantry... now to cut off the horses' legs, now to pierce their loins.

> Latin: 59.3. … gladiis hastas petere pedites … mque, nunc succidere crura equis, nunc ilia suffodere.

[¶36] 59.4. Perseus, charging the centre of the line, thrust back the Greeks with his first attack; in the rout of these when the enemy pressed heavily from the rear, the Thessalian cavalry, which had been in support, away a short distance from the left wing and beyond the melee, though at first spectators of the conflict, were later, when the decision had been reached, of the greatest use.

> Latin: 59.4. Perseus in mediam invectus aciem Graecos primo impetu avertit; quibus cum gravis ab tergo instaret hostis, Thessalorum equitatus, qui a laevo cornu brevi spatio diiunctus in subsidiis fuerat extra concursum, primo spectator certaminis, deinde inclinata re maxumo usui fuit.

[¶37] 59.5. For, retreating gradually with formation intact, after they had joined the auxiliaries of Eumenes, with him they both provided a safe retreat between their units for their allies scattered in flight, and when the enemy pressed on in less close order, they even risked advancing and met many of the fugitives half-way. Nor did the king's men, now themselves scattered in a general pursuit, dare to close in battle with an enemy in formation and advancing steadily.

> Latin: 59.5. cedentes enim sensim integris ordinibus, postquam se Eumenis auxiliis adiunxerunt, et cum eo tutum inter ordines suos receptum sociis fuga dissipatis dabant et, cum minus conferti hostes instarent, progredi etiam ausi multos fugientium obvios exceperunt.

[¶38] 59.6. While the king, victorious in the cavalry battle, was crying out that if he had helped with a slight impulse a decisive victory would have been won, the phalanx also arrived appropriately at the very moment of his urging;

> Latin: 59.6. nec regii, sparsi iam ipsi passim sequendo, cum ordinatis et certo incedentibus gradu manus conserere audebant.

[¶39] 59.7. Hippias and Leonnatus had brought the phalanx up swiftly on their own initiative, in order not to fail the bold beginning, after they had received the report that the cavalry had won their battle.

> Latin: 59.7. cum victor equestri proelio rex, parvo momento si adiuvissent, debellatum esse …, opportune ad hortandum supervenit phalanx, quam sua sponte, ne audaci coepto deessent, Hippias et Leonnatus raptim adduxerant, postquam prospere pugnasse equitem acceperunt.

[¶40] 59.8. While the king was wavering between hope and fear of attempting so great a feat, the Cretan Evander, whom the king had used as his tool at Delphi in the ambushing of Eumenes, on seeing the column of infantry with their standards advancing, ran to the king and pressed the warning that he should not be so puffed up by good fortune as to stake his whole enterprise rashly on a needless throw of the dice; if, satisfied with his success, he should rest for that day, either he would have a basis for an honourable peace or an abundance of such allies in war as would follow the lead of fortune, in case he should prefer to fight.

> Latin: 59.8. fluctuanti rege inter spem metumque tantae rei conandae Cretensis Euander, quo ministro Delphis ad insidias Eumenis regis usus erat, postquam agmen peditum venientium sub signis vidit, ad regem adcurrit et monere institit, ne elatus felicitate summam rerum temere in non necessariam aleam daret:

[¶41] 59.10. To this advice the mind of the king was more inclined. And so, praising Evander, he ordered a withdrawal, and that the column of infantry should return to camp, while for the cavalry the signal for returning should be sounded.

> Latin: 59.10. si contentus bene re gesta quiesset eo die, vel pacis honestae condicionem habiturum, vel plurimos belli socios, qui fortunam sequerentur, si bellare mallet. in hoc consilium pronior erat animus regis. itaque conlaudato Euandro signa referri peditumque agmen redire in castra iubet, equitibus receptui canere.

[¶42] 60.1. That day there fell on the Roman side two hundred cavalry, and hardly less than two thousand infantry; about six hundred were captured. Of the king's men, however, twenty cavalrymen and forty infantrymen were killed.

> Latin: 60.1. cecidere eo die ab Romanis ducenti equites, duo milia haud minus peditum, capti sescenti ferme; ex regiis autem viginti equites, quadraginta pedites interfecti.

[¶43] 60.2. After the victors returned to camp, all indeed rejoiced, but above the others the swaggering joy of the Thracians was conspicuous; for they returned bearing with songs the heads of their enemies impaled on spears.

> Latin: 60.2. postquam rediere in castra victores, omnes quidem laeti, ante alios Thracum insolens laetitia eminebat; cum cantu enim superfixa hastis capita hostium portantes redierunt.

[¶44] 60.3. On the Roman side there was not only gloom because of their lack of success, but also fear that the enemy might immediately attack the camp. Eumenes advised the consul to move his camp across the Peneüs, so that he might have the river as a fortification while the soldiers were recovering their shattered morale. The consul was affected by the disgrace of admitting timidity; but being overcome by reason, he led his troops across in the dead of night and fortified a camp on the farther bank.

> Latin: 60.3. apud Romanos non maestitia tantum ex male gesta re, sed pavor etiam erat, ne extemplo castra hostis adgrederetur. Eumenes suadere, ut trans Peneum transferret castra, ut pro munimento amnem haberet, dum perculsi milites animos colligerent.

[¶45] 60.4. The king came up next day to harass the enemy with battle, and, after finding out that the camp had been placed in safety across the river, admitted that he had indeed been at fault in not having pressed home the previous day his attack against the conquered, but that a somewhat greater mistake was that he had been inactive during the night; for even if he had not stirred one other man of his forces, he could, by an attack of the light troops, have to a great extent destroyed the enemy's troops while they were in confusion as they crossed the river.

> Latin: 60.4. consul moveri flagitio timoris fatendi; victus tamen ratione silentio noctis transductis copiis castra in ulteriore ripa communiit. rex postero die ad lacessendos proelio hostes progressus, postquam trans amnem in tuto posita castra animadvertit, fatebatur quidem peccatum, quod pridie non institisset victis, sed aliquanto maiorem culpam esse, quod nocte foret cessatum; nam ut neminem alium suorum moveret, levi armatura inmissa trepidantium in transitu fluminis hostium deleri magna ex parte copias potuisse.

[¶46] 60.7. For the Romans indeed the immediate fear was removed, since they had a camp safely placed; but the loss, among other things, of reputation particularly disturbed them.

> Latin: 60.7. Romanis quidem praesens pavor demtus erat, in tuto castra habentibus; damnum inter cetera praecipue famae movebat.

[¶47] 60.8. And in the conference before the consul each in his own defence assigned the blame to the Aetolians; the beginning, they said, of the flight and panic had been made by them; the other allies from the peoples of Greece had also followed the rout of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 60.8. et in consilio apud consulem pro se quisque in Aetolos conferebant causam: ab is fugae terrorisque principium ortum;

[¶48] 60.9. Five chiefs of the Aetolians, who were the first said to have been seen turning their backs, were sent to Rome. The Thessalians were praised before an assembly, and their leaders were even rewarded presents for valour.

> Latin: 60.9. secutos pavorem Aetolorum et ceteros socios Graecorum populorum. quinque principes Aetolorum, qui primi terga vertentes conspecti dicebantur, Romam missi. Thessali pro contione laudati ducesque eorum etiam virtutis causa donati.

[¶49] 61.1. To the king were brought the spoils of the slain enemy. Of these he gave as gifts, to some the noteworthy arms, to others horses, and to some few prisoners. There were over fifteen hundred shields; coats of mail and breastplates made up a total of over a thousand; of helmets, swords and missiles of all sorts the number was somewhat greater.

> Latin: 61.1. ad regem spolia caesorum hostium referebantur. dona ex his aliis arma insignia, aliis equos, quibusdam captivos [dono] dabat. scuta erant supra mille quingenta, loricae thoracesque mille amplius summam explebant, galearum gladiorumque et missilium omnis generis maior aliquanto numerus.

[¶50] 61.3. These gifts, splendid and agreeable in themselves, were augmented by the words of the king, which he pronounced before the army summoned to assembly. “You have advance notice of the outcome of the war!”

> Latin: 61.3. haec per se ampla laetaque multiplicata verbis regis, quae ad contionem vocato exercitu habuit.

[¶51] 61.4. “You have routed the better part of the enemy, the Roman cavalry, in which they used to boast that they were unconquered.”

> Latin: 61.4. “praeiudicatum eventum belli habetis. meliorem partem hostium, equitatum Romanum, quo invictos se esse gloriabantur, fudistis.

[¶52] 61.5. “For among the Romans the cavalrymen are the leading young men, the cavalry is the training-school for the senate; from it their consuls are chosen to be among the Fathers; from it they select their generals: it is the spoils of these men which we have recently divided among you.”

> Latin: 61.5. equites enim illis principes iuventutis, equites seminarium senatus; inde lectos in patres consules, inde imperatores creant; horum spolia paulo ante divisimus inter vos.

[¶53] 61.6. “And no less a victory have you over the legions of the infantry, which, escaping from you by a night retreat, filled the river everywhere with the panic of shipwrecked swimmers.”

> Latin: 61.6. nec minorem de legionibus peditum victoriam habetis, quae nocturna fuga vobis subtractae naufragorum trepidatione passim natantium flumen conpleverunt.

[¶54] 61.7. “But it will be easier for us as we pursue the conquered to pass over the Peneiis than it was for them in their panic; once we have crossed, we shall immediately attack their camp, which we would have captured to-day if they had not fled;”

> Latin: 61.7. sed facilius nobis sequentibus victos Peneum superare erit, quam illis trepidantibus fuit; transgressique extemplo castra oppugnabimus, quae hodie cepissemus, ni fugissent;

[¶55] 61.8. “or if they wish to decide the issue by battle in the open, look for the same outcome of the infantry fight as took place in the clash of the cavalry.”

> Latin: 61.8. aut si acie decernere volent, eundem pugnae pedestris eventum expectate, qui equitum in certamine fuit.

[¶56] 61.9. Both those who had conquered, wearing on their shoulders the spoils of the slain enemy, eagerly heard their own praises, anticipating a happy outcome in the future because of what had happened, and also the infantry, fired by the glory which others had won, especially those of the Macedonian phalanx, hoped for themselves also an opportunity both of achieving some service for the king and of winning a like glory from the enemy.

> Latin: 61.9. ” et qui vicerant alacres, spolia caesorum hostium umeris gerentes, facinora sua audivere, ex eo quod acciderat spem futuri praecipientes, et pedites aliena gloria accensi, praecipue qui Macedonum phalangis erant, sibi quoque et navandae regi operae et similem gloriam ex hoste pariendi occasionem optabant.

[¶57] 61.10. The assembly was dismissed. Next day the king set out from there and pitched camp at Mopselus. This is a hill looming up before Tempê and halfway as one goes from Larisa to Gonnus.

> Latin: 61.10. contione dimissa, postero die profectus inde ad Mopselum posuit castra. tumulus hic ante Tempe … eminet Larisae medius abestonum ….

[¶58] 62.1. The Romans, not departing from the bank of the Peneüs, transferred their camp to a safer place.

> Latin: 62.1. Romani non abscedentes ab ripa Penei transtulerunt in locum tutiorem castra.

[¶59] 62.2. There Misagenes the Numidian arrived with a thousand cavalry, an equal number of infantry, and in addition twenty-two elephants.

> Latin: 62.2. eo Misagenes Numida venit cum mille equitibus, pari peditum numero, ad hoc elephantis duobus et viginti.

[¶60] 62.3. As during these days the king was holding a council concerning his general policy, now that his overboldness resulting from success had subsided, some of his friends took courage to advise him to use his good fortune as a basis for an honourable peace rather than, led astray by idle hope, to throw himself into irrevocable disaster. To impose restraint on success and not to trust too much to the calm of his present fortune, they said, was the way of a wise man and one who was deservedly fortunate.

> Latin: 62.3. per eos dies consilium habenti regi de summa rerum, cum iam consedisset ferocia ab re bene gesta, ausi sunt quidam amicorum consilium dare, ut secunda fortuna in condicionem honestae pacis uteretur potius, quam spe vana evectus in casum inrevocabilem se daret:

[¶61] 62.4. Let him send to the consul men to renew the treaty on the same terms as those on which his father Philip had received peace from the victorious Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 62.4. modum inponere secundis rebus nec nimis credere serenitati praesentis fortunae prudentis hominis et merito felicis esse.

[¶62] 62.5. The war could not be ended more gloriously than with so memorable a fight, nor could a more well-founded hope of lasting peace present itself than that which would make the Romans, shaken by the loss of a battle, more moderate in framing the treaty.

> Latin: 62.5. mitteret ad consulem, qui foedus in easdem leges renovarent, quibus Philippus pater eius pacem ab T. Quinctio victore accepisset.

[¶63] 62.6. But if then too the innate stubbornness of the Roman should scorn fair terms, gods and men would be witnesses both of Perseus' moderation and of his opponents' stiff-necked haughtiness.

> Latin: 62.6. neque finiri bellum magnificentius quam ab tam memorabili pugna posse, neque spem firmiorem pacis perpetuae dari, quam quae perculsos adverso proelio Romanos molliores factura sit ad paciscendum.

[¶64] 62.7. The king's mind was never averse to such counsels. And so as the opinion was approved by the assent of the majority, envoys were sent to the consul; they were heard in the presence of a full council. They asked for peace, promising that Perseus would pay the Romans as much tribute as Philip had promised, and that he would yield with all speed the cities, land and places which Philip had yielded.

> Latin: 62.7. quodsi Romani tum quoque insita pertinacia aequa aspernarentur, deos hominesque et moderationis Persei et illorum pervicacis superbiae futuros testes. numquam ab talibus consiliis abhorrebat regis animus; itaque plurium adsensu conprobata est sententia. legati ad consulem missi adhibito frequenti consilio auditi sunt.

[¶65] 62.10. So far the envoys. When after the withdrawal of the envoys the matter was discussed, Roman steadfastness carried the day in the council.

> Latin: 62.10. pacem petiere, vectigal, quantum Philippus pactus esset, daturum Persea Romanis pollicentes; urbibus, agris locisque, quibus Philippus cessisset, cessurum et ipsum.

[¶66] 62.11. The custom of that age was to wear in misfortune the aspect of success and to be of temperate disposition in successes. It was decided to reply that peace would be granted on condition that the king should give to the senate the unconditional right of deciding on a general policy concerning the king himself and concerning all Macedonia.

> Latin: 62.11. haec legati. summotis his cum consultarent, Romana constantia vicit in consilio. ita tum mos erat, in adversis voltum secundae fortunae gerere, moderari animos in secundis.

[¶67] 62.12. When the envoys reported these terms, to those ignorant of the Roman character their obstinacy was portentous, and many advised against any further reference to peace;

> Latin: 62.12. responderi placuit, ita pacem dari, si de summa rerum liberum senatui permittat rex de se deque universa Macedonia statuendi ius.

[¶68] 62.13. for soon, they said, the Romans would of their own accord seek what they scorned when offered. Perseus feared this very haughtiness —thinking that it sprang from confidence in their strength-and, increasing the sum of money, if perchance he might buy peace for a price, he did not cease to test the purpose of the consul.

> Latin: 62.13. haec cum renuntiassent legati, miraculo ignaris moris Romani pertinacia esse, et plerique vetare amplius mentionem pacis facere: ultro mox quaesituros, quod oblatum fastidiant. Perseus hanc ipsam superbiam, quippe ex fiducia virium esse, timere, et summam pecuniae augens, si pretio pacem emere posset, non destitit animum consulis temptare.

[¶69] 62.15. After the latter would make no change in the terms of his first answer, Perseus, giving up hope of peace, returned to Sycurium from whence he had set out, intending to try anew the fortunes of war.

> Latin: 62.15. postquam nihil ex eo, quod primo responderat, mutabat, desperata pace ad Sycurium, unde profectus erat, rediit belli casum de integro temptaturus.

[¶70] 63.1. The report of the cavalry battle, as it spread abroad throughout Greece, laid bare the inclinations of the inhabitants. For not only partisans of Macedonia but many who were indebted to the Romans for huge benefits, and some few who had felt the violence and tyranny of Perseus, received this news gladly, for no other reason than the morbid eagerness which the mob feels in athletic contests also —the eagerness to cheer on the worse and weaker party.

> Latin: 63.1. fama equestris pugnae vulgata per Graeciam nudavit voluntates hominum. non enim solum qui partis Macedonum erant, sed plerique ingentibus Romanorum obligati beneficiis, quidam vim superbiamque experti Persei, laeti eam famam accepere, non ob aliam causam quam pravo studio, quo etiam in certaminibus ludicris vulgus utitur, deteriori atque infirmiori favendo. Eodem tempore in Boeotia summa vi Haliartum Lucretius praetor oppugnabat;

[¶71] 63.3. At the same time in Boeotia Lucretius the praetor was assaulting Haliartus with the utmost violence; and although the besieged had no reinforcements from outside except the younger men of Coronea, who had entered the walls at the beginning of the siege, and there was no hope of aid, yet they held out alone more by spirit than by strength.

> Latin: 63.3. et quamquam nec habebant externa auxilia obsessi praeter Coronaeorum iuniores, qui prima obsidione moenia intraverant, neque sperabant, tamen ipsi animis magis quam viribus resistebant.

[¶72] 63.4. For they kept making frequent sallies against the siege-works and as the ram was brought up they pressed it to earth, weighing it down now with huge stones, now with a mass of lead, and if they were at any point unable to turn aside the stroke, they built, in place of the destroyed wall, a new one of slapdash construction by hastily assembling stones from the very debris of the collapse.

> Latin: 63.4. nam et eruptiones in opera crebro faciebant, et arietem admotum nunc … nunc libramento plumbi gravatum ad terram urguebant et, si qua declinare nequiverant ictum, pro diruto muro novum tumultuario opere raptim ex ipsa ruinae strage congestis saxis extruebant.

[¶73] 63.5. Since assault by siege-works was too slow, the praetor ordered ladders distributed among the maniples, intending to attack the wall everywhere, as it were in a ring, with the thought that his numbers would suffice the more surely for this purpose because, on the side where the swamp girds the city, attack was neither important nor possible.

> Latin: 63.5. cum operibus lentior oppugnatio esset, scalas per manipulos dividi praetor iussit [ut] corona undique moenia adgressurus, eo magis suffecturam ad id multitudinem ratus, quod qua parte palus urbem cingit nec adtinebat oppugnari nec poterat.

[¶74] 63.6. On the side where two towers and the section of wall which had been between them had collapsed, he himself brought up two thousand picked troops so that at the same moment that he tried to scale the wreckage, as a rally of the townspeople took place to oppose him, the walls stripped of defenders might at some point or other be captured by the ladders.

> Latin: 63.6. ipse ab ea parte, qua duae turres quodque inter eas muri fuerat …, duo milia militum delectorum admovit, ut eodem tempore, quo ipse transcendere ruinas conaretur, concursu adversus se oppidanorum facto scalis vacua defensoribus moenia capi parte aliqua possent.

[¶75] 63.7. With no slackness the townsfolk prepared to ward off his assault. For on the area strewn with wreckage they tossed dry bundles of brush and standing by with blazing torches threatened that they would fire this barrier, so that, barred off from the enemy by the blaze, they might have time to put an inner wall in the way.

> Latin: 63.7. haud segniter oppidani vim eius arcere parant. nam super stratum ruinis locum facibus aridis sarmentorum iniectis stantes cum ardentibus facibus accensuros eam se saepem minabantur, ut incendio intersaepti ab hoste spatium ad obiciendum interiorem murum haberent.

[¶76] 63.8. This preparation of theirs was hindered by chance; for such a rain suddenly poured down that it made the firing of the brush difficult and put out what had been fired.

> Latin: 63.8. quod inceptum eorum fors inpediit: nam tantus repente effusus est imber, ut nec accendi facile pateretur et extingueret accensa.

[¶77] 63.9. And so a passage lay open through the smoking twigs which were dragged aside and with all the citizens intent on the defense of one spot the walls too were taken by ladders in several places at once.

> Latin: 63.9. itaque et transitus per distracta fumantia virgulta patuit et in unius loci praesidium omnibus versis moenia quoque pluribus simul partibus scalis capiuntur.

[¶78] 63.10. In the first confusion of the city's capture the elders and the beardless whom chance brought in the way were cut down everywhere; the men-at-arms fled to the citadel; and the next day, when no ray of hope remained, on surrendering they were sold at auction.

> Latin: 63.10. in primo tumultu captae urbis seniores inpubesque, quos casus obvios optulit, passim caesi; armati in arcem confugerunt et postero die, cum spei nihil superesset, deditione facta sub corona venierunt.

[¶79] 63.11. These were, moreover, about twenty-five hundred. The adornments of the city, statues and paintings and whatever costly booty there was, were taken to the fleet; the city was razed to the ground.

> Latin: 63.11. fuerunt autem duo milia ferme et quingenti. ornamenta urbis, statuae et tabulae pictae, et quidquid pretiosae praedae fuit, ad naves delatum; urbs diruta a fundamentis.

[¶80] 63.12. Thence the army was led to Thebes; this the praetor took over without struggle and put in the hands of the exiles and the party which favoured Rome; the estates of the men of the opposing faction and of the supporters of the king and the Macedonians he sold at auction. After these achievements in Boeotia Lucretius returned to the sea and the fleet.

> Latin: 63.12. inde Thebas ductus exercitus; quibus sine certamine receptis urbem tradidit exulibus et qui Romanorum partis erant, adversae factionis hominum fautorumque regis ac Macedonum familias sub corona vendidit. his gestis in Boeotia ad mare ac naves rediit.

[¶81] 64.1. While these things in Boeotia were being accomplished, Perseus remained a few days in camp at Sycurium.

> Latin: 64.1. cum haec in Boeotia gererentur, Perseus ad Sycurium stativa dierum aliquot habuit.

[¶82] 64.2. When he heard there that the Romans were hastily bringing in reaped grain from the fields round about, and then, each before his own tent, was clipping the ears with his sickle, so that the grain might be threshed out more cleanly, and that they had made great piles of straw throughout the whole camp, the king thought that this was a time suitable for a conflagration, and ordered torches and pitch-pine and fire-spears of tow smeared with pitch to be prepared, and with this equipment set out at midnight, so as to make a surprise attack at dawn.

> Latin: 64.2. ubi cum audisset raptim Romanos circa ex agris demessum frumentum convehere, deinde ante sua quemque tentoria spicas fascibus desecantem, quo purius frumentum tereret, ingentis acervos per tota castra stramentorum fecisse, ratus incendio opportuna esse, faces taedamque et malleolos stuppae inlitos pice parari iubet; atque ita media nocte profectus est, ut prima luce adgressus falleret.

[¶83] 64.4. Vainly the first outposts were overwhelmed; by their uproar and panic they roused the rest, and the signal was given to take arms at once; at the same time the soldiery was posted on the rampart and at the gates.

> Latin: 64.4. nequidquam. primae stationes oppressae tumultu ac terrore suo ceteros excitaverunt signumque datum est arma extemplo capiendi; simulque in vallo, ad portas, miles instructus erat.

[¶84] 64.5. Then indeed, in shame at the rash and foolish beginning of an attack on the camp, Perseus at once wheeled his line around and ordered the baggage to go first, then the infantry to move out; he himself with the cavalry and light troops halted to form the rear-guard, thinking that the enemy would, as actually happened, pursue to harass the last units from behind.

> Latin: 64.5. et … oppugnationis castrorum Perseus et extemplo circumegit aciem et prima impedimenta ire, deinde peditum signa ferri iussit. ipse cum equitatu et levi armatura substitit ad agmen cogendum, ratus, id quod accidit, insecuturos ad extrema ab tergo carpenda hostis.

[¶85] 64.6. There was a short struggle particularly of the light troops against skirmishers; the cavalry and infantry returned without disturbance to camp. After reaping the crops round about, the Romans moved their camp to Crannon, an untouched territory.

> Latin: 64.6. breve certamen levis armaturae maxime cum procursatoribus fuit; equites peditesque sine tumultu in castra redierunt.

[¶86] 64.7. There while they were remaining in camp with a feeling of safety, both because of the distance and the difficulty of the almost waterless road between Sycurium and Crannon, suddenly at dawn on commanding hills the king's cavalry with the light troops was sighted and caused a great uproar.

> Latin: 64.7. demessis circa segetibus Romani ad Crannona, intactum agrum, castra movent. ibi cum securi et propter longinquitatem et viae inopis aquarum difficultatem, quae inter Sycurium et Crannona est, stativa haberent, repente prima luce in imminentibus tumulis equitatus regius cum levi armatura visus ingentem tumultum fecit.

[¶87] 64.8. They had set out from Sycurium during the middle of the previous day; just before dawn they had left the column of infantry in the nearest plain. Perseus halted a while on the hills, thinking that possibly the Romans might be enticed to a cavalry struggle; after they would not budge, he sent a horseman to order the infantry to return to Sycurium; he presently followed.

> Latin: 64.8. pridie per meridiem profecti ab Sycurio erant; peditum agmen sub lucem reliquerant in proxuma planitie. stetit paulisper in tumulis, elici posse ratus ad equestre certamen Romanos. hi postquam nihil movebant, equitem mittit, qui pedites referre ad Sycurium signa iuberet, ipse mox insecutus.

[¶88] 64.10. The Roman cavalry followed at a moderate distance, so that they might at any point be able to attack scattered or straggling men, but after they saw that the enemy was retreating in a body, keeping to his formations and ranks, they also returned to camp.

> Latin: 64.10. Romani equites modico intervallo sequentes, sicubi sparsos ac dissipatos invadere possent, postquam confertos abire signa atque ordines servantes viderunt, et ipsi in castra redeunt.

[¶89] 65.1. From Sycurium the king, disliking the length of the journey, moved his camp to Mopselus; and the Romans, having reaped the harvests of Crannon, moved to the fields of Phalanna.

> Latin: 65.1. inde offensus longinquitate loginquitate itineris rex ad Mopselum castra movit, et Romani demessis Crannonis segetibus in Phalannaeum agrum transeunt.

[¶90] 65.2. When the king learned from a deserter that there the Romans were reaping, wandering everywhere through the fields with no armed guard, he set out with a thousand cavalry, and two thousand of the Thracians and Cretans, and since he marched with as great speed as he could attain, in a scattered column, he fell without warning upon the Romans.

> Latin: 65.2. ibi cum ex transfuga cognosset rex sine ullo armato praesidio passim vagantis per agros Romanos metere, cum mille equitibus, duobus milibus Thracum et Cretensium profectus, cum quantum adcelerare poterat effuso agmine isset, inproviso adgressus est Romanos.

[¶91] 65.3. Wagons with their teams, many of them loaded, were captured to the number of quite a thousand, and about six hundred men.

> Latin: 65.3. iuncta vehicula, pleraque onusta, mille admodum capiuntur, sescenti ferme homines.

[¶92] 65.4. He gave the booty to three hundred Cretans to guard and bring to camp;

> Latin: 65.4. praedam custodiendam ducendamque in castra trecentis Cretensium dedit;

[¶93] 65.5. he himself, recalling from the slaughter far and wide the cavalry and the rest of the infantry led them against the nearest guard detachment, thinking that with no great struggle it could be crushed.

> Latin: 65.5. ipse revocato ab effusa caede equite et reliquis peditum ducit ad proximum praesidium, ratus haud magno certamine opprimi posse.

[¶94] 65.6. Lucius Pompeius, military tribune, was in command; he withdrew the soldiers, who were dismayed by the sudden arrival of the enemy, to a nearby hill, intending to defend himself by the strength of the position since he was no match in numbers and power.

> Latin: 65.6. L. Pompeius tribunus militum praeerat, qui perculsos milites repentino hostium adventu in propinquum tumulum recepit, loci se praesidio, quia numero et viribus impar erat, defensurus.

[¶95] 65.7. There when he had gathered his soldiers in a circle, so that with their close-packed shields they could protect themselves from the blows of arrows and javelins, Perseus, with his men-at-arms surrounding the hill, ordered some to try the ascent from all sides and join battle at close quarters, others to hurl weapons from a distance.

> Latin: 65.7. ibi cum in orbem milites coegisset, ut densatis scutis ab ictu sagittarum et iaculorum sese tuerentur, Perseus circumdato armatis tumulo alios ascensum undique temptare iubet et comminus proelium conserere, alios eminus tela ingerere.

[¶96] 65.8. A terrific threat surrounded the Romans, for when massed they could not thrust back those who were struggling up the hill, and whenever they broke ranks by charging forward, they were exposed to javelins and arrows. They suffered particularly from the dart-slings.

> Latin: 65.8. ingens Romanos terror circumstabat; nam neque conferti … propter eos, qui in tumulum conitebantur, poterant et, ubi ordines procursando solvissent, patebant iaculis sagittisque.

[¶97] 65.9. This was a new kind of weapon, invented in that war. A sharp iron two spans long was set in a wooden shaft of half a cubit, a finger in thickness;

> Latin: 65.9. maxime cestrosphendonis vulnerabantur. hoc illo bello novum genus teli inventum est. bipalme spiculum hastili semicubitali infixum erat crassitudine digiti;

[¶98] 65.10. around this latter three short fir-wood “feathers,” like those usual on arrows, were attached; the sling had in the middle two unequal thongs; when the slinger swung and spun it by the strap with an extra effort, the missile, shaken loose, shot out like a ball.

> Latin: 65.10. huic abiegnae breves pinnae tres, velut sagittis solent, circumdabantur; funda media duo scutalia inparia habebat. cum maiore nisu libratum funditor habena rotaret, excussum velut glans emicabat.

[¶99] 65.11. When with this and with every other sort of weapon part of the soldiers had been wounded and it was no longer easy for the weary men to hold up their weapons, the king urged them to surrender, gave them his guaranty, at times offered rewards. But no one's mind could be bent to surrender, when in unhopedfor fashion hope dawned upon men who had already determined to die.

> Latin: 65.11. cum et hoc et alio omni genere telorum pars vulnerata militum esset nec facile iam arma fessi sustinerent, instare rex, ut dederent se, fidem dare, praemia interdum polliceri; nec cuiusquam ad deditionem flectebatur animus, cum ex insperato iam obstinatis mori spes adfulsit.

[¶100] 65.12. For when a few of the foragers, taking refuge in the camp, reported to the consul that the guard was surrounded, he, moved by the danger of so large a number of citizens —for there were about eight hundred, and all Romans —with the cavalry and light troops (there were added the new auxiliaries, the Numidian infantry, cavalry and elephants) marched out of camp and instructed the military tribunes that the legionary units were to follow. He himself, adding the light infantry of the legions to strengthen the light-armed auxiliaries, marched ahead to the hill.

> Latin: 65.12. nam cum ex frumentatoribus refugientes quidam in castra nuntiassent consuli circumsideri praesidium, motus periculo tot civium—nam octingenti ferme, et omnes Romani erant—cum equitatu ac levi armatura—accesserant nova auxilia, Numidiae pedites equitesque et elephanti—castris egreditur et tribunis militum imperat, ut legionum signa sequantur.

[¶101] 65.13. Eumenes, Attalus, and Misagenes, the prince of the Numidians, covered the consul's flanks. When the first standards of their fellows came in sight of the beleaguered, the spirits of the Romans indeed were revived from the depths of despair.

> Latin: 65.13. ipse velitibus ad firmanda levium armorum auxilia adiectis ad tumulum praecedit. consulis latera tegunt Eumenes, Attalus et Misagenes, regulus Numidarum. cum in conspectu prima signa suorum circumsessis fuerunt, Romanis quidem ab ultuma desperatione desparatione recreatus est animus;

[¶102] 66.2. Perseus, whose best course of all would have been to be satisfied with his chance success in capturing and killing a certain number of foragers, and not to waste time besieging the guard, or, as second best, after trying the latter enterprise too in some fashion, when he became aware that he had no strength on his side, to depart unscathed while he might —Perseus, puffed up by success, both awaited the approach of the enemy himself and sent men hastily to summon the phalanx;

> Latin: 66.2. Perseus, cui primum omnium fuerat, ut contentus fortuito successu, captis aliquot frumentatoribus occisisque, non tereret tempus in obsidione praesidii, secundum, ea quoque temptata utcumque, cum sciret nihil roboris secum esse, dum liceret intacto abire, et ipse hostium adventum elatus successu mansit et qui phalangem arcesserent propere misit;

[¶103] 66.4. this being brought up later than circumstances required and in haste, would have come in confusion from its forced march against men in formation and ready. The consul, arriving first, immediately joined battle.

> Latin: 66.4. quae et serius, quam res postulabat, et, raptim acta, turbata cursu adversus instructos et praeparatos erat adventura. consul anteveniens extemplo proelium conseruit.

[¶104] 66.5. At first the Macedonians stood fast; then, as they were in no respect equally matched, with a loss of three hundred infantry and twenty-four of their finest cavalrymen from the squadron which they call sacred, among whom also fell Antimachus the squadron commander, they attempted to retreat. However, the march was almost more of a hurly-burly than the battle itself.

> Latin: 66.5. primo resistere Macedones, deinde, ut nulla re pares erant, amissis trecentis peditibus, viginti quattuor primoribus equitum ex ala, quam sacram vocant, inter quos Antimachus etiam praefectus alae cecidit, abire conantur.

[¶105] 66.6. While the phalanx, summoned by an alarmed messenger, was being hastily led up, first meeting the column of prisoners and the wagons laden with grain in some narrows, it was stuck.

> Latin: 66.6. ceterum iter prope ipso proelio tumultuosius fuit. phalanx, abs trepido nuntio accita, cum raptim duceretur, primo in angustiis captivorum agmini oblata vehiculisque frumento onustis haesit.

[¶106] 66.7. Thereupon there was great turmoil on both sides, with no one waiting till somehow or other the column should be disentangled, but with the men-at-arms hurling the obstructing wagons down the steep slope —for the road could not otherwise be cleared —and the draft-animals, as they were goaded, lashing out at the crowd.

> Latin: 66.7. ingens ibi vexatio partis utriusque fuit nullo expectante, dum utcumque explicaretur agmen, sed armatis deicientibus per praeceps inpedimenta—neque enim aliter via aperiri poterat—,iumentis, cum stimularentur, in turba saevientibus.

[¶107] 66.8. Hardly had they freed themselves from the disorganized column of prisoners when they ran into the king's column and the routed cavalry. Then indeed the shouting of those ordering a retreat also produced an alarm almost like a complete disaster, so that if the enemy, daring to enter the narrows, had pursued farther, a great loss might have been incurred.

> Latin: 66.8. vix ab incondito agmine captivo rum expedierant sese, cum regio agmini perculsisque equitibus occurrunt. ibi vero clamor iubentium referre signa ruinae [quoque] prope similem trepidationem fecit, ut, si hostes intrare angustias ausi longius insecuti essent, magna clades accipi potuerit.

[¶108] 66.9. The consul, having picked up the guard from the hill and being satisfied with a moderate success, led his troops back to camp. There are those who declare that a great battle was fought on that day, that eight thousand of the enemy were killed, among them Sopater and Antipater, officers of the king, that there were taken alive about two thousand and eight hundred, and that twenty-seven military standards were taken.

> Latin: 66.9. consul recepto ex tumulo praesidio, contentus modico successu, in castra copias reduxit. sunt, qui eo die magno proelio pugnatum auctores sint: octo milia hostium caesa, in his Sopatrum et Antipatrum regios duces, vivos captos circiter duo milia octingentos, signa militaria capta viginti septem.

[¶109] 66.10. Nor was the victory bloodless, they say; more than four thousand and three hundred of the consul's army fell, and five standards of the left squadron were lost.

> Latin: 66.10. nec incruentam victoriam fuisse: supra quattuor milia et trecentos de exercitu consulis cecidisse, signa sinistrae alae quinque amissa.

[¶110] 67.1. This day both revived the spirits of the Romans and dismayed Perseus, so that after a few days' delay at Mopselus, more especially to attend to the burial of the soldiers who had been lost, having left a sufficiently strong garrison at Gonnus he retreated to Macedonia.

> Latin: 67.1. hic dies et Romanis refecit animos et Persea perculit, ut dies paucos ad Mopselum moratus sepulturae maxume militum amissorum cura, praesidio satis valido ad Gonnum relicto in Macedoniam reciperet copias.

[¶111] 67.2. A certain Timotheus, one of the royal governors, he left with a small force at Phila, with orders to make overtures from near-by to the people of Magnesia.

> Latin: 67.2. Timotheum quendam ex regiis praefectis cum modica manu relinquit ad Philam, iussum Magnetas ex propinquo temptare.

[¶112] 67.3. When the king arrived at Pella, he sent his army into winter quarters and himself left with Cotys for Thessalonica.

> Latin: 67.3. cum Pellam venisset, exercitu in hiberna dimisso ipse cum Cotye Thessalonicam est profectus.

[¶113] 67.4. There a report arrived that Autlesbis, a chieftain of the Thracians, and Corragus, Eumenes' governor, had made an attack on the territory of Cotys and had captured the district called Marenê.

> Latin: 67.4. eo fama adfertur Autlebim, regulum Thracum, et Corragum, Eumenis praefectum, in Cotyis fines impetum fecisse et regionem Marenem quam vocant cepisse.

[¶114] 67.5. Therefore Perseus thought best to send Cotys back to protect his own, and marked his departure by great gifts. He paid two hundred talents, a half-year's pay, to the cavalry, although he had planned at first to give a full year's amount.

> Latin: 67.5. itaque dimittendum Cotyn ad sua tuenda ratus magnis proficiscentem donis prosequitur. ducenta talenta, semestre stipendium, equitatui numerat, cum primo annuum dare constituisset.

[¶115] 67.6. After the consul heard that Perseus had set out, he moved camp to Gonnus, in case he might be able to take the town. Placed in the entrance to Tempê itself, the town offers a very securely closed door to Macedonia and a sally-port to Thessaly favourable to the Macedonians.

> Latin: 67.6. consul postquam profectum Persea audivit, ad Gonnum castra movet, si potiri oppido posset. ante ipsa Tempe in faucibus situm Macedoniae claustra tutissima praebet et in Thessaliam opportunum Macedonibus decursum.

[¶116] 67.7. Since both because of its situation and its strong garrison the city was impregnable, the consul abandoned the undertaking. Having turned aside to Perrhaebia, after capturing Malloea at the first assault and sacking it, and recovering the Tripolis and the rest of Perrhaebia, he returned to Larisa.

> Latin: 67.7. cum et loco et praesidio valido inexpugnabilis arx esset, abstitit incepto. in Perrhaebiam flexis itineribus Malloea primo impetu capta ac direpta, Tripoli aliaque Perrhaebia recepta Larisam rediit.

[¶117] 67.8. Thence having sent Eumenes and Attalus home, he assigned winter quarters in the nearest Thessalian cities to Misagenes and the Numidians, and scattered a portion of his army throughout all Thessaly in such a way that all had comfortable winter quarters and formed a protection for the cities.

> Latin: 67.8. inde Eumene atque Attalo domum remissis Misageni Numidisque hiberna in proxumis Thessalis urbibus distribuit et partem exercitus ita per totam Thessaliam divisit, ut et hiberna commoda omnes haberent et praesidio urbibus essent.

[¶118] 67.9. His staff-officer Quintus Mucius he sent with two thousand to hold Ambracia. All the allies from the Greek states except the Achaeans he dismissed. With a part of his army he set out into Phthiotic Achaea, razed to the ground Pteleum, which had been abandoned by the flight of its inhabitants, and received Antronae by voluntary surrender of the inhabitants.

> Latin: 67.9. Q. Mucium legatum cum duobus milibus ad optinendam Ambraciam misit, Graecarum civitatium socios omnes praeter Achaeos dimisit consul. cum exercitus parte profectus in Achaiam Phthiotim, Pteleum desertum fuga oppidanorum diruit a fundamentis, Antronas voluntate incolentium recepit.

[¶119] 67.10. Then he brought his army up to Larisa. The city was abandoned; the whole population had taken refuge in the citadel; the consul advanced to attack this.

> Latin: 67.10. ad Larisam deinde exercitum admovit. urbs deserta erat; in arcem omnis multitudo concesserat; eam oppugnare adgreditur.

[¶120] 67.11. First of all the Macedonians, the king's garrison, departed in fear; deserted by these, the townsfolk immediately capitulated. Then as the consul debated whether he should first attack Demetrias or take a look at the situation in Boeotia, the Thebans, harassed by the people of Coronea, called him to Boeotia.

> Latin: 67.11. primi omnium Macedones, regium praesidium, metu excesserant; a quibus relicti oppidani in deditionem extemplo veniunt. dubitare inde, utrum Demetrias prius adgredienda foret an in Boeotia aspiciendae res.

[¶121] 67.12. In answer to their entreaties, since for winter quarters the district was more suitable than Magnesia, he marched into Boeotia.

> Latin: 67.12. Thebani vexantibus eos Coronaeis in Boeotiam arcessebant. et ad horum preces et quia hibernis aptior regio quam Magnesia erat, in Boeotiam duxit.

## 9. Book XLIII · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. During the same summer in which this campaign was fought in Thessaly, the staff-officer..., sent by the consul into Illyricum, besieged two rich cities.

> Latin: 1.1. eadem aestate, qua in Thessalia haec gesta sunt, … legatus in Illyricum a consule missus opulenta duo oppida oppugnavit;

[¶1] 1.2. Ceremia he compelled by force of arms to surrender; and he left to its inhabitants all their possessions, in order by his reputation for clemency to entice the dwellers in the walled city of Carnuns. After he had been unable either to induce them to surrender or to capture them by blockade, in order that his soldiery might not be worn out by two sieges and gain nothing, he plundered the city which he had previously left untouched.

> Latin: 1.2. Ceremiam vi atque armis coegit in deditionem omniaque iis sua concessit, ut opinione clementiae eos, qui Carnuntem, munitam urbem, incolebant, adliceret. postquam nec, ut dederent se, conpellere neque capere obsidendo poterat, ne duabus oppugnationibus nequiquam fatigatus miles esset, quam prius intactam urbem reliquerat, diripuit.

[¶2] 1.4. Gaius Cassius the second consul failed to accomplish anything of note in Gaul, which had fallen to his lot, and made a vain attempt to lead his legions through Illyricum into Macedonia.

> Latin: 1.4. alter consul C. Cassius nec in Gallia, quam sortitus erat, memorabile quicquam gessit et per Illyricum ducere legiones in Macedoniam vano incepto est conatus.

[¶3] 1.5. The consul's venture on this journey became known to the senate through an embassy from Aquileia, which complained that their colony was new and weak and had been as yet insufficiently fortified against the surrounding hostile tribes of Histrians and Illyrians;

> Latin: 1.5. ingressum hoc iter consulem senatus ex Aquileiensium legatis cognovit, qui querentes coloniam suam novam et infirmam necdum satis munitam inter infestas nationes Histrorum et Illyriorum esse, cum peterent, ut senatus curae haberet, quomodo ea colonia muniretur, interrogati, vellentne eam rem C.

[¶4] 1.6. on their requesting that the senate should concern itself with means for fortifying this colony, they were asked if they wished this matter to be entrusted to Gaius Cassius the consul, but replied that Cassius, having mustered his army at Aquileia, had set out through Illyricum for Macedonia.

> Latin: 1.6. Cassio consuli mandari, responderunt Cassium Aquileiam indicto exercitu profectum per Illyricum in Macedoniam esse.

[¶5] 1.7. This report seemed unbelievable at first, and the senators each thought to himself that perhaps a campaign against the Carnians or Histrians had been begun.

> Latin: 1.7. ea res primo incredibilis visa, et pro se quisque credere Carnis forsitan aut Histris bellum inlatum.

[¶6] 1.8. Then the envoys from Aquileia said that they knew and dared assert nothing more than that thirty days' grain had been issued to the soldiery, and that guides who knew the roads from Italy into Macedonia had been sought out and taken along.

> Latin: 1.8. tum Aquileienses: nihil se ultra scire nec audere adfirmare, quam triginta dierum frumentum militi datum et duces, qui ex Italia itinera in Macedoniam nossent, conquisitos abductosque.

[¶7] 1.9. Then indeed the senate was incensed that the consul had such effrontery as to leave his own district, trespass upon his colleague's, lead his army by a dangerous, untried route among foreign peoples, and leave open to so many tribes the way into Italy.

> Latin: 1.9. enimvero senatus indignari tantum consulem ausum, ut suam provinciam relinqueret, in alienam transiret, exercitum novo periculoso itinere inter exteras gentes duceret, viam tot nationibus in Italiam aperiret.

[¶8] 1.10. A full senate decreed that the praetor Gaius Sulpicius should name three envoys from among the senators, who should that very day set out from the city and with all possible speed overtake the consul Cassius, wherever he might be;

> Latin: 1.10. decernunt frequentes, ut C. Sulpicius praetor tris ex senatu nominet legatos, qui eo die proficiscantur ex urbe et, quantum adcelerare possint, Cassium consulem, ubicumque sit, persequantur;

[¶9] 1.11. they were to declare to him that he must not engage in war with any people unless the senate had determined on war against them.

> Latin: 1.11. nuntient, ne bellum cum ulla gente moveat, nisi cum qua senatus gerendum censuerit.

[¶10] 1.12. The following envoys set out: Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Marcus Fulvius, Publius Marcius Rex. Fear for the consul and his army displaced for the present any consideration of fortifying Aquileia.

> Latin: 1.12. legati hi profecti: M. Cornelius Cethegus, M. Fulvius, P. Marcius Rex. metus de consule atque exercitu distulit eo tempore muniendae Aquileiae curam.

[¶11] 2.1. Next, envoys of several peoples from each of the Spains were presented to the senate.

> Latin: 2.1. Hispaniae deinde utriusque legati aliquot populorum in senatum introducti.

[¶12] 2.2. After complaining of the greed and arrogance of Roman officials, they begged of the senate on bended knees that it would not permit them, its allies, to be more wretchedly despoiled and harassed than its enemies.

> Latin: 2.2. ii de magistratuum Romanorum avaritia superbiaque conquesti, nixi genibus ab senatu petierunt, ne se socios foedius spoliari vexarique quam hostis patiantur.

[¶13] 2.3. Since they complained of other acts of injustice also and it was in fact obvious that money had been extorted, the task was assigned to the praetor Lucius Canuleius, to whom Spain had been allotted, to assign for each man, from whom the Spaniards were seeking to recover money, five judges of senatorial rank and to permit the Spaniards to choose any advocates they might wish.

> Latin: 2.3. cum et alia indigna quererentur, manifestum autem esset pecunias captas, L. Canuleio praetori, qui Hispaniam sortitus erat, negotium datum est, ut in singulos, a quibus Hispani pecunias repeterent, quinos recuperatores ex ordine senatorio daret patronosque, quos vellent, sumendi potestatem faceret.

[¶14] 2.4. The decree of the senate was read to the envoys, who had been summoned to the senate-house, and they were ordered to name their advocates.

> Latin: 2.4. vocatis in curiam legatis recitatum est senatus consultum, iussique nominare patronos.

[¶15] 2.5. They named four, Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius Scipio son of Gnaeus, Lucius Aemilius Paulus son of Lucius, and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus.

> Latin: 2.5. quattuor nominaverunt, M. Porcium Catonem, P. Cornelium Cn. f. Scipionem, L. Aemilium L. f. Paulum, C. Sulpicium Gallum.

[¶16] 2.6. The case of Marcus Titinius, who had been praetor in Nearer Spain during the consulship of Aulus Manlius and Marcus Junius, was first taken up by a board of judges. The trial was twice adjourned, and at the third session the defendant was acquitted.

> Latin: 2.6. cum M. Titinio primum, qui praetor A. Manlio M. Iunio consulibus in citeriore Hispania fuerat, recuperatores sumpserunt. bis ampliatus, tertio absolutus est reus.

[¶17] 2.7. A dispute arose between the envoys of the two provinces; the peoples of Nearer Spain chose as advocates Marcus Cato and Publius Scipio, those of Farther Spain took Lucius Paulus and Sulpicius Gallus.

> Latin: 2.7. dissensio inter duarum provinciarum legatos est orta; citerioris Hispaniae populi M. Catonem et Scipionem, ulterioris L. Paulum et Gallum Sulpicium patronos sumpserunt.

[¶18] 2.8. There were brought before judges by the peoples of the nearer province Publius Furius Philus, by those of the farther province Marcus Matienus; the former had been praetor three years before, in the consulship of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Mucius, the latter had served two years before, when Lucius Postumius and Marcus Popilius were consuls.

> Latin: 2.8. ad recuperatores adducti a citerioribus populis P. Furius Philus, ab ulterioribus M. Matienus; ille Sp. Postumio Q. Mucio consulibus triennio ante, hic biennio prius L. Postumio M. Popilio consulibus praetor fuerat.

[¶19] 2.10. Both were accused on most serious charges and the cases were adjourned; when the time came for a fresh trial, the defence reported that they had left Roman territory to go into exile. Furius went for his exile to Praeneste, Matienus to Tibur.

> Latin: 2.10. gravissimis criminibus accusati ambo ampliatique; cum dicenda de integro causa esset, excusati exilii causa solum vertisse. Furius Praeneste, Matienus Tibur exulatum abierunt.

[¶20] 2.11. There was a rumour that the advocates would not allow accusations against men of rank and influence; this suspicion was increased by Canuleius the praetor, who gave up this investigation, began to hold a levy, and then suddenly left for his province, so that no more men should be assailed by the Spaniards.

> Latin: 2.11. fama erat prohiberi a patronis nobilis ac potentes conpellare, auxitque eam suspicionem Canuleius praetor, quod omissa ea re dilectum habere instituit, dein repente in provinciam abiit, ne plures ab Hispanis vexarentur.

[¶21] 2.12. Though bygones were thus shrouded in silence, the senate voted for the future what the Spaniards had requested —that a Roman official should not set the price for grain, nor compel the Spaniards to sell their five-per-cent quotas at the price he wished, and that no officers should be placed over their towns to collect money.

> Latin: 2.12. ita praeteritis silentio oblitteratis in futurum tamen consultum ab senatu Hispanis, quod impetrarunt, ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet neve cogeret vicensumas vendere Hispanos, quanti ipse vellet, et ne praefecti in oppida sua ad pecunias cogendas imponerentur.

[¶22] 3.1. Another embassy, also from Spain, of a novel class of people, arrived. Stating that they were the children of Roman soldiers and of Spanish women, between whom legal marriage could not exist, and that they numbered over four thousand souls, they asked that a town be given them in which to live.

> Latin: 3.1. et alia novi generis hominum ex Hispania legatio venit. ex militibus Romanis et ex Hispanis mulieribus, cum quibus conubium non esset, natos se memorantes, supra quattuor milia hominum, orabant, ut sibi oppidum, in quo habitarent, daretur.

[¶23] 3.3. The senate decreed that they should declare before Lucius Canuleius the praetor their own names and the names of any slaves they might have set free, and that it was the pleasure of the senate that these people should be settled at Carteia near the Ocean;

> Latin: 3.3. senatus decrevit, uti nomina sua apud L. Canuleium profiterentur eorumque, si quos manumisissent; eos Carteiam ad Oceanum deduci placere;

[¶24] 3.4. any present inhabitants of Carteia who wished to remain at home would have the opportunity to be members of the colony, but on assigned land. This colony was to have Latin rights and to be called the freedmen's colony.

> Latin: 3.4. qui Carteiensium domi manere vellent, potestatem fieri, uti numero colonorum essent, agro adsignato; Latinam eam coloniam esse libertinorumque appellari.

[¶25] 3.5. At the same time there came from Africa both Prince Gulussa, the son of Masinissa, as ambassador for his father, and Carthaginian envoys.

> Latin: 3.5. eodem tempore ex Africa et Gulussa regulus, Masinissae filius, legatus patris, et Carthaginienses venerunt.

[¶26] 3.6. Gulussa was presented to the senate first, and set forth what supplies had been sent by his father for the Macedonian campaign; he also promised that if they wished to order anything further, his father would furnish it, as due return to the Roman people, and he warned the senators to beware of treachery from the Carthaginians; they had adopted the plan, he added, of preparing a large fleet, ostensibly for the Romans and against the Macedonians;

> Latin: 3.6. Gulussa prior in senatum introductus et, quae missa erant ad bellum Macedonicum a patre suo, exposuit et, si qua praeterea vellent imperare, praestaturum merito populi Romani est pollicitus et monuit patres conscriptos, ut a fraude Carthaginiensium caverent:

[¶27] 3.7. when this fleet should be ready and equipped, the Carthaginians would be free to decide for themselves who should be considered an enemy or who an ally. The instilling of this [suspicion caused the senate].... .. they thereafter caused such terror as they entered the camp, displaying the heads, that if the army had been brought up at once, the camp might have been taken.

> Latin: 3.7. classis eos magnae parandae consilium cepisse specie pro Romanis et adversus Macedonas; ubi ea parata instructaque esset, ipsorum fore potestatis, quem hostem aut socium habeant. hanc iniec … … tis tantum extitit … pavorem ingressi castra, ostentantes capita, fecerunt, ut, si admotus extemplo exercitus foret, capi castra potuerint.

[¶28] 4.2. Even as it was, a great panic took place, and there were those who advised sending envoys to beg for peace; many cities, too, on hearing this news, offered themselves in surrender.

> Latin: 4.2. tum quoque fuga ingens facta est; et erant, qui legatos mittendos ad pacem precibus petendam censerent, civitatesque conplures eo nuntio audito in deditionem venerunt.

[¶29] 4.3. These cities cleared themselves and placed the blame on the folly of two men who had of their own accord gone to meet their punishment, and the praetor, having accepted these excuses, set out at once for the other cities and, since everybody obeyed his commands, passed without using his army through a region, now peaceful, which shortly before had been aflame with a huge uprising.

> Latin: 4.3. quibus purgantibus sese culpamque in duorum amentiam conferentibus, qui se ultro ad poenam ipsi obtulissent, cum veniam dedisset praetor, profectus extemplo ad alias civitates omnibus imperata facientibus quieto exercitu pacatum agrum, qui paulo ante ingenti tumultu arserat, peragravit.

[¶30] 4.5. This clemency of the praetor, whereby without bloodshed he had tamed a very war-like people, was the more pleasing to the Roman commons and the Fathers because the campaign in Greece had been conducted with too much cruelty and greed by both the consul Licinius and Lucretius the praetor.

> Latin: 4.5. haec lenitas praetoris, qua sine sanguine ferocissimam gentem domuerat, eo gratior plebi patribusque fuit, quo crudelius avariusque in Graecia bellatum et ab consule Licinio et ab Lucretio praetore erat.

[¶31] 4.6. Lucretius was assailed in his absence by the tribunes of the people in meeting after meeting, although it was stated in his behalf that he was absent in the service of the state; but in that day even the neighbourhood of the city was such unknown territory that he was at that time on his estate at Antium and was engaged in bringing water to Antium from the River Loracina at the cost of his spoils.

> Latin: 4.6. Lucretium tribuni plebis absentem contionibus adsiduis lacerabant, cum rei publicae causa abesse excusaretur; sed tum adeo vicina etiam inexplorata erant, ut is eo tempore in agro suo Antiati esset aquamque ex manubiis Antium ex flumine Loracinae duceret.

[¶32] 4.7. He is said to have let the contract for this work at one hundred and thirty thousand asses; he also decorated with paintings from the booty the temple of Aesculapius.

> Latin: 4.7. id opus centum triginta milibus aeris locasse dicitur. tabulis quoque pictis ex praeda fanum Aesculapi exornavit.

[¶33] 4.8. Disapprobation and disgrace were diverted from Lucretius to Hortensius, his successor, by envoys from Abdera, who wept before the senate-house and complained that their city had been stormed and plundered by Hortensius;

> Latin: 4.8. invidiam infamiamque ab Lucretio averterunt in Hortensium successorem eius Abderitae legati flentes ante curiam querentesque oppidum suum ab Hortensio expugnatum ac direptum esse:

[¶34] 4.9. the reason for the destruction of the city had been, they said, that when the praetor had ordered a hundred thousand denarii and fifty thousand peeks of wheat, they had asked for a stay, during which they might send envoys about the matter to the consul Hostilius and to Rome. Hardly had they come to the consul when they heard that their town had been stormed, their leading men beheaded with the axe, and the rest sold at auction.

> Latin: 4.9. causam excidii fuisse urbi, quod, cum centum milia denarium et tritici quinquaginta milia modium imperaret, spatium petierint, quo de ea re et ad Hostilium consulem et Romam mitterent legatos.

[¶35] 4.10. This seemed to the senate a disgraceful occurrence, and they issued the same decree about the people of Abdera which they had issued the preceding year about the people of Coronea, and instructed Quintus Maenius the praetor to make a similar proclamation before an assembly.

> Latin: 4.10. vixdum ad consulem se pervenisse et audisse oppidum expugnatum, principes securi percussos, sub corona ceteros venisse.

[¶36] 4.11. Furthermore, two envoys, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Sextus Julius Caesar, were sent to restore the people of Abdera to freedom.

> Latin: 4.11. indigna res senatui visa decreveruntque eadem de Abderitis, quae de Coronaeis decreverant priore anno, eademque pro contione edicere Q. Maenium praetorem iusserunt.

[¶37] 4.12. To these same envoys instructions were given to inform both Hostilius the consul and Hortensius the praetor that the senate had resolved that an improper war had been undertaken against the people of Abdera, and that it was just that all who were enslaved should be sought out and restored to freedom.

> Latin: 4.12. et legati duo, C. Sempronius Blaesus Sex. Iulius Caesar, ad restituendos in libertatem Abderitas missi. iisdem mandatum, ut et Hostilio consuli et Hortensio praetori nuntiarent senatum Abderitis iniustum bellum inlatum conquirique omnes, qui in servitute sint, et restitui in libertatem aecum censere.

[¶38] 5.1. At this same time complaints were made to the senate about Gaius Cassius, who had been consul the year before and was then a tribune of the soldiers in Macedonia with Aulus Hostilius, and envoys of Cincibilus, a king of the Gauls, arrived.

> Latin: 5.1. eodem tempore de C. Cassio, qui consul priore anno fuerat, tum tribunus militum in Macedonia cum A. Hostilio erat, querellae ad senatum delatae sunt, et legati regis Gallorum Cincibili venerunt.

[¶39] 5.2. The king's brother spoke before the senate, complaining that Gaius Cassius had ravaged the land of the Alpine tribes, their allies, and had dragged thence into slavery many thousand persons.

> Latin: 5.2. frater eius verba in senatu fecit questus Alpinorum populorum agros, sociorum suorum, depopulatum C. Cassium esse et inde multa milia hominum in servitutem abripuisse.

[¶40] 5.3. About the same time envoys of the Carnians, Histrians, and Iapydes arrived; they said, first, that guides had been demanded of them by the consul Cassius, to show him the way as he was leading his army to Macedonia; he had left them peaceably as if to wage a war elsewhere.

> Latin: 5.3. sub idem tempus Carnorum Histrorumque et Iapydum legati venerunt: duces sibi ab consule Cassio primum imperatos, qui in Macedoniam ducenti exercitum iter monstrarent;

[¶41] 5.4. Next, that returning from the middle of his journey, he had traversed their territory as an enemy; slaughter, pillage and burning had taken place everywhere; nor did they know to that very minute why they had been treated as enemies by the consul.

> Latin: 5.4. pacatum ab se tamquam ad aliud bellum gerendum abisse; inde ex medio regressum itinere hostiliter peragrasse fines suos; caedes passim rapinasque et incendia facta; nec se ad id locorum scire, propter quam causam consuli pro hostibus fuerint.

[¶42] 5.5. Both to the absent prince of the Gauls and to these peoples the answer was given that the senate neither had known that these occurrences of which they complained would take place nor, if they had taken place, did the senate approve. But to condemn an ex-consul in his absence without a trial would be an injustice, since he was absent in the service of the state;

> Latin: 5.5. et regulo Gallorum absenti et his populis responsum est senatum ea, quae facta querantur, neque scisse futura neque, si sint facta, probare; sed indicta causa damnari absentem consularem virum iniurium esse, cum is rei publicae causa absit.

[¶43] 5.6. when Gaius Cassius should have returned from Macedonia, then, if they wished to accuse him to his face, on hearing the case the senate would see to it that amends were made.

> Latin: 5.6. ubi ex Macedonia redisset C. Cassius, tum, si coram eum arguere vellent, cognita re senatum daturum operam, uti satisfiat.

[¶44] 5.7. It was voted not only to make a reply to these peoples, but to send envoys, two to the prince beyond the Alps and three to the several other peoples; the envoys were to announce what the opinion pronounced by the Fathers was.

> Latin: 5.7. nec responderi tantum iis gentibus, sed legatos mitti duos ad regulum trans Alpis, tres circa eos populos placuit, qui indicarent, quae patrum sententia esset.

[¶45] 5.8. They determined to send to the envoys gifts of two thousand asses apiece and to the two princely brothers the following special gifts, two twisted necklaces made of five pounds of gold and five silver vessels of twenty pounds, and two horses with trappings for head and chest, along with their grooms, and cavalry weapons and military cloaks, and to the princes' attendants, both free and slave, garments.

> Latin: 5.8. munera mitti legatis ex binis milibus aeris censuerunt; duobus fratribus regulis haec praecipua, torques duo ex quinque pondo auri facti et vasa argentea quinque ex viginti pondo et duo equi phalerati cum agasonibus et equestria arma ac sagula, et comitibus eorum vestimenta, liberis servisque.

[¶46] 5.9. These things were sent; the following was granted at their request-that they should have the privilege of buying ten horses apiece and of exporting them from Italy.

> Latin: 5.9. haec missa; illa petentibus data, ut denorum equorum iis commercium esset educendique ex Italia potestas fieret.

[¶47] 5.10. As envoys there were sent with the Gauls across the Alps Gaius Laelius and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and to the other peoples, Gaius Sicinius, Publius Cornelius Blasio, and Titus Memmius.

> Latin: 5.10. legati cum Gallis missi trans Alpis C. Laelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus, ad ceteros populos C. Sicinius, P. Cornelius Blasio, T. Memmius.

[¶48] 6.1. At the same time envoys from a large number of the states of Greece and Asia gathered in Rome.

> Latin: 6.1. multarum simul Graeciae Asiaeque civitatium legati Romam convenerunt.

[¶49] 6.2. The Athenians were presented first; they pointed out that they had sent their whole fleet and army to Publius Licinius the consul and Gaius Lucretius the praetor; these officers had not employed their forces, but had ordered a hundred thousand pecks of grain; although they tilled a barren soil and supported even their farmers on imported grain, yet they had gathered this amount so as not to fail in their duty; and they were ready to furnish other things too which might be ordered.

> Latin: 6.2. primi Athenienses introducti. ii se, quod navium habuerint militumque, P. Licinio consuli et C. Lucretio praetori misisse exposuerunt; quibus eos non usos frumenti sibi centum milia imperasse, quod, quamquam sterilem terram ararent ipsosque etiam agrestis peregrino frumento alerent, tamen, ne deessent officio, confecisse et alia, quae imperarentur, praestare paratos esse.

[¶50] 6.4. The Milesians, without mentioning anything which they had furnished, promised that if the senate wished to order anything for the war they were ready to furnish it.

> Latin: 6.4. Milesii nihil … praestitissent memorantes, si quid imperare ad bellum senatus vellet, praestare se paratos esse polliciti sunt.

[¶51] 6.5. The envoys of Alabanda announced that they had built a temple to the City of Rome, and had established annual games in honour of that divinity; they had also brought with them a golden crown of fifty pounds' weight to place in the Capitol as a gift to Jupiter Greatest and Best, besides three hundred cavalry shields; these they would deliver to whomever the senate ordered. They asked permission to place their gift in the Capitol and to offer sacrifice.

> Latin: 6.5. Alabandenses templum Urbis Romae se fecisse commemoraverunt ludosque anniversarios ei divae instituisse et coronam auream quinquaginta pondo, quam in Capitolio ponerent donum Iovi optimo maximo, attulisse et scuta equestria trecenta: ea, cui iussissent, tradituros. donum ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret, petebant.

[¶52] 6.7. The same request was also made by the people of Lampsacus, who brought a crown of eighty pounds' weight, and called to mind that they had abandoned Perseus, after a Roman army had come into Macedonia, although they had been subject to Perseus and previously to Philip.

> Latin: 6.7. hoc et Lampsaceni octoginta pondo coronam adferentes petebant commemorantes discessisse se a Perseo, postquam Romanus exercitus in Macedoniam venisset, cum sub dicione Persei et ante Philippi fuissent.

[¶53] 6.9. In return for this and for their action in furnishing the Roman generals with everything, they asked only that they might be admitted to friendship with the Roman people, and that if peace should be made with Perseus, provision should be made for them, to prevent their reverting to the control of the king.

> Latin: 6.9. pro eo et quod imperatoribus Romanis omnia praestitissent, id se tantum orare, ut in amicitiam populi Romani reciperentur et, si pax cum Perseo fieret, exciperentur, ne in regiam potestatem reciderent.

[¶54] 6.10. A kindly answer was given the other envoys; as for the Lampsacenes, the praetor Quintus Maenius was ordered to enroll them as allies. Gifts of two thousand asses apiece were given to all the envoys. Those from Alabanda were ordered to carry the shields back to Aulus Hostilius, the consul in Macedonia.

> Latin: 6.10. ceteris legatis comiter responsum; Lampsacenos in sociorum formulam referre Q. Maenius praetor iussus. munera omnibus in singulos binum milium aeris data. Alabandenses scuta reportare ad A. Hostilium consulem in Macedoniam iussi.

[¶55] 6.11. Envoys from Africa also arrived, both Carthaginians and those of Masinissa together. The Carthaginian envoys reported that they had conveyed to the sea a million pecks of wheat and five hundred thousand of barley, in order that they might deliver it wherever the senate should determine;

> Latin: 6.11. et ex Africa legati simul Carthaginiensium et Masinissae venerunt: Carthaginiensium tritici deciens centum milia et hordei quingenta indicantes se ad mare devecta habere, ut, quo senatus censuisset, deportarent.

[¶56] 6.12. they said that this gift and act of duty of theirs was, they knew, less than a return for the favours of the Roman people and less than they would wish; but they had often, on other occasions when both peoples had been prospering, fulfilled the duties of grateful and faithful allies.

> Latin: 6.12. id munus officiumque suum scire minus esse quam pro meritis populi Romani et voluntate sua; sed saepe alias bonis in rebus utriusque populi se gratorum fideliumque socium muneribus functos esse.

[¶57] 6.13. Likewise the envoys of Masinissa promised the same total of wheat as well as twelve hundred cavalry and twelve elephants; they requested the senate to order anything else which might be needed, for the king would furnish such things with as good a will as he gave what he, of his own accord, had promised.

> Latin: 6.13. item Masinissae legati tritici eandem summam polliciti et mille et ducentos equites, duodecim elephantos; et si quid aliud opus esset, uti inperaret senatus: aeque propenso animo ea et quae ipse ultro pollicitus sit, praestaturum esse.

[¶58] 6.14. Thanks both to the Carthaginians and to the king were expressed and they were asked to deliver what they had promised to Hostilius the consul in Macedonia. To each of the envoys a gift of two thousand asses was sent.

> Latin: 6.14. gratiae et Carthaginiensibus et regi actae, rogatique, ut ea, quae pollicerentur, ad Hostilium consulem in Macedoniam deportarent. legatis in singulos binum milium aeris munera missa.

[¶59] 7.1. The Cretan envoys reported that they had sent to Macedonia as large a force of archers as the consul Publius Licinius had stipulated, but when they did not deny, on being questioned, that a larger number of their archers were serving with Perseus than with the Romans, they were told in reply that if

> Latin: 7.1. Cretensium legatis commemorantibus se, quantum sibi imperatum a P. Licinio consule esset sagittariorum, in Macedoniam misisse, cum interrogati non infitiarentur apud Persea maiorem numerum sagittariorum quam apud Romanos militare,

[¶60] 7.3. the people of Crete intended truly and zealously to prize the friendship of the Roman People above that of King Perseus, the Roman senate would also respond to them as it did to indubitable allies.

> Latin: 7.3. responsum est, si Cretenses bene ac naviter destinarent potiorem populi Romani quam regis Persei amicitiam habere, senatum quoque Romanum iis tamquam certis sociis responsum daturum esse.

[¶61] 7.4. Meanwhile, let them report to their people that it was the pleasure of the senate that the people of Crete should make a point of recalling home at the first possible moment those soldiers whom they might have within the lines of King Perseus.

> Latin: 7.4. interea nuntiarent suis placere senatui dare operam Cretenses, ut, quos milites intra praesidia regis Persei haberent, eos primo quoque tempore domum revocarent.

[¶62] 7.5. After the Cretans had been dismissed with this reply, the envoys of Chalcis were summoned; their embassy stirred sympathy by its very entrance, because Micythion, their chief, having an affliction of the feet, was borne in on a litter;

> Latin: 7.5. Cretensibus cum hoc responso dimissis Chalcidenses vocati, quorum legatio ipso introitu omnes movit, quod Micion, princeps eorum, pedibus captus lectica est introlatus.

[¶63] 7.6. at once the occasion seemed one of direst necessity, in which an excuse on grounds of health for one so afflicted either had seemed to the victim himself something for which he should not ask, or had not been granted at his request.

> Latin: 7.6. ultimae necessitatis extemplo visa res, in qua ita adfecto excusatio valetudinis aut ne ipsi quidem petenda visa foret aut data petenti non esset.

[¶64] 7.7. After he had begun by saying that no part of him was still living except the tongue wherewith to bewail the disasters of his fatherland, he set forth, first, the good services of his state, both in earlier times and those which, during the war with Perseus, they had performed for the Roman commanders and armies, and next the acts of arrogance, greed, and cruelty which in the first instance had been committed against Micythion's fellow-countrymen by Gaius Lucretius the Roman praetor, and, furthermore, were being committed more than ever at that time by Lucius Hortensius.

> Latin: 7.7. cum sibi nihil vivi relicum praeterquam linguam ad deplorandas patriae suae calamitates praefatus esset, exposuit civitatis primum suae bene facta et vetera et ea, quae Persei bello praestitissent ducibus exercitibusque Romanis; tum quae primo C. Lucretius in populares suos praetor Romanus superbe, avare, crudeliter fecisset; deinde quae tum cum maxime L. Hortensius faceret.

[¶65] 7.9. Just as they considered that, rather than depart from their loyalty, they should suffer everything, even more grievous injuries than those which they were now suffering, so also, as far as Lucretius and Hortensius were concerned, they were aware that it would have been safer to bar their gates than to receive those Romans into their city.

> Latin: 7.9. quem ad modum omnia sibi, etiam iis, quae patiantur, tristiora patienda esse ducant potius, quam fide decedant, sic, quod ad Lucretium Hortensiumque attineret, scire tutius fuisse claudere portas quam in urbem eos accipere.

[¶66] 7.10. Those cities which had shut them out —Emathia, Amphipolis, Maronea, Aenus —were unharmed. In Chalcis, temples had been stripped of all their adornments and the loot of these profanations Gaius Lucretius had transported in his ships to Antium; free persons had been rushed away to slavery; the possessions of allies of the Roman people had been plundered and daily were being plundered.

> Latin: 7.10. qui exclusissent eos, Emathiam, Amphipolim, Maroneam, Aenum, incolumes esse; apud se templa omnibus ornamentis spoliata; conpilataque sacrilegiis C. Lucretium navibus Antium devexisse; libera corpora in servitutem abrepta; fortunas sociorum populi Romani direptas esse et cotidie diripi.

[¶67] 7.11. For, according to the precedent set by Gaius Lucretius, Hortensius too was quartering his sailors, in summer no less than in winter, in private houses, and the homes of Chalcis were full of the mob from the fleet; at large among the Chalcideans and their wives and their children there were men utterly reckless in word and deed.

> Latin: 7.11. nam ex instituto C. Lucreti Hortensium quoque in tectis hieme pariter atque aestate navalis socios habere, et domos suas plenas turba nautica esse; versari inter se, coniuges liberosque suos, quibus nihil neque dicere pensi sit neque facere.

[¶68] 8.1. It was voted to summon Lucretius before the senate in order that he might plead in person and attempt to clear himself.

> Latin: 8.1. accersere in senatum Lucretium placuit, ut disceptaret coram purgaretque sese.

[¶69] 8.2. However, when he appeared he heard many more reproaches than had been hurled at him in his absence; and more influential and powerful accusers joined in, namely, two tribunes of the people, Manius Iuventius Talna and Gnaeus Aufidius.

> Latin: 8.2. ceterum multo plura praesens audivit, quam in absentem iacta erant, et graviores potentioresque accessere accusatores duo tribuni plebis, M'. Iuventius Thalna et Cn. Aufidius.

[¶70] 8.3. These not only assailed him in the senate, but also dragged him before an assembly, and after casting many reproaches at him, then set a day for his trial.

> Latin: 8.3. ii non in senatu modo eum lacerarunt, sed in contionem etiam pertracto multis obiectis probris diem dixerunt.

[¶71] 8.4. By order of the senate Quintus Maenius the praetor replied to the envoys of Chalcis that, as to the services to the Roman People, both previously and in the war now being waged, which the envoys mentioned, the senate knew that they had spoken truly and, also, these services were appreciated exactly as they should be.

> Latin: 8.4. senatus iussu Chalcidensibus Q. Maenius praetor respondit, quae bene meritos sese et ante et in eo bello, quod geratur, de populo Romano dicant, ea et scire vera eos referre senatum et perinde ac debeant grata esse.

[¶72] 8.5. As to their complaints about what the Roman praetor Gaius Lucretius had done, and what Lucius Hortensius the Roman praetor was doing, no one could be unaware that these things had been done and were being done without the consent of the senate, —no one, that is, who knew that the Roman People had declared war on Perseus and previously on Philip, his father, to preserve the freedom of Greece, and not to inflict on allies and friends such injuries from Roman officers.

> Latin: 8.5. quae facta a C. Lucretio fierique ab L. Hortensio praetoribus Romanis querantur, ea neque facta neque fieri voluntate senatus quem non posse existimare, qui sciat bellum Persei et ante Philippo, patri eius, intulisse populum Romanum pro libertate Graeciae, non ut ea a magistratibus suis socii atque amici paterentur?

[¶73] 8.7. His fellow-senators, said Maenius, would send a letter to the praetor Lucius Hortensius, saying that the senate was displeased with those actions of which the people of Chalcis complained; that if any free persons had been sold into slavery, he should take steps at the first possible moment to search them out and restore them to freedom; that the senate deemed it just that none of the sailors, except the captains, should be quartered in private houses.

> Latin: 8.7. litteras se ad L. Hortensium praetorem daturos esse, quae Chalcidenses querantur acta, ea senatui non placere; si qui in servitutem liberi venissent, ut eos con quirendos primo quoque tempore restituendosque in libertatem curaret; sociorum navalium neminem praeter magistros in hospitia deduci aequum censere.

[¶74] 8.8. These instructions were by order of the senate written to Hortensius. Gifts of two thousand asses apiece were sent to the envoys, and carriages were hired at public expense for Micythion, to convey him comfortably to Brundisium.

> Latin: 8.8. haec Hortensio iussu senatus scripta. munera binum milium aeris legatis missa et vehicula Micioni publice locata, quae eum Brundisium commode perveherent.

[¶75] 8.9. As for Gaius Lucretius, on the day set for his trial, the tribunes accused him before the people and proposed a fine of one million asses.

> Latin: 8.9. C. Lucretium, ubi dies, quae dicta erat, venit, tribuni ad populum accusarunt multamque decies centum milium aeris dixerunt.

[¶76] 8.10. When the vote was taken, all the thirty-five tribes approved his condemnation.

> Latin: 8.10. comitiis habitis omnes quinque et triginta tribus eum condemnarunt.

[¶77] 9.1. Among the Ligurians nothing noteworthy was accomplished that year. For neither did the enemy take up arms, nor did the consul lead his legions into enemy territory; and having sufficiently assured himself of peace for that year, he sent home the soldiers of the two Roman legions within sixty days after arriving in his province.

> Latin: 9.1. in Liguribus eo anno nihil memorabile gestum; nam nec hostes moverunt arma, neque consul in agrum eorum legiones induxit, et satis explorata pace eius anni milites duarum legionum Romanarum intra dies sexaginta, quam in provinciam venit, dimisit.

[¶78] 9.3. After having at an early time led the force of allies of the Latin Name into winter-quarters at Luna and Pisa, he himself visited with the cavalry several towns of the province of Gaul.

> Latin: 9.3. sociorum nominis Latini exercitu mature in hiberna Lunam et Pisas deducto ipse cum equitibus Galliae provinciae pleraque oppida adiit.

[¶79] 9.4. Nowhere else was there war except in Macedonia. However, they still regarded Gentius, the king of the Illyrians, with suspicion.

> Latin: 9.4. nusquam alibi quam in Macedonia bellum erat; suspectum tamen et Gentium, Illyriorum regem, habebant.

[¶80] 9.5. And so, on the one hand, the senate decided that eight fully-equipped ships should be sent from Brundisium to Gaius Furius, the staff-officer at Issa, who was in charge of the island with a force of two Issaean ships-two thousand soldiers were put aboard the eight ships, a force raised, in accordance with a decree of the senate, by Marcus Raecius the praetor, in that part of Italy which faced Illyricum-and, on the other hand, the consul Hostilius sent Appius Claudius into Illyricum with four thousand infantry, to protect the peoples bordering on Illyricum.

> Latin: 9.5. itaque et octo navis ornatas a Brundisio senatus censuit mittendas ad C. Furium legatum Issam, qui cum praesidio duarum Issensium navium insulae praeerat— duo milia militum in eas naves sunt inposita, quae M. Raecius praetor ex senatus consulto in ea parte Italiae; quae obiecta Illyrico est, conscripsit—, et consul Hostilius Ap. Claudium in Illyricum cum quattuor milibus peditum misit, ut accolas Illyrici tutaretur.

[¶81] 9.7. Claudius, being unsatisfied with the force that he had brought, by collecting auxiliaries from the allies brought under arms about eight thousand men of various sorts, and after traversing all that region took up his position at Lychnidus of the Dassaretii.

> Latin: 9.7. qui non contentus iis, quas adduxerat, copiis auxilia ab sociis conrogando ad octo milia hominum ex vario genere armavit peragrataque omni ea regione ad Lychnidum Dassaretiorum consedit.

[¶82] 10.1. Not far from there lay Uscana, a town belonging to the lands and realm of Perseus. It had ten thousand inhabitants and a moderate garrison of Cretans to protect it.

> Latin: 10.1. haud procul inde Uscana oppidum finium plerumque Persei erat. decem milia civium habebat et modicum custodiae causa Cretensium praesidium.

[¶83] 10.2. From there, secret messengers kept coming to Claudius, declaring that if he would bring his troops up closer, there were those who were ready to betray the city. And it would be worth his while, they added, for he would not only satisfy himself and his friends, but also his soldiers with the booty.

> Latin: 10.2. inde nuntii ad Claudium occulti veniebant, si propius copia admovisset, paratos fore, qui proderent urbem. et operae pretium esse: non se amicosque tantum, sed etiam milites praeda expleturum.

[¶84] 10.3. Hope joined to greed so blinded his mind that neither did he keep with him any of the messengers who had come, nor did he demand hostages as security that there would be no treachery in the carrying out of the plan, nor did he send men to reconnoitre, nor did he receive any solemn promise. Having merely agreed upon a day, he set out from Lychnidus and pitched camp twelve miles from the city to which he was marching.

> Latin: 10.3. spes cupiditati admota ita occaecavit animum, ut nec ex iis, qui venerant, quemquam retineret nec obsides, pignus futuros afore fraudem agendae rei, posceret nec mitteret exploratum nec fidem acciperet. die tantum statuta profectus a Lychnido duodecim milia ab urbe, ad quam tendebat, posuit castra.

[¶85] 10.4. Thence in the fourth watch he began to advance, leaving about a thousand to garrison the camp. The soldiers arrived near the city in disorder, scattered in along column, and straggling, since wandering by night had dispersed them.

> Latin: 10.4. quarta inde vigilia signa movit mille ferme ad praesidium castrorum relictis. inconpositi, longo agmine effusi, infrequentes, cum nocturnus error dissiparet, ad urbem pervenerunt.

[¶86] 10.5. Their carelessness increased after they saw no armed man on the walls. However, as soon as they were within range of missiles, a sally was made from two gates at once; and together with the battle-cry of the sallying parties, there arose from the walls a great uproar of women howling and of bronze clashing everywhere, while an unorganized crowd, with disorderly bands of slaves amongst them, clamoured with various outcries.

> Latin: 10.5. crevit neclegentia, postquam neminem armatum in muris viderunt. ceterum ubi primum sub ictu teli fuerunt, duabus simul portis erumpitur. et ad clamorem erumpentium ingens strepitus e muris ortus ululantium mulierum cum crepitu undique aeris et incondita multitudo turba inmixta servili variis vocibus personabat.

[¶87] 10.6. This appalling surprise, presented from all directions in so many forms, brought it about that the Romans could not withstand the first storm-blast of the sally. And so more were slaughtered in the flight than in the combat; hardly two thousand men, together with the commander himself, escaped to the camp.

> Latin: 10.6. hic tam multiplex undique obiectus terror effecit, ne sustinere primam procellam eruptionis Romani possent. itaque fugientes plures quam pugnantes interempti sunt; vix duo milia hominum cum ipso legato in castra perfugerunt.

[¶88] 10.7. Since the way to the camp was long, the enemy had the opportunity to overtake more of the weary men.

> Latin: 10.7. quo longius iter in castra erat, eo pluris fessos consectandi hostibus copia fuit.

[¶89] 10.8. Appius, not even lingering in camp to gather his men scattered in flight-an action which would have been the means of saving those who were wandering through the countryside-at once led back to Lychnidus the remnants of the disaster.

> Latin: 10.8. ne moratus quidem in castris Appius, ut suos dissipatos fuga colligeret, quae res palatis per agros saluti fuisset, ad Lychnidum protinus reliquias cladis reduxit.

[¶90] 11.1. This and other affairs in Macedonia conducted with no success were reported by Sextus Digitius, a tribune of the soldiers, who had come to Rome to offer a sacrifice.

> Latin: 11.1. haec et alia haud prospere in Macedonia gesta ex Sex. Digitio tribuno militum, qui sacrificii causa Romam venerat, sunt audita.

[¶91] 11.2. The result was that the Fathers, solicitous lest some greater disgrace might befall, sent as commissioners to Macedonia Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Marcus Caninius Rebilus, who were to report after investigation on what was taking place;

> Latin: 11.2. propter quae veriti patres, ne qua maior ignominia acciperetur, legatos in Macedoniam M. Fulvium Flaccum et M. Caninium Rebilum miserunt, qui conperta, quae agerentur, referrent;

[¶92] 11.3. the Fathers also decided that Aulus Atilius the consul should proclaim the assembly for the election of consuls for such a time that it might be completed during the month of January, and that he should return to the city at the first possible moment.

> Latin: 11.3. et ut A. Atilius consul comitia consulibus rogandis ita ediceret, uti mense Ianuario comitia haberi possent, et ut primo quoque tempore in urbem rediret.

[¶93] 11.4. Meanwhile Marcus Raecius the praetor was charged with recalling to Rome by proclamation all senators from the whole of Italy, except those who were absent on public business, while those who were in Rome were not to go more than a mile away from Rome.

> Latin: 11.4. interim M. Raecio praetori mandatum, ut edicto senatores omnes ex tota Italia, nisi qui rei publicae causa abessent, Romam revocaret:

[¶94] 11.5. These matters were carried out as the senate voted. The consular elections were held on the twenty-sixth of January. The consuls elected were Quintus Marcius Philippus for the second time and Gnaeus Servilius Caepio. Two days later there were elected as praetors Gaius Decimius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus.

> Latin: 11.5. qui Romae essent, ne quis ultra mille passuum ab Roma abesset. ea, uti senatus censuit, sunt facta. comitia consularia ante diem quintum kal. Februarias fuere. creati consules sunt Q. Marcius Philippus iterum et Cn. Servilius Caepio.

[¶95] 11.7. Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, Gaius Marcius Figulus, Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Fonteius Capito. For the praetors-elect four assign ments besides the two in the city were decreed: Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the fleet.

> Latin: 11.7. post diem tertium praetores sunt facti C. Decimius, M. Claudius Marcellus, C. Sulpicius Gallus, C. Marcius Figulus, Ser.

[¶96] 11.8. The commissioners from Macedonia returned when the month of February was just ended. These reported the successes achieved by King Perseus during that summer, and how great a panic had seized the allies of the Roman people when so many cities were brought under the control of the king.

> Latin: 11.8. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Fonteius Capito. designatis praetoribus praeter duas urbanas quattuor provinciae sunt decretae: Hispania et Sardinia et Sicilia et classis. legati ex Macedonia exacto admodum mense Februario redierunt. hi, quas res ea aestate prospere gessisset rex Perseus, referebant, quantusque timor socios populi Romani cepisset tot urbibus in potestatem regis redactis.

[¶97] 11.10. The army of the consul, said the commissioners, was reduced in numbers because leaves of absence had been lavishly granted as a means of currying political favour; blame for this situation was placed by the consul on the tribunes of the soldiers, but by them, on the other hand, on the consul.

> Latin: 11.10. exercitum consulis infrequentem commeatibus vulgo datis per ambitionem esse; culpam eius rei consulem in tribunos militum, contra illos in consulem conferre.

[¶98] 11.11. The Fathers took it that the commissioners were minimizing the disgrace inflicted by the rashness of Claudius, since they reported that very few soldiers of Italian stock, but chiefly those enrolled on the spot in an irregular levy, had been lost.

> Latin: 11.11. ignominiam Claudi temeritate acceptam elevare eos … patres acceperunt; quippe paucos Italici generis et magna ex parte tumultuario dilectu conscriptos ibi milites amissos referebant.

[¶99] 11.12. The consuls-elect were ordered to present to the senate, as soon as they entered upon their office, the problem of Macedonia; and Italy and Macedonia were designated as their provinces.

> Latin: 11.12. consules designati ubi primum magistratum inissent, de Macedonia referre ad senatum iussi; destinataeque provinciae iis sunt Italia et Macedonia.

[¶100] 11.13. In this year there was an intercalation; the additional month began on the third day after the Terminalia. There died of the priests in that year Lucius Flamininus... two pontiffs passed away, Lucius Furius Philus and Gaius Livius Salinator. In place of Furius the pontiffs chose Titus Manlius Torquatus, in place of Livius, Marcus Servilius.

> Latin: 11.13. hoc anno intercalatum est; tertio die post Terminalia kalendae intercalariae fuere. sacerdotes intra eum annum mortui sunt L. Flamininus … pontifices duo decesserunt L. Furius Philus et C. Livius Salinator. in locum Furii T. Manlium Torquatum, in Livi M. Servilium pontifices legerunt.

[¶101] 12.1. At the beginning of the following year, when the new consuls Quintus Marcius and Gnaeus Servilius put the question of provinces, it was voted that at the first possible moment they should either arrange with each other or draw lots for Italy and Macedonia;

> Latin: 12.1. principio insequentis anni cum consules novi Q. Marcius et Cn. Servilius de provinciis rettulissent, primo quoque tempore aut conparare eos inter se Italiam et Macedoniam aut sortiri placuit;

[¶102] 12.2. before the lot should decide this question, while it was still in doubt, so that favouritism should have no weight, it was voted to decree for each province the reinforcements called for by the situation —for Macedonia, of infantry, six thousand Romans, and six thousand allies of the Latin Name, of cavalry, two hundred and fifty Romans and three hundred allies —also

> Latin: 12.2. priusquam id sors cerneret, in incertum, ne quid gratia momenti, faceret, in utramque provinciam, quod res desideraret supplementi, decerni ( decernunt in Macedoniam peditum Romanorum sex milia, sociorum nominis Latini sex milia, equites Romanos ducentos quinquaginta,

[¶103] 12.4. to discharge old soldiers so that there should be in each Roman legion not more than six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.4. socios trecentos); veteres milites dimitti, ita ut in singulas Romanas legiones ne plus sena milia peditum, treceni equites essent.

[¶104] 12.5. For the other consul no fixed number of Roman citizens whom he might select as reinforcements was defined. This only was fixed that he should enroll two legions, each of which was to have five thousand and two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.5. alteri consuli nullus certus finitus numerus civium Romanorum, quem in supplementum legeret; id modo finitum, ut duas legiones scriberet, quae quina milia peditum et ducenos haberent, equites trecenos.

[¶105] 12.6. Of the Latins, a larger number was assigned than to his colleague, ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry. Four additional legions were ordered enrolled, to be led out if needed anywhere. For these, the consuls were not allowed to appoint tribunes; the people elected them.

> Latin: 12.6. Latinorum maior quam collegae decretus numerus, peditum decem milia et sescenti equites. quattuor praeterea legiones scribi iussae, quae, si quo opus esset, educerentur.

## 10. Book XLIII · chapters 12–23

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10/#p-N

[¶0] 12.7. On the allies of the Latin Name sixteen thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry were levied.

> Latin: 12.7. tribunos iis, non permissum, ut consules facerent; populus creavit. sociis nominis Latini sedecim milia peditum et mille equites imperati.

[¶1] 12.8. It was voted that this force should merely be got ready so as to march out if circumstances anywhere should demand. Macedonia was especially an object of concern.

> Latin: 12.8. hunc exercitum parari tantum placuit, ut exiret, si quo res posceret. Macedonia maxime curam praebebat.

[¶2] 12.9. For the fleet, a thousand sailors, Roman citizens of the class of freedmen, and five hundred from Italy, were ordered enrolled; as many were to be enrolled from Sicily, and the governor-to-be of that province was instructed to see to their transportation to Macedonia, wherever the fleet might be.

> Latin: 12.9. in classem mille socii navales cives Romani libertini ordinis, ex Italia quingenti scribi iussi; totidem ut ex Sicilia scriberentur; et cui ea provincia evenisset, mandatum, ut eos in Macedoniam, ubicumque classis esset, deportandos curaret.

[¶3] 12.10. For Spain, three thousand Roman infantry and three hundred cavalry were decreed as reinforcement. The number of soldiers for the legions was fixed for that region also —five thousand and two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry for each legion.

> Latin: 12.10. in Hispaniam tria milia peditum Romanorum in supplementum, trecenti equites decreti. finitus ibi quoque in legiones militum numerus, peditum quina milia duceni et treceni equites.

[¶4] 12.11. The praetor to whom Spain should fall, was ordered to levy from the allies also four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.11. et sociis imperare praetor, cui Hispania obvenisset, iussus quattuor milia peditum et trecentos equites.

[¶5] 13.1. I am not unaware that, as a result of the same disregard that leads men generally to suppose nowadays that the gods foretell nothing, no portents at all are reported officially, or recorded in our histories.

> Latin: 13.1. non sum nescius ab eadem neclegentia, qua nihil deos portendere vulgo nunc credunt, neque nuntiari admodum ulla prodigia in publicum neque in annales referri.

[¶6] 13.2. However, not only does my own mind, as I write of old-time matters, become in some way or other old-fashioned, but also a certain conscientious scruple keeps me from regarding what those very sagacious men of former times thought worthy of public concern as something unworthy to be reported in my history.

> Latin: 13.2. ceterum et mihi vetustas res scribenti nescio quo pacto anticus fit animus, et quaedam religio tenet, quae illi prudentissimi viri publice suscipienda censuerint, ea pro indignis habere, quae in meos annales referam. Anagnia duo prodigia eo anno sunt nuntiata, facem in caelo conspectam et bovem feminam locutam;

[¶7] 13.3. At Anagnia, two portents were announced in that year, a fiery meteor seen in the sky, and a cow which spoke; this animal, the report stated, was being kept at public expense. At Minturnae also during these very days the sky presented the appearance of being on fire. At Reate there was a rain of stones. At Cumae the Apollo on the citadel shed tears for three days and three nights. In the city of Rome two temple-attendants announced portents; one, that a crested snake had been seen by many people in the temple of Fortune; the other announced two different portents in the temple of Fortune the First-Born which is on the hill, that a palm had sprung up in the courtyard and that during the day blood had rained down.

> Latin: 13.3. eam publice ali. Menturnis quoque per eos dies caeli ardentis species adfulserat. Reate imbri lapidavit. Cumis in arce Apollo triduum ac tris noctis lacrimavit. in urbe Romana duo aeditui nuntiarunt, alter in aede Fortunae anguem iubatum a conpluribus visum esse, alter in aede Primigeniae Fortunae, quae in colle est, duo diversa prodigia, palmam in area enatam et sanguine interdiu pluvisse.

[¶8] 13.6. Two portents were not treated as public matters, the one because it took place in a privately-owned spot-Titus Marcius Figulus reported that a palm had sprung up in his catch-basin —the other because it occurred in a non- Roman place —at Fregellae, in the house of Lucius Atreus, a spear which he had bought for his son's service in the army was said to have blazed during the day for more than two hours in such a way that the fire consumed none of it.

> Latin: 13.6. duo non suscepta prodigia sunt, alterum, quod in privato loco factum esset—palmam enatam in inpluvio suo T. Marcius Figulus nuntiabat—, alterum, quod in loco peregrino: Fregellis in domo L. Atrei hasta, quam filio militi emerat, interdiu plus duas horas arsisse, ita ut nihil eius ambureret ignis, dicebatur.

[¶9] 13.7. Because of the public portents the books were approached by the Board of Ten; they proclaimed the gods to whom the consuls were to offer forty full-grown victims, and also that a day of prayer should be observed, that all the magistrates should sacrifice full-grown victims at all the principal temples and that the people should wear wreaths.

> Latin: 13.7. publicorum prodigiorum causa libri a decemviris aditi. quadraginta maioribus hostiis quibus dis consules sacrificarent ediderunt et uti supplicatio fieret cunctique magistratus circa omnia pulvinaria victumis maioribus sacrificarent populusque coronatus esset.

[¶10] 13.8. Everything was carried out as the Board of Ten prescribed.

> Latin: 13.8. omnia, uti decemviri praeierunt, facta.

[¶11] 14.1. Thereupon the assembly for electing censors was announced. The leading men of the state sought the censorship, Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Mucius Scaevola, Marcus Junius Brutus, Gaius Claudius Pulcher, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The last two were elected censors by the Roman people.

> Latin: 14.1. censoribus deinde creandis comitia edicta sunt. petierunt censuram principes civitatis C. Valerius Laevinus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Mucius Scaevola, M. Iunius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus.

[¶12] 14.2. Since concern over holding the levy was greater, because of the Macedonian war, than at other times, the consuls blamed the commons before the senate because even the men of military age were not presenting themselves.

> Latin: 14.2. hos duos censores creavit populus Romanus. cum dilectus habendi maior quam alias propter Macedonicum bellum cura esset, consules plebem apud senatum accusabant, quod [et] iuniores non responderent.

[¶13] 14.3. Retorting to them Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius the praetors pleaded the cause of the commons; the levy, they said, was difficult, not for consuls, but for politically-minded consuls; they never enrolled a soldier against his will.

> Latin: 14.3. adversus quos C. Sulpicius et M. Claudius praetores plebis causam egerunt: non consulibus, sed ambitiosis consulibus dilectum difficilem esse;

[¶14] 14.4. That the Conscript Fathers might also be sure that this was so, they themselves, though praetors, whose powers of office and importance were less, would, if it seemed best to the senate, complete the levy. This task was entrusted to the praetors with great enthusiasm on the part of the Fathers, not without jeers at the consuls.

> Latin: 14.4. neminem invitum militem ab iis fieri. id ut ita esse scirent et patres conscripti, praetores, quibus et vis imperii minor et auctoritas esset, dilectum, si ita senatui videretur, perfecturos esse.

[¶15] 14.5. The censors, to further the business, made the following proclamation before a meeting; that they were going to lay down a rule for taking the census that, besides the general oath for all citizens, they would require assent on oath to the following:

> Latin: 14.5. id praetoribus magna patrum approbatione non sine suggillatione consulum mandatum est. censores ut eam rem adiuvarent, ita in contione edixerunt: legem censui censendo dicturos esse, ut praeter commune omnium civium ius iurandum haec adiurarent:

[¶16] 14.6. “Are you less than forty-six years of age, and have you, in accordance with the proclamation of Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius the censors, come forward for the levy, and as often as there shall be a levy, as long as these censors shall hold office, if you have not entered the army, will you come forward for the levy?”;

> Latin: 14.6. ‘tu minor annis sex et quadraginta es tuque ex edicto C. Claudi Ti. Semproni censorum ad dilectum prodisti et quotienscumque dilectus erit, quoad hi censores magistratum habebunt, si miles factus non eris, in dilectu prodibis?

[¶17] 14.7. again, since it was rumoured that many were absent on leave from the legions in Macedonia without specific reason because of the popularity-hunting of the generals, they proclaimed concerning the soldiers enrolled for Macedonia in the consulship of Publius Aelius and Gaius Popilius or after that consulship, that whoever of them were in Italy should within thirty days, having first appeared before the censors, return to their province, and that the names of those who were subject to the authority of father or grandfather should be reported to the censors.

> Latin: 14.7. ’ item quia fama erat multos ex Macedonicis legionibus incertis commeatibus per ambitionem imperatorum ab exercitu abesse, edixerunt de militibus P. Aelio C. Popilio consulibus postve eos consules in Macedoniam scriptis, ut qui eorum in Italia essent, intra dies triginta, censi prius apud sese, in provinciam redirent;

[¶18] 14.8. They would also review, they said, the reasons for discharges, and those whose discharge before completion of their military service seemed to the censors to result from indulgence they would order to be enrolled as soldiers.

> Latin: 14.8. qui in patris aut avi potestate essent, eorum nomina ad se ederentur. missorum quoque causas sese cognituros esse et quorum ante emerita stipendia gratiosa missio sibi visa esset, eos milites fieri iussuros.

[¶19] 14.10. Through this proclamation of the censors, and through their letters sent about throughout the markets and hamlets, so large a crowd of men of military age assembled at Rome that the unusual throng was burdensome to the city.

> Latin: 14.10. hoc edicto litterisque censorum per fora et conciliabula dimissis tanta multitudo iuniorum Romam convenit, ut gravis urbi turba insolita esset.

[¶20] 15.1. Besides the levy of those who were needed to be sent as reinforcements four legions were enrolled by Gaius Sulpicius the praetor, and within eleven days the levy was completed.

> Latin: 15.1. praeter dilectum eorum, quos in supplementum mitti oportebat, quattuor a C. Sulpicio praetore scriptae legiones sunt, intraque undecim dies dilectus est perfectus.

[¶21] 15.2. The consuls then drew lots for their provinces. For the praetors had drawn lots more promptly to secure the administration of justice.

> Latin: 15.2. consules deinde sortiti provincias sunt; nam praetores propter iurisdictionem maturius sortiti erant.

[¶22] 15.3. The city praetorship fell to Gaius Sulpicius, the jurisdiction over aliens to Gaius Decimius; Spain was drawn by Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Sicily by Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Sardinia by Publius Fonteius Capito, the fleet by Gaius Marcius Figulus. Of the consuls, Italy fell to Gnaeus Servilius, and Macedonia to Quintus Marcius; when the Latin Festival had been held, Marcius at once set out.

> Latin: 15.3. urbana C. Sulpicio, peregrina C. Decimio obtigerat; Hispaniam M. Claudius Marcellus, Siciliam Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, Sardiniam P. Fonteius Capito, classem C. Marcius Figulus erat sortitus. consulum Cn. Servilio Italia, Q. Marcio Macedonia obvenit; Latinisque actis Marcius extemplo est profectus.

[¶23] 15.4. When Caepio then consulted the senate as to which two of the new legions he should take with him to Gaul, the Fathers voted that Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius the praetors should give the consul what legions they chose from those they had enrolled.

> Latin: 15.4. Caepione deinde referente ad senatum, quas ex novis legionibus duas legiones secum in Galliam duceret, decrevere patres, ut C. Sulpicius M. Claudius praetores ex iis, quas scripsissent, legionibus, quas videretur, consuli darent.

[¶24] 15.5. Feeling insulted that a consul should be subject to the decision of praetors, Servilius dismissed the senate and, taking his stand at the judgment-seat of the praetors, demanded that, in accordance with the decree of the senate, they assign him two legions. The praetors gave the consul his choice in the selection.

> Latin: 15.5. indigne patiens praetorum arbitrio consulem subiectum dimisso senatu ad tribunal praetorum stans postulavit, ex senatus consulto destinarent sibi duas legiones. praetores consulis in eligendo arbitrium fecerunt.

[¶25] 15.6. Thereupon the censors chose the senate; Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was chosen chief. This was the third time the censors had chosen him. Seven were expelled from the senate.

> Latin: 15.6. senatum deinde censores legerunt. M. Aemilius Lepidus princeps ab tertiis iam censoribus lectus. septem e senatu eiecti sunt.

[¶26] 15.7. In receiving the census of the people they forced the soldiers from the army in Macedonia —the census showed how numerous were these absentees from the ranks —to return to their province;

> Latin: 15.7. in censu accipiendo populi milites ex Macedonico exercitu, qui quam multi abessent ab signis census docuit, in provinciam redire cogebant;

[¶27] 15.8. they reviewed the excuses of those discharged from service, and in the case of any whose discharge seemed premature they compelled assent on oath to the following: “With your whole heart will you, in accordance with the decree of Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius the censors, return to the province of Macedonia, as you are able, in all sincerity, to do this?”

> Latin: 15.8. causas stipendiis missorum cognoscebant et cuius nondum iusta missio visa esset, ita ius iurandum adigebant: ‘ex tui animi sententia tu ex edicto C. Claudi Ti. Semproni censorum in provinciam Macedoniam redibis, quod sine dolo malo facere poteris?’

[¶28] 16.1. In reviewing the knights, the censorship of these officials was rather stern and harsh; they deprived many of their horses.

> Latin: 16.1. in equitibus recensendis tristis admodum eorum atque aspera censura fuit;

[¶29] 16.2. When in this matter they had offended the order of knights, they added fire to the grudge by a proclamation, in which they proclaimed that none of those who in the censorship of Quintus Fulvius and Aulus Postumius had farmed the public revenues or the public works should appear at the auction of Claudius and Sempronius, or should be a partner or sharer in the contracting.

> Latin: 16.2. multis equos ademerunt. in ea re cum equestrem ordinem offendissent, flammam invidiae adiecere edicto, quo edixerunt, ne quis eorum, qui Q. Fulvio A. Postumio censoribus publica vectigalia aut ultro tributa conduxissent, ad hastam suam accederet sociusve aut adfinis eius conductionis esset.

[¶30] 16.3. When, after many complaints about this decree, the veteran tax-gatherers were unable to induce the senate to set a limit to the censors' power, at last in a tribune of the people, Publius Rutilius, who was angry with the censors over a dispute concerning a private matter, they found an advocate for their cause.

> Latin: 16.3. saepe id querendo veteres publicani cum impetrare nequissent ab senatu, ut modum potestati censoriae inponerent, tandem tribunum plebis P. Rutilium, ex rei privatae contentione iratum censoribus, patronum causae nancti sunt.

[¶31] 16.4. A freedman client of Rutilius had been ordered by the censors to pull down a house-wall on the Sacred Way opposite the public temples, because the wall was built on state land.

> Latin: 16.4. clientem libertinum parietem in sacra via adversus aedes publicas demoliri iusserant, quod publico inaedificatus esset.

[¶32] 16.5. An appeal was made by the citizen to the tribunes. When no one but Rutilius intervened in his behalf, the censors sent agents to secure bonds and announced before a meeting a fine for the citizen.

> Latin: 16.5. appellati a privato tribuni. cum praeter Rutilium nemo intercederet, censores ad pignera capienda miserunt multamque pro contione privato dixerunt.

[¶33] 16.6. A dispute having arisen from this cause, when the veteran tax-gatherers had resorted to the tribune, a proposed law was suddenly published under the name of the one tribune, stating that whereas Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius had let certain public revenues and public works, the letting of these should be void;

> Latin: 16.6. hinc contentione orta cum veteres publicani se ad tribunum contulissent, rogatio repente sub unius tribuni nomine promulgatur, quae publica vectigalia aut ultro tributa C.

[¶34] 16.7. they should be let anew, and everyone without restriction should have the right of farming and contracting. The tribune of the people announced for the assembly a day for voting on this proposal.

> Latin: 16.7. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea rata locatio ne esset; ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et conducendi promiscue ius esset.

[¶35] 16.8. When this day came, as the censors came forward to advise against the law, while Gracchus was speaking there was silence; when heckling greeted Claudius, he ordered the herald to bring the meeting to order.

> Latin: 16.8. diem ad eius legis rogationem concilio tribunus plebis dixit. qui post quam venit, ut censores ad dissuadendum processerunt, Graccho dicente silentium fuit; cum Claudio obstreperetur, audientiam facere praeconem iussit.

[¶36] 16.9. When this was done, the tribune, complaining that the meeting had been taken out of his hands and that he had been deprived of his authority, left the Capitol, where the assembly was. Next day he raised a great uproar.

> Latin: 16.9. eo facto avocatam a se contionem tribunus questus et in ordinem se coactum ex Capitolio, ubi erat concilium, abiit.

[¶37] 16.10. He first dedicated to the gods the property of Tiberius Gracchus because in the matter of the fine and the bonds imposed on one who had appealed to a tribune, Gracchus had, by not obeying the tribune's interposition, deprived him of his authority;

> Latin: 16.10. postero die ingentis tumultus ciere. Ti. Gracchi primum bona consecravit, quod in multa pignoribusque eius, qui tribunum appellasset, intercessioni non parendo se in ordinem coegisset;

[¶38] 16.11. he set a day for the trial of Gaius Claudius on the charge of taking the meeting away from him; and he announced that he judged each censor guilty of treason, and asked of Gaius Sulpicius the city praetor a day for an assembly.

> Latin: 16.11. C. Claudio diem dixit, quod contionem ab se avocasset, et utrique censori perduellionem se iudicare pronuntiavit diemque comitiis a C. Sulpicio praetore urbano petiit.

[¶39] 16.12. Since the censors did not object to having the people pass judgment on them at the first possible moment, the day for the assembly-trial for treason was set for the twenty-third and twenty-fourth of September.

> Latin: 16.12. non recusantibus censoribus, quominus primo quoque tempore iudicium de se populus faceret, in ante diem octavum et septimum kal.

[¶40] 16.13. The censors immediately mounted to the Hall of Liberty and, having there sealed the public accounts and closed the account room and sent away the public slaves, declared that they would transact no public business until the judgment of the people upon them had been passed.

> Latin: 16.13. Octobres comitiis perduellionis dicta dies. censores extemplo in atrium Libertatis escenderunt et obsignatis tabellis publicis clausoque tabulario et dimissis servis publicis negarunt se prius quidquam publici negotii gesturos, quam iudicium populi de se factum esset.

[¶41] 16.14. Claudius pleaded his cause first; and when of the twelve centuries of knights eight had condemned the censor, along with many other centuries of the first class, at once the leading men of the state, in the sight of the people, laid aside their gold rings and put on mourning, in order to go about entreating the commons.

> Latin: 16.14. prior Claudius causam dixit; et cum ex duodecim centuriis equitum octo censorem condemnassent multaeque aliae primae classis, extemplo principes civitatis in conspectu populi anulis aureis positis vestem mutarunt, ut supplices plebem circumirent.

[¶42] 16.15. Chiefly, however, Tiberius Gracchus is said to have changed men's minds, because, although there was everywhere shouting from the commons that Gracchus was in no danger, he swore in formal terms that if his colleague were condemned he would not await the outcome of his own trial, but would accompany Claudius into exile. None the less, so near did the defendant come to the last ray of hope that only eight centuries were lacking for condemnation.

> Latin: 16.15. maxime tamen sententiam vertisse dicitur Ti. Gracchus, quod, cum clamor undique plebis esset periculum Graccho non esse, conceptis verbis iuravit, si collega damnatus esset, non expectato de se iudicio comitem exilii eius futurum. adeo tamen ad extremum spei venit reus, ut octo centuriae ad damnationem defuerint.

[¶43] 16.16. When Claudius had been acquitted, the tribune of the people said that he did not care about the case of Gracchus.

> Latin: 16.16. absoluto Claudio tribunus plebis negavit se Gracchum morari.

[¶44] 17.1. In that year, at the request of envoys from Aquileia that the number of colonists be increased, fifteen hundred households were enrolled in accordance with a decree of the senate, and a board of three, Titus Annius Luscus, Publius Decius Subulo, and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, were sent to lead the settlement.

> Latin: 17.1. eo anno postulantibus Aquileiensium legatis, ut numerum colonorum augerent, mille et quingentae familiae ex senatus consulto scriptae triumvirique, qui eas deducerent, missi sunt T. Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, M. Cornelius Cethegus.

[¶45] 17.2. In the same year Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius, the envoys who had been sent into Greece, first caused to be read at Thebes and then to be carried about to all the cities of the Peloponnese the decree of the senate that no one should contribute anything to Roman officers for the war except what the senate should have voted.

> Latin: 17.2. eodem anno C. Popilius et Cn. Octavius legati, qui in Graeciam missi erant, senatus consultum Thebis primum recitatum per omnes Peloponnesi urbes circumtulerunt, ne quis ullam rem in bellum magistratibus Romanis conferret, praeterquam quod senatus censuisset.

[¶46] 17.3. This resolution had produced confidence for the future, too, that they had been relieved of both burdens and outlays, by which, as one and another ordered various things, they were being drained dry.

> Latin: 17.3. hoc fiduciam in posterum quoque praebuerat, levatos se oneribus[que] inpensisque, quibus alia aliis inperantibus exhauriebantur.

[¶47] 17.4. Before an Achaean council held for them at Aegium the Roman envoys both spoke and were heard with cordiality, and leaving this most loyal people with extraordinary hope for their future position, they crossed to Aetolia.

> Latin: 17.4. Achaico concilio Aegi iis dato benigne locuti auditique, egregia spe futuri status fidissima gente relicta, in Aetoliam traiecerunt.

[¶48] 17.5. There no revolt indeed had as yet broken out, but every move was suspected and replete with the mutual recriminations of the Aetolians;

> Latin: 17.5. ibi nondum quidem seditio erat, sed omnia suspecta criminumque inter ipsos plena;

[¶49] 17.6. having, because of these, called for the giving of hostages, but without bringing the trouble to an end, the envoys set out thence for Acarnania.

> Latin: 17.6. ob quae obsidibus postulatis neque exitu rei inposito in Acarnaniam inde profecti legati sunt. Thyri concilium legatis Acarnanes dederunt.

[¶50] 17.7. At Thyrreum the Acarnanians held a council for the envoys. There too a contest between factions was under way; some of the chief men demanded that garrisons be brought into their cities to guard against the madness of those who were dragging the tribe toward the Macedonians;

> Latin: 17.7. ibi quoque inter factiones erat certamen: quidam principum postulare, ut praesidia in urbes suas inducerentur adversus amentiam eorum, qui ad Macedonas gentem trahebant;

[¶51] 17.8. some objected to this, on the ground that the disgrace which was customary for those captured in war and hostile should not be inflicted on peaceful and allied cities.

> Latin: 17.8. pars recusare, ne, quod bello captis et hostibus mos esset, id pacatae et sociae civitates ignominiae acciperent.

[¶52] 17.9. This plea in opposition seemed sound. The envoys returned to Hostilius the proconsul at Larisa —for they had been sent by him.

> Latin: 17.9. iusta deprecatio haec visa. Larisam ad Hostilium proconsulem—ab eo enim missi erant— legati redierunt.

[¶53] 17.10. Octavius he kept with him, Popilius he sent with about a thousand soldiers into winter quarters at Ambracia.

> Latin: 17.10. Octavium retinuit secum, Popilium cum mille ferme militibus in hiberna Ambraciam misit.

[¶54] 18.1. Perseus did not dare to leave the limits of Macedonia at the outset of winter, for fear that at some point the Romans might raid his undefended realm. About the winter solstice, however, when the depth of snow makes the mountains impassable from Thessaly, he thought that here was an opportunity to shatter the hopes and spirits of his neighbours, so that no danger might arise from them while his attention was turned toward the campaign against the Romans. On the side of Thrace Cotys assured peace, as did Cephalus on the side of Epirus by his sudden desertion of the Romans, while the recent campaign had subdued the Dardani.

> Latin: 18.1. Perseus principio hiemis egredi Macedoniae finibus non ausus, ne qua in regnum vacuum inrumperent Romani, sub tempus brumae, cum in exsuperabilis ab Thessalia montes nivis altitudo facit, occasionem esse ratus frangendi finitimorum spes animosque, ne quid averso se in Romanum bellum periculi ab iis esset, cum a Threcia pacem Cotys, ab Epiro Cephalus repentina defectione ab Romanis praestarent, Dardanos recens domuisset bellum,

[¶55] 18.3. Perceiving then that the only quarter hostile to Macedonia was that which allowed access from Illyricum, where the Illyrians themselves were restless and were providing the Romans with an approach, and that if he conquered the nearest Illyrians, he might also entice King Gentius, who had long been wavering, into an alliance, Perseus set out with ten thousand infantry, some of whom were phalanx-men, two thousand light troops, and five hundred cavalry, and reached Stuberra.

> Latin: 18.3. solum infestum esse Macedoniae latus, quod ab Illyrico pateret, cernens, neque ipsis quietis Illyriis et aditum praebentibus Romanis, si domuisset proximos Illyriorum, Gentium quoque regem iam diu dubium in societatem perlici posse, cum decem milibus peditum, quorum pars phalangitae erant, et duobus milibus levium armorum et quingentis equitibus profectus Stuberram venit.

[¶56] 18.5. Thence, taking grain for a number of days and ordering equipment for besieging cities to follow, on the third day he pitched camp by Uscana —which is the largest city of the Penestian region —but sent, before bringing an attack to bear, men to test the mood, now of the commanders of the garrison, now of the townspeople.

> Latin: 18.5. inde frumento conplurium dierum sumpto iussoque apparatu oppugnandarum urbium sequi tertio die ad Uscanam—Pensestianae terrae ea maxima urbs est—posuit castra prius tamen, quam vim admoveret, missis, qui temptarent nunc praefectorum praesidii, nunc oppidanorum animos.

[¶57] 18.6. For there was in the city, along with the young men of the Illyrians, a Roman garrison. After the messengers reported nothing in the way of terms, Perseus began to press the siege and tried to capture the city with a surrounding attack. Although without interruption through day and night relay of men after relay here brought ladders against the walls, and there fire against the gates, nevertheless, the defenders of the city withstood this tempest, because they had hopes that the Macedonians could not longer endure the violence of winter in the open, and that the lull in the Roman campaign would not long permit the king to linger. However, after they saw sheds being brought up and towers raised, their determination was overcome.

> Latin: 18.6. erat autem ibi cum iuventute Illyriorum Romanum praesidium. postquam nihil pacati referebant, oppugnare est adortus et corona eam capere conatus est. cum sine intermissione interdiu noctuque alii aliis succedentes pars scalas muris, pars ignem portis inferrent, sustinebant tamen eam tempestatem propugnatores urbis, quia spes erat neque hiemis vim diutius pati Macedonas in aperto posse, nec ab Romano bello tantum regi laxamenti fore, ut posset morari.

[¶58] 18.9. For apart from the fact that they were not equally matched against the assault, there was no supply even of grain or of anything else in the city, as was natural when the siege was unexpected.

> Latin: 18.9. ceterum postquam vineas agi turresque excitari viderunt, victa pertinacia est. nam praeterquam quod adversus vim pares non erant, ne frumenti quidem aut ullius alterius rei copia intus erat ut in necopinata obsidione.

[¶59] 18.10. And so, since there was no hope of holding out, Gaius Carvilius of Spoletium and Gaius Afranius were sent from the Roman garrison to request of Perseus, first, that he should permit them to depart under arms and carrying their possessions with them, and next, if they failed to obtain this, that they should at least receive assurances of life and freedom. The king's generosity was greater in promise than in performance; for after bidding them to depart carrying their possessions with them, he deprived them first of their arms, then of their freedom.

> Latin: 18.10. itaque cum spei nihil ad resistendum esset, C. Carvilius Spoletinus et C. Afranius a praesidio Romano missi, qui a Perseo peterent primo, ut armatos suaque secum ferentis abire sineret, dein, si id minus impetrarent, vitae tantum libertatisque fidem acciperent.

[¶60] 18.11. After the Romans had left the city, both the force of Illyrians —there were five hundred of them —and the people of Uscana surrendered themselves and their city.

> Latin: 18.11. promissum id benignius est ab rege quam praestitum; exire enim sua secum efferentibus iussis primum arma ademit. his urbe egressis et Illyriorum cohors—quingenti erant—et Uscanenses se urbemque dediderunt.

[¶61] 19.1. After placing a garrison in Uscana, Perseus took the whole mass of prisoners, which almost equalled his army in numbers, to Stuberra.

> Latin: 19.1. Perseus praesidio Uscanae inposito multitudinem omnem deditorum, quae prope numero exercitum aequabat, Stuberram abducit.

[¶62] 19.2. There, after assigning the Romans —of whom there were four thousand —, except the chief officers, to various cities to guard, and selling the people of Uscana and the Illyrians, he led the army back among the Penestae in order to bring under his control the town of Oaeneum, which was in many ways strategically situated, particularly in that the route to the Labeates, where Gentius was king, passes this way.

> Latin: 19.2. ibi Romanis—quattuor milia autem hominum erant—praeter principes in custodiam civitatum divisis, Uscanensibus Illyriisque venditis in Penestiam exercitum reducit ad Oaeneum oppidum in potestatem redigendum et alioqui opportune situm, et transitus ea est in Labeates, ubi Gentius regnabat.

[¶63] 19.4. As he was passing a populous fort, Draudacum by name, one who knew this region said that there was no use of capturing Oaeneum unless Draudacum too was under his control; for it was even more strategically situated for all purposes.

> Latin: 19.4. praetereunti frequens castellum, Draudacum nomine, peritorum quidam regionis eius nihil Oaeneo capto opus esse ait, nisi in potestate et Draudacum sit; opportunius etiam ad omnia positum esse.

[¶64] 19.5. On his bringing up his army, all at once surrendered. Encouraged by this surrender, more prompt than he had hoped, after he noticed how great was the fear caused by his column, -he brought under his control eleven other forts because of this same dread.

> Latin: 19.5. admoto exercitu omnes extemplo dediderunt sese. qua spe celeriore deditione erectus postquam animadvertit, quantus agminis sui terror esset, undecim alia castella eodem metu in potestatem redigit.

[¶65] 19.6. At only a very few was there need of force; the rest were voluntarily surrendered; and in these there were taken prisoner fifteen hundred Roman soldiers who had been distributed among the garrisons.

> Latin: 19.6. ad perpauca vi opus fuit, cetera voluntate dedita; et in his recepti mille et quingenti dispositi per praesidia milites Romani.

[¶66] 19.7. Carvilius of Spoletium was most useful in the parleys, in saying that no harshness had been used against him and his comrades. Next, Perseus arrived at Oaeneum, which could not be taken without a regular siege. The city was strong both because of a somewhat larger force of young men than the others had had and because of its walls; moreover, on the one side a river, Artatus by name, on the other a very high mountain, difficult to ascend, girt the city about.

> Latin: 19.7. magno usui Carvilius Spoletinus erat in conloquiis dicendo, nihil in ipsos saevitum. ad Oaeneum perventum est, quod sine iusta oppugnatione capi non poterat. et maiore aliquanto, quam cetera, iuventute et validum oppidum moenibus erat, et hinc amnis, Artatus nomine, hinc mons praealtus et aditu difficilis cingebat.

[¶67] 19.9. These defences gave the people of the city hope of holding out. Perseus, after encircling the town with earthworks, began to build up a mound on the higher side, high enough to bring him above the wall.

> Latin: 19.9. haec spem ad resistendum oppidanis dabant. Perseus circumvallato oppido aggerem a parte superiore ducere instituit, cuius altitudine muros superaret.

[¶68] 19.10. While this work was in progress, the frequent battles which meanwhile took place, as the townspeople resorted to sallies to protect their walls and to hinder the siege-works of the enemy, caused a great wastage in casualties of one kind or another, while those townspeople who survived were incapacitated by daily and nightly toil and by wounds.

> Latin: 19.10. quod opus dum perficitur, crebris interim proeliis, quibus per excursiones et moenia sua oppidani tutabantur et opera hostium inpediebant, magna eorum multitudo variis casibus absumpta est, et qui supererant, labore diurno nocturnoque et volneribus inutiles erant.

[¶69] 19.11. As soon as the mound was joined to the wall, the royal company, whom they call the Conquerors, passed over it, and also at the same time an attack was made with ladders against many parts of the city.

> Latin: 19.11. ubi primum agger iniunctus muro est, et cohors regia, quos nicatoras appellant, transcendit et scalis multis simul partibus impetus in urbem est factus.

[¶70] 19.12. All the adult males were killed; their wives and children Perseus put under guard; the other items of booty fell to the soldiers.

> Latin: 19.12. puberes omnes interfecti sunt; coniuges liberosque eorum in custodiam dedit;

[¶71] 19.13. Returning thence victoriously to Stuberra, he sent as envoys to Gentius, Pleuratus the Illyrian, who was in exile at his court, and Adaeus, a Macedonian from Beroea; he instructed them to relate his achievements of that summer and winter against the Romans and Dardanians;

> Latin: 19.13. praedae alia militum cessere. Stuberram inde victor revertens ad Gentium legatos Pleuratum Illyricum, exulantem apud se, et Adaeum Macedonem a Beroea mittit.

[¶72] 19.14. they were to add the recent operations of his winter march into Illyricum; and they were to urge Gentius to join in friendship with Perseus and the Macedonians.

> Latin: 19.14. iis mandat, ut exponerent aestatis eius hiemisque acta sua adversus Romanos Dardanosque, adicerent recentia in Illyrico hibernae expeditionis opera; hortarentur Gentium in amicitiam secum et cum Macedonibus iungendam.

[¶73] 20.1. After crossing the ridge of Mount Scordus, and passing through the desert regions of Illyricum, which the Macedonians had purposely made desert by ravaging, so that there might be no easy passage for the Dardanians to Illyricum or Macedonia, these envoys came at last with great toil to Scodra.

> Latin: 20.1. hi transgressi iugum Scordi montis per Illyrici solitudines, quas de industria populando Macedones fecerant, ne transitus faciles Dardanis in Illyricum aut Macedoniam essent, Scodram labore ingenti tandem pervenerunt.

[¶74] 20.2. King Gentius was at Lissus. Thither the envoys were summoned, and their message was given a favourable hearing; but the reply which they took away accomplished nothing; it was to the effect that Gentius did not lack the will to fight the Romans, but to try to effect his will he did especially lack money.

> Latin: 20.2. Lissi rex Gentius erat. eo acciti legati mandata exponentes benigne auditi sunt; qui responsum sine effectu tulerunt, voluntatem sibi non deesse ad bellandum cum Romanis, ceterum ad conandum id, quod velit, pecuniam maxime deesse.

[¶75] 20.3. These words the envoys reported at Stuberra to the king, who was at that moment engaged in selling the prisoners from Illyricum. At once the same envoys, with the addition of Glaucias from among the king's bodyguard, were sent back with no word about money, by which alone the poverty-stricken barbarian could be urged into war.

> Latin: 20.3. haec Stuberram rettulere regi, tum maxime captivos ex Illyrico vendenti. extemplo iidem legati addito Glaucia ex numero custodum corporis remittuntur sine mentione pecuniae, qua non data barbarus inops inpelli ad bellum non poterat.

[¶76] 20.4. Thence, after ravaging Ancyra, Perseus led his army back again among the Penestae and, having strengthened the garrisons in Uscana and in all the forts that he had captured round about it, retired to Macedonia.

> Latin: 20.4. Ancyram inde populatus Perseus in Penestas rursum exercitum reducit firmatisque Uscanae et circa eam per omnia castella, quae receperat, praesidiis in Macedoniam sese recipit.

[¶77] 21.1. Lucius Coelius, a Roman staff-officer, was in charge of Illyricum; he had not dared to stir while the king was in those parts, but after his departure at last attempted in the Penestian country to retake Uscana, and, being driven back with many wounded by the Macedonian garrison which was there, led his forces back to Lychnidus.

> Latin: 21.1. L. Coelius, legatus Romanus, praeerat Illyrico; qui moveri non ausus, cum in iis locis rex esset, post profectionem demum eius conatus in Penestis Uscanam recipere a praesidio, quod ibi Macedonum erat, cum multis volneribus repulsus Lychnidum copias reduxit.

[¶78] 21.2. Thence after a few days he sent Marcus Trebellius of Fregellae with a strong enough detachment among the Penestae to receive hostages from those cities which had remained loyal to the alliance; he ordered Trebellius to proceed also to the Parthini, for they had likewise promised to give hostages.

> Latin: 21.2. inde post dies paucos M. Trebellium Fregellanum cum satis valida manu in Penestas misit ad obsides ab iis urbibus, quae in amicitia cum fide permanserant, accipiendos;

[¶79] 21.3. From both peoples Trebellius exacted the hostages without disturbance. The knights of the Penestae were sent to Apollonia, those of the Parthini to Dyrrachium —at that time the name Epidamnus was more generally in use among the Greeks.

> Latin: 21.3. procedere etiam in Parthinos — ii quoque obsides dare pepigerant — iussit. ab utraque gente sine tumultu exigit. Penestarum equites Apolloniam, Parthinorum Dyrrachium, — tum Epidamni magis celebre nomen Graecis erat — missi.

[¶80] 21.4. Appius Claudius, eager to atone for the disgrace he had received in Illyricum, attempted to besiege Phanote, a fort of Epirus. He took with him auxiliaries from the Chaonians and The sprotians, besides his Roman army, a total of about six thousand men; he did not accomplish anything worth his trouble, since Cleuas, who had been left by Perseus, was defending it with a strong garrison.

> Latin: 21.4. Ap. Claudius acceptam in Illyrico ignominiam corrigere cupiens Phanotam, Epiri castellum, adortus oppugnare est. auxilia Chaonum Thesprotorumque praeter Romanum exercitum, ad sex milia hominum, secum adduxit;

[¶81] 21.5. Perseus also, setting out for Elimea, and purifying his army in that neighbourhood, led his force, at the invitation of the Epirotes, to Stratus.

> Latin: 21.5. neque operae pretium fecit Cleua, qui relictus a Perseo erat, cum valido praesidio defendente. et Perseus Elimeam profectus et circa eam exercitu lustrato ad Stratum vocantibus Epirotis ducit.

[¶82] 21.6. Stratus was at that time the strongest city of Aetolia; it is situated inland from the Ambracian Gulf near the River Inachus. Perseus set out thither with ten thousand infantry and three handred cavalry, a smaller number of which he took with him because of the narrowness and roughness of the roads.

> Latin: 21.6. Stratus validissima tum urbs Aetoliae erat; sita est super Ambracium sinum prope amnem Inachum. cum decem milibus peditum eo profectus est et equitibus trecentis, quos pauciores propter angustias viarum et asperitatem duxit.

[¶83] 21.7. When on the third day he had arrived at Mount Citium, the snow was so deep that he barely succeeded incrossing and had difficulty also in finding a place for his camp.

> Latin: 21.7. tertio die cum pervenisset ad Citium montem, vix transgressus propter altitudinem nivis locum quoque castris aegre invenit.

[¶84] 21.8. Setting out thence, more because he could not stay than because either the way or the weather was bearable, with great suffering, especially of the baggage-animals, on the second day he pitched camp at the temple of Jupiter whom they call the Victorious. Thence having traversed a huge march to the Aratthus River, he halted... delayed by the depth of the river.

> Latin: 21.8. profectus inde, magis quia manere non poterat, quam quod tolerabilis aut via aut tempestas esset, cum ingenti vexatione praecipue iumentorum altero die ad templum Iovis, Nicaeum quem vocant, posuit castra.

[¶85] 21.9. In this length of time a bridge was finished, and, leading his troops across, he proceeded one day's march and effected a meeting with Archidamus, a prominent Aetolian, who was trying to hand over Stratus to him.

> Latin: 21.9. ad Aratthum inde flumen itinere ingenti emenso retentus altitudine amnis mansit. quo spatio temporis ponte perfecto, traductis copiis diei progressus iter obvium Archidamum, principem Aetolorum, per quem ei Stratus tradebatur, habuit.

[¶86] 22.1. On that day camp was pitched at the edge of Aetolian territory; thence on the second day they arrived at Stratus.

> Latin: 22.1. eo die ad finem agri Aetolici castra posita.

[¶87] 22.2. Although, when he pitched camp there near the Inachus River, Perseus expected the Aetolians to come streaming out of every gate to put themselves under his protection, he found that the gates were closed and that on the very night when he had arrived a Roman garrison, under the staff-officer Gaius Popilius, had been received.

> Latin: 22.2. inde altero die ad Stratum perventum; ubi prope Inachum amnem castris positis cum expectaret effusos omnibus portis Aetolos in fidem suam venturos, clausas portas atque ipsa ea nocte, qua venerat, receptum Romanum praesidium cum C. Popilio legato invenit.

[¶88] 22.3. The leading men, driven by the influence of Archidamus while he was there, had summoned the king, but had become less active when Archidamus had gone out to meet Perseus, and had given an opportunity to the opposing party of summoning Popilius with a thousand infantry from Ambracia.

> Latin: 22.3. principes, qui praesentis Archidami auctoritate conpulsi regem arcessierant, obviam egresso eggresso Archidamo segniores facti locum adversae factioni dederant ad Popilium cum mille peditibus ab Ambracia accersendum.

[¶89] 22.4. Just in time, too, came Dinarchus, the chief of cavalry of the Aetolian League, with six hundred infantry and a hundred cavalry. It was well known that he had come to Stratus as if on his way to Perseus, but then, changing his mind with his luck, had joined the Romans, against whom he had come.

> Latin: 22.4. in tempore et Dinarchus, praefectus equitum gentis Aetolorum, cum sescentis peditibus et equitibus centum venit.

[¶90] 22.5. Popilius, for his part, was not more off his guard than he should have been, considering the fickle temperaments which encompassed him.

> Latin: 22.5. satis constabat eum tamquam ad Persea tendentem Stratum venisse, mutato deinde cum fortuna animo Romanis se, adversus quos venerat, iunxisse.

[¶91] 22.6. He at once took control of the keys of the gates and the guarding of the walls, and removed to the citadel, ostensibly as its garrison, Dinarchus and his Aetolians, along with the young men of Stratus.

> Latin: 22.6. nec Popilius securior, quam debebat esse, inter tam mobilia ingenia erat. claves portarum custodiamque murorum suae extemplo potestatis fecit; Dinarchum Aetolosque cum iuventute Stratiorum in arcem per praesidii speciem amovit.

[¶92] 22.8. Perseus, after attempting parleys from the hills which overhang the upper part of the city, on seeing that they were determined and were even keeping him at a distance with missiles, pitched his camp five miles from the city across the river Petitarus.

> Latin: 22.8. Perseus ab imminentibus superiori parti urbis tumulis temptatis conloquiis cum obstinatos atque etiam telis procul arcentis videret, quinque milia passuum ab urbe trans Petitarum amnem posuit castra.

[¶93] 22.9. There he called a council and, although Archidamus and the Epirote deserters tried to keep him where he was, when the leading Macedonians were of the opinion that he should not fight against the unfavourable season of the year without having arranged for supplies, since the blockaders were bound to feel the want of them before the blockaded, especially when winter-quarters of the enemy were not far distant, Perseus in fear moved his camp into Aperantia.

> Latin: 22.9. ibi consilio advocato cum Archidamus Epirotarumque transfugae retinerent, Macedonum principes non pugnandum cum infesto tempore anni censerent, nullis praeparatis commeatibus, cum inopiam prius obsidentes quam obsessi sensuri essent, maxime quod hostium haud procul inde hiberna erant, territus in Aperantiam castra movit.

[¶94] 22.11. The Aperantians, because of their great regard for Archidamus and his influence with that people, by general agreement received Perseus; Archidamus himself, with a garrison of eight hundred men, was put in charge of the city.

> Latin: 22.11. Aperanti eum propter Archidami magnam in ea gente gratiam auctoritatemque consensu omnium acceperunt; is ipse cum octingentorum militum praesidio his est praepositus.

[¶95] 23.1. With no less suffering of beasts and men than when he had come, the king returned to Macedonia; Appius, however, was drawn away from the siege of Phanote by the report that Perseus was marching on Stratus.

> Latin: 23.1. rex cum non minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque, quam venerat, in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[¶96] 23.2. Cleuas, following with a force of vigorous young men beneath the almost impassable spurs of the mountains, killed about a thousand men of the burdened column and captured about two hundred.

> Latin: 23.2. Cleuas cum praesidio inpigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ad mille hominum ex agmine inpedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[¶97] 23.3. After passing over the narrows, Appius remained in camp a few days in the plain which they call Meleon. Meanwhile Cleuas, taking along Philostratus, who had five hundred of the Epirote people, crossed over to the territory of Antigonea.

> Latin: 23.3. Appius superatis angustiis in campo, quem Meleona vocant, stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas adsumpto Philostrato, qui … Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit.

[¶98] 23.4. The Macedonians set out to plunder; Philostratus with his detachment settled down in ambush in a hidden spot. When armed men sallied forth from Antigonea against the scattered plunderers, as they pursued in too open order after these fugitives, they burst into the valley ambushed by the enemy.

> Latin: 23.4. Macedones ad depopulationem profecti; Philostratus cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[¶99] 23.5. After the killing there of about a thousand and the capturing of nearly a hundred, the campaign was successfully conducted everywhere, and they moved their camp near the settled camp of Appius, so that no violence might be inflicted by the Roman army on their allies.

> Latin: 23.5. ibi mille occisis, centum ferme captis et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[¶100] 23.6. Appius, who was wasting time to no purpose in these parts, after sending away the forces of Chaonians, The sprotians and whatever other Epirotes there were, retired to Illyricum with his Italian soldiers, divided his men in winter-quarters among the allied cities of the Parthini, and himself returned to Rome to offer sacrifices.

> Latin: 23.6. Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonumque et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus per Parthinorum socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis ipse Romam sacrificii causa rediit.

[¶101] 23.7. Perseus sent to Cassandrea to act as its garrison a thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry recalled from the people of the Penestae. The envoys returned from Gentius with the same reply.

> Latin: 23.7. Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[¶102] 23.8. On the one hand, Perseus did not cease thereafter to make overtures to him by sending embassy after embassy, and, on the other hand, although it was obvious how much reinforcement Gentius could provide, yet he could not induce himself to incur expense for a matter of the greatest importance in every respect.

> Latin: 23.8. ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut inpensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

## 11. Book XLIV · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/11/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/11/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. AT the beginning of the spring following the winter campaigns just mentioned, Quintus Marcius Philippus the consul left Rome and reached Brundisium with five thousand men whom he planned to take over with him as reinforcements for the legions.

> Latin: 1.1. principio veris, quod hiemem eam, qua haec gesta sunt, insecutum est, ab Roma profectus Q. Marcius Philippus consul cum quinque milibus …, quot in supplementum legionum secum traiecturus erat, Brundisium pervenit.

[¶1] 1.2. The ex-consul Marcus Popilius and some young men of equally high birth accompanied the consul as tribunes of the soldiers in the legions for Macedonia. About the same time Gaius Marcius Figulus the praetor, who had been assigned to the fleet, arrived in Brundisium, and the two commanders left Italy together, reached Corcyra the next day, and made port at Actium, the harbour of Acarnania, on the day

> Latin: 1.2. M. Popilius consularis et alii pari nobilitate adulescentes tribuni militum in Macedonicas legiones consulem secuti sunt. per eos dies et C. Marcius Figulus praetor, cui classis provincia evenerat, Brundisium venit; et simul ex Italia profecti Corcyram altero die, tertio Actium, Acarnaniae portum, tenuerunt.

[¶2] 1.4. after. Thence the consul disembarked at Ambracia and marched overland to Thessaly; the praetor rounded Cape Leucas, entered the Gulf of Corinth and, leaving his ships at Creusa, also took to the land and made for the fleet at Chalcis through the midst of Boeotia-one day's rapid journey.

> Latin: 1.4. inde consul ad Ambraciam egressus itinere terrestri petit Thessaliam; praetor superato Leucata Corinthium sinum invectus et Creusae relictis navibus terra et ipse per mediam Boeotiam — diei unius expedito iter est — Chalcidem dem ad classem contendit.

[¶3] 1.5. At this time Aulus Hostilius had his camp in Thessaly near Old Pharsalus, having on the one hand performed no military feat worth mentioning, but on the other hand having accustomed the soldiery to strict military discipline in place of uncontrolled laxness and having loyally furthered the interests of the allies and protected them from any kind of harm. On hearing of his successor's approach, he carefully inspected his men, their arms, and their horses, and with his army in parade order went to meet the approaching consul.

> Latin: 1.5. castra eo tempore A. Hostilius in Thessalia circa Palaepharsalum habebat, sicut nulla re bellica memorabili gesta, ita ad cunctam militarem disciplinam ab effusa licentia formato milite et sociis cum fide cultis et ab omni genere iniuriae defensis.

[¶4] 1.6. Not only was the first meeting of the commanders in accord with the high station both of the men themselves and of the Roman name, but the utmost harmony prevailed in their subsequent operations, for the proconsul remained with the army.

> Latin: 1.6. audito successoris adventu cum arma, viros, equos cum cura inspexisset, ornato exercitu obviam venienti consuli processit.

[¶5] 1.7. A few days later the consul addressed a meeting of his soldiers.

> Latin: 1.7. et primus eorum congressus ex dignitate ipsorum ac Romani nominis, et in rebus deinde gerendis ….

[¶6] 1.8. Beginning with the unnatural crimes of Perseus committed against his brother and planned against his father, he went on to mention the acquisition of the throne by crime, the subsequent poisonings and slaughter, the attack by scoundrelly bandits on Eumenes, the wrongs committed by Perseus against the Roman people, and the plunderings of cities allied to them, contrary to treaty. “How hateful all these actions are to the gods also,” said the consul, “Perseus will discover in the outcome of his enterprises; for the gods support the cause of duty and faithfulness, the qualities by which the Roman people has climbed to so great an ” “eminence.”

> Latin: 1.8. proconsul enim ad exercitum …. paucis post diebus consul contionem apud milites habuit. orsus ab parricidio Persei perpetrato in fratrem, cogitato in parentem, adiecit post scelere partum regnum veneficia, caedes, latrocinio nefando petitum Eumenen, iniurias in populum Romanum, direptiones sociarum urbium contra foedus. ea omnia quam dis quoque invisa essent, sensurum in exitu rerum suarum;

[¶7] 1.11. The consul then compared the strength of the Roman people, who now controlled the whole earth, with that of Macedonia, and the military forces of the one with the other, and asked how much greater were the resources of Philip and Antiochus, which had been shattered by forces no greater than this Roman army?

> Latin: 1.11. favere enim pietati fideique deos, per quae populus Romanus ad tantum fastigii venerit. vires deinde populi Romani iam terrarum orbem conplectentis cum viribus Macedoniae, exercitus cum exercitibus conparavit: quanto maiores Philippi Antiochique opes non maioribus copiis fractas esse?

[¶8] 2.1. After the consul had aroused the ardour of the soldiers by a speech to this effect, he began to hold councils on strategy. Gaius Marcius the praetor, after picking up the fleet at Chalcis, arrived in camp.

> Latin: 2.1. huius generis adhortatione accensis militum animis consultare de summa gerendi belli coepit. eo et C. Marcius praetor a Chalcide classe accepta venit.

[¶9] 2.2. It was decided not to waste more time by lingering in Thessaly, but to break camp at once and proceed thence into Macedonia, while the praetor was to make sure that the fleet should simultaneously attack the hostile coast-line.

> Latin: 2.2. placuit non ultra morando in Thessalia tempus terere, sed movere extemplo castra atque pergere inde in Macedoniam, et praetorem dare operam, ut eodem tempore classis quoque invehatur hostium litoribus.

[¶10] 2.4. After the praetor's departure, the consul ordered his soldiers to take with them grain for a month and broke camp nine days after having assumed command; after a day's march, he summoned the guides for various routes, bade each explain before the council the route by which he would guide them, and then, after dismissing the guides, laid before the council the question of which route to choose.

> Latin: 2.4. praetore dimisso consul menstruum iusso milite secum ferre profectus decumo post die, quam exercitum acceperat, castra movit et unius diei progressus iter convocatis itinerum ducibus cum exponere in consilio iussisset, qua quisque ducturus esset, summotis iis, quam viam potissimum peteret, rettulit ad consilium.

[¶11] 2.6. Some preferred the road via Pythoüs; others the one over the Cambunian Mountains used the preceding year by the consul Hostilius; others, a route past Lake Ascuris.

> Latin: 2.6. aliis per Pythoum placebat via, aliis per Cambunios montes, qua priore anno duxerat Hostilius consul, aliis praeter Ascuridem paludem.

[¶12] 2.7. For a certain distance yet there was no divergence in the routes; therefore the discussion as to this choice was postponed until they should encamp near the point of separation of the roads.

> Latin: 2.7. restabat aliquantum viae communis; itaque in id tempus, quo prope divortium itinerum castra posituri erant, deliberatio eius rei differtur.

[¶13] 2.8. Thence the consul led his army into Perrhaebia and settled down between Azorus and Doliche for further conference as to the road to take.

> Latin: 2.8. in Perrhaebiam inde ducit, et inter Azorum et Dolichen stativa habuit ad consulendum rursus, quam potissimum capesseret viam.

[¶14] 2.9. During the same time Perseus, knowing that the enemy was approaching, but unaware which route he would choose, decided to occupy all the passes with forces.

> Latin: 2.9. per eosdem dies Perseus cum adpropinquare hostem sciret, quod iter petiturus esset, ignarus, omnis saltus insidere praesidiis statuit.

[¶15] 2.10. To the summit of the Cambunian Mountains (which the Macedonians themselves call Volustana) he sent ten thousand light-armed young men under the command of Asclepiodotus; near the fort above Lake Ascuris —Lapathus is the name of the place —Hippias was ordered to hold the pass with a force of twelve thousand Macedonians.

> Latin: 2.10. in iugum Cambuniorum montium — Volustana ipsi vocant — decem milia levis armaturae iuvenum cum duce Asclepiodoto mittit; ad castellum, quod super Ascuridem paludem erat — Lapathus vocatur locus —, Hippias tenere saltum cum duodecim milium Macedonum praesidio iussus.

[¶16] 2.12. The king himself with the rest of his forces remained in camp near Dium; later, so planlessly that he seemed to have lost his mind, he would dash with some unencumbered cavalry along the shore, now to Heracleum, now to Phila, returning without halt to Dium.

> Latin: 2.12. ipse cum reliquis copiis primo circa Dium stativa habuit; deinde a Dio, ut obtorpuisse inops consilii videretur, cum equitibus expeditis litore nunc Heracleum, nunc Philam percurrebat, eodem inde cursu Dium repetens.

[¶17] 3.1. Meanwhile the consul had settled on the plan of proceeding by the pass where the king's officer was encamped near Ottolobus.

> Latin: 3.1. interim consuli sententia stetit eo saltu ducere, ubi propter Ottolobum diximus regis castra ….

[¶18] 3.2. It was decided, however, to send ahead four thousand men to seize valuable advance positions; the commanders of this force were Marcus Claudius and Quintus Marcius, the son of the consul.

> Latin: 3.2. praemitti tamen quattuor milia armatorum ad loca opportuna praeoccupanda placuit, quis praepositi sunt M. Claudius, Q. Marcius consulis filius.

[¶19] 3.3. Immediately the whole Roman army followed. However, so steep, rough, and rugged was the road that the advance forces, travelling light, barely completed a two days' march of fifteen miles before pitching camp. The place they occupied is called Dierus.

> Latin: 3.3. confestim et universae copiae sequebantur. ceterum adeo ardua et aspera et confragosa fuit via, ut praemissi expediti biduo quindecim milium passuum aegre itinere confecto castra posuerint requieverintque.

[¶20] 3.4. Thence on the following day they advanced seven miles, seized a hill not far from the enemy's camp, and reported by messenger to the consul that they were in contact with the enemy, that they had occupied a place safe and suitable for all purposes, and that he should follow them as rapidly as he could march.

> Latin: 3.4. dierum quem cepere locum appellant. inde postero die septem milia progressi tumulo haud procul hostium castris capto nuntium ad consulem remittunt, perventum ad hostem esse, loco se tuto et ad omnia opportuno consedisse; ut, quantum extendere iter posset, consequeretur.

[¶21] 3.5. While the consul was worrying both over the difficulty of the journey upon which he had entered and over the fate of the small force which he had sent ahead into the midst of hostile garrisons, he was met by the messenger near Lake Ascuris.

> Latin: 3.5. sollicito consuli et propter itineris difficultatem, quod ingressus erat, et eorum vicem, quos paucos inter media praesidia hostium praemiserat, nuntius ad Ascuridem paludem occurrit.

[¶22] 3.6. The consul thereupon gained confidence, and after joining the advance force encamped beneath the hill which had been seized, in the place best adapted through the nature of the terrain.

> Latin: 3.6. addita igitur et ipsi fiducia est, coniunctisque copiis castra tumulo, qui tenebatur, qua aptissimum ad loci naturam erat, sunt adclinata.

[¶23] 3.7. Not only the enemy camp, a little over a mile away, but the whole region to Dium, Phila, and the seashore was before their eyes in the extensive view from so lofty a ridge.

> Latin: 3.7. non hostium modo castra, quae paulo plus mille passuum aberant, sed omnis regio ad Dium et Philam oraque maris late patente ex tam alto iugo prospectu oculis subicitur.

[¶24] 3.8. This sight roused the spirits of the soldiery, after they had a birds eye view of the whole campaign including all the king's forces and the land of the enemy, from so near by.

> Latin: 3.8. quae res accendit militi animos, postquam summam belli ac regias omnis copias terramque hostilem tam e propinquo conspexerunt.

[¶25] 3.9. Although the soldiers, made eager by this sight, urged the consul to lead them at once to the enemy's camp, one day's rest was given them, since they were weary from the toil of the march.

> Latin: 3.9. itaque cum alacres, protinus duceret ad castra hostium, consulem hortarentur, dies unus fessis labore viae ad quietem datus est.

[¶26] 3.10. Next day, the consul, leaving part of his forces to guard the camp, advanced against the enemy.

> Latin: 3.10. tertio die parte copiarum ad praesidium castrorum relicta consul ad hostem ducit.

[¶27] 4.1. Hippias had recently been sent by the king to guard the pass; as soon as he saw the Roman camp on its hill, he roused the spirits of his men to combat; and now he marched out against the oncoming column of the consul.

> Latin: 4.1. Hippias nuper ad tuendum saltum ab rege missus erat; qui ex quo castra Romana in tumulo conspexit, praeparatis ad certamen animis suorum venienti agmini consulis obvius fuit.

[¶28] 4.2. The Romans had come out unencumbered for battle and the enemy were light troops, a type very ready to stir up combat.

> Latin: 4.2. et Romani expediti ad pugnam exierant, et hostes levis armatura erat, promptissimum genus ad lacessendum certamen.

[¶29] 4.3. Therefore immediately on meeting they discharged their weapons; many wounds were both received and inflicted by either side in the hasty encounter; small numbers of both forces were killed.

> Latin: 4.3. congressi igitur extemplo tela coniecerunt. multa utrimque volnera temerario incursu et accepta et inlata; pauci utriusque partis ceciderunt.

[¶30] 4.4. Now that their spirits had been roused for the succeeding day, a more stubborn clash of larger forces occurred; and the decisive battle of the war would have been fought if there had been room enough to deploy the battle line; but the ridge of the mountain running up to a narrow peak barely allowed for a front of three files.

> Latin: 4.4. inritatis in posterum diem animis maioribus copiis atque infestius concur sum … de summa belli, si loci satis ad explicandam aciem fuisset. iugum montis in angustum dorsum cuneatum vix ternis ordinibus armatorum in fronte patuit.

[¶31] 4.5. And so while a few fought, the large remainder, especially the heavy-armed, stood by as onlookers of the battle.

> Latin: 4.5. itaque paucis pugnantibus cetera multitudo, praecipue qui gravium armorum erant, spectatores pugnae stabant.

[¶32] 4.6. Light forces were also able to charge forward over the rolling slopes of the ridge and engage the opposing light forces in flanking attacks over terrain favourable and unfavourable. More had been wounded than killed that day when the battle was broken off at nightfall.

> Latin: 4.6. levis armatura etiam per anfractus iugi procurrere et ab lateribus cum levi armatura conserere per iniqua atque aequa loca pugnam poterat. pluribus ea die volneratis quam interfectis proelium nocte diremptum est.

[¶33] 4.7. On the third day the Roman commander was at a loss; for he could neither remain on the ridge without supplies nor retire without disgrace and even danger, if the enemy pursued his retreat from the higher ground. There remained indeed no alternative to amending a bold undertaking by persistent boldness, which is occasionally wise in the long run.

> Latin: 4.7. tertio die egere consilio Romanus imperator; nam neque manere in iugo inopi neque regredi sine flagitio atque etiam periculo, si cedenti ex superioribus locis instaret hostis, poterat;

[¶34] 4.8. In fact, the position was such that, had the consul confronted an enemy like to the old-time kings of Macedonia, he might have suffered a great disaster.

> Latin: 4.8. nec aliud restabat quam audacter commissum pertinaci audacia, quae prudens interdum in exitu est, corrigere.

[¶35] 4.9. But though the king was scouring the shore near Dium with cavalry, and at a distance of twelve miles could almost hear the shouts and din of the fighting men, he neither added to his forces by reinforcing his weary men with fresh troops, nor did he himself appear on the battle-field —a matter of greatest moment —although the Roman commander, aged over sixty and overburdened with flesh, performed vigorously in person all the duties of a soldier. Magnificently he pursued his bold undertaking to the end;

> Latin: 4.9. ventum quidem erat eo, ut si hostem similem antiquis Macedonum regibus habuisset consul, magna clades accipi potuerit. sed cum ad Dium per litora cum equitibus vagaretur rex et ab duodecim milibus prope clamorem et strepitum pugnantium audiret, nec auxit copias integros fessis summittendo neque ipse, quod plurimum intererat, certamini adfuit, cum Romanus imperator, maior sexaginta annis et praegravis corpore, omnia militaria munera ipse inpigre obiret.

[¶36] 4.11. he left Popilius to guard the ridge during his advance over pathless ground, sent ahead men to clear out a road, and ordered Attalus and Misagenes, each with the auxiliaries of his own nation, to act as guard for the men clearing the pass.

> Latin: 4.11. egregie ad ultimum in audaciter commisso perseveravit et Popilio relicto in custodia iugi per invia transgressurus praemissis, qui repurgarent iter, Attalum et Misagenem cum suae gentis utrumque auxiliaribus praesidio esse saltum aperientibus iubet;

[¶37] 4.12. The consul himself sent the cavalry and baggage ahead of him and brought up the rear with the legions.

> Latin: 4.12. ipse equites impedimentaque prae se habens cum legionibus agmen cogit.

[¶38] 5.1. The toil of the descent and the damage to baggage-animals and their loads cannot be put into words. After they had advanced a mere four miles, they would have given anything to return as they had come, if they but could.

> Latin: 5.1. inenarrabilis labor descendentibus cum ruina iumentorum sarcinarumque. progressis vixdum quattuor milia passuum nihil optabilius esse quam redire, qua venerant, si possent.

[¶39] 5.2. The confusion of an attack by an enemy was caused by the elephants, which on arriving at the pathless places cast off their mahouts and with horrible trumpetings caused a great panic, especially among the horses, until a plan was devised for getting them through.

> Latin: 5.2. hostilem prope tumultum agmini elephanti praebebant, qui ubi ad invia venerant, deiectis rectoribus cum horrendo stridore pavorem ingentem equis maxime incutiebant, donec traducendi eos ratio inita est.

[¶40] 5.3. On the steep hillside the slope was marked off, and at the lower end two long strong posts were set in the ground, separated by a distance slightly greater than the width of one of the beasts;

> Latin: 5.3. per proclive sumpto fastigio longi duo validi asseres ex inferiore parte in terra defigebantur, distantes inter se paulo plus, quam quanta beluae latitudo est;

[¶41] 5.4. on a cross-beam laid upon these posts, planks, each thirty feet long, were fastened together to form a runway, and earth thrown on top of them.

> Latin: 5.4. in eos transverso incumbente tigno … tricenos longi pedes, ut pons esset, iniungebantur humusque insuper iniciebatur.

[¶42] 5.5. Next, at a slight interval below, a second runway of the same sort was built, then a third, and others one after the other, where the cliffs were sheer.

> Latin: 5.5. modico deinde infra intervallo similis alter pons, dein tertius et plures ex ordine, qua rupes abscisae erant, fiebant.

[¶43] 5.6. From firm ground an elephant would advance on to the runway; before he could proceed to its end, the posts were cut and the tilting of the runway forced the animal to slide gently to the head of the next runway.

> Latin: 5.6. solido procedebat elephantus in pontem; cuius priusquam in extremum pro cederet, succisis asseribus conlapsus pons usque ad alterius initium pontis prolabi eum leniter cogebat.

[¶44] 5.7. Some of the elephants would slide standing erect, others would squat on their haunches. Whenever they were met with the level expanse of another runway, they were again carried down by a like collapse of the lower structure, until they arrived at the more passable valley.

> Latin: 5.7. alii elephanti pedibus insistentes, alii clunibus subsidentes prolabebantur. ubi planities altera pontis excepisset eos, rursus simili ruina inferioris pontis deferebantur, donec ad aequiorem vallem perventum est.

[¶45] 5.8. The Romans advanced on that day hardly more than seven miles. Very little of the journey did they accomplish on their feet. Usually they advanced by casting themselves down, arms, baggage, and all, while meeting with every kind of difficulty, so that even the leader who had chosen the route could not deny that a small force could have destroyed the whole army.

> Latin: 5.8. paulo plus septem milia eo die Romani processerunt. minimum pedibus itineris confectum; plerumque provolventes se simul cum armis aliisque oneribus cum omni genere vexationis processerunt, adeo ut ne dux quidem et auctor itineris infitiaretur parva manu deleri omnem exercitum potuisse.

[¶46] 5.9. By nightfall they reached a scant level area, nor did men who had unexpectedly at long last found a place which offered sure footing, have the leisure to observe the unfriendly nature of the place, hemmed in as it was on all sides.

> Latin: 5.9. nocte ad modicam planitiem pervenerunt, nec quam infestus is locus esset saeptus undique, circumspiciendi spatium fuit vix tandem ex insperato stabilem ad insistendum nanctis locum.

[¶47] 5.10. For the next day as well they were compelled to wait in the depths of this valley for Popilius and the troops left behind with him. These troops too, though threatened from no direction by the enemy, were harassed as by an enemy by the ruggedness of the terrain.

> Latin: 5.10. postero quoque die in tam cava valle opperiri Popilium ac relictas cum eo copias necesse fuit; quos et ipsos, cum ab nulla parte hostis terruisset, locorum asperitas hostiliter vexavit.

[¶48] 5.11. On the third day, they proceeded with the united forces through the pass called Callipeuce by the natives.

> Latin: 5.11. tertio die coniunctis copiis eunt per saltum, quem incolae Callipeucen appellant.

[¶49] 5.12. On the fourth day, they descended through country as pathless as before, but their skill was greater through practice, and their morale was higher, since the enemy had not showed himself anywhere and they were reaching the sea. On reaching the plains between Heracleum and Libethrum they pitched a camp, most of which occupied hills.

> Latin: 5.12. quarto inde die per aeque invia, sed adsuetudine peritius et meliore cum spe, quod nec hostis usquam apparebat et mari adpropinquabant, degressi in campos inter Heracleum et Libethrum posuerunt castra.

[¶50] 5.13. This was the infantry camp; they embraced part of the plain too within the rampart, where the cavalry might encamp.

> Latin: 5.13. peditum, quorum pars maior tumulos tenebat, … ibi vallo campi quoque partem, ubi eques tenderet, amplectebantur.

[¶51] 6.1. The king was in his bath, they say, when the presence of the enemy was announced. At this message he leapt in terror from his tub and dashed out crying that he had been beaten without a battle.

> Latin: 6.1. lavanti regi dicitur nuntiatum hostis adesse. quo nuntio cum pavidus exiluisset e solio, victum se sine proelio clamitans proripuit;

[¶52] 6.2. And thereafter, as his terror drove him to a succession of fear-struck plans and orders, he sent out two of his friends, one to Pella to cast into the sea the money stored in Phacus, the other to Thessalonica to burn the dockyards. He recalled Asclepiodotus and Hippias and their forces from outpost duty and opened every approach for attack.

> Latin: 6.2. et subinde per alia atque alia pavida consilia et imperia trepidans duos ex amicis, Pellam alterum, ut, quae ad Phacum pecunia deposita erat, … ex praesidiis revocat omnisque aditus aperit bello.

[¶53] 6.3. The king ran off with all the gilded statues at Dium, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and compelled the inhabitants of that region to move to Pydna. Thereby what might have seemed the rashness of the consul in advancing to a position from which he could not retire without the consent of the enemy, was turned by the king into well-calculated boldness. For the Romans had two passes by which they could extricate themselves: one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other into Macedonia past Dium.

> Latin: 6.3. ipse ab Dio auratis statuis omnibus raptis, ne praeda hosti essent, incolas eius loci demigrare Pydnam cogit, et quae temeritas consulis videri potuisset, quod eo processisset, unde invito hoste regredi nequiret, eam non inconsultam audaciam fecit.

[¶54] 6.5. Both of the passes were being held by the king's forces; therefore if the king, by fearlessly holding his own, had resisted the first false appearance of approaching danger, he would have left the Romans no retreat through Tempe to Thessaly, nor any route for bringing up provisions from that direction.

> Latin: 6.5. duos enim saltus, per quos inde evadere possent, habebant Romani, unum per Tempe in Thessaliam, alterum in Macedoniam praeter Dium; quae utraque regiis tenebantur praesidiis. itaque si dux intrepidus decem dies primam speciem adpropinquantis terroris sustinuisset, neque receptus Romanis per Tempe in Thessaliam neque commeatibus pervehendis ea patuisset iter.

[¶55] 6.7. For even without the opposition of an enemy Tempe is a defile difficult of passage; for besides five miles of narrows through which the road is cramped for a loaded animal, the cliffs on either side are so sheer that one can hardly look down without some dizziness of eye and brain. An additional source of fear is the roar and depth of the Peneüs River flowing through the midst of the canyon. This place, so unfriendly by its very nature, was blocked at four separate points by the king's garrisons.

> Latin: 6.7. sunt enim Tempe saltus, etiamsi non bello fiat infestus, transitu difficilis. nam praeter angustias per quinque milia, qua exiguum iumento onusto iter est, rupes utrimque ita abscisae sunt, ut despici vix sine vertigine quadam simul oculorum animique possit. terret et sonitus et altitudo per mediam vallem fluentis Penei amnis.

[¶56] 6.9. One was at the very entrance near Gonnus, the second at Condylus, an impregnable fort, the third in the vicinity of Lapathus, which they call the Palisade, the fourth set by the road itself where the canyon, in the middle of its course, is at its narrowest.

> Latin: 6.9. hic locus tam suapte natura infestus per quattuor distantia loca praesidiis regiis fuit insessus.

[¶57] 6.10. where it can easily be defended by no more than ten soldiers. If the Romans' access to supplies through Tempe, as well as their line of retreat, had been cut off, they would have had to return to the mountains through which they had descended.

> Latin: 6.10. unum in primo aditu ad Gonnum erat, alterum in Condylo, castello inexpugnabili, tertium circa Lapathunta, quem Characa appellant, quartum viae ipsi, qua et media et angustissima vallis est, impositum, quam vel decem armatis tueri facile est.

[¶58] 6.12. As they had deceived the enemy in this by stealth, they could not duplicate the feat without concealment and while the enemy were in possession of the higher summits; and the difficulty they had undergone would have laid low all hope.

> Latin: 6.12. intercluso per Tempe simul aditu commeatibus, simul reditu ipsis, montes, per quos descenderant, repetendi erant.

[¶59] 6.13. There was no alternative left in this rash enterprise but to get out into Macedonia past Dium in the teeth of the enemy, and this undertaking, had not the gods deprived the king of his wits, would itself have been of the utmost difficulty.

> Latin: 6.13. quod, ut furto fefellerant, ita propalam, tenentibus superiora cacumina hostibus, non poterant;

[¶60] 6.14. For between the foothills of Mount Olympus and the sea lies an interval of a little more than a mile, half of which space is taken up with the broad estuary of the Baphyrus River, while part of the plain is obstructed by either the temple of Jupiter or the town.

> Latin: 6.14. et experta difficultas spem omnem incidisset. supererat nihil aliud in temere commisso quam in Macedoniam ad Dium per medios evadere hostis; quod, nisi di mentem regi ademissent, et ipsum ingentis difficultatis erat.

[¶61] 6.15. The very small remainder could have been barred off by a ditch of no extravagant size and a palisade, and there was such an abundance of stone and of forest timber at hand that even a wall could have been thrown up and towers erected. Since none of these possibilities revealed themselves to a mind blinded by sudden panic, the king stripped away all his defences and opened every approach to assault before taking refuge in Pydna.

> Latin: 6.15. nam cum Olympi radices montis paulo plus quam mille passuum ad mare relinquant spatium, cuius dimidium loci occupat ostium late restagnans Baphyri amnis, partem planitiae aut Iovis templum aut oppidum tenet, relicum perexiguum fossa modica valloque claudi poterat, et saxorum ad manum silvestrisque materiae tantum erat, ut vel murus obici turresque excitari potuerint. quorum nihil cum dispexisset caecata mens subito terrore, nudatis omnibus praesidiis patefactisque bello ad Pydnam refugit.

[¶62] 7.1. The consul sighted much security as well as hope in the folly and inaction of the king; he sent back a message to Spurius Lucretius at Larisa to seize the forts abandoned by the enemy in the region of Tempe, and sending Popilius to reconnoitre the crossings around Dium, arrived at that city in two days' march, since he learned that everything lay open in all directions.

> Latin: 7.1. consul plurimum et praesidii et spei cernens in stultitia et segnitia hostis, remisso nuntio ad Sp. Lucretium Larisam, ut castella relicta ab hoste circa Tempe occuparet, praemisso Popilio ad explorandos transitus circa Dium, postquam patere omnia in omnis partes animadvertit, secundis castris pervenit ad Dium metarique sub ipso templo, ne quid sacro in loco violaretur, iussit.

[¶63] 7.2. He ordered his camp to be pitched next to the temple itself, so that no sacrilege against the sacred precinct might be committed.

> Latin: 7.2. ipse urbem ingressus sicut non magnam, ita exornatam publicis locis et multitudine statuarum munitamque egregie, vix satis credere in tantis rebus sine causa relictis non aliquem subesse dolum.

[¶64] 7.3. On personally inspecting the city which, though not large, was adorned with public installations and an abundance of statues and was magnificently fortified, the consul could hardly convince himself that no ruse lurked in the unreasonable abandonment of such remarkable objects.

> Latin: 7.3. unum diem ad exploranda circa omnia moratus castra movet; satisque credens in Pieria frumenti copiam fore, eo die ad amnem nomine Mityn processit.

[¶65] 7.4. After a day's delay for general reconnaissance all around, he advanced, and being convinced that there would be abundant grain in Pieria, he proceeded on that day to a river named Mitys.

> Latin: 7.4. postero die progressus Agassas urbem tradentibus sese ipsis recepit et ut reliquorum Macedonum animos sibi conciliaret, obsidibus contentus sine praesidio relinquere se iis urbem inmunesque ac suis legibus victuros est pollicitus.

[¶66] 7.5. Continuing on the following day, he accepted the surrender of the city of Agassae by its inhabitants; and to win over the hearts of the other Macedonians, he contented himself with hostages and promised to leave the city to its people without garrison, and to accord them autonomy and freedom from tribute. Advancing thence a day's journey, he encamped by the Ascordus River. Because he felt more strongly the want of every sort of supplies the further he advanced from Thessaly, he retired to Dium, thereby demonstrating beyond a doubt to everyone what he would have suffered had he been cut off from Thessaly, since he found it unsafe to advance far from there.

> Latin: 7.5. progressus inde diei iter ad Ascordum flumen posuit castra; et quantum procederet longius a Thessalia, eo maiorem rerum omnium inopiam sentiens, regressus ad Dium est dubitatione omnibus exempta, quid intercluso ab Thessalia patiendum fuisset, cui procul inde abscedere tutum non esset.

[¶67] 7.7. After Perseus had assembled all his forces and officers, he blamed the commanders of his outposts, above all Asclepiodotus and Hippias;

> Latin: 7.7. Perseus coactis in unum omnibus copiis ducibusque increpare praefectos praesidiorum, ante omnes Asclepiodotum atque Hippiam;

[¶68] 7.8. they, he said, had surrendered the keys to Macedonia to the Romans —a crime for which no one would have been more justly prosecuted than himself.

> Latin: 7.8. ab his dicere claustra Macedoniae tradita Romanis esse;

[¶69] 7.9. After the sight of the Roman fleet at sea had brought to the consul hope that the ships were bringing provisions —for there was a great scarcity of grain and almost a famine —he heard from the men just come into port that the freight ships had been left in Magnesia.

> Latin: 7.9. cuius culpae reus nemo iustius quam ipse fuisset. consuli postquam ex alto conspecta classis spem fecit cum commeatu naves venire — ingens enim caritas annonae ac prope inopia erat —, ab invectis iam portum audit onerarias naves Magnesiae relictas esse. incerto inde, quidnam agendum foret — adeo sine ulla ope hostis, quae adgravaret, cum ipsa difficultate rerum pugnandum erat — , peropportune litterae a Sp.

[¶70] 7.11. As the consul was debating what should be done —so completely was his struggle directed against the mere difficulty of the situation, without the slightest effort on the part of the enemy to make matters worse —in the nick of time a despatch arrived from Spurius Lucretius that he was in possession of the forts above Tempe and around Phila, and that he had found a supply of grain and other useful materials in them.

> Latin: 7.11. Lucretio adlatae sunt castella se, quae super Tempe essent et circa Philan, tenere omnia frumentique in iis et aliarum in usum rerum copiam invenisse.

[¶71] 8.1. Greatly pleased by this news, the consul moved from Dium to Phila, both to strengthen its garrison and to distribute to the soldiers the grain, transportation of which was slow.

> Latin: 8.1. his magno opere laetus consul ab Dio ad Philan ducit, simul ut praesidium eius firmaret, simul ut militi frumentum, cuius tarda subvectio erat, divideret.

[¶72] 8.2. This march started unpleasant rumours; for some put it that he had retired from before the enemy out of fear, because he would have had to fight a battle if he had remained in Pieria, while others said that in his ignorance of the daily fluctuations in the fortunes of war, and as if events were awaiting his signal, he had dropped from his grasp advantages which presently could not be recovered.

> Latin: 8.2. ea profectio famam haudquaquam secundam habuit. nam alii metu recessisse eum ab hoste ferebant, quia manenti in Pieria proelio dimicandum foret, alii ignarum, belli quae in dies fortuna novaret, ut opperientibus sese rebus emisisse de manibus ea, quae mox repeti non possent.

[¶73] 8.4. For at one move he had lost his grip on Dium and had stirred up the enemy to perceiving at long last that he must recover what previously he had shamefully lost.

> Latin: 8.4. simul enim cessit possessione Dii, excitavit hostem, ut tunc tandem sentiret recuperanda esse, quae prius culpa amissa forent.

[¶74] 8.5. For on hearing of the departure of the consul, the king returned to Dium, rebuilt what had been cast down and despoiled by the Romans, replaced the battlements knocked off the walls, and strengthened the walls all around. Then he placed his camp five miles from the city on the nearer bank of the Elpeüs River, intending to use the river itself as a fortification since it was very hard to cross.

> Latin: 8.5. audita enim profectione consulis regressus Dium, quae disiecta ac vastata ab Romanis erant, reficit; pinnas moenium decussas reponit, ab omni parte muros firmat, deinde quinque milia passuum ab urbe citra ripam Elpei amnis castra ponit amnem ipsum transitu perdifficilem pro munimento habiturus.

[¶75] 8.6. It flows from a ravine of Mount Olympus, is scanty in summer, but again in winter is swollen by rains; it forms great rapids above its boulders, and below, by carrying off the eroded earth to the sea, produces great abysses and banks sheer on either side above a deeply-hollowed channel.

> Latin: 8.6. fluit ex valle Olympi montis, aestate exiguus, hibernis idem incitatus pluviis et supra rupes ingentis gurgites facit et infra prorutam in mare evolvendo terram praealtas voragines cavatoque medio alveo ripas utrimque praecipitis.

[¶76] 8.7. Thinking that the enemy's advance was barred by this river, the king intended to use up the rest of the summer.

> Latin: 8.7. hoc flumine obsaeptum iter hostis credens extrahere relicum tempus aestatis in animo habebat.

[¶77] 8.8. Meanwhile the consul sent Popilius with two thousand soldiers from Phila to Heracleum.

> Latin: 8.8. inter haec consul a Phila Popilium cum duobus milibus armatorum Heracleum mittit.

[¶78] 8.9. This is about five miles from Phila, on a cliff overhanging the river midway between Dium and Tempe.

> Latin: 8.9. abest a Phila quinque milia ferme passuum, media regione inter Dium Tempeque in rupe amni inminente positum.

[¶79] 9.1. Before Popilius brought his men against the walls, he sent envoys to persuade the magistrates and chief citizens to prefer making trial of the good faith and mildness of the Romans rather than of their force.

> Latin: 9.1. Popilius priusquam armatos muris admoveret, misit, qui magistratibus principibusque suaderent, fidem clementiamque Romanorum quam vim experiri mallent.

[¶80] 9.2. This advice availed nothing, because the fires of the king's camp at the Elpeüs were in sight. Then the siege began, both with assaults and with field-works and engines, both from land and sea, for the fleet, too, had arrived and occupied the shore side.

> Latin: 9.2. nihil ea consilia moverunt, quia ignes ad Elpeum ex regis castris apparebant. tum terra marique — et classis adpulsa ab litore stabat — simul armis, simul operibus machinisque oppugnari coepti.

[¶81] 9.3. The younger Romans even captured the lowest part of the wall by turning to military use a performance of the arena.

> Latin: 9.3. iuvenes etiam quidam Romani ludicro circensi ad usum belli verso partem humillimam muri ceperunt.

[¶82] 9.4. It was the custom then, before there had been introduced the present extravagance of cramming the arena with animals from all over the earth, to hunt out various sorts of spectacles, for one race with four-horse chariots and one with bareback riders hardly occupied the space of an hour for the two events.

> Latin: 9.4. mos erat tum, nondum hac effusione inducta bestiis omnium gentium circum conplendi, varia spectaculorum conquirere genera; nam semel quadrigis, semel desultore misso vix unius horae tempus utrumque curriculum conplebat.

[¶83] 9.5. As one of these performances, groups of about sixty youths (occasionally more at more elaborate games) entered under arms. Their entrance was in some respects an imitation of military manoeuvres, but in other respects was of a style more showy than the military and more akin to the fashion of gladiatorial combats.

> Latin: 9.5. inter cetera sexageni ferme iuvenes, interdum plures apparatioribus ludis, armati inducebantur. horum inductio ex parte simulacrum decurrentis exercitus erat, ex parte elegantioris [exercitus] quam militaris artis propiorque gladiatorium armorum usum.

[¶84] 9.6. After passing through various evolutions in this manoeuvre, they would form in ranks, with shields close-set over their heads, the front rank erect, the second somewhat stooped, the third and fourth more so, and the rear rank down on their knees, so that they would form a “tortoise” sloped like the roof of a house.

> Latin: 9.6. cum alios decursu edidissent motus, quadrato agmine facto, scutis super capita densatis, stantibus primis, secundis summissioribus, tertiis magis et quartis, postremis etiam genu nixis, fastigatam, sicut tecta aedificiorum sunt, testudinem faciebant.

[¶85] 9.7. Next two armed men, separated by an interval of some fifty feet, would rush out, feint at each other, and mount from bottom to top of the “tortoise” over the close-set shields. They would then act as if skirmishing at the outer edges of the “tortoise,” now clash with each other in the centre, and leap about just as if they were on solid ground. A “tortoise” like this was brought up to the lowest part of the wall.

> Latin: 9.7. hinc quinquaginta ferme pedum spatio distantes duo armati procurrebant comminatique inter se, ab ima in summam testudinem per densata scuta cum evasissent, nunc velut propugnantes per oras extremae testudinis, nunc in media inter se concurrentes, haud secus quam stabili solo persultabant.

[¶86] 9.8. When soldiers on top came up to the wall, they were at their highest elevation level with the defenders of the wall; the defenders were routed and the soldiers of two maniples crossed into the city.

> Latin: 9.8. huic testudo similis humillimae parti muri admota. cum armati superstantes subissent, propugnatoribus muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur; depulsisque iis in urbem duorum signorum milites transcenderunt.

[¶87] 9.9. The only difference from the show was that the front rank and those exposed on the flanks did not raise their shields over their heads, but held them out in the usual position for battle in order not to expose their bodies. In this way the missiles hurled from the wall did not injure the men as they approached and those cast on the “tortoise” slid harmlessly like rain down to the bottom of the slippery slope.

> Latin: 9.9. id tantum dissimile fuit, quod et in fronte extremi et ex lateribus soli non habebant super capita elata scuta, ne nudarent corpora, sed praetenta pugnantium more. ita nec ipsos tela ex muro missa subeuntis laeserunt et testudini iniecta imbris in modum lubrico fastigio innoxia ad imum labebantur.

[¶88] 9.10. On capturing Heracleum, the consul advanced his camp there, as if he were going to advance to Dium and thence, after dislodging the king, into Pieria as well.

> Latin: 9.10. et consul capto iam Heracleo castra eo protulit tamquam Dium atque inde summoto rege in Pieriam etiam progressurus.

[¶89] 9.11. But as he was already making ready for wintering, he ordered the roads from Thessaly to be repaired for the transport of provisions and suitable sites for granaries to be chosen and houses built where those transporting the provisions could lodge.

> Latin: 9.11. sed hiberna iam praeparans vias commeatibus subvehendis ex Thessalia muniri iubet et eligi horreis opportuna loca tectaque aedificari, ubi deversari portantes commeatus possent.

[¶90] 10.1. Perseus at length recovered his courage from the panic which had struck him down. and would have preferred that his commands had not been obeyed when he ordered the treasure at Pella to be cast into the sea and the dockyards at Thessalonica to be burned.

> Latin: 10.1. Perseus tandem a pavore eo, quo attonitus fuerat, recepto animo malle imperiis suis non obtemperatum esse, cum trepidans gazam in mare deici Pellae, Thessalonicae navalia iusserat incendi.

[¶91] 10.2. Andronicus, the envoy to Thessalonica, had killed time to allow for the very thing which happened, a change of mind.

> Latin: 10.2. Adronicus Thessalonicam missus traxerat tempus, id ipsum quod accidit, paenitentiae relinquens locum. incautior Nicias Pellae proiciendo pecuniae partem, quae fuerat ad Phacum;

[¶92] 10.3. Nicias at Pella was less wary in casting away part of the money which was in Phacus, but he seemed to have made his mistake in a manner not irreparable, since almost all the money was brought up by divers.

> Latin: 10.3. sed in re emendabili visus lapsus esse, quod per urinatores omne ferme extractum est.

[¶93] 10.4. So great was the king's shame at this panic of his that he ordered the divers secretly to be put to death, and after them Andronicus and Nicias, too, so that there should be no one having knowledge of so crazy an order.

> Latin: 10.4. tantusque pudor regi pavoris eius fuit, ut urinatores clam interfici iusserit, deinde Andronicum quoque et Nician, ne quis tam dementis imperii conscius existeret.

[¶94] 10.5. Meanwhile, Gaius Marcius set out with the fleet from Heracleum for Thessalonica, ravaged the countryside far and wide by setting ashore forces at several points, and in several successful battles drove back those who sallied from the city headlong within their walls.

> Latin: 10.5. inter haec C. Marcius cum classe ab Heracleo Thessalonicam profectus et agrum pluribus locis expositis per litora armatis late vastavit et procurrentes ab urbe secundis aliquot proeliis trepidos intra moenia conpulit.

[¶95] 10.6. He was striking terror into the city itself, when from the engines of all types which were distributed about, stones shot by machine struck down not only the skirmishers about the walls who rashly approached, but even the men in the ships.

> Latin: 10.6. iamque ipsi urbi terribilis erat, cum dispositis omnis generis tormentis non vagi modo circa muros, temere adpropinquantes, sed etiam qui in navibus erant, saxis tormento emicantibus percutiebantur.

[¶96] 10.7. Recalling the soldiers to the ships and abandoning the siege of Thessalonica, they made thence for Aenea. This city is fifteen miles away, set opposite Pydna in fertile land.

> Latin: 10.7. revocatis igitur in naves militibus omissaque Thessalonicae oppugnatione Aeniam inde petunt. quindecim milia passuum ea urbs abest, adversus Pydnam posita, fertili agro.

[¶97] 10.8. After devastating its territory they followed the shore and arrived at Antigonea. There they disembarked and for a time both ravaged the fields round about and carried some booty off to their ships.

> Latin: 10.8. pervastatis finibus eius legentes oram Antigoneam perveniunt. ibi egressi in terram primo et vastarunt agros passim et aliquantum praedae contulerunt ad naves.

[¶98] 10.9. Then the Macedonians, cavalry and infantry together, attacked the scattered raiders and pursuing as they fled in disorder, killed about five hundred and captured as many.

> Latin: 10.9. dein palatos eos adorti Macedones, mixti pedites equitesque, fugientes effuse ad mare persecuti quingentos ferme occiderunt et non minus ceperunt.

[¶99] 10.10. Nothing but utter necessity, when they were kept from finding safety in their ships, aroused the spirits of the Roman soldiers, both by despair of other means of safety and by indignation. The fight was renewed on the shore; those aboard the ships came to the rescue.

> Latin: 10.10. nec aliud quam ultima necessitas, cum recipere se tuto ad naves prohiberentur, animos militum Romanorum simul desperatione alia salutis, simul indignitate inritavit.

[¶100] 10.11. Here about two hundred of the Macedonians were slain and an equal number captured. From Antigonea the fleet sailed to the peninsula of Pallene and landed troops to ravage it. This land belonged to the territory of Cassandrea and was by far the most fertile of all the coast they had passed.

> Latin: 10.11. redintegrata in litore pugna est; adiuvere, qui in navibus erant. ibi Macedonum ducenti ferme caesi, par numerus captus. ab Antigonea classis profecta ad agrum Pallenensem escensionem ad populandum fecit.

[¶101] 10.12. Here they were met by King Eumenes, who had set out from Elaea with twenty decked ships, as well as by five decked ships sent by King Prusias.

> Latin: 10.12. finium is ager Cassandrensium erat, longe fertilissimus omnis orae, quam praetervecti fuerant. ibi Eumenes rex viginti tectis navibus ab Elaea profectus obvius fuit et quinque missae a Prusia rege tectae naves.

[¶102] 11.1. With this accession of strength, the praetor's spirits rose to the point of attacking Cassandrea.

> Latin: 11.1. hac virium accessione animus crevit praetori, ut Cassandream oppugnaret.

[¶103] 11.2. This was founded by King Cassander precisely in the narrows which connect the peninsula of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia and are bounded on the one side by the Gulf of Macedonia, and on the other by that of Torone.

> Latin: 11.2. condita est a Cassandro rege in ipsis faucibus, quae Pallenensem agrum ceterae Macedoniae iungunt, hinc Toronaico, hinc Macedonico saepta mari.

[¶104] 11.3. For the peninsula on which this city is situated rises high and projects into the sea quite as far as Mount Athos, which is noted for its size; it forms, opposite to the district of Magnesia, two unequal promontories, the larger named Posideum and the smaller Canastraeum.

> Latin: 11.3. eminet namque in altum lingua, in qua sita est, nec minus quam inclitus magnitudine Atho mons excurrit, obversa in regionem Magnesiae duobus inparibus promunturiis, quorum maiori Posideum est nomen, minori Canastraeum.

[¶105] 11.4. The siege was begun in separate divisions. The Roman commander constructed works, including chevaux-de-frise, extending from the Macedonian to the Toronaic gulf, in the quarter called Clitae, in order to cut off the highway. On the other side is a narrow strait; there Eumenes was attacking.

> Latin: 11.4. divisis partibus oppugnare adorti. Romanus ad Clitas, quas vocant, munimenta, cervis etiam obiectis, ut viam intercluderet, a Macedonico ad Toronaicum mare perducit. ab altera parte euripus est;

[¶106] 11.5. The Romans found that their greatest task was filling the moat which Perseus had lately built as a defence. When the praetor inquired why there were no mounds to be seen, where the earth dug from the moat would be, he was shown certain arches. These, he heard, were built up not to the same strength as the old wall, but only to the thickness of a single brick. He therefore adopted the plan of opening a path into the city by piercing the brickwork.

> Latin: 11.5. inde Eumenes oppugnabat. Romanis in fossa conplenda, quam nuper obiecerat Perseus, plurimum erat laboris. ibi quaerenti praetori, quia nusquam cumuli apparebant, quo regesta e fossa terra foret, monstrati sunt fornices: non ad eandem crassitudinem, qua veterem murum, sed simplici laterum ordine structos esse.

[¶107] 11.6. He further expected to effect surprise in this move if he attacked the walls elsewhere with scaling ladders and, by raising confusion, drew off the defenders of the city to the protection of this second spot.

> Latin: 11.6. consilium igitur cepit transfosso pariete iter in urbem patefacere. fallere autem ita se posse, si muros a parte alia scalis adortus tumultu iniecto in custodiam eius loci propugnatores urbis avertisset.

[¶108] 11.7. In the garrison of Cassandrea there were, besides a respectable contingent of young citizens, eight hundred Agrianes and two thousand Illyrian Penestae sent from their home by Pleuratus —both peoples being good fighters. They were defending the walls as the Romans struggled with the utmost energy to mount them, when the piercing of the brickwork of the arches in the twinkling of an eye, laid open the city.

> Latin: 11.7. erant in praesidio Cassandreae praeter non contemnendam iuventutem oppidanorum octingenti Agrianes et duo milia Penestarum Illyriorum, a Pleurato inde missi, bellicosum utrumque genus.

[¶109] 11.8. If men had been there to dash in armed, they would have taken the town at once. When the accomplishment of this breakthrough was reported to the Roman soldiers, they at once eagerly raised a shout of joy, expecting to burst into the city at several points.

> Latin: 11.8. his tuentibus muros, cum subire Romani summa vi niterentur, momento temporis parietes fornicum perfossi urbem patefecerunt. quod si, qui inrumperent, armati fuissent, extemplo cepissent. hoc ubi perfectum esse opus militibus nuntiatum est, clamorem alacres gaudio repente tollunt, aliis parte alia in urbem inrupturis.

[¶110] 12.1. The enemy were first struck with wonder as to the meaning of this sudden uproar.

> Latin: 12.1. hostis primum admiratio cepit, quidnam sibi repentinus clamor vellet.

[¶111] 12.2. After the commanders of the garrison, Pytho and Philip, had been informed that the city lay open, they considered that the work had been done for the benefit of the side first to press the attack, and made a sally with a strong force of Agrianes and Illyrians.

> Latin: 12.2. postquam patere urbem accepere praefecti praesidii Pytho et Philippus, pro eo, qui occupasset adgredi, opus factum esse rati cum valida manu Agrianum Illyriorumque erumpunt Romanosque, qui alii aliunde coibant convocabanturque, ut signa in urbem inferrent, inconpositos atque inordinatos fugant persecunturque ad fossam, in quam conpulsos ruina cumulant.

[¶112] 12.3. The Romans, who were coming up and being summoned from various points to advance into the city, were routed in their scattered and unorganized state and chased to the moat, into which they were driven and which they filled with the fallen. About six hundred were killed there and almost to a man those caught between the wall and the moat were wounded. The praetor, being so grievously dashed by his own undertaking, had become less eager to form other plans. Not even Eumenes, who was attacking both by sea and land, gained any worth-while advantage.

> Latin: 12.3. sescenti ferme ibi interfecti, omnesque prope, qui inter murum fossamque deprensi erant, volnerantur. ita suo ipse conatu perculsus praetor segnior ad alia factus consilia erat. et ne Eumeni quidem simul a mari, simul a terra adgredienti quicquam satis procedebat.

[¶113] 12.5. Both commanders therefore determined to strengthen the forces on guard, so that no reinforcement from Macedonia might be sent in, and since open assault was unsuccessful, to attack the fortifications with siege-works.

> Latin: 12.5. placuit igitur utrique custodiis firmatis, ne quod praesidium ex Macedonia intromitti posset, quoniam vis aperta non processisset, operibus moenia oppugnare.

[¶114] 12.6. During the preparation of these works, ten Macedonian scout-ships, sent from Thessalonica with picked Gallic auxiliaries, saw that the besieging ships were anchored out to sea, and in the dead of night, in single column, hugging the shore as closely as possible, entered the city. Report of this new defence force compelled both the Romans and the king to abandon the siege.

> Latin: 12.6. haec parantibus iis decem regii lembi ab Thessalonica cum delectis Gallorum auxiliaribus missi, cum in salo stantes hostium naves conspexissent, ipsi obscura nocte, simplici ordine, quam poterant proxime litus tenentes intrarunt urbem.

## 12. Book XLIV · chapters 12–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/12/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/12/#p-N

[¶0] 12.7. They sailed around the cape and put in near Torone. After attempting to besiege this city too, and observing that it was defended by a strong force, they gave up their undertaking, and made for Demetrias. On approaching it they saw the walls filled with armed men, and sailed past to make a landing at Iolcus, planning to ravage the fields and then attack Demetrias too.

> Latin: 12.7. huius novi praesidii fama absistere oppugnatione simul Romanos regemque coegit. circumvecti promunturium ad Toronen classem appulerunt. eam quoque oppugnare adorti ubi valida defendi manu animadverterunt, inrito incepto Demetriadem petunt. ibi cum adpropinquantes repleta moenia armatis vidissent, praetervecti ad Iolcon classem appulerunt, inde agro vastato Demetriadem quoque adgressuri.

[¶1] 13.1. Meanwhile the consul, for his part, in order not merely to remain sluggishly idle in hostile territory, sent Marcus Popilius with five thousand soldiers to assail the city of Meliboea.

> Latin: 13.1. inter haec et consul, ne segnis sederet tantum in agro hostico, M. Popilium cum quinque milibus militum ad Meliboeam urbem oppugnandam mittit.

[¶2] 13.2. This is situated in the foothills of Mount Ossa, on the side sloping toward Thessaly, and conveniently threatening Demetrias.

> Latin: 13.2. sita est in radicibus Ossae montis, qua parte in Thessaliam vergit, opportune inminens super Demetriadem.

[¶3] 13.3. The first arrival of the enemy dismayed the inhabitants of the place; then, after rallying their spirits from the unexpected fright, they ran under arms to their posts at gates and wall, where the expected lines of attack were, and at once dispelled the hope that the town could be taken at the first rush.

> Latin: 13.3. primus adventus hostium perculit incolas loci; collectis deinde ex necopinato pavore animis discurrunt armati ad portas ac moenia, qua suspecti aditus erant, spemque extemplo inciderunt, capi primo impetu posse.

[¶4] 13.4. Preparations for a siege were therefore made and the construction of works for the assault was begun. When Perseus heard that Meliboea was being attacked by the consul's army at the same time that the fleet was anchored at Iolcus, in order to attack Demetrias from there, he sent a certain Euphranor, one of his officers, with two thousand picked soldiers to Meliboea.

> Latin: 13.4. obsidio igitur parabatur, et opera ad oppugnationem fieri coepta. Perseus cum audisset simul Meliboeam a consulis exercitu oppugnari, simul classem Iolci stare, ut inde Demetriadem adgrederetur, Euphranorem quendam ex ducibus cum delectis duobus milibus Meliboeam mittit.

[¶5] 13.5. Euphranor's orders were that if he dislodged the Romans from Meliboea, he was to enter Demetrias unobserved before the Romans brought their camp up to the city from Iolcus.

> Latin: 13.5. eidem imperatum, ut, si a Meliboea summovisset Romanos, Demetriadem prius occulto itinere intraret, quam ab Iolco ad urbem castra moverent Romani.

[¶6] 13.6. The besiegers of Meliboea, in great panic when Euphranor suddenly made his appearance on higher ground, abandoned their works and set them afire. So the siege of Meliboea was given up.

> Latin: 13.6. et ab oppugnatoribus Meliboeae, cum in superioribus locis repente apparuisset, cum trepidatione multa relicta opera sunt ignisque iniectus. ita a Meliboea abscessum est.

[¶7] 13.7. After freeing one city from siege, Euphranor at once advanced to Demetrias. He entered the walls by night and gave the inhabitants such confidence that they felt sure of their ability not only to defend their walls, but to protect their land from raids. Sallies were made against the scattered ravagers, not without casualties to the enemy.

> Latin: 13.7. Euphranor soluta unius urbis obsidione Demetriadem extemplo ducit. nocte moenia … modo, sed agros etiam confiderent se a populationibus tueri posse; et eruptiones in vagos populatores non sine volneribus hostium factae sunt.

[¶8] 13.8. However, the praetor and the king rode around the walls, reconnoitring the situation of the city, in case they could attempt an assault by works or by main force at any point.

> Latin: 13.8. circumvecti tamen moenia sunt praetor et rex, situm urbis contemplantes, si qua parte temptare aut opere aut vi possent.

[¶9] 13.9. There was a rumour that Cydas the Cretan and Antimachus, the commander in Demetrias, were agents in discussing terms of friendship between Eumenes and Perseus. At any rate, the Romans departed from Demetrias.

> Latin: 13.9. fama fuit per Cydantem Cretensem et Antimachum, qui Demetriadi praeerat, tractatas inter Eumenen et Persea condiciones amicitiae. ab Demetriade certe abscessum est.

[¶10] 13.10. Eumenes sailed to the consul, and after offering congratulations on his successful entrance into Macedonia, left for Pergamum in his own kingdom.

> Latin: 13.10. Eumenes ad consulem navigat; gratulatus, quod prospere Macedoniam intrasset, Pergamum in regnum abit.

[¶11] 13.11. The praetor Marcius Figulus sent part of his fleet into winter quarters at Sciathus, and made for Oreüs in Euboea with the rest of his ships, thinking that this city was most suitable for the forwarding of supplies to the armies in Macedonia and Thessaly. The historians give highly different accounts of King Eumenes.

> Latin: 13.11. Marcius Figulus praetor parte classis in hiberna Sciathum missa cum reliquis navibus Oreum Euboeae petit eam urbem aptissimam ratus, unde exercitibus, qui in Macedonia quique in Thessalia erant, mitti commeatus possent.

[¶12] 13.12. If you trust Valerius Antias, his account is that although the praetor summoned the king with frequent despatches, he did not even receive naval assistance from him, nor did Eumenes on his way to Asia part on good terms with the consul, being indignant because he was not permitted to encamp in the Roman area;

> Latin: 13.12. de Eumene rege longe diversa tradunt. si Valerio Antiati credas, nec classe adiutum ab eo praetorem esse, cum saepe eum litteris accersisset, tradit nec cum gratia ab consule profectum in Asiam, indignatum, quod, ut iisdem castris tenderet, permissum non fuerit;

[¶13] 13.13. Eumenes, says Valerius, could not even be persuaded to leave behind the Galatian cavalry he had brought with him.

> Latin: 13.13. ne ut equites quidem Gallos, quos secum adduxerat, relinqueret, impetrari ab eo potuisse.

[¶14] 13.14. His brother Attalus, continues Valerius, not only remained with the consul, but displayed genuine and unwavering good faith and notable exploits in this campaign.

> Latin: 13.14. Attalum fratrem eius et remansisse apud consulem, et sinceram eius fidem aequali tenore egregiamque operam in eo bello fuisse.

[¶15] 14.1. While the war was continuing in Macedonia, envoys from across the Alps from a Gallic chieftain —his name is given as Balanos, but there is no record of his tribe —came to Rome promising aid for the Macedonian campaign.

> Latin: 14.1. dum bellum in Macedonia geritur, legati Transalpini ab regulo Gallorum — Balanos ipsius traditur nomen; gentis, ex qua fuerit, non traditur — Romam venerunt pollicentes ad Macedonicum bellum auxilia.

[¶16] 14.2. Thanks were expressed by the senate and gifts sent the envoys, a twisted necklace of two pounds of gold and golden bowls of four pounds, a horse with ornamental trappings, and cavalry weapons.

> Latin: 14.2. gratiae ab senatu actae muneraque missa, torquis aureus duo pondo et paterae aureae quattuor pondo, equus phaleratus armaque equestria.

[¶17] 14.3. After the Gauls, Pamphylian envoys presented in the senate-house a gold crown made of twenty thousand philips and their request was granted that they be permitted to deposit this present in the temple of Jupiter, Greatest and Best, and to offer sacrifice on the Capitol; a gracious answer was given to the envoys' request for a renewal of the state of friendship, and a gift of two thousand asses apiece was sent them.

> Latin: 14.3. secundum Gallos Pamphylii legati coronam auream ex viginti milibus Philippeorum factam in curiam intulerunt, petentibusque iis, ut id donum in cella Iovis optimi maximi ponere et sacrificare in Capitolio liceret, permissum benigneque amicitiam renovare volentibus legatis responsum et binum milium aeris singulis missum munus.

[¶18] 14.5. Next, an audience was given to envoys from King Prusias, and shortly thereafter to those from the Rhodians, who made a very different presentation of the same request.

> Latin: 14.5. tum ab rege Prusia et paulo post ab Rhodiis de eadem re longe aliter disserentes legati auditi sunt.

[¶19] 14.6. Both embassies treated of making terms again with King Perseus. Prusias' attitude was more that of entreaty than demand, for he declared that up to this time he had taken the part of the Romans, and would so continue as long as the war lasted;

> Latin: 14.6. utraque legatio de pace reconcilianda cum rege Perseo egit. Prusiae preces magis quam postulatio fuere profitentis et ad id tempus se cum Romanis stetisse et, quoad bellum foret, staturum;

[¶20] 14.7. however, inasmuch as envoys from Perseus had come to him to discuss ending the war with the Romans, he had promised to plead Perseus' cause before the senate; he requested that if they could bring themselves to do so, they would put an end to their wrath, and would accord him, too, their thanks for the restoration of peace. So spoke the king's envoys.

> Latin: 14.7. ceterum cum ad se a Perseo legati venissent de finiendo cum Romanis bello, ei se pollicitum deprecatorem apud senatum futurum; petere, si possent inducere in animum, ut finiant iras, se quoque in gratia reconciliatae pacis ponerent.

[¶21] 14.8. The Rhodians haughtily reviewed their services to the Roman people, and claimed for themselves almost the greater part of the victories, especially over King Antiochus; they then added that while peace had existed between the Macedonians and Romans, they had entered upon friendship with King Perseus;

> Latin: 14.8. haec regii legati. Rhodii superbe commemoratis meritis suis erga populum Romanum et paene victoriae, utique de Antiocho rege, maiore parte ad se vindicata adiecerunt, cum pax inter Macedonas Romanosque esset, sibi amicitiam cum rege Perseo coeptam;

[¶22] 14.9. this they had broken off against their will and on account of no fault of his toward them, but because it had seemed good to the Romans to draw them into participation in the war.

> Latin: 14.9. eam se invitos, nullo eius in se merito, quoniam ita Romanis visum sit in societatem se belli trahere, interrupisse.

[¶23] 14.10. For the third year, they said, they were feeling many inconveniences from this war because of the interruption of commerce; their island was poor, and could not be inhabited without the assistance of sea-borne supplies.

> Latin: 14.10. tertium se annum multa eius incommoda belli sentire mari interim intercluso; inopem insulam esse, nisi ma ritimis iuvetur colendi … itaque commeatibus.

[¶24] 14.11. Since therefore they could no longer endure this privation, they had sent other envoys to Perseus in Macedonia, to inform him that it was the Rhodians' wish that he should arrange a peace with the Romans, and that they had sent a similar announcement to Rome.

> Latin: 14.11. cum id ultra pati non possent, legatos alios ad Persea in Macedoniam misisse, qui ei denuntiarent, Rhodiis placere pacem eum conponere cum Romanis; se Romam eadem nuntiatum missos.

[¶25] 14.12. If either party was responsible for preventing the ending of the war, the Rhodians would deliberate as to what action they ought to take against this party.

> Latin: 14.12. per quos stetisset, quo minus belli finis fieret, adversus eos quid sibi faciendum esset, Rhodios consideraturos esse.

[¶26] 14.13. I feel sure that even now these statements cannot be read or heard without indignation; from this one can judge what the senate's state of mind was as they listened.

> Latin: 14.13. ne nunc quidem haec sine indignatione legi audirive posse certum habeo. inde existimari potest, qui habitus animorum audientibus ea patribus fuerit.

[¶27] 15.1. Claudius has it that the senate returned no answer, but only had read its decree that the Roman people gave the Carians and Lycians their freedom and that despatches should be immediately sent to both peoples, on hearing which the chief of the Rhodian embassy, for whose proud language the senate-house had but a moment before seemed too small, now suffered deflation.

> Latin: 15.1. Claudius nihil responsum auctor est, tantum senatus consultum recitatum, quo Caras et Lycios liberos esse iuberet populus Romanus litterasque extemplo ad utramque gentem senatus consultum indicatum mitti; qua audita re principem legationis, cuius magniloquentiam vix curia paulo ante ceperat, corruisse.

[¶28] 15.3. Other historians record the following answer: “At the outset of this war the Roman people were informed by no trifling sources that the Rhodians had entered upon secret plots with King Perseus against the Roman state, but even had this been doubtful before, the words of the embassy just uttered have made the matter certain.” “Frequently treachery unmasks itself, even if it is more wary at first. And now the Rhodians pass judgment throughout the world as to peace and war!”

> Latin: 15.3. alii responsum esse tradunt, populum Romanum et principio eius belli haud vanis auctoribus conpertum habuisse, Rhodios cum Perseo rege adversus rem publicam suam occulta consilia inisse, et si id ante dubium fuisset, legatorum paulo ante verba ad certum redegisse, et plerumque ipsam se fraudem, etiamsi initio cautior fuerit, detegere.

[¶29] 15.5. “At the beck and call of the Rhodians will the Romans take up and lay down their arms! Now we are no longer to call upon the gods to witness treaties, but rather the Rhodians!”

> Latin: 15.5. Rhodios nunc in orbe terrarum arbitria belli pacisque agere, Rhodiorum nutu arma sumpturos positurosque Romanos esse. iam non deos foederum testis, sed Rhodios habituros.

[¶30] 15.6. “Unless obedience is rendered them, and our armies are removed from Macedonia, the Rhodians will see, will they, what they must do?”

> Latin: 15.6. itane tandem? ni pareatur iis exercitusque de Macedonia deportentur, visuros esse, quid sibi faciendum sit?

[¶31] 15.7. “What the Rhodians will see, they themselves know. But surely the Roman people, after their conquest of Perseus, which they hope will take place any day, will see that they repay a suitable reward for the actions of each state during the war.”

> Latin: 15.7. quid Rhodii visuri sint, ipsos scire; populum certe Romanum devicto Perseo, quod prope diem sperent fore, visurum, ut pro meritis cuiusque in eo bello civitatis gratiam dignam referat.

[¶32] 15.8. Nevertheless, a present of two thousand sesterces apiece was sent to the envoys, which they refused.

> Latin: 15.8. munus tamen legatis in singulos binum milium aeris missum est, quod ii non acceperunt.

[¶33] 16.1. Thereafter despatches from Quintus Marcius the consul were read, describing his crossing over into Macedonia, by forcing the pass;

> Latin: 16.1. litterae deinde recitatae Q. Marci consulis sunt, quem ad modum saltu superato in Macedoniam transisset:

[¶34] 16.2. in Macedonia he had procured supplies in advance of winter from various localities, and in particular had received twenty thousand bushels of wheat and ten thousand of barley from the Epirotes, so that payment for this grain should be arranged with their envoys at Rome.

> Latin: 16.2. ibi et ex aliis locis commeatus prospectos in hiemem habere et ab Epirotis viginti milia modium tritici, decem hordei sumpsisse, ut pro eo frumento pecunia Romae legatis eorum curaretur.

[¶35] 16.3. Clothes, said the consul, should be sent to the army from Rome; there was need for about two hundred horses, especially Numidians, and he had no supply of them where he was. A decree of the senate was passed to carry out these requests of the consul.

> Latin: 16.3. vestimenta militibus ab Roma mittenda esse; equis ducentis ferme opus esse, maxime Numidis, nec sibi in his locis ullam copiam esse.

[¶36] 16.4. Gaius Sulpicius the praetor let a contract for transporting to Macedonia six thousand togas, thirty thousand tunics, and two hundred horses, and for depositing them where the consul chose. Sulpicius also paid the envoys of the Epirotes the price of the grain, and brought before the senate Onesimus, son of Pytho, a Macedonian noble.

> Latin: 16.4. senatus consultum, ut ea omnia ex litteris consulis fierent, factum est. C. Sulpicius praetor sex milia togarum, triginta tunicarum, equos ducentos deportanda in Macedoniam praebendaque arbitratu consulis locavit et legatis Epirotarum pecuniam pro frumento solvit et Onesimum Pythonis filium, nobilem Macedonem, in senatum introduxit.

[¶37] 16.5. He had always been a proponent of peace to the king, and had advised him to adopt frequently, if not regularly, the practice which his father Philip had begun and continued to the last day of his life —namely, that of reading through twice daily the treaty he had made with the Romans. After Onesimus had been unable to discourage the king from war, Onesimus began at first to withdraw on one excuse or another, so as not to be associated with projects of which he disapproved.

> Latin: 16.5. is pacis semper auctor regi fuerat monueratque, sicut pater eius Philippus institutum usque ad ultimum vitae diem servarat cotidie, bis in die, foederis icti cum Romanis perlegendi, ut eum morem, si non semper, crebro tamen usurparet.

[¶38] 16.6. Finally, when he saw that he was an object of suspicion and that occasionally he was being charged by innuendo with treachery, he deserted to the Romans and made himself very useful to the consul.

> Latin: 16.6. postquam deterrere eum a bello nequiit, primo subtrahere sese per alias atque alias causas, ne interesset iis, quae non probabat, coepit; postremo cum suspectum se esse cerneret et proditionis interdum crimine insimulari, ad Romanos transfugit et magno usui consuli fuit.

[¶39] 16.7. On being introduced to the senate, he recited these facts, and the senate ordered that he be enrolled in the category of allies, that a residence and entertainment be provided for him, that two hundred acres of the public land of the Roman people in the district of Tarentum be given him, and that a house be bought for him at Tarentum. Gaius Decimius the praetor was entrusted with the execution of these orders.

> Latin: 16.7. ea introductus in curiam cum memorasset, senatus in formulam sociorum eum referri iussit, locum, lautia praeberi, agri Tarentini, qui publicus populi Romani esset, ducenta iugera dari, et aedes Tarenti emi. uti ea curaret, C. Decimio praetori mandatum.

[¶40] 16.8. The censors conducted the census on the thirteenth of December more strictly than before. Many were deprived of their rank of knights, among them Publius Rutilius who as tribune of the commons had violently assailed the censors; he was also removed from his tribe and disenfranchised.

> Latin: 16.8. censum idibus Decembribus severius quam ante habuerunt: multis equi adempti, inter quos P. Rutilio, qui tribunus plebis eos violenter accusarat; tribu quoque is motus et aerarius factus.

[¶41] 16.9. As half the revenues of the year had by decree of the senate been assigned by the quaestors to the censors for the construction of public works, Titus Sempronius, out of the funds assigned to him, bought for the state the house of Publius Africanus behind the Old Shops in the direction of the statue of Vortumnus, as well as the butcher's stalls and the shops adjacent, and saw to the construction of the basilica which afterward received the name of Sempronian.

> Latin: 16.9. ad opera publica facienda cum eis dimidium ex vectigalibus eius anni adtributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset, Ti. Sempronius ex ea pecunia, quae ipsi adtributa erat, aedes P. Africani pone Veteres ad Vortumni signum lanienasque et tabernas coniunctas in publicum emit basilicamque faciendam curavit, quae postea Sempronia appellata est.

[¶42] 17.1. The year was drawing to its close, and because of concern, especially for the war with Macedonia, men were discussing what consuls they should elect for this year, to bring this war at last to an end.

> Latin: 17.1. iam in exitu annus erat, et propter Macedonici maxime belli curam in sermonibus homines habebant, quos in annum consules ad finiendum tandem id bellum crearent.

[¶43] 17.2. A resolution of the senate was therefore passed, that Gnaeus Servilius should come as promptly as possible to hold the elections.

> Latin: 17.2. itaque senatus consultum factum est, ut Cn. Servilius primo quoque tempore ad comitia habenda veniret.

[¶44] 17.3. The praetor Sulpicius forwarded the resolution to the consul, and read to the senate a few days later the return despatch from that officer. In this, he set the day for the elections as..., and announced his return to the city previous to that time. The consul made haste, and the elections were completed on the day set.

> Latin: 17.3. senatus consultum Sulpicius praetor ad consulem misit litterasque receptas a consule post paucos dies recitavit, quibus ante diem … in urbem venturum. et consul maturavit et comitia eo die, qui dictus erat, sunt perfecta.

[¶45] 17.4. There were elected as consuls Lucius Aemilius Paulus for the second time, in the fourteenth year after his first term, and Gaius Licinius Crassus.

> Latin: 17.4. consules creati L. Aemilius Paulus iterum, quarto decumo anno postquam primo consul fuerat, et C. Licinius Crassus.

[¶46] 17.5. On the following day, there were elected to the praetorship Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Gnaeus Octavius, Publius Fonteius Balbus, Marcus Aebutius Helva, and Gaius Papirius Carbo. Concern for the war with Macedonia induced the speeding up of the whole procedure.

> Latin: 17.5. praetores postero die facti Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, L. Anicius Gallus, Cn. Octavius, P. Fonteius Balbus, M. Aebutius Helva, C. Papirius Carbo.

[¶47] 17.6. Therefore it was voted that these magistrates-elect should be allotted their fields of operation immediately, so that when it was known which consul had received Macedonia and which praetor the fleet, the designated men might begin their plans and preparations of the supplies necessary for war and might consult the senate if there was need for consultation on any subject.

> Latin: 17.6. omnia ut maturius agerentur, belli Macedonici stimulabat cura. itaque designatos extemplo sortiri placuit provincias, ut, cum, utri Macedonia consuli cuique praetori classis evenisset, sciretur, ut iam inde cogitarent pararentque, quae bello usui forent senatumque consulerent, si qua de re consulto opus esset.

[¶48] 17.8. It was determined to hold the Latin Festival as soon as was possible on religious grounds after the entrance upon office of the magistrates, to avoid any delay to the consul who was to set out for Macedonia.

> Latin: 17.8. Latinas, ubi magistratum inissent, quod per religiones posset, primo quoque tempore fieri placere, ne quid consulem, cui eundum in Macedoniam esset, teneret.

[¶49] 17.9. In these decrees, the fields of operation for the consuls were designated as Macedonia and Italy; those for the praetors were, besides the two jurisdictions in the city, the fleet, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. Macedonia fell to the lot of the consul Aemilius, Italy to Licinius.

> Latin: 17.9. his decretis, consulibus Italia et Macedonia, praetoribus praeter duas iurisdictiones in urbe classis et Hispania et Sicilia et Sardinia provinciae nominatae sunt.

[¶50] 17.10. Of the praetors, Gnaeus Baebius received the jurisdiction over citizens, Lucius Anicius was given that over aliens and was placed at the disposal of the senate, Gnaeus Octavius received the fleet, Publius Fonteius Spain, Marcus Aebutius Sicily, and Gaius Papirius Sardinia.

> Latin: 17.10. consulum Aemilio Macedonia, Licinio Italia evenit. praetores Cn. Baebius urbanam, L. Anicius peregrinam et si quo senatus censuisset, Cn. Octavius classem, P. Fonteius Hispaniam, M. Aebutius Siciliam, C. Papirius Sardiniam est sortitus.

[¶51] 18.1. It was at once obvious to everyone that Lucius Aemilius was going to prosecute this war in no sluggish fashion, not only because he was a warlike man, but also because without relaxing by day or night he turned over in his mind nothing but what concerned this war.

> Latin: 18.1. extemplo apparuit omnibus non segniter id bellum L. Aemilium gesturum, praeterquam quod … aliis vir erat, etiam quod dies noctesque intentus ea sola, quae ad id bellum pertinerent, animo agitabat.

[¶52] 18.2. First of all he requested the senate to send envoys to Macedonia to inspect the armies and the fleet and to report their findings as to what was needed by way of forces on land or sea;

> Latin: 18.2. iam omnium primum a senatu petiit, ut legatos in Macedoniam mitterent ad exercitus visendos classemque et conperta referenda, quid aut terrestribus aut navalibus copiis opus esset;

[¶53] 18.3. moreover, they were to collect information as far as possible about the king's forces and about the terrain under our control and under that of the enemy.

> Latin: 18.3. praeterea ut explorarent copias regias, quantum possent, quaque provincia nostra, qua hostium foret; utrum intra saltus castra Romani haberent, an iam omnes angustiae exsuperatae, et in aequa loca pervenissent;

[¶54] 18.4. They were to investigate the following: whether the Romans were encamped among the mountains or whether all the narrows had been passed and the plains reached; which of the allies were loyal to us, which were wavering and of a loyalty dependent on fortune, and which seemed definitely hostile; how large a supply of provisions had been prepared and whence they could be brought, by a land route or by ships, respectively; what had been achieved on land and sea during this summer.

> Latin: 18.4. qui fideles nobis socii, qui dubii suspensaeque ex fortuna fidei, qui certi hostes viderentur; quanti praeparati commeatus, et unde terrestri itinere, unde navibus supportarentur; quid ea aestate terra marique rerum gestarum esset: ex his bene cognitis certa in futurum consilia capi posse.

[¶55] 18.5. From good information on these points sure decisions might be made for the future, said Aemilius. The senate gave the consul Gnaeus Servilius the task of choosing three men satisfactory to Lucius Aemilius as envoys to Macedonia. Two days later the envoys set out —Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Baebius. Report was made of two showers of stones near the end of this year, one on Roman land, one on that of Veii. On both occasions a nine-day rite was performed.

> Latin: 18.5. senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut tris in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret. legati biduo post profecti Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, A. Licinius Nerva, L. Baebius. in Romano agro, semel in Veienti; bis novendiale sacrum factum est.

[¶56] 18.7. The priests who died during this year were Publius Quinctilius Varus, the flamen of Mars, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus of the Board of Ten. Gnaeus Octavius replaced the latter.

> Latin: 18.7. sacerdotes eo anno mortui sunt P. Quinctilius Varus flamen Martialis et M. Claudius Marcellus decemvir, in cuius locum Cn. Octavius suffectus est.

[¶57] 18.8. Display being now on the increase, it is recorded that at the games in the arena by the curule aediles Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Publius Lentulus, sixty-three leopards and forty bears and elephants participated.

> Latin: 18.8. iam magnificentia crescente notatum est, ludis circensibus P. Corneli Scipionis Nasicae et P. Lentuli aedilium curulium sexaginta tres Africanas et quadraginta ursos et elephantos lusisse.

[¶58] 19.1. In the consulship of Lucius Aemilius Paulus and Gaius Licinius, on the fifteenth of March, at the beginning of the new year, the senators were on the qui vive, especially as to what the consul in charge of Macedonia would bring before them about his field of operations.

> Latin: 19.1. L. Aemilio Paulo C. Licinio consulibus, idibus Martiis, principio insequentis anni, cum in expectatione patres fuissent, maxime quidnam consul de Macedonia, cuius ea provincia esset, referret, nihil se habere Paulus, quod referret, cum nondum inde legati redissent, dixit.

[¶59] 19.2. But Paulus said that he had nothing to present until the envoys returned, but that the envoys were now at Brundisium, after having been blown back twice to Dyrrachium on their voyage.

> Latin: 19.2. ceterum Brundisi legatos iam esse, bis ex cursu Dyrrachium reiectos.

[¶60] 19.3. As soon as he acquired the information which was the first necessity, he would lay matters before the senate, and this would take place within a very few days.

> Latin: 19.3. cognitis mox, quae nosci prius in rem esset, relaturum;

[¶61] 19.4. In order to avoid any delay to his settingout, said Paulus, the day for the Latin Festival had been set at April twelfth; after the proper performance of the sacrifice, if the senate concurred, he and Gnaeus Octavius would both set out.

> Latin: 19.4. id fore intra perpaucos dies. et ne quid profectionem suam teneret, pridie idus Apriles Latinis esse constitutam diem. sacrificio rite perfecto et se et Cn. Octavium, simul senatus censuisset, exituros esse;

[¶62] 19.5. His colleague Gaius Licinius would take care, in his absence, to get ready and send out what should be made ready and sent to the war; meanwhile, said Paulus, the embassies of foreign nations might be given audience.

> Latin: 19.5. C. Licinio collegae suo fore curae se absente, ut, si qua parari mittive ad id bellum opus sit, parentur mittanturque. interea legationes exterarum nationum audiri posse.

[¶63] 19.6. First the envoys from King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra at Alexandria were announced.

> Latin: 19.6. primi Alexandrini legati ab Ptolemaeo et Cleo patra regibus vocati sunt.

[¶64] 19.7. Grimy, with untrimmed beard and hair, they entered the senate-house bearing olive-branches, and prostrated themselves; their speech was more pitiable than their array.

> Latin: 19.7. sordidati, barba et capillo promisso, cum ramis oleae ingressi curiam procubuerunt, et oratio quam habitus fuit miserabilior.

[¶65] 19.8. Antiochus, the king of Syria, who had been a hostage at Rome, under the decent pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to his throne, was waging war against the younger brother, who was then in possession of Alexandria. Antiochus had won a naval battle at Pelusium and, after leading his forces across the Nile on a hastily-constructed bridge, was overawing Alexandria with his siege and seemed to be on the very point of laying his hands on a very rich kingdom. Complaining of this attack, the envoys begged the senate to come to the rescue of a kingdom and a royal pair who were friends of Roman rule.

> Latin: 19.8. Antiochus Syriae rex, qui obses Romae fuerat, per honestam speciem maioris Ptolemaei reducendi in regnum bellum cum minore fratre eius, qui tum Alexandriam tenebat, gerens et ad Pelusium navali proelio superior fuerat et tumultuario opere ponte per Nilum facto transgressus cum exercitu obsidione ipsam Alexandream terrebat, nec procul abesse, quin poteretur regno opulentissimo, videbatur.

[¶66] 19.10. Such, they argued, were the benefits conferred on Antiochus by the Roman people, and such their influence with all kings and nations that, if they sent envoys to declare to Antiochus that the senate did not wish war to be made on kings allied to it, Antiochus would at once depart from the walls of Alexandria and would lead his army back into Syria.

> Latin: 19.10. ea legati querentes orabant senatum, ut opem regno regibusque amicis imperio ferrent. ea merita populi Romani in Antiochum, eam apud omnes reges gentesque auctoritatem esse, ut, si legatos misissent, qui denuntiarent non placere senatui sociis regibus bellum fieri, extemplo abscessurus a moenibus Alexandreae abducturusque exercitum in Syriam esset.

[¶67] 19.12. If they hesitated to do this, shortly Ptolemy and Cleopatra, robbed of their kingdom, would arrive in Rome, somewhat to the shame of the Roman people, because they had offered no aid in the final crisis of their fortunes.

> Latin: 19.12. quod si cunctentur facere, brevi extorres regno Ptolemaeum et Cleopatram Romam venturos cum pudore quodam populi Romani, quod nullam opem in ultimo discrimine fortunarum tulissent.

[¶68] 19.13. The senators, stirred by the entreaties of the Alexandrines, at once sent Gaius Popilius Laenas, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius as envoys to bring an end to the war between the kings.

> Latin: 19.13. moti patres precibus Alexandrinorum extemplo C. Popilium Laenatem et C. Decimium et C. Hostilium legatos ad finiendum inter reges bellum miserunt.

[¶69] 19.14. They were instructed to approach first Antiochus and then Ptolemy, and to proclaim that if war was not concluded, the party constituting the obstacle would not be considered either a friend or an ally to the Romans.

> Latin: 19.14. prius Antiochum, dein Ptolemaeum adire iussi et nuntiare, ni absistatur bello, per utrum stetisset, eum non pro amico nec pro socio habituros esse.

[¶70] 20.1. This embassy left within three days along with the envoys from Alexandria. The mission from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatrus amid such eagerness that, had it not been evening, the consuls would have summoned the senate at once.

> Latin: 20.1. his intra triduum simul cum legatis Alexandrinis profectis legati ex Macedonia Quinquatribus ultimis adeo expectati venerunt, ut, nisi vesper esset, extemplo senatum vocaturi consules fuerint.

[¶71] 20.2. Next day the session was held and the envoys were heard. They reported as follows: “The army has been led into Macedonia by trackless passes at a risk disproportionate to the gain.”

> Latin: 20.2. postero die senatus fuit legatique auditi sunt. ii nuntiant maiore periculo quam emolumento exercitum per invios saltus in Macedoniam inductum.

[¶72] 20.3. “Pieria, which the army has reached, is in the hands of the king; the encampments are so nearly in contact that hardly more than the Elpeüs River separates them.”

> Latin: 20.3. Pieriam, quo processisset, regem tenere; castra castris prope ita conlata esse, ut flumine Elpeo interiecto arceantur. neque regem pugnandi potestatem facere, nec nostris vim ad cogendum esse.

[¶73] 20.4. “The king does not offer battle, and our forces have not the strength to compel him to do so. Also the winter is an added obstacle to an active campaign. The soldiers are being supported in idleness and have grain for no more than six days.”

> Latin: 20.4. hiemem etiam insuper rebus gerendis intervenisse. in otio militem ali, nec plus quam sex … frumentum habere. Macedonum dici triginta milia armatorum esse.

[¶74] 20.5. “The Macedonian forces are said to number thirty thousand. If Appius Claudius had sufficient strength in the region of Lychnidus, he could have distracted the king with a second front; as it is, Appius and the force with him are in the greatest danger unless either a full-fledged army is quickly sent him or his present force is extricated.”

> Latin: 20.5. si Ap. Claudio circa Lychnidum satis validus exercitus foret, potuisse ancipiti bello distineri regem; nunc et Appium, et quod cum eo praesidii sit, in summo periculo esse, nisi propere aut iustus exercitus eo mittatur, aut illi inde deducantur.

[¶75] 20.6. “As to the fleet, we heard after we left the camp that some of the sailors have been lost by disease, and some, especially the Sicilians, have gone home, so that the ships lack crews. Those who are there have not received their pay and are insufficiently clothed.”

> Latin: 20.6. ad classem se ex castris profectos sociorum navalium partem morbo audisse absumptam, partem, maxime qui ex Sicilia fuerint, domos suas abisse, et homines navibus deesse; qui sint, neque stipendium accepisse neque vestimenta habere.

[¶76] 20.7. “Eumenes and his fleet have come and gone for no good reason, as if his ships were drifting before the wind; and there is no good evidence that the spirit of this king is unwavering.” The envoys reported that Attalus was as gallantly unswerving as Eumenes was entirely undependable.

> Latin: 20.7. Eumenen classemque eius, tamquam vento adlatas naves, sine causa et venisse et abisse, nec animum eius regis constare satis visum. sicut omnia de Eumene dubia, ita Attali egregie constantem fidem nuntiabant.

[¶77] 21.1. After hearing the envoys, Lucius Aemilius laid before the senate the question of the conduct of the war.

> Latin: 21.1. legatis auditis tunc de bello referre sese L. Aemilius dixit.

[¶78] 21.2. The senate decreed that the consuls and the people should each choose half of the tribunes for eight legions; however, it was voted that no one who had not held office should be chosen that year.

> Latin: 21.2. senatus decrevit, ut in octo legiones parem numerum tribunorum consules et populus crearet; creari autem neminem eo anno placere, nisi qui honorem gessisset.

[¶79] 21.3. Then from among the tribunes Lucius Aemilius was to choose whomever he preferred for the two legions for Macedonia. It was further voted that after the completion of the Latin Festival, the consul Lucius Aemilius and Gnaeus Octavius, the praetor to whom the fleet had been allotted, should depart for their field of operations.

> Latin: 21.3. tum ex omnibus tribunis militum uti L. Aemilius in duas legiones in Macedoniam, quos eorum velit, eligat, et ut sollemni Latinarum perfecto L. Aemilius consul, Cn. Octavius praetor, cui classis obtigisset, in provinciam proficiscantur.

[¶80] 21.4. To them was added the praetor Lucius Anicius, whose post was the court for aliens; it was voted that he should succeed Appius Claudius in the Illyrian theatre near Lychnidus.

> Latin: 21.4. additus est his tertius L. Anicius praetor, cuius inter peregrinos iurisdictio erat; eum in provinciam Illyricum circa Lychnidum Ap. Claudio succedere placuit.

[¶81] 21.5. Charge over the levy was given to the consul Gaius Licinius. He was instructed to enroll seven thousand Roman citizens and two hundred horsemen and to demand of the allies of the Latin Name seven thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, and he was to send a despatch to

> Latin: 21.5. dilectus cura C. Licinio consuli inposita. is septem milia civium Romanorum et equites ducentos scribere iussus et sociis nominis Latini septem milia peditum imperare, quadringentos equites, et Cn.

[¶82] 21.7. Gnaeus Servilius the commander in the province of Gaul, instructing him to enroll six hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 21.7. Servilio Galliam obtinenti provinciam litteras mittere, ut sescentos equites conscriberet.

[¶83] 21.8. This force Licinius was ordered to send as promptly as possible to his colleague in Macedonia; a limit of two legions was placed on the army on that front, and each legion was to be reinforced till it contained six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry; the surplus infantry and cavalry were to be distributed as garrisons.

> Latin: 21.8. hunc exercitum ad collegam primo quoque tempore mittere in Macedoniam iussus; neque in ea provincia plus quam duas legiones esse; eas repleri, ut sena milia peditum, trecenos haberent equites; ceteros pedites equites que in praesidiis disponi;

[¶84] 21.9. Men unfit for military service were to be discharged. An added levy was imposed on the allies of ten thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 21.9. qui eorum idonei ad militandum non essent, dimitti. decem praeterea milia peditum imperata sociis et octingenti equites.

[¶85] 21.10. This force was given to Anicius besides the two legions which he was ordered to transport to Macedonia, each legion having five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. Moreover, five thousand sailors were enrolled for the fleet.

> Latin: 21.10. id praesidii additum Anicio praeter duas legiones, quas portare in Macedoniam est iussus, quina milia peditum et ducenos habentes, trecenos equites. et in classem quinque milia navalium socium sunt scripta.

[¶86] 21.11. Licinius the consul was ordered to hold his area with two legions, and to add to them ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies.

> Latin: 21.11. Licinius consul duabus legionibus obtinere provinciam iussus; eo addere sociorum decem milia peditum et sescentos equites.

[¶87] 22.1. When the senate had finished its voting, the consul Lucius Aemilius went from the senate-house to a public meeting and made the following speech: “I seem to have noticed, fellow-citizens, that greater congratulations were offered me when I was allotted Macedonia as my field of operations than when my election as consul was announced, or on the day when I entered upon office. The reason for this was none other, I believe, than that you regard me as capable of bringing the long-drawn-out war in Macedonia to an end worthy of the high position of the Roman people.”

> Latin: 22.1. senatus consultis perfectis L. Aemilius consul e curia in contionem processit orationemque talem habuit. ‘animadvertisse videor, Quirites, maiorem mihi sortito Macedoniam provinciam gratulationem factam, quam cum aut consul sum consalutatus, aut quo die magistratum inii,

[¶88] 22.3. “The gods too, I hope, approve this fall of the lot and will likewise be at my side in action.” “So far I can partly prophesy, and partly hope; another matter I dare to assert as sure namely, that I will strive with every effort that the hope you have conceived for me shall not be vain.”

> Latin: 22.3. neque id ob aliam causam, quam quia bello in Macedonia, quod diu trahitur, existimastis dignum maiestate populi Romani exitum per me imponi posse. deos quoque huic favisse sorti spero eosdemque in rebus gerendis adfuturos esse. haec partim ominari, partim sperare possum; illud adfirmare pro certo audeo, me omni ope adnisurum esse, ne frustra vos hanc spem de me conceperitis.

[¶89] 22.5. “What is required for the war has been voted by the senate, and since it is determined that I shall set out at once, for which I am not reluctant, the preparations will be made by that excellent man, my colleague Gaius Licinius, as vigorously as if he were going to conduct the campaign.”

> Latin: 22.5. quae ad bellum opus sunt et senatus decrevit, et, quoniam extemplo proficisci placet neque ego in mora sum, C. Licinius collega, vir egregius, aeque enixe parabit ac si ipse id bellum gesturus esset.

[¶90] 22.6. “For your part, see to it that you have confidence only in the reports I make to the senate and to you, and beware of nourishing by your credulity the gossip for which no sponsor will appear.”

> Latin: 22.6. vos, quae scripsero senatui aut vobis … ru mores credulitate vestra alatis, quorum auctor nemo extabit.

[¶91] 22.7. “For I have noticed that, as is commonly the case, so now especially in this war no one is so scornful of rumour that his spirit cannot be weakened.”

> Latin: 22.7. nam nunc quidem, quod vulgo fieri, hoc praecipue bello animadverti, nemo tam famae contemptor est, cuius non debilitari animus possit.

[¶92] 22.8. “In all the clubs and even —God save us! —at dinner-tables there are experts who lead armies to Macedonia, who know where camp should be pitched, what places should be held with garrisons, when or by what pass Macedonia should be invaded, where granaries should be set up, by what routes on land or sea provisions should be supplied, when we must join battle with the enemy and when it is better to remain inactive.”

> Latin: 22.8. in omnibus circulis atque etiam, si dis placet, in conviviis sunt, qui exercitus in Macedoniam ducant, ubi castra locanda sint sciant, quae loca praesidiis occupanda, quando aut quo saltu intranda Macedonia, ubi horrea ponenda, qua terra, mari subvehantur commeatus, quando cum hoste manus conserendae, quando quiesse sit melius.

[¶93] 22.9. “Not only do they decide what should be done, but when anything is done contrary to their opinion, they accuse the consul as if he were in the dock. Such behaviour is a great obstacle to the men in the field.”

> Latin: 22.9. nec, quid faciendum sit, modo statuunt, sed, quidquid aliter, quam ipsi censuere, factum est, consulem veluti dicta die accusant.

[¶94] 22.10. “For not everyone is as unwavering and as steadfast of spirit against hostile gossip as was Quintus Fabius, who preferred to have his independence of command lessened by popular folly rather than to neglect the best interests of the state for the sake of acclaim.”

> Latin: 22.10. haec magna impedimenta res gerentibus sunt; neque enim omnes tam firmi et constantis animi contra adversum rumorem esse possunt, quam Q. Fabius fuit, qui suum imperium minui per vanitatem populi maluit quam secunda fama male rem publicam gerere.

[¶95] 22.11. “I am not, fellow-citizens, one who believes that no advice may be given to leaders; nay rather I judge him to be not a sage, but haughty, who conducts everything according to his own opinion alone. What therefore is my conclusion?”

> Latin: 22.11. non sum is, qui non existumem admonendos duces esse; immo eum, qui de sua unius sententia omnia gerat, superbum iudico magis quam sapientem.

[¶96] 22.12. “Generals should receive advice, in the first place from the experts who are both specially skilled in military matters and have learned from experience; secondly, from those who are on the scene of action, who see the terrain, the enemy, the fitness of the occasion, who are sharers in the danger, as it were aboard the same vessel.”

> Latin: 22.12. quid ergo est? primum a prudentibus et proprie rei militaris peritis et usu doctis monendi imperatores sunt; deinde ab iis, qui intersunt gerendis rebus, qui loca, qui hostem, qui temporum opportunitatem vident, qui in eodem velut navigio participes sunt periculi.

[¶97] 22.13. “Thus, if there is anyone who is confident that he can advise me as to the best advantage of the state in this campaign which I am about to conduct, let him not refuse his services to the state, but come with me into Macedonia. I will furnish him with his sea-passage, with a horse, a tent, and even travel-funds. If anyone is reluctant to do this and prefers the leisure of the city to the hardships of campaigning, let him not steer the ship from on shore.”

> Latin: 22.13. itaque si quis est, qui, quod e re publica sit, suadere se mihi in eo bello, quod gesturus sum, confidat, is ne deneget operam rei publicae et in Macedoniam mecum veniat. nave, equo, tabernaculo, viatico etiam a me iuvabitur;

[¶98] 22.14. “The city itself provides enough subjects for conversation; let him confine his garrulity to these; and let him be aware that I shall be satisfied with the advice originating in camp.”

> Latin: 22.14. si quem id facere piget et otium urbanum militiae laboribus praeoptat, e terra ne gubernaverit.

[¶99] 22.15. After this address and the due completion of the sacrifice at the Latin Festival, which was held on March 31 on the Alban Mount, both the consul and the praetor Gnaeus Octavius immediately set out for Macedonia.

> Latin: 22.15. sermonum satis ipsa praebet urbs; iis loquacitatem suam contineat; nos castrensibus consilis contentos futuros esse sciat. ’ ab hac contione, Latinis, quae pridie kal. Apriles fuerunt, in monte sacrificio rite perpetrato protinus inde et consul et praetor Cn. Octavius in Macedoniam profecti sunt.

[¶100] 22.17. History records that the consul was escorted by an unusually great throng of persons paying their respects to him, and that men prophesied with almost sure expectation that the Macedonian war would come to an end, and that the return of the consul would be prompt and in great triumph.

> Latin: 22.17. traditum memoriae est maiore quam solita frequentia prosequentium consulem celebratum, ac prope certa spe ominatos esse homines adesse finem Macedonico bello maturumque reditum cum egregio triumpho consulis fore.

[¶101] 23.1. While these events were occurring in Italy, Perseus decided that since he had discovered that the Romans had entered the pass and that the final crisis of the war impended, he must no longer postpone the project which he could not bring himself to complete because expenditure of money was required-namely, gaining the adherence of Gentius, king of Illyria. Inasmuch as Perseus had agreed through his envoy Hippias on a payment of three hundred talents of silver, on condition of an exchange of hostages, he sent Pantauchus, one of his most trusty friends, to complete the agreement.

> Latin: 23.1. dum haec in Italia geruntur, Perseus quod iam inchoatum perficere, quia inpensa pecuniae facienda erat, non inducebat in animum, ut Gentium Illyriorum regem sibi adiungeret, hoc, postquam intrasse saltum Romanos et adesse discrimen ultimum belli animadvertit, non ultra differendum ratus cum per Hippiam legatum trecenta argenti talenta pactus esset, ita ut obsides ultro citroque darentur, Pantauchum misit ex fidissimis amicis ad ea perficienda.

[¶102] 23.3. At Meteon in the region of Labeatis, Pantauchus met the Illyrian king; there he received the king's oath and his hostages. Gentius too sent an envoy named Olympio to require the oath and the hostages of Perseus.'

> Latin: 23.3. Meteone Labeatidis terrae Pantauchus regi Illyrio occurrit; ibi et ius iurandum ab rege et obsides accepit. missus et a Gentio est legatus nomine Olympio, qui ius iurandum a Perseo obsidesque exigeret.

[¶103] 23.4. Others were sent with him to receive the money; and, at Pantauchus' suggestion, Parmenio and Morcus were named as envoys to go with the Macedonians to Rhodes.

> Latin: 23.4. cum eodem ad pecuniam accipiendam missi sunt, et auctore Pantaucho, qui Rhodum legati cum Macedonibus irent, Parmenio et Morcus destinantur.

[¶104] 23.5. To them instructions were given to set out for Rhodes only after the oath, the hostages, and the money had been received; it was thought that by the prestige of two kings at once the Rhodians could be induced to war with the Romans, and that once the kings were joined by the state to which belonged a unique reputation for sea-power, no hope on land or sea would be left the Romans.

> Latin: 23.5. quibus ita mandatum, ut iure iurando obsidibusque et pecunia accepta tum demum Rhodum proficiscerentur: duorum simul regum nomine incitari Rhodios ad bellum Romanum posse. adiunctam civitatem, penes quam unam tum rei navalis gloria esset, nec terra nec mari spem relicturam Romanis.

[¶105] 23.7. On the arrival of the Illyrians, Perseus left his camp at the Elpeüs River with all his cavalry and met them at Dium.

> Latin: 23.7. venientibus Illyriis Perseus ab Elpeo amni ex castris cum omni equitatu profectus ad Dium occurrit.

[¶106] 23.8. There the terms agreed upon were executed in the presence of the surrounding column of cavalry, whom the king wished to be present at the ratification of the alliance with Gentius, thinking that it would somewhat raise their spirits.

> Latin: 23.8. ibi ea, quae convenerant, circumfuso agmine equitum facta, quos adesse foederi sancitae cum Gentio societatis volebat rex, aliquantum eam rem ratus animorum iis adiecturam.

[¶107] 23.9. The hostages were also given and received in the sight of all, those who were to receive the money were sent to the royal treasury at Pella and those who were to accompany the Illyrian envoys to Rhodes were ordered to take ship at Thessalonica.

> Latin: 23.9. et obsides in conspectu omnium dati acceptique, et Pellam ad thensauros regios missis, qui pecuniam acciperent, qui Rhodum irent cum Illyriis legatis Thessalonicae conscendere iussi.

[¶108] 23.10. Metrodorus was at that port, a recent arrival from Rhodes, who stated, on the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, the heads of the state, that the Rhodians were ready for war. Metrodorus was assigned as the leader of the combined embassy with the Illyrians.

> Latin: 23.10. ibi Metrodorus erat, qui nuper ab Rhodo venerat, auctoribusque Dinone et Polyarato, principibus civitatis eius, adfirmabat Rhodios paratos ad bellum esse. is princeps iunctae cum Illyriis legationis datus est.

[¶109] 24.1. At the same time, identical messages, suggested by the state of affairs, were sent both to Eumenes and to Antiochus, as follows: by nature a free state and a king were things hostile to each other; the Roman people attacked kings one by one, and —an unjust state of affairs —assailed kings with the help of kings; Perseus' father had been overcome with the aid of Attalus;

> Latin: 24.1. eodem tempore ad Eumenen et ad Antiochum communia mandata, quae subicere condicio rerum poterat: natura inimica inter se esse liberam civitatem et regem. singulos populum Romanum adgredi et, quod indignius sit, regum viribus reges oppugnare.

[¶110] 24.3. with Eumenes helping, and to a certain extent Perseus' father Philip as well, Antiochus had been assailed; now both Eumenes and Prusias were in arms against Perseus;

> Latin: 24.3. Attalo adiutore patrem suum oppressum; Eumene adiuvante et quadam ex parte etiam Philippo patre suo Antiochum oppugnatum; in se nunc et Eumenen et Prusiam armatos esse.

[¶111] 24.4. if the kingdom of Macedonia were out of the way, next would come Asia Minor, which the Romans had already made their own to some extent under pretext of freeing communities, and after Asia Minor, Syria.

> Latin: 24.4. si Macedoniae regnum sublatum foret, proxumam Asiam esse, quam iam ex parte sub specie liberandi civitates suam fecerint, deinde Syriam.

[¶112] 24.5. Already Prusias was being given a position above Eumenes, already Antiochus, though victorious, was being barred from Egypt, his prize of war.

> Latin: 24.5. iam Prusiam Eumeni honore praeferri, iam Antiochum victorem praemio belli, Aegypto arceri.

[¶113] 24.6. Perseus bade each king, on considering these facts, to take such steps that either he might force the Romans to make peace with Perseus, or if Rome persevered in an unjust war might regard the Romans as the common enemy of all kings.

> Latin: 24.6. haec cogitantem providere iubebat, ut aut ad pacem secum faciendam conpelleret Romanos, aut perseverantes in bello iniusto communes duceret omnium regum hostes.

[¶114] 24.7. The message to Antiochus was open; to Eumenes the envoy was sent under guise of ransoming prisoners, but in fact certain more secret matters were under discussion, which for the time being embarrassed Eumenes, who was already an object of hatred and suspicion to the Romans, with false and more serious charges; for he was already regarded as a traitor and almost an enemy, while the two kings with grasping hands vied with each other in guile and greed.

> Latin: 24.7. ad Antiochum aperta mandata erant; ad Eumenen per speciem captivorum redimendorum missus legatus erat; re vera occultiora quaedam agebantur, quae in praesentia invisum quidem et suspectum Romanis Eumenen falsis gravioribus …; proditor enim ac prope hostis habitus, dum inter se duo reges captantes fraude et avaritia certant.

[¶115] 24.9. There was a Cretan, Cydas, one of Eumenes' henchmen. He had held conversations, first at Amphipolis with a certain Chimarus, a fellow-countryman who was serving in Perseus' army, then later at Demetrias, beneath the very walls of the city, once with a certain Menecrates and again with Antimachus, both of whom were officers of the king.

> Latin: 24.9. Cydas erat Cretensis, ex intimis Eumenis. hic prius ad Amphipolim cum Chimaro quodam populari suo, militante apud Persea, inde postea ad Demetriadem semel cum Menecrate quodam, iterum cum Antimacho, regiis ducibus, sub ipsis moenibus urbis conlocutus fuerat.

## 13. Book XLIV · chapters 24–35

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/13/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/13/#p-N

[¶0] 24.10. Herophon also, who was then sent by Perseus, had similarly undertaken two previous missions to Eumenes.

> Latin: 24.10. Herophon quoque, qui tum missus est, duabus ad eundem Eumenen iam ante legationibus functus erat.

[¶1] 24.11. These conversations were secret, and the missions caused bad rumours, but there was no knowledge of what had been discussed or upon what the kings had agreed. The actual state of affairs, however, was as follows.

> Latin: 24.11. quae conloquia occulta et legationes infames quidem erant, sed quid actum esset quidve inter reges convenisset, ignorabatur. res autem ita sese habuit.

[¶2] 25.1. Eumenes did not want a victory for Perseus, nor did he intend to assist him in winning one by military means, not so much because of the mutual hostility of their fathers, as because of the hatred engendered between himself and Perseus.

> Latin: 25.1. Eumenes neque favit victoriae Persei neque bello eum iuvare in animo habuit, non tam quia paternae inter eos inimicitiae erant, etiam ipsorum odiis inter se accensae:

[¶3] 25.2. The jealousy of kings is such that Eumenes would not have viewed with calmness the attainment by Perseus of such great strength and prestige as awaited him if he defeated the Romans.

> Latin: 25.2. non ea regum aemulatio, ut aequo animo Persea tantas apisci opes tantamque gloriam, quanta Romanis victis eum manebat, Eumenes visurus fuerit.

[¶4] 25.3. Eumenes also perceived that from the very outset of the war Perseus had nurtured the hope of peace in every way and as time went on had come more and more, as the threat came closer, to treat and think of nothing else.

> Latin: 25.3. cernebat et Persea iam inde ab initio belli omni modo spem pacis temptasse et in dies magis, quo propior admoveretur terror, nihil neque agere aliud neque cogitare;

[¶5] 25.4. Since the war was dragging on longer than the Romans had hoped, they too, their commanders, and their senate would not be averse, so Eumenes thought, to ending so disturbing and difficult a war.

> Latin: 25.4. Romanos quoque, quia traheretur diutius spe ipsorum bellum, et ipsos duces et senatum, non abhorrere a finiendo tam incommodo ac difficili bello.

[¶6] 25.5. Having ascertained this willingness on either side, Eumenes was eager to put on sale his good offices in an effort to negotiate the peace which he thought might even come about automatically through the weariness of the stronger and the fears of the weaker side.

> Latin: 25.5. hac utriusque partis voluntate explorata, quod fieri etiam sua sponte taedio validioris, metu infirmioris credebat posse, in eo suam operam venditare concilianda gratia magis cupiit.

[¶7] 25.6. Therefore Eumenes tried to negotiate for a reward, now for not aiding the Romans' military effort on land or sea, now for securing peace with the Romans; for his abstention from war, his price was a thousand talents, for negotiating peace, fifteen hundred.

> Latin: 25.6. nam modo ne iuvaret bello Romanos terra marique, modo pacis patrandae cum Romanis paciscebatur mercedem: ne bello interesset, mille talenta, ut pacem conciliaret, mille et quingenta.

[¶8] 25.7. He showed himself always ready not only to pledge his word to either course of action, but even to give hostages. Perseus was very ready to undertake the attempt under pressure of fear, and as to the acceptance of hostages the discussion proceeded without delay, and it was agreed that, when accepted, the hostages should be sent to Crete.

> Latin: 25.7. in utrumque non fidem modo se, sed obsides quoque dare paratum esse ostendebat. Perseus ad rem inchoandam promptissimus erat cogente metu et de obsidibus accipiendis sine dilatione agebat, conveneratque, ut accepti Cretam mitterentur.

[¶9] 25.9. When the subject of money came up, there Perseus hesitated, and said that especially for the first alternative the payment of money was dishonourable and base for kings of so high a reputation, not only for the giver, but even more for the recipient;

> Latin: 25.9. ubi ad pecuniae mentionem ventum erat, ibi haesitabat et utique alteram in tanti nominis regibus turpem ac sordidam et danti et magis accipienti mercedem esse aiebat;

[¶10] 25.10. for the hope of peace with the Romans, he would not refuse an expenditure, but he would pay on the completion of the enterprise, and meanwhile would deposit the funds in the temple on Samothrace.

> Latin: 25.10. in spem Romanae pacis non recusare inpensam, sed eam pecuniam perfecta re daturum, interea Samothracae in templo depositurum.

[¶11] 25.11. Since this island was in Perseus' realm, Eumenes saw that it made no difference whether the money was there or at Pella; he attempted to secure some sort of down payment.

> Latin: 25.11. ea insula cum ipsius dicionis esset, videre Eumenes nihil interesse, in ea an Pellae pecunia esset, id agere, ut partem aliquam praesentem ferret.

[¶12] 25.12. And so having tried vainly to overreach each other, the kings got themselves nothing but a bad reputation.

> Latin: 25.12. ita nequiquam inter se captati nihil praeter infamiam movere.

[¶13] 26.1. This was not the only failure incurred by Perseus because of miserliness, when by payment of money he could either through Eumenes' efforts have secured peace. which he should have bought even at the price of part of his kingdom, or had he been deceived, he could have exposed his enemy with the booty on him and aroused just hostility toward him on the part of the Romans.

> Latin: 26.1. nec haec tantum Persei per avaritiam est dimissa res, cum pecunia soluta aut pacem habere per Eumenen, quae vel parte regni redimenda esset, aut deceptus protrahere inimicum mercede onustum et hostes merito ei Romanos posset facere;

[¶14] 26.2. But a previous parallel case was that of the alliance with King Gentius, ready for the taking; and at this same time Perseus lost through miserliness the tremendous assistance of the Gauls who were scattered through the region of Illyria.

> Latin: 26.2. sed et ante Genti regis parata societas et tum Gallorum effusorum per Illyricum ingens oblatum auxilium avaritia dimissum est.

[¶15] 26.3. There were on their way ten thousand cavalry and an equal number of infantry who matched their pace to that of the horses, and in turn seized the riderless horses of fallen cavalrymen for further fighting.

> Latin: 26.3. veniebant decem milia equitum, par numerus peditum et ipsorum iungentium cursum equis et in vicem prolapsorum equitum vacuos capientium ad pugnam equos.

[¶16] 26.4. These men had been pledged a cash payment of ten gold pieces per cavalryman, five per infantryman, and a thousand for their leader.

> Latin: 26.4. hi pacti erant eques denos praesentes aureos, pedes quinos, mille dux eorum.

[¶17] 26.5. When they approached, Perseus went to meet them from his camp at the Elpeüs with half of his forces and began to give orders throughout the villages and cities near the road to bring out provisions so that there would be plenty of grain, wine, and animals.

> Latin: 26.5. venientibus his Perseus ab Elpeo ex castris profectus obviam cum dimidia copiarum parte denuntiare per vicos urbesque, quae viae propinquae sunt, coepit, ut commeatus expedirent, frumenti, vini, pecorum ut copia esset.

[¶18] 26.6. He himself brought horses, breast-ornaments, and capes as presents for the chief men, and a small amount of gold to distribute among a few, supposing that the rank and file could be led along by expectations.

> Latin: 26.6. ipse equos phalerasque et sagula donum principibus ferre et parvom auri, quod inter paucos divideret, multitudinem credens trahi spe posse.

[¶19] 26.7. He reached the city of Almana and pitched camp on the banks of the Axius River. The force of Gauls halted near Desudaba in Maedica, waiting for their promised pay.

> Latin: 26.7. ad Almanam urbem pervenit et in ripa fluminis Axi posuit castra. circa Desudabam in Maedica exercitus Gallorum consederat mercedem pactam opperiens.

[¶20] 26.8. Thither Perseus sent Antigonus, one of the wearers of the purple, to order the rank and file of the Gauls to shift camp to Bylazora (this is a place in Paeonia) and the leaders to come in a body to him. The Gauls were seventy-five miles from the Axius River and the king's camp.

> Latin: 26.8. eo mittit Antigonum, ex purpuratis unum, qui iuberet multitudinem Gallorum ad Bylazora — Paeoniae is ist locus est — castra movere, principes ad se venire frequentes. septuaginta quinque milia ab Axio flumine et castris regis aberant.

[¶21] 26.9. Antigonus carried this message to them and added an account of the abundance of all supplies prepared through the thoughtfulness of the king, through which they would travel, and of the gifts of garments, silver, and horses with which the king proposed to greet their leaders on their arrival. The Gauls replied that they would certainly find out about these matters from personal observation, but they asked about what had been promised for immediate delivery —whether he had brought with him the gold which was to be distributed among the individual horsemen and footmen.

> Latin: 26.9. haec mandata ad eos cum pertulisset Antigonus adiecissetque, per quantam omnium praeparatam cura regis copiam ituri forent quibusque muneribus principes advenientes vestis, argenti equorumque excepturus rex esset, de his quidem se coram cognituros respondent, illud, quod praesens pepigissent, interrogant, ecquid aurum, quod in singulos pedites equitesque dividendum esset, secum advexisset.

[¶22] 26.11. When they received no reply on this point, Clondicus, their chieftain, declared: “Go back then and report to the king that the Gauls will not move a step farther unless they receive the gold and hostages.”

> Latin: 26.11. cum ad id nihil responderetur, Clondicus, regulus eorum, ‘abi, renuntia ergo’ inquit ‘regi, nisi aurum obsidesque accepissent, nusquam inde Gallos longius vestigium moturos.’

[¶23] 26.12. When this message was reported to the king, he summoned his council, but when it became clear what everyone would advise, the king, a trustier guardian of his cash than of his kingdom, began to discourse on the treachery and savagery of the Gauls, which had been demonstrated long since by disasters to many people;

> Latin: 26.12. haec relata regi cum essent, advocato consilio cum, quid omnes suasuri essent, appareret, ipse pecuniae quam regni melior custos institit de perfidia et feritate Gallorum disserere multorum iam ante cladibus experta:

[¶24] 26.13. it was dangerous, he said, to receive such large numbers into Macedonia, for fear that they would find the Gauls more deadly as allies than the Romans were as enemies; a force of five thousand cavalry was sufficient, for these they could use for military purposes and would not themselves be overawed by their numbers.

> Latin: 26.13. periculosum esse tantam multitudinem in Macedoniam accipere, ne graviores eos socios habeant quam hostes Romanos. quinque milia equitum satis esse, quibus et uti ad bellum possent, et quorum multitudinem ipsi non timeant.

[¶25] 27.1. It was obvious to everyone that he was troubled about the pay and nothing else; but as no one dared to give him the advice he asked for, Antigonus was sent back to announce that the king could use the services of five thousand cavalry only, and would not keep the rest of the host.

> Latin: 27.1. apparebat omnibus mercedem in multitudine timere nec quicquam aliud; sed cum suadere consulenti nemo auderet, remittitur Antigonus, qui nuntiaret quinque milium equitum opera tantum uti regem, non tenere multitudinem aliam.

[¶26] 27.2. When the barbarians heard this, there was an indignant outcry from the remainder that they had been to no purpose lured away from their homes.

> Latin: 27.2. quod ubi audivere barbari, ceterorum quidem fremitus fuit indignantium se frustra excitos sedibus suis; Clondicus rursus interrogat, ecquid ipsis quinque milibus, quod convenisset, numeraret?

[¶27] 27.3. Clondicus again asked whether he would pay what had been agreed upon to these five thousand; and when he saw that to this, too, a devious reply was being concocted, the Gauls returned to the Danube, without injury to the messenger who had tricked them (a fate he had hardly hoped could befall him), but plundering that part of Thrace which adjoined their route.

> Latin: 27.3. cum adversus id quoque misceri ambages cerneret, inviolato fallaci nuntio, quod vix speraverat ipse posse contingere, retro ad Histrum perpopulati Threciam, qua vicina erat viae, redierunt.

[¶28] 27.4. This force of Gauls, even had the king remained inactive at the Elpeüs before the Romans, could if brought into Thessaly through the pass of Perrhaebia have not only stripped the fields by their ravages, so that the Romans could have looked for no provisions from there, but could even have stormed cities as long as Perseus held the Romans at the Elpeüs, in order to prevent their rescuing the cities of their allies.

> Latin: 27.4. quae manus quieto sedente rege ad Elpeum adversus Romanos Perrhaebiae saltum in Thessaliam traducta non agros tantum nudare populando potuit, ne quos inde Romani commeatus expectarent, sed ipsas excindere urbes tenente ad Elpeum Perseo Romanos, ne urbibus sociis opitulari possent.

[¶29] 27.6. The Romans would have had to consider their own plight, since they could neither remain if Thessaly, the army's source of supplies, were lost, nor could they advance while the camp of the Macedonians lay before them. By losing this added strength, Perseus weakened to no small degree the morale of the Macedonians, who had been depending on this source of hope.

> Latin: 27.6. ipsis quoque Romanis de se cogitandum fuisset, quando neque manere amissa Thessalia, unde exercitus alebatur, potuissent, neque progredi, cum ex adverso castra Macedonum …, qui ea pependerant spe, haud mediocriter debilitavit.

[¶30] 27.8. The same miserliness caused a rift with Gentius. For when Perseus had counted out three hundred talents for the envoys sent by Gentius to Pella, he permitted them to affix their seal to the money; then he sent ten talents to Pantauchus and ordered this paid at once to the king.

> Latin: 27.8. eadem avaritia Gentium regem sibi alienavit. nam cum trecenta talenta Pellae missis a Gentio numerasset, signare eos pecuniam passus est;

[¶31] 27.9. His own people were transporting the rest of the money marked with the seal of the Illyrians, and he ordered them to convey it by short stages, and then when the Macedonian frontier was reached, to halt there and wait for messengers from him.

> Latin: 27.9. inde decem talenta ad Pantauchum missa, eaque praesentia dari regi iussit; reliquam pecuniam signatam Illyriorum signo portantibus suis praecipit, parvis itineribus veherent, dein cum ad finem Macedoniae ventum esset, subsisterent ibi ac nuntios ab se opperirentur.

[¶32] 27.11. After Gentius had received a scant portion of the money, he was continually spurred on by Pantauchus to assail the Romans with an act of hostility, and so he threw into prison Marcus Perpenna and Lucius Petilius, the ambassadors who happened to reach him at this time.

> Latin: 27.11. Gentius exigua parte pecuniae accepta cum adsidue a Pantaucho ad lacessendos hostili facto Romanos stimularetur, M. Perpennam et L. Petilium legatos, qui tum forte ad eum venerant, in custodiam coniecit.

[¶33] 27.12. On hearing of this Perseus thought that Gentius had committed himself to fight the Romans in any case, and sent a recall to the one conveying the money, as if his only concern was to save as much booty as possible for the Romans after his own defeat. Herophon also returned from the court of Eumenes, the secret negotiations being still unrevealed.

> Latin: 27.12. hoc audito Perseus contraxisse eum necessitatem ratus ad bellandum utique cum Romanis, ad revocandum, qui pecuniam portabat, misit velut nihil aliud agens, quam ut quanta maxima posset praeda ex se victo Romanis reservaretur.

[¶34] 27.13. The Macedonians spread the word that discussion about prisoners had taken place, and Eumenes, to avoid suspicion, informed the consul to this same effect.

> Latin: 27.13. et ab Eumene Herophon ignotis, quae occulte acta erant, redit. de captivis actum esse et ipsi evolgaverant et Eumenes consulem vitandae suspicionis causa certiorem fecit.

[¶35] 28.1. After the disappointment of Herophon's return from the court of Eumenes, Perseus sent Antenor and Callippus, his naval commanders, with forty scout-ships —there were five cutters added to this number —to Tenedos, in order to protect from that base the ships scattered through the Cyclades islands on their way to Macedonia with grain.

> Latin: 28.1. Perseus post reditum ab Eumene Herophontis spe deiectus Antenorem et Callippum praefectos classis cum quadraginta lembis — adiectae ad hunc numerum quinque pristis erant — Tenedum mittit, ut inde sparsas per Cycladas insulas naves Macedoniam cum frumento petentes tutarentur.

[¶36] 28.3. The ships were launched at Cassandrea, and after crossing first to the harbours under Mount Athos and thence on a calm sea to Tenedos, they sent away unharmed and even with kind addresses some undecked Rhodian ships which were at the port with Eudamus their commander.

> Latin: 28.3. Cassandreae deductae naves in portus primum, qui sub Atho monte sunt, inde Tenedum placido mari cum traiecissent, stantis in portu Rhodias apertas naves Eudamumque, praefectum earum, inviolatos atque etiam benigne appellatos dimiserunt.

[¶37] 28.4. Then Antenor discovered that on the other side of the island fifty of their freight ships were blockaded by warships of Eumenes, under command of Damius, which were stationed at the mouth of the harbour. Antenor promptly sailed around and by threat caused the enemy ships to retreat; the freight ships were sent to Macedonia under convoy of ten scout-ships, which were instructed to return to Tenedos after seeing them safe.

> Latin: 28.4. cognito deinde in latere altero quinquaginta onerarias suarum stantibus in ostio portus Eumenis rostratis, quibus Damius praeerat, inclusas esse, circumvectus propere ac summotis terrore hostium navibus, onerarias datis, qui prosequerentur, decem lembis in Macedoniam mittit, ita ut in tutum prosecuti redirent Tenedum.

[¶38] 28.6. On the ninth day thereafter they returned to the fleet, which was now anchored at Sigeum. Thence they crossed to Subota, an island lying between Elaea and Chios.

> Latin: 28.6. nono post die ad classem iam ad Sigeum stantem redierunt. inde Subota — insula est interiecta Elaeae et Chio — traiciunt.

[¶39] 28.7. On the day after the arrival of the fleet at Subota, thirty-five of the ships called horse-transports, setting out from Elaea with Galatian cavalry and their mounts, were making for Phanae, a cape of Chios, from which they could cross to Macedonia. They were being sent to Attalus by Eumenes.

> Latin: 28.7. forte postero die, quam Subota classis tenuit, quinque et triginta naves, quas hippagogus vocant, ab Elaea profectae cum equitibus Gallis equisque Phanas promunturium Chiorum petebant, unde transmittere in Macedoniam possent.

[¶40] 28.8. When a signal reached Antenor from a lookout post that these ships were at sea, he started from Subota and met them between the cape of Erythrae and Chios, where the strait is narrowest.

> Latin: 28.8. Attalo ab Eumene mittebantur. has naves per altum ferri cum ex specula signum datum Antenori esset, profectus ab Subotis inter Erythrarum promunturium Chiumque, qua artissimum fretum est, iis occurrit.

[¶41] 28.9. Eumenes' officers least of all suspected that a Macedonian fleet was at large in that sea; now they thought them to be Romans, now Attalus, or some men sent back by Attalus from the Roman camp and on their way to Pergamum. But when the shape of the approaching scout-ships was unmistakable and the rapid motion of the oars and the pointing of the prows head-on revealed that enemies were approaching, then panic fell upon them.

> Latin: 28.9. nihil minus credere praefecti Eumenis, quam Macedonum classem in illo vagari mari: nunc Romanos esse, nunc Attalum aut remissos aliquos ab Attalo ex castris Romanis Pergamum petere.

[¶42] 28.10. Since there was no hope of resistance, both because of the unwieldly type of vessel and because the Galatians could hardly withstand an undisturbed voyage, some of them, who were nearer to the mainland, swam ashore at Erythrae and some set sail for Chios, ran their ships aground, and abandoning their horses fled in rout to the city. But as the scoutships put troops ashore nearer the city at a more convenient landing-place, the Macedonians overtook the Galatians and cut them down, partly as they fled along the road and partly when they were shut out of the city gates.

> Latin: 28.10. sed cum iam adpropinquantium forma lemborum haud dubia esset et concitatio remorum derectaeque in se prorae hostis adpropinquare aperuissent, tunc iniecta trepidatio est. cum resistendi spes nulla esset inhabilique navium genere et Gallis vix quietem ferentibus in mari, pars eorum, qui propiores continenti litori erant, in Erythraeam enarunt, pars velis datis ad Chium naves eiecere relictisque equis effusa fuga urbem petebant.

[¶43] 28.13. For the Chians had closed their gates, not knowing who were fleeing or who pursuing. About eight hundred of the Galatians were killed and two hundred taken alive; some of the horses were destroyed in the sea as the ships were wrecked, some were hamstrung on shore by the Macedonians.

> Latin: 28.13. sed propius urbem lembi accessuque commodiore cum exposuissent armatos, partim in via fugientes Gallos adepti Macedones ceciderunt, partim ante portam exclusos. clauserant enim Chii portas ignari, qui fugerent aut sequerentur.

[¶44] 28.14. Antenor ordered twenty horses of exceptional beauty, along with the prisoners, to be taken to Thessalonica by the same ten scout-ships he had sent before, which he ordered to return as soon as possible to the fleet;

> Latin: 28.14. octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi pars in mari fractis navibus absumpti, parti nervos succiderunt in litore Macedones.

[¶45] 28.15. he said he would await them at Phanae. For about three days the fleet anchored before the city. Then they moved on to Phanae, and setting sail on the unexpectedly early arrival of the ten scout-ships, crossed the Aegean Sea to Delos.

> Latin: 28.15. viginti eximiae equos formae cum captivis eosdem decem lembos, quos ante miserat, Antenor devehere Thessalonicam iussit et primo quoque tempore ad classem reverti: Phanis se eos expectaturum. triduum ferme classis ad urbem stetit. Phanas inde progressi sunt et spe celerius regressis decem lembis evecti Aegaeo mari Delum traiecerunt.

[¶46] 29.1. While these events were taking place, the Roman envoys, Gaius Popilius, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius, set out from Chalcis in three five-banked ships and on arriving at Delos found there forty Macedonian scout-ships and five five-bankers of King Eumenes.

> Latin: 29.1. dum haec geruntur, legati Romani, C. Popilius et C. Decimius et C. Hostilius, a Chalcide profecti tribus quinqueremibus Delum cum venissent, lembos ibi Macedonum quadraginta et quinque regis Eumenis quinqueremis invenerunt.

[¶47] 29.2. The holiness of the temple and the island kept them all from harm. And so the Roman, the Macedonian, and Eumenes' sailors mingled in the temple under the truce provided by the sacredness of the place.

> Latin: 29.2. sanctitas templi insulaeque inviolatos praestabat omnes. itaque permixti Romanique et Macedones et Eumenis navales socii … et in templo, indutias religione loci praebente, versabantur.

[¶48] 29.3. Whenever signals came from the lookouts that any freight-ships were passing out at sea, Antenor, Perseus' officer, would himself pursue with some ships, while others of his ships were distributed among the Cyclades, and either sank or plundered every ship not sailing for Macedonia. Popilius would come to the rescue with what ships he had either of his own or Eumenes'; but the Macedonians would evade him by sailing at night mostly in groups of two or three ships.

> Latin: 29.3. Antenor, Persei praefectus, cum aliquas alto praeferri onerarias naves ex speculis significatum foret, parte lemborum ipse insequens, parte per Cyclades disposita, praeterquam si quae Macedoniam peterent, omnes aut supprimebat aut spoliabat naves.

[¶49] 29.5. At about this same time, the envoys from Macedonia and Illyria arrived together at Rhodes, and weight was lent their words not only by the arrival of the scoutships roaming all around the Cyclades and the Aegean Sea, but also by the very fact of the combination between the kings Perseus and Gentius, and the rumour of the arrival of the Gauls in great numbers both of infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 29.5. quibus poterat Popilius aut suis aut Eumenis navibus succurrebat; sed vecti nocte binis aut ternis plerumque lembis Macedones fallebant. per id fere tempus legati Macedones Illyriique simul Rhodum venerunt, quibus auctoritatem addidit non lemborum modo adventus passim per Cycladas atque Aegaeum vagantium mare, sed etiam coniunctio ipsa regum Persei Gentique et fama cum magno numero peditum equitumque venientium Gallorum.

[¶50] 29.7. Since, then, the boldness of Dinon and Polyaratus, who sided with Perseus, was on the increase, not only was a cordial response given to the kings, but the flat statement was made that the Rhodians would by their influence bring an end to the war, and that therefore the kings themselves should make up their minds calmly to accept peace.

> Latin: 29.7. et iam cum accessissent animi Dinoni ac Polyarato, qui Persei partium erant, non benigne modo responsum regibus est, sed palam pronuntiatum bello finem se auctoritate sua inposituros esse: itaque ipsi quoque reges aequos adhiberent animos ad pacem accipiendam.

[¶51] 30.1. By now spring was beginning and the new commanders arrived in the field, the consul Aemilius in Macedonia, Octavius with the fleet at Oreüs, and in the region of Illyria, Anicius, whose task was the campaign against Gentius. This king, the son of Pleuratus, king of the Illyrians, and Eurydice, had two brothers, Plator, a full brother, and Caravantius, born of the same mother.

> Latin: 30.1. iam veris principium erat novique duces in provincias venerant, consul Aemilius in Macedoniam, Octavius Oreum ad classem, Anicius in Illyricum, cui bellandum adversus Gentium erat. Gentius patre Pleurato, rege Illyriorum, et matre Eurydica genitus fratres duos, Platorem utroque parente, Caravantium matre eadem natum, habuit.

[¶52] 30.3. The latter Gentius suspected less because of the obscurity of his father, but the king killed Plator and two friends of his, Ettritus and Epicadus, energetic men, for the greater security of his reign.

> Latin: 30.3. hoc propter ignobilitatem paternam minus suspecto Platorem occidit et duos amicos eius, Ettritum et Epicadum, impigros viros, quo tutius regnaret.

[¶53] 30.4. The rumour was that he envied his brother his betrothal to Etuta, daughter of Monunius the chieftain of the Dardani, since by this marriage Plator would secure the support of the Dardani; and Gentius made this really very probable by marrying the girl after the murder of Plator.

> Latin: 30.4. fama fuit Monuni, Dardanorum principis, filiam Etutam pacto fratri eum invidisse tamquam his nuptiis adiungenti sibi Dardanorum gentem; et simillimum id vero fecit ducta ea virgo Platore interfecto.

[¶54] 30.5. Once the fear of his brother was removed, Gentius began to be oppressive to his people, and the violence innate in his character was inflamed by overuse of wine.

> Latin: 30.5. gravis deinde dempto a fratre metu popularibus esse coepit, et violentiam insitam ingenio intemperantia vini accendebat.

[¶55] 30.6. However, when he had been stirred up to fight the Romans, as has been related above, he collected all his forces at Lissus. These were fifteen thousand men.

> Latin: 30.6. ceterum, sicut ante dictum est, ad Romanum incitatus bellum Lissum omnis copias contraxit.

[¶56] 30.7. From there he sent his brother with a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry to subdue the tribe of the Cavii either by force or threats, while he himself advanced from Lissus five miles to the city of Bassania.

> Latin: 30.7. quindecim milia armatorum fuerunt. inde fratre in Caviorum gentem vi aut terrore subigendam cum mille peditibus et quinquaginta equitibus misso ipse ad Bassaniam urbem quinque milia ab Lisso ducit.

[¶57] 30.8. The inhabitants were allied to the Romans; and so when overtures were made by messengers sent ahead of Gentius, they preferred to stand siege rather than to surrender.

> Latin: 30.8. socii erant Romanorum; itaque per praemissos nuntios prius temptati obsidionem pati quam dedere sese maluerunt.

[¶58] 30.9. As Caravantius arrived among the Cavii, the town of Durnium received him hospitably; Caravandis, another city, shut him out; and while he was ravaging their territory far and wide, a few scattered soldiers were killed by the rallying farmers.

> Latin: 30.9. Caravantium in Caviis Durnium oppidum advenientem benigne accepit; Caravandis, altera urbs, exclusit; et cum agros eorum effuse vastaret, aliquot palati milites agrestium concursu interfecti sunt.

[¶59] 30.10. By now Appius Claudius too had added auxiliaries of the Bullini and the citizens of Apollonia and Dyrrachium to the army he had with him, and had set out from winter quarters to a camp by the Genusus River, since he had heard of the treaty between Perseus and Gentius and was incensed by the mistreatment of the molested envoys, so that he was bent on campaigning against Gentius.

> Latin: 30.10. iam et Ap. Claudius adsumptis ad eum exercitum, quem habebat, Bullinorum et Apolloniatium et Dyrrachinorum auxiliis profectus ex hibernis circa Genusum amnem castra habebat, audito foedere inter Persea et Gentium et.

[¶60] 30.11. About this time Anicius the praetor heard at Apollonia of affairs in the region of Illyria, and sending ahead orders to Appius to wait for him at the Genusus, he himself arrived in camp in three days.

> Latin: 30.11. legatorum violatorum iniuria accensus bellum haud dubie adversus eum gesturus.

[¶61] 30.12. He added to the auxiliaries he had two thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the young men of the Parthini —Epicadus commanded the infantry, Algalsus the cavalry —and made ready to march into the region of Illyria, especially in order to relieve the siege of Bassania. His urgency was restrained by a rumour of scout-ships ravaging the coast.

> Latin: 30.12. Anicius praetor eo tempore Apolloniae auditis, quae in Illyrico gererentur, praemissisque ad Appium litteris, ut se ad Genusum opperiretur, triduo et ipse in castra venit et ad ea, quae habebat, auxilia Parthinorum iuventute adiuncta, duobus milibus peditum et equitibus ducentis — peditibus Epicadus, equitibus Algalsus praeerat — parabat ducere in Illyricum, maxime ut Bassanitas solveret obsidione.

[¶62] 30.13. There were eighty of these ships, sent by Gentius at the suggestion of Pantauchus to plunder the territory of Dyrrachium and Apollonia.

> Latin: 30.13. tenuit impetum eius fama lemborum vastantium maritimam oram.

[¶63] 30.14. Then a fleet at...... they surrendered. Thereafter the cities of the region did the same, the turn of their thoughts being assisted by the mildness and justice of the Roman praetor.

> Latin: 30.14. octoginta erant lembi, auctore Pantaucho missi a Gentio ad Dyrrachinorum et Apolloniatium Appolloniatium agros populandos. tum classis ad … to eo tradiderunt se. deinceps et urbes regionis eius idem faciebant, adiuvante inclinationem animorum clementia in omnis et iustitia praetoris Romani.

[¶64] 31.2. Next he arrived at Scodra, the centre of resistance not only because Gentius had appropriated it as the citadel for his whole kingdom, but also because it is the best-fortified town of the Labeate tribe, and is hard to approach.

> Latin: 31.2. ad Scodram inde ventum est, quod belli caput erat, non eo solum quod Gentius eam sibi ceperat velut regni totius arcem, sed etiam quod Labeatium gentis munitissima longe est et difficilis aditu.

[¶65] 31.3. Two rivers surround it, the Clausal flowing by on the side of the city which faces eastward, the Barbanna on the west side, flowing from the Labeate Lake. (These two streams after joining fall into the Oriundes River which rises on Mount Scordus, is swelled by many other streams, and falls into the Adriatic Sea.

> Latin: 31.3. duo cingunt eam flumina, Clausal a latere urbis, quod in orientem patet, praefluens, Barbanna ab regione occidentis, ex Labeatide palude oriens.

[¶66] 31.4. Mount Scordus, by far the highest of that region, overlooks Dardania to the eastward, Macedonia to the south, and the Illyrian region to the west.)

> Latin: 31.4. hi duo amnes confluentes incidunt Oriundi flumini, quod ortum ex monte Scordo, multis et aliis auctum aquis, mari Hadriatico infertur.

[¶67] 31.5. Although the town was fortified by its surroundings and the whole nation of the Illyrians, as well as their, king, was defending it, nevertheless the Roman praetor decided that since his first moves had met with success, good fortune in the campaign as a whole would follow these beginnings, and that a fast-moving threat would be efficacious;

> Latin: 31.5. mons Scordus, longe altissimus regionis eius, ab oriente Dardaniam subiectam habet, a meridie Macedoniam, ab occasu Illyricum.

[¶68] 31.6. so he advanced to the wall with his army in formation. If well-placed forces had shut the gates and defended the walls and gate-towers, they would have routed the Romans from the wall and made their attempt worthless; as it was, they sallied from the gate and on level ground joined battle with more spirit than they maintained.

> Latin: 31.6. quamquam munitum situ naturali oppidum erat gensque id tota Illyriorum et rex ipse tuebatur, tamen praetor Romanus, quia prima successerant prospere, fortunam totius rei principia secuturam esse ratus et repentinum valiturum terrorem, instructo exercitu ad moenia succedit. quod si clausis portis muros portarumque turris dispositi armati defendissent, vano cum incepto moenibus pepulissent Romanos;

[¶69] 31.8. For they were routed and huddled in flight, while over two hundred fell in the very mouth of the gate, and they brought in with them such panic that Gentius at once sent representatives named Teuticus and Bellus, leading men of the nation, to the praetor to ask for a truce so that the king might deliberate over his situation.

> Latin: 31.8. nunc porta egressi proelium loco aequo maiore animo commiserunt quam sustinuerunt. pulsi enim et fuga conglobati, cum ducenti amplius in ipsis faucibus portae cecidissent, tantum intulerunt terrorem, ut oratores extemplo ad praetorem mitteret Gentius Teuticum et Bellum, principes gentis, per quos indutias peteret, ut deliberare de statu rerum suarum posset.

[¶70] 31.10. When he was given three days for this purpose, he boarded a ship, since the Roman camp was about half a mile from the city, and sailed up the Barbanna River to Lake Labeate, as if seeking a secluded spot for taking council; actually, as became evident, he was stirred by an unfounded hope that his brother Caravantius would arrive with many thousands of soldiers gathered in the region to which he had been sent. After the talk about this had evaporated, on the third day he brought the same ship downstream to Scodra.

> Latin: 31.10. triduo in hoc dato, cum castra Romana quingentos ferme passus ab urbe abessent, navem conscendit et flumine Barbanna navigat in lacum Labeatum, velut secretum locum petens ad consultandum, sed, ut apparuit, falsa spe excitus Caravantium fratrem multis milibus armatorum coactis ea regione, in quam missus erat, adventare.

[¶71] 31.12. First sending messengers to secure an opportunity for addressing the praetor and on being given the opportunity, he came into camp. At the outset of his speech he began by blaming his own stupidity, and at the end gave himself up to entreaties and a flood of tears, and falling at the praetor's knees, put himself into his hands.

> Latin: 31.12. qui postquam evanuit rumor, tertio post die navem eandem secundo amni Scodram demisit praemissisque nuntiis, ut sibi appellandi praetoris potestas fieret, copia facta in castra venit.

[¶72] 31.13. Immediately he was bidden to take heart, and after being invited to dinner, returned to his own people in the city.

> Latin: 31.13. et principium orationis ab accusatione stultitiae orsus suae, postremo ad preces lacrimasque effusus, genibus praetoris accidens in potestatem sese dedit.

[¶73] 31.14. On that day he was banqueted with marks of distinction by the praetor, and then put under the guard of Gaius Cassius, tribune of the soldiers, after having received a mere ten talents, hardly the fee of a gladiator, though he was a king dealing with a king, to induce him to sink to such misfortune.

> Latin: 31.14. primo bonum animum habere iussus, ad cenam etiam invitatus in urbem ad suos rediit et cum praetore eo die honorifice est epulatus, deinde in custodiam C. Cassio tribuno militum traditus, vix gladiatorio accepto, decem talentis, ab rege rex, ut in eam fortunam recideret.

[¶74] 32.1. On taking over Scodra, Anicius' very first order was that the ambassadors Petilius and Perpenna should be searched out and brought to him.

> Latin: 32.1. Anicius Scodra recepta nihil prius quam requisitos Petilium Perpennamque legatos ad se duci iussit.

[¶75] 32.2. When they had been restored to a properly dignified state, he immediately sent Perpenna to arrest the friends and relatives of the king.

> Latin: 32.2. quibus splendore suo restituto Perpennam extemplo mittit ad conprehendendos amicos cognatosque regis;

[¶76] 32.3. Perpenna set out for Meteon, the city of the Labeate tribe, and brought to camp at Scodra Etleva, the queen, with her two children, Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus, and Caravantius the king's brother.

> Latin: 32.3. qui Meteonem, Labeatium gentis urbem, profectus Etlevam uxorem cum filiis duobus, Scerdilaedo Pleuratoque, et Caravantium fratrem Scodram in castra adduxit.

[¶77] 32.4. After completing the Illyrian campaign within thirty days, Anicius sent Perpenna to Rome as messenger of this victory, and a few days later sent on King Gentius himself with his mother, wife, children, and brother, as well as other leading Illyrians.

> Latin: 32.4. Anicius bello Illyrico intra triginta dies perfecto nuntium victoriae Perpennam Romam misit et post dies paucos Gentium regem ipsum cum parente, coniuge ac liberis ac fratre aliisque principibus Illyriorum.

[¶78] 32.5. This campaign was unique in that its conclusion was reported at Rome before its beginning. During the time that this was going on, Perseus also was in great fear because of the arrival not only of Aemilius the new consul, who he heard had come on the scene bringing dire threats, but also of Octavius the praetor.

> Latin: 32.5. hoc unum bellum prius perpetratum quam coeptum Romae auditum est. quibus diebus haec agebantur, Perseus quoque in magno terrore erat propter adventum simul Aemili novi consulis, quem cum ingentibus minis adventare audiebat, simul Octavi praetoris.

[¶79] 32.6. The king was feeling equally keenly the threat from the Roman fleet and the danger to the coastal area. At Thessalonica, Eumenes and Athenagoras were in command with a small garrison of two thousand light infantry.

> Latin: 32.6. nec minus terroris a classe Romana et periculo maritumae orae habebat. Thessalonicae Eumenes et Athenagoras praeerant cum parvo praesidio duorum milium cetratorum.

[¶80] 32.7. To that place Perseus sent the officer Androcles also, under orders to encamp right by the dockyards. To Aenea a thousand cavalry under Creon of Antigonea were sent to protect the coastal area, in order to come at once to the aid of the country folk at any point on the shore where they heard that enemy ships had put in.

> Latin: 32.7. eo et Androclen praefectum mittit, iussum sub ipsis navalibus castra habere. Aenean mille equites cum Creonte Antigonensi misit ad tutandam maritumam oram, ut quocumque litore adplicuisse naves hostium audissent, extemplo ferrent agrestibus opem.

[¶81] 32.9. Five thousand Macedonians were sent to garrison Pythoüs and Petra, the commanders being Histiaeus, Theogenes, and Midon.

> Latin: 32.9. quinque milia Macedonum missa ad praesidium Pythoi et Petrae, quibus praepositi erant Histiaeus et Theogenes et Midon.

[¶82] 32.10. When these forces had left, Perseus set himself to fortifying the bank of the Elpeüs, because its dry bed could be crossed. In order that his entire force might be free for this operation, women gathered from the near-by cities brought foodstuffs into camp;

> Latin: 32.10. his profectis ripam munire Elpei fluminis adgressus est, quia sicco alveo transiri poterat.

[¶83] 32.11. the soldiers, under orders, from the woods near by generously... ... to gather, and finally he ordered the water-carriers to follow him to the sea, which was less than three-tenths of a mile away, and to dig wells on the beach, some here, some there, at slight intervals.

> Latin: 32.11. huic operi ut omnis multitudo vacaret, feminae ex propinquis urbibus cocta cibaria in castra adferebant; miles iussus ex propinquis silvis benigne … … conferre, postremo sequi se putearios ad mare, quod minus trecentos passus aberat, iussit et in litore alios alibi modicis intervallis fodere.

[¶84] 33.2. The immense height of the mountains, especially inasmuch as they produced no visible rivers, gave him the hope that underneath were hidden streams, the veins of which trickled through to the sea and mingled with the salt water.

> Latin: 33.2. montes ingentis altitudinis spem faciebant, eo magis quia nullos apertos emergerent rivos, occultos contineri latices, quorum venae in mare permanantes undae miscerentur.

[¶85] 33.3. Hardly had the uppermost sand been penetrated when jets of water spurted out, at first muddy and slight, but then proceeding to pour out, as if by a miracle, with clear and copious water.

> Latin: 33.3. vix diducta summa harena erat, cum scaturiges turbidae primo et tenues emicare, dein liquidam multamque fundere aquam velut deum dono coeperunt.

[¶86] 33.4. This success too gave the commander no little glory and power of leadership with the soldiers. Then when the soldiers were ordered to put their weapons in condition, the consul with the tribunes and ranking centurions went forward to reconnoitre the crossings, in order to find out where the way down was easy for men under arms and where on the farther bank there was the least unfavourable way up.

> Latin: 33.4. aliquantum ea quoque res duci famae et auctoritatis apud milites adiecit. iussis deinde militibus expedire arma ipse cum tribunis primisque ordinibus ad contemplandos transitus est progressus, qua descensus facilis armatis, qua in ulteriorem ripam minime inicus ascensus esset.

[¶87] 33.5. After gathering sufficient information on these points, he introduced other changes, too; in the first place, he saw to it that everything in the column should take place in good order and without confusion at the beck and call of the commander;

> Latin: 33.5. his satis exploratis illa quoque …; primum, ut ordine ac sine tumultu omnia in agmine ad nutum imperiumque ducis fierent, providit:

[¶88] 33.6. when orders were given to the whole army at once and not all were within hearing, he said, some, after receiving an unclear order, made additions of their own and did more than was bidden, while others did less; hence discordant outcries arose everywhere and the enemy found out what was afoot sooner than one's own men.

> Latin: 33.6. ubi omnibus simul pronuntiaretur, quod fieret, neque omnes exaudirent, incerto imperio accepto alios, ab se adicientes, plus eo, quod imperatum sit, alios minus facere; clamores deinde dissonos oriri omnibus locis, et prius hostes quam ipsos, quid paretur, scire.

[¶89] 33.7. Therefore the consul decided that the tribune of the soldiers should first give an order privately to the chief centurion of the legion, and he and his subordinates in rank should then each tell to the next in rank what was to be done, whether the order was to be passed from the head of the column to the rear, or from the last to the first.

> Latin: 33.7. placere igitur tribunum militum primo pilo legionis secretum edere imperium, illum et dein singulos proximo cuique in ordine centurioni dicere, quid opus facto sit, sive a primis signis ad novissimum agmen, sive ab extremis ad primos perferundum imperium sit.

[¶90] 33.8. The consul also made the innovation of forbidding sentries to carry a shield on post; for he said that a sentry is not going into combat to use his weapons, but is to keep on guard so that when he perceives the approach of the enemy, he may retire and rouse the others to arms.

> Latin: 33.8. vigiles etiam novo more scutum in vigiliam ferre vetuit: non enim in pugnam vigilem ire, ut armis utatur, sed ad vigilandum, ut, cum senserit hostium adventum, recipiat se excitetque ad arma alios.

[¶91] 33.9. Men set the shield before them and stand there, helmet on head; then when they are tired, they lean on the spear, rest the head on the shield-rim, and stand there drowsing, so that with their shining armour they can be detected by the enemy from afar, while they themselves do not see ahead at all. The consul also changed the practice of the outposts.

> Latin: 33.9. scuto prae se erecto stare galeatos; deinde, ubi fessi sint, innixos pilo, capite super marginem scuti posito, sopito stare, ut fulgentibus armis procul conspici ab hoste possint, ipsi nihil provideant.

[¶92] 33.10. All were used to spending the entire day under arms, cavalry with their horses bridled; when this took place on summer days under an unremitting -and burning sun, after so many hours of heat and weariness the tired men and horses were often attacked by fresh enemy troops and superior numbers thrown into confusion by even a few.

> Latin: 33.10. stationum quoque morem mutavit. armati omnes, et frenatis equis equites, diem totum perstabant; id cum aestivis diebus urente adsiduo sole fieret, tot horarum aestu et languore ipsos equosque fessos integri saepe adorti hostes vel pauci plures vexabant.

[¶93] 33.11. So he gave orders that men on duty in the morning should be relieved at noon by a different afternoon detail; in this way a fresh enemy could never attack tired men.

> Latin: 33.11. itaque ex matutina statione ad meridiem decedi et in postmeridianam succedere alios iussit; ita numquam fatigatos recens hostis adgredi poterat.

[¶94] 34.1. After he had announced to an assembly of the soldiers the decision to adopt these measures, the consul added a speech in the vein of his address in Rome:

> Latin: 34.1. haec cum ita fieri placere contione advocata pronuntiasset, adiecit urbanae contioni convenientem orationem:

[¶95] 34.2. “There should be a single general in an army who foresees and plans what should be done, sometimes by himself, sometimes with the advisers he calls into council. Those who are not called into council should not air their own views publicly or privately.”

> Latin: 34.2. unum imperatorem in exercitu providere et consulere, quid agendum sit, debere nunc per se, nunc cum iis, quos advocarit in consilium; qui non sint advocati, eos nec palam nec secreto iactare consilia sua.

[¶96] 34.3. “A soldier should concern himself with the following: his body, to keep it as strong and as nimble as possible; the good condition of his weapons; and the readiness of his food-supply for unexpected orders.”

> Latin: 34.3. militem haec tria curare debere, corpus ut quam validissimum et pernicissimum habeat, arma apta, cibum paratum ad subita imperia;

[¶97] 34.4. “For the rest, he should realize that the immortal gods and his general are taking care of him. In an army in which the soldiers deliberate and the general is led about by the gossip of the rank and file, conditions are utterly unsound.”

> Latin: 34.4. cetera scire de se dis immortalibus et imperatori suo curae esse. in quo exercitu milites consultent, imperator rumoribus volgi circumagatur, ibi nihil salutare esse.

[¶98] 34.5. “For my part, I shall do the duty of a general —that is, see to it that you have an opportunity for successful action. You ought not to ask what is going to happen, but when the signal is given, then do your duty as soldiers.” After these instructions, he dismissed the assembly, while throughout the army even the veterans admitted that they, like raw recruits, had for the first time learned how military matters should be handled.

> Latin: 34.5. se, quod sit officium imperatoris, provisurum, ut bene gerendae rei occasionem iis praebeat; illos nihil, quid futurum sit, quaerere, ubi datum signum sit, tum militarem navare operam debere.

[¶99] 34.6. Not only did they show by such remarks with how much approval they had heard the words of the consul, but there was also an immediate response in action.

> Latin: 34.6. ab his praeceptis contionem dimisit volgo etiam veteranis fatentibus se illo primum die tamquam tirones, quid agendum esset in re militari, didicisse.

[¶100] 34.7. Soon you could have seen no one idle in the whole camp; some were sharpening swords, others were polishing helmets and cheek-pieces, still others shields and coats of mail;

> Latin: 34.7. non sermonibus tantum his, cum quanto adsensu audissent verba consulis, ostenderunt, sed rerum praesens effectus erat.

[¶101] 34.8. some were fitting their armour to their bodies and trying the nimbleness of their bodies under arms, others were brandishing spears, others fencing with their swords and inspecting the point; so that anyone could easily see that as soon as an opportunity of joining battle with the enemy had been given, they would put an end to the war either by a glorious victory or by a death that would go down in history.

> Latin: 34.8. neminem totis mox castris quietum videres; acuere alii gladios, alii galeas bucculasque, scutorum alii … alii loricas tergere, alii aptare corpori arma experirique sub his membrorum agilitatem, quatere alii pila, alii micare gladiis mucronemque intueri, ut facile quis cerneret, ubi primum conserendi manum cum hoste data occasio esset, aut victoria egregia aut morte memorabili finituros bellum.

[¶102] 34.10. When Perseus, too, noticed that on the arrival of the consul and the beginning of spring everything in the enemy camp was full of noise and bustle as if the war were just beginning, that the camp had been shifted from Phila to the bank opposite the Macedonians, and the hostile commander was now going about to view Perseus' defences, no doubt because he was reconnoitring a passage, now.... of the Romans was.

> Latin: 34.10. Perseus quoque, cum adventu consulis simul et veris principio strepere omnia moverique apud hostes velut novo bello cerneret, mota a Phila castra in adversa ripa posita, nunc ad contemplanda opera sua circumire ducem haud dubie transitus speculan tem, nunc … … Roma norum esse;

[¶103] 35.1. This affair raised the spirits of the Romans. It also brought no little panic to the Macedonians and their king.

> Latin: 35.1. quae res Romanis auxit animos, Macedonibus regique eorum haud mediocrem attulit terrorem.

[¶104] 35.2. At first he tried to hide the report of the event in secret, by sending men to forbid Pantauchus, who was coming from there, to approach the camp.

> Latin: 35.2. et primo supprimere in occulto famam eius rei est conatus missis, qui Pantauchum inde venientem adpropinquare castris vetarent.

[¶105] 35.3. But now some boys were seen by their relatives being led along with the Illyrian hostages and the more carefully the various details were concealed, the more easily they leaked out through the garrulity of the king's servants.

> Latin: 35.3. sed iam et pueri quidam visi ab suis erant inter obsidis Illyrios ducti, et quo quaeque accuratius celantur, eo facilius loquacitate regiorum ministrorum emanant.

[¶106] 35.4. About the same time envoys from Rhodes came into camp with the same message about peace which had aroused great wrath in the senators at Rome. They received a much less favourable audience from the council in the camp.

> Latin: 35.4. sub idem tempus Rhodii legati in castra venerunt cum iisdem de pace mandatis, quae Romae ingentem iram patrum excitavere.

[¶107] 35.5. So while some advised that the envoys be thrown into chains, others that they be driven headlong out of camp without an answer, the consul announced that he would make a reply a fortnight later. Meanwhile, to make it clear how much influence the Rhodian peace-makers had succeeded in exerting, he began to hold consultations as to the plan of campaign.

> Latin: 35.5. multo iniquioribus animis a castrensi consilio auditi sunt. itaque cum alii … alii praecipites sine responso agendos castris, pronuntiavit post diem quintum decimum se responsum daturum.

[¶108] 35.6. Some, especially the younger, wished to force a way through the bank of the Elpeüs and the fortifications;

> Latin: 35.6. interim, ut appareret, quantum pacificantium Rhodiorum auctoritas valuisset, consultare de ratione belli gerendi coepit.

[¶109] 35.7. a solid formation, they said, attacking in single column would be irresistible to the Macedonians, who had the previous year been driven out of so many forts, rather higher and better fortified and held with strong garrisons.

> Latin: 35.7. placebat quibusdam et maxime minoribus natu per Elpei ripam munitionesque vim facere: confertis et uno … facientibus resistere Macedonas non posse, ex tot castellis aliquanto altioribus ac munitioribus, quae validis praesidiis insedissent, priore anno deiectos.

[¶110] 35.8. Others advised that Octavius with his fleet should make for Thessalonica and by ravaging the coastal area create a diversion of the king's forces, so that on the appearance of another attack in his rear the king would be pulled about to guard the inner part of his kingdom and be compelled to open a crossing somewhere over the Elpeüs. The consul himself regarded the riverbank as impregnable by nature and by fortification and, besides the fact that artillery had been placed everywhere, he had heard that the enemy employed missile weapons better and with more deadly aim.

> Latin: 35.8. aliis placebat Octavium cum classe Thessalonicam petere et populatione maritumae orae distringere copias regias, ut altero ab tergo se ostendente bello circumactus ad interiorem partem regni tuendam nudare aliqua parte transitus Elpei cogeretur.

[¶111] 35.9. The whole thought of the Roman commander inclined in a different direction; and dismissing his council, he summoned the Perrhaebian merchants Coenus and Menophilus, men already known to him for loyalty and wisdom, and secretly inquired what the passes into Perrhaebia were like.

> Latin: 35.9. ipsi natura et operibus inexsuperabilis ripa videbatur, et praeterquam quod tormenta ubique disposita essent, missilibus etiam melius et certiore ictu hostis uti audierat. alio spectabat mens tota ducis; dimissoque consilio Perrhaebos mercatores Coenum et Menophilum, notae iam sibi et fidei et prudentiae homines, accersitos secreto percunctatur, quales ad Perrhaebiam transitus sint.

## 14. Book XLIV · chapters 35–46

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14/#p-N

[¶0] 35.11. When they said that the terrain was not difficult, but was blocked by the king's guard-forces, the consul conceived the hope that the guards could be dislodged if he attacked suddenly by night with a strong force and surprised them; for, he argued, javelins, arrows, and other missiles are useless in the dark when the target cannot be sighted at a distance;

> Latin: 35.11. cum loca non iniqua esse dicerent, praesidiis autem regiis obsideri, spem cepit, si nocte inproviso valida manu adgressus necopinantis esset, deici praesidia posse:

[¶1] 35.12. the sword is the weapon used at close quarters in a confused throng, and with that weapon the Roman soldier would win. Planning to use the abovementioned merchants as guides, the consul summoned the praetor Octavius, explained his plans, and ordered him to sail for Heracleum with the fleet and have ten days' cooked rations for a thousand men.

> Latin: 35.12. iacula enim et sagittas et cetera missilia in tenebris, ubi, quid petatur, procul provideri nequeat, inutilia esse; gladio comminus geri rem in permixta turba, quo miles Romanus vincat.

[¶2] 35.13. For his own part, he sent Publius Scipio Nasica and his own son Quintus Fabius Maximus with five thousand picked men to Heracleum, in order to feign an embarkation for the purpose of the plan mentioned in the council, namely, of ravaging the coastal area of inner Macedonia.

> Latin: 35.13. his ducibus usurus, praetorem Octavium accersitum exposito, quid pararet, Heraclium cum classe petere iubet et mille hominibus decem dierum cocta cibaria habere.

[¶3] 35.14. Scipio and Fabius were privately informed that food was ready for them at the fleet, so that they would not be delayed. Next, the guides were instructed to arrange the stages of the journey so that they could attack Pythoüs in the fourth watch of the third day. Next day at dawn the consul himself, in order to keep the king from investigating the other projects, joined battle with the enemy's outposts in the middle of the river-bed.

> Latin: 35.14. ipse P. Scipionem Nasicam, Q. Fabium Maximum filium suum cum quinque milibus delectis militum Heracleum mittit, velut classem conscensuros ad maritumam oram interioris Macedoniae, quod in consilio agitatum erat, vastandam. secreto indicatum cibaria his praeparata ad classem esse, ne quid eos moraretur. inde iussi duces itineris ita dividere viam, ut quarta vigilia tertio die Pythoum adoriri possent.

[¶4] 35.16. The fight was conducted with light-armed troops on both sides. It was impossible to fight with heavier troops in so rough a stream-bed. The slope of either bank to the bottom was about three hundred paces; between the banks, a space of a little over a mile lay open where the torrent had hollowed it out in varying degrees from place to place.

> Latin: 35.16. ipse postero die, ut detineret regem ab circumspectu rerum aliarum, prima luce medio in alveo cum stationibus hostium proelium commisit, atque pugnatum utrimque est levi armatura; nec gravioribus armis in tam inaequali alveo pugnari poterat.

[¶5] 35.17. There the fight took place in sight of the watchers from the walls of both camps, the king on one side, the consul and his legions on the other.

> Latin: 35.17. descensus ripae utriusque in alveum trecentorum ferme passum erat; medium spatium torrentis alibi aliter cavati paulo plus quam mille passus patebat.

[¶6] 35.18. The king's light troops fought better at long range with missiles; at close quarters the Romans were steadier, and better protected by either the cavalry targe or the Ligurian rectangular shield.

> Latin: 35.18. ibi in medio spectantibus utrimque ex vallo castrorum hinc rege, hinc consule cum suis legionibus pugnatum est.

[¶7] 35.19. About noon the consul ordered the recall to be sounded for his men. So that day the fight was broken off with no small losses to both sides. At sunrise the next day an even sharper fight took place, since their spirits had been roused by the combat.

> Latin: 35.19. missilibus procul regia auxilia melius pugnabant; comminus stabilior et tutior aut parma aut scuto Ligustino Romanus erat. meridie fere receptui cani suis consul iussit. ita eo die diremptum proelium est haud paucis utrimque interfectis.

[¶8] 35.21. But the Romans received a great many wounds not only from those with whom the fight had been joined, but much more from the large numbers posted on the towers with all sorts of missile weapons and stones. As they came nearer to the enemy's bank, the shots from the engines reached even the rear ranks. After far more severe losses that day, the consul recalled his men somewhat later.

> Latin: 35.21. sole orto postero die inritatis certamine animis etiam acrius concursum est. sed Romani non ab iis tantum, cum quibus contractum certamen erat, sed multo magis ab ea multitudine, quae disposita in turribus stabat, omni genere missilium telorum ac saxis maxime volnerabantur.

[¶9] 35.22. On the third day, he desisted from battle and went down to the lower side of the camp as if he were going to attempt the crossing through the spur of the fortifications which ran down to the sea.

> Latin: 35.22. ubi propius ripam hostium subissent, tormentis missa etiam ad ultimos perveniebant. multo pluribus eo die amissis consul paulo serius recepit suos.

[¶10] 35.23. What was before Perseus' eyes... The season was that immediately following the turn of midsummer; the time of day was approaching noon; the journey had been made through much dust and an ever-hotter sun.

> Latin: 35.23. tertio die proelio abstinuit, degressus ad imam partem castrorum, veluti per devexum in mare bracchium transitum temptaturus. Perseus, quod in oculis erat … … anni post circumactum solstitium erat; hora diei iam ad meridiem vergebat; iter multo pulvere et incalescente sole factum erat.

[¶11] 36.2. Weariness and thirst now began to make themselves felt, and since it was presently obvious that midday would intensify the blazing heat, the consul decided not to expose men so weakened to a fresh and unwearied enemy;

> Latin: 36.2. lassitudo et sitis iam sentiebatur et meridie stante magis. adcesserunt tum … mox adparebat. statuit sic adfectos recenti atque integro hosti non obicere;

[¶12] 36.3. but such zeal was in their hearts for fighting at all costs that the consul needed as much skill to out manoeuvre his own men as the enemy.

> Latin: 36.3. sed tantus ardor in animis ad dimicandum utcumque erat, ut consuli non minore arte ad suos eludendos quam ad hostis opus esset.

[¶13] 36.4. Since all were not yet in formation, he urged on the tribunes of the soldiers to hasten the deployment; he himself went about the ranks and was engaged in rousing the spirits of the men to battle by exhortation.

> Latin: 36.4. nondum omnibus instructis instabat tribunis militum, ut maturarent instruere; circumibat ipse ordines; animos militum hortando in pugnam accendebat.

[¶14] 36.5. At this they first kept eagerly calling for the signal; then, in proportion as the heat increased their countenances were less lively and their cries slacker, and some stood lolling on their shields and leaning on their spears. Then the consul proceeded openly to give the order to the ranking centurions to layout the front of the camp and place the baggage.

> Latin: 36.5. ibi primo alacres signum poscebant; deinde quantum incresceret aestus, et voltus minus vigentes et voces segniores erant, et quidam incumbentes scutis nixique pilis stabant.

[¶15] 36.6. When the soldiers perceived that this was being done, some rejoiced openly that he had not compelled men wearied by the toil of marching to fight a battle in scorching heat.

> Latin: 36.6. tum iam aperte primis ordinibus inperat, metarentur frontem castrorum et inpedimenta constituerent. quod ubi fieri milites sensere, alii gaudere palam, quod fessos viae labore flagrantissimo aestu non coegisset pugnare.

[¶16] 36.8. Surrounding the general were his staff and the foreign commanders, among whom was Attalus, all showing approval as long as they believed the consul was going to fight (for he had not revealed his doubts even to them); then at the sudden change of plan they were all silent except Nasica, who alone dared to advise the consul not to loose his grasp on an enemy who had baffled previous generals by avoiding an encounter.

> Latin: 36.8. legati circa imperatorem ducesque externi erant, inter quos et Attalus, omnes adprobantes, cum pugnaturum consulem credebant — neque enim ne his quidem cunctationem aperuerat suam — tunc mutatione consilii subita cum alii silerent, Nasica unus ex omnibus ausus est monere consulem, ne hostem ludificatum priores imperatores fugiendo certamen manibus emitteret:

[¶17] 36.10. Nasica feared that if the enemy departed by night, he would have to be pursued with the greatest toil and risk into the interior of Macedonia, and that the summer would be wasted, as under previous leaders, in roaming about the bypaths and passes of the Macedonian mountains;

> Latin: 36.10. vereri, ne, si nocte abeat, sequendus maximo labore ac periculo in intima Macedoniae sit, aestasque, sicut prioribus ducibus, per calles saltusque Macedonicorum montium vagando circumagatur.

[¶18] 36.11. for his own part he strongly urged attack while the consul had the enemy in open country, so as not to lose the opportunity for victory which had been offered. The consul, nothing offended by the outspoken warning from so famous a young man, replied:

> Latin: 36.11. se magnopere suadere, dum in campo patenti hostem habeat, adgrediatur nec oblatam occasionem vincendi amittat.

[¶19] 36.12. “I too have had the spirit which you now have, Nasica, and you will come to have the spirit I now have. From many vicissitudes of war I have learned when to fight and when to refuse battle.”

> Latin: 36.12. consul nihil offensus libera admonitione tam clari adulescentis ‘et ego’ inquit ‘animum istum habui, Nasica, quem tu nunc habes, et, quem ego nunc habeo, tu habebis.

[¶20] 36.13. “There is not time to instruct you while you are standing-to for battle as to the reasons why it is better to be inactive today. You shall ask for my reasoning at another time; now you will be satisfied to take the word of an experienced general.”

> Latin: 36.13. multis belli casibus didici, quando pugnandum, quando abstinendum pugna sit. non operae est stanti nunc in acie docere, quibus de causis hodie quiesse melius sit. rationes alias reposcito;

[¶21] 36.14. The young man held his tongue, thinking that no doubt the consul saw some obstacles to battle which he himself did not envisage.

> Latin: 36.14. nunc auctoritate veteris imperatoris contentus eris.’ conticuit adulescens: haud dubie videre aliqua impedimenta pugnae consulem, quae sibi non apparerent.

[¶22] 37.1. After Paulus saw that the camp had been laid out and the baggage placed, he quietly withdrew the rear formation first from behind the battle-line, next the chief formation, while the forward formation stood its ground at the front of the battle-line, in case the enemy should make a move; last of all he withdrew the forward formation, taking the soldiers of one maniple at a time, starting with the right wing.

> Latin: 37.1. Paulus postquam metata castra impedimentaque conlocata animadvertit, ex postrema acie triarios primos subducit, deinde principes stantibus in prima acie hastatis, si quid hostis moveret, postremo hastatos, ab dextro primum cornu singulorum paulatim signorum milites subtrahens.

[¶23] 37.3. In this way, while the cavalry and the light-armed troops faced the enemy from in front of the battle-line, the infantry were withdrawn without confusion, and the cavalry were not called away from their posts until the facade of the rampart and the ditch facing the enemy had been completed.

> Latin: 37.3. ita pedites equitibus cum levi armatura ante aciem hosti oppositis sine tumultu abducti, nec ante, quam prima frons valli ac fossa perducta est, ex statione equites revocati sunt.

[¶24] 37.4. Although the king would have been prepared to fight that day without reluctance, he was satisfied to let it be seen that the delay was due to the enemy, and he too withdrew his forces into camp.

> Latin: 37.4. rex quoque, cum sine detractatione paratus pugnare eo die fuisset, contentus eo, quod per hostem moram fuisse pugnae scirent, et ipse in castra copias reduxit.

[¶25] 37.5. After the fortification of the camp was complete, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, tribune of the soldiers with the second legion, who had been praetor the year before, summoned the soldiers to an assembly, by permission of the consul, and announced that no one should regard it as a bad omen when on the following night an eclipse of the moon would take place from the second to the fourth hour of the night.

> Latin: 37.5. castris permunitis C. Sulpicius Gallus, tribunus militum secundae legionis, qui praetor superiore anno fuerat, consulis permissu ad contionem militibus vocatis, pronuntiavit nocte proxima, ne quis id pro portento acciperet, ab hora secunda usque ad quartam horam noctis lunam defecturam esse. id quia naturali ordine statis temporibus fiat, et sciri ante et praedici posse.

[¶26] 37.7. Since this occurred in the regular order of nature at certain times, said Sulpicius, it could be calculated ahead of time and foretold. Therefore just as they were not surprised —inasmuch as both the risings and the settings of the sun and moon are well understood —when they saw the moon shining now full, now during its wane with a narrow arc, no more ought they to count it a prodigy that the moon is darkened whenever it is hidden in the shadow of the earth.

> Latin: 37.7. itaque quem ad modum, quia certi solis lunaeque et ortus et occasus sint, nunc pleno orbe, nunc senescentem exiguo cornu fulgere lunam non mirarentur, ita ne obscurari quidem, cum condatur umbra terrae, trahere in prodigium debere.

[¶27] 37.8. On the night preceding the 4th of September, when the moon was eclipsed at the predicted hour, the Roman soldiers regarded the wisdom of Gallus as almost divine;

> Latin: 37.8. nocte, quam pridie nonas Septembres insecuta est dies, edita hora cum luna defecisset, Romanis militibus Galli sapientia prope divina videri;

[¶28] 37.9. the Macedonians took it as a dire portent, foretelling the downfall of the kingdom and the nation, and no soothsayer shook their conviction. There was uproar and wailing in the Macedonian camp until the moon emerged to shine as usual.

> Latin: 37.9. Macedonas ut triste prodigium occasum regni perniciemque gentis portendens movit, nec aliter vates. clamor ululatusque in castris Macedonum fuit, donec luna in suam lucem emersit.

[¶29] 37.10. On the following day, so great was the eagerness of both armies for battle that some of their followers blamed both the king and the consul for separating without a fight. The king had a rejoinder ready at hand: not only that the enemy had taken the lead in openly declining battle and leading his men back to camp, but that he had posted his forces in a position to which the phalanx could not be advanced, since even slightly unfavourable terrain makes a phalanx useless.

> Latin: 37.10. postero die — tantus utrique ardor exercitui ad concurrendum fuerat, ut et regem et consulem suorum quidam, quod sine proelio discessum esset, accusarent — regi prompta defensio erat non eo solum, quod hostis prior, aperte pugnam detractans, in castra copias reduxisset, sed etiam quod eo loco signa constituisset, quo phalanx, quam inutilem vel mediocris iniquitas loci efficeret, promoveri non posset.

[¶30] 37.12. As for the consul, besides his seeming loss of an opportunity for battle on the previous day and his giving the enemy a chance of withdrawing by night if they wished, he seemed on this day too to be wasting time on the pretext of offering sacrifice, although he should have given the signal at dawn and gone out to battle.

> Latin: 37.12. consul ad id, quod pridie praetermisisse pugnandi occasionem videbatur et locum dedisse hosti, si nocte abire vellet, tunc quoque per speciem immolandi terere videbatur tempus, cum luce prima ad signum propositum pugnae exeundum in aciem fuisset.

[¶31] 37.13. At the third hour, after due completion of the sacrifice, he at last called a council, and in doing so seemed to some to be expending in talk and untimely advisement the time needed for carrying out action. In reply to such talk the consul delivered the following speech:

> Latin: 37.13. tertia demum hora sacrificio rite perpetrato ad consilium vocavit atque ibi, quod rei gerendae tempus esset, loquendo et intempestive consultando videbatur quibusdam extrahere. … sermones tamen consul orationem habuit.

[¶32] 38.1. "That excellent young man, Publius Nasica, alone among all those who favoured fighting yesterday disclosed his opinion to me; he too kept silent later, so that he may have seemed to have exchanged his view for mine.

> Latin: 38.1. ‘P. Nasica, egregius adulescens, ex omnibus unus, quibus hesterno die pugnari placuit, denudavit mihi suum consilium; idem postea, ita ut transisse in sententiam meam videri posset, tacuit.

[¶33] 38.2. Certain others thought it better to criticize their general behind his back rather than to advise him openly.

> Latin: 38.2. quibusdam aliis absentem carpere imperatorem quam praesentem monere melius visum est.

[¶34] 38.3. Both to you, Publius Nasica, and to any others who less openly shared your opinion, I shall not hesitate to give an accounting for having postponed the battle.

> Latin: 38.3. et tibi, P. Nasica, et quicumque idem, quod tu, occultius senserunt, non gravabor reddere dilatae pugnae rationem.

[¶35] 38.4. For I am so far from regretting our inactivity yesterday that I believe I saved the army by so planning. That none of you may believe me to hold this opinion groundlessly, come let each, if he please, review with me how many factors weighed for the enemy and against us. First of all, of their great superiority in numbers I am sure that you were all previously aware, and that you took notice of it on seeing the battle-line drawn up yesterday.

> Latin: 38.4. nam tantum abest, ut me hesternae quietis paeniteat, ut servatum a me exercitum eo consilio credam. in qua me opinione sine causa esse ne quis vestrum credat, recognoscat agedum mecum, si videtur, quam multa pro hoste et adversus nos fuerint.

[¶36] 38.5. Out of this small force of ours, one-fourth of the men were left to guard the baggage; and you know that the guarding of the packs is not put in the hands of the most cowardly.

> Latin: 38.5. iam omnium primum, quantum numero nos praestent, neminem vestrum nec ante ignorasse et hesterno die, explicatam intuentis aciem, animadvertisse certum habeo.

[¶37] 38.6. But suppose we had been united: can we possibly consider it a small advantage that we shall go out, with the good help of the gods, from this camp in which we have spent last night, to do battle either today or at latest tomorrow if we so determine?

> Latin: 38.6. ex hac nostra paucitate quarta pars militum praesidio inpedimentis relicta erat; nec ignavissimum quemque relinqui ad custodiam sarcinarum scitis.

[¶38] 38.7. Does it make no difference whether you bid a soldier take up arms and lead him into battle when he is wearied neither by the toil of a journey nor by construction on that day, when he is rested and refreshed in his own tent, when he is full of strength and vigorous in body and in spirit?

> Latin: 38.7. sed fuerimus omnes: parvom hoc tandem esse credimus, quod ex his castris, in quibus hac nocte mansimus, exituri in aciem hodierno aut summum crastino die, si ita videbitur, dis bene iuvantibus sumus?

[¶39] 38.8. Or whether he is wearied by a long march and tired by his load, dripping with sweat, his throat dry with thirst, his mouth and eyes full of dust, with the midday sun beating down upon him? Will you pit him against an enemy fresh and rested, who brings into battle a strength unsapped by previous exertion? Who, by the gods' good faith, when he is thus matched, sluggish though he be and unwarlike, will not overcome the bravest fighter?

> Latin: 38.8. nihilne interest, utrum militem, quem neque viae labor eo die neque operis fatigaverit, requietum, integrum in tentorio suo arma capere iubeas atque in aciem plenum virium, vigentem et corpore et animo educas, an longo itinere fatigatum et onere fessum, madentem sudore, arentibus siti faucibus, ore atque oculis repletis pulvere, torrente meridiano sole, hosti obicias recenti, requieto, qui nulla re ante consumptas vires ad proelium adferat?

[¶40] 38.10. "What of the fact that the enemy had drawn up their line completely at leisure, had made ready their spirits, were standing each at his post in the ranks, while we at that time had to incur the hasty turmoil of drawing up our line and had to enter battle in disorder?

> Latin: 38.10. quis pro deum fidem ita conparatus, vel iners atque inbellis, fortissimum virum non vicerit? quid, quod hostes per summum otium instruxerant aciem, praeparaverant animos, stabant conpositi suis quisque ordinibus, nobis tunc repente trepidandum in acie instruenda erat et incompositis concurrendum?

[¶41] 39.1. Oh yes, you say, we should have had a battle-line undeployed and disorderly; but our camp was fortified, our water-supply found, the way to it secured by placing guards, and reconnaissance made all around.

> Latin: 39.1. at hercule aciem quidem inconditam inordinatamque habuissemus; castra munita, provisam aquationem, tutum ad eam iter praesidiis inpositis, explorata circa omnia, an nihil nostri habentes praeter nudum campum, in quo pugnaremus?

[¶42] 39.2. Or did our men have nothing but the bare ground on which to fight...? Your ancestors regarded a fortified camp as a haven against all the mischances of an army, whence they might go out to fight, and whither they might find shelter from the storm of battle.

> Latin: 39.2. maiores vestri castra munita portum ad omnis casus exercitus ducebant esse, unde ad pugnam exirent, quo iactati tempestate pugnae receptum haberent.

[¶43] 39.3. Therefore when they had walled in their camp with fortifications, they used also to strengthen it with a powerful garrison, because one who had been stripped of his camp, even though he had won the battle, would be considered the loser. Camp is the shelter of the conqueror, the refuge of the conquered.

> Latin: 39.3. ideo, cum munimentis ea saepsissent, praesidio quoque valido firmabant, quod, qui castris exutus erat, etiamsi pugnando acie vicisset, pro victo haberetur. castra sunt victori receptaculum, victo perfugium.

[¶44] 39.4. How many armies meeting with none too favourable fortune in battle, after being driven within their rampart, have in their own good time, sometimes after only a moment, sallied forth and routed the victorious enemy?

> Latin: 39.4. quam multi exercitus, quibus minus prospera pugnae fortuna fuit, intra vallum conpulsi tempore suo, interdum momento post, eruptione facta victorem hostem pepulerunt?

[¶45] 39.5. This abode is a second home for the soldier, its rampart takes the place of city walls and his own tent is the soldier's dwelling and hearthside. Should we have fought like nomads with no abode, so that, whether conquered or conquerors, we might return —where?

> Latin: 39.5. patria altera est militaris haec sedes, vallumque pro moenibus et tentorium suum cuique militi domus ac penates sunt. sine ulla sede vagi dimicassemus, ut quo victores nos reciperemus?

[¶46] 39.6. "To this statement of the difficulties and hindrances to battle, here is the rejoinder: what if the enemy had departed during the interval of last night? How much toil would we have had to expend in the renewed pursuit far into the utmost end of Macedonia?

> Latin: 39.6. his difficultatibus et impedimentis pugnae illud opponitur: quid si hostis hac interposita nocte abisset, quantum rursus sequendo eo penitus in ultimam Macedoniam exhauriendum laboris erat?

[¶47] 39.7. For my part I am sure that he would never have remained here or led his forces out into battle-line had he decided to retreat from here. For how much easier it would have been to depart while we were at a distance than now when we are on his neck and he cannot trick us by leaving either by night or day?

> Latin: 39.7. ego autem neque mansurum eum neque in aciem copias educturum fuisse certum habeo, si cedere hinc statuisset. quanto enim facilius abire fuit, cum procul abessemus, quam nunc, cum in cervicibus sumus, nec fallere nos interdiu aut nocte abeund o potest?

[¶48] 39.8. What more can we wish than to attack our enemy in open country from the rear of his retreating and dispersed column after he has left his fortifications, instead of attacking, as we have attempted to do, his camp protected by the lofty bank of a river, and barricaded as well with a rampart and plenty of towers? “These were my reasons for postponing battle from yesterday to today.”

> Latin: 39.8. quid autem est nobis optatius quam ut, quorum castra praealta fluminis ripa tuta, vallo insuper saepta ac crebris turribus, oppugnare adorti sumus, eos relictis munimentis agmine effuso abeuntis in patentibus campis ab tergo adoriamur? hae dilatae pugnae ex hesterno die in hodiernum causae fuerunt.

[¶49] 39.9. “For I too prefer to fight; and therefore since the way to the enemy was barred by the Elpeüs River, I have opened a new road by expelling the enemy's guards from a different pass, and I will not turn back till I have fought to a finish.”

> Latin: 39.9. pugnare enim et ipsi mihi placet, et ideo, quia per Elpeum amnem saepta ad hostem via erat, alio saltu deiectis hostium praesidiis novom iter aperui neque prius, quam debellavero, absistam.’

[¶50] 40.1. After this speech silence ensued, partly because men had changed over to his opinion, partly because they shrank from offending him to no purpose in a matter which was in any case a lost opportunity and could not be brought back. Nor even on that day did either the consul or the king care to fight, the king because he would have had to attack men no longer weary from travel as on the previous day, nor in turmoil as they marshalled their line of battle and hardly in formation, the consul because neither wood nor fodder had been collected in the new camp and a large number of soldiers had gone out of camp to seek them from the near-by countryside. Without either general wishing it, Fortune, which is stronger than human planning, brought on the battle. There was a stream of no great size nearer the camp of the enemy, from which both the Macedonians and the Romans were drawing water after posting guards on either bank in order to accomplish this mission safely. There were two cohorts on the Roman side, a Marrucinian and a Paelignian, and two troops of Samnite cavalry under the command of the staff-officer Marcus Sergius Silus; another fixed outpost was stationed before the camp under the staff-officer Gaius Cluvius, composed of three cohorts, from Firmum, the Vestini, and Cremona respectively, and two troops of cavalry from Placentia and Aesernia. While there was quiet at the river, since neither side took the offensive, about the ninth hour a baggage-animal shied from the hands of his grooms and escaped toward the other bank. While three soldiers were chasing him through the water, which was about knee-deep, two Thracians dragged the animal from mid-stream to their bank; the Romans pursued them, killed one, recaptured the animal, and retired to their post. There was a guard of eight hundred Thracians on the Macedonian bank. At first a few of these, angry at the killing of their fellow-countryman before their eyes, crossed the river in pursuit of the killers, then more went, and finally the whole force, and with the guard..

> Latin: 40.1. post hanc orationem silentium fuit partim traductis in sententiam eius, partim verentibus nequiquam offendere in eo, quod utcumque praetermissum revocari non posset. ac ne illo ipso quidem die aut consuli aut regi pugnare placebat, regi, quod nec fessos, ut pridie, ex via neque trepidantis in acie instruenda et vixdum compositos adgressurus erat, consuli, quod in novis castris non ligna, non pabulum convectum erat, ad quae petenda ex propinquis agris magna pars militum e castris exierat. neutro imperatorum volente fortuna, quae plus consiliis humanis pollet, contraxit certamen. flumen erat haud magnum propius hostium castris, ex quo et Macedones et Romani aquabantur praesidiis ex utraque ripa positis, ut id facere tuto possent. duae cohortes a parte Romanorum erant, Marrucina et Paeligna, duae turmae Samnitium equitum, quibus praeerat M. Sergius Silus legatus; et aliud pro castris stativom erat praesidium sub C. Cluvio legato, tres cohortes, Firmana, Vestina, Cremonensis, duae turmae equitum, Placentina et Aesernina. cum otium ad flumen esset neutris lacessentibus, hora circiter nona iumentum e manibus curantium elapsum in ulteriorem ripam effugit. quod cum per aquam ferme genus tenus altam tres milites sequerentur, Threces duo id iumentum ex medio alveo in suam ripam trahentes …, altero eorum occiso receptoque eo iumento ad stationem suorum se recipiebant. octingentorum Thracum praesidium in hostium ripa erat. ex his pauci primo, aegre passi popularem in suo conspectu caesum, ad persequendos interfectores fluvium transgressi sunt, dein plures, postremo omnes, et cum praesidio … … proelium ducit.

[¶51] 41.1. ... led... the battle. The men were stirred by the prestige of his office, the fame of the man, and above all by his age, for though he was over sixty he kept assuming functions of men in their prime in undergoing an outstanding amount of toil and danger. The legion filled the space between the light infantry and the phalanxes and broke the enemy line.

> Latin: 41.1. movebat imperii maiestas, gloria viri, ante omnia aetas, quod maior sexaginta annis iuvenum munia in parte praecipua laboris periculique capessebat. intervallum, quod inter cetratos et phalanges erat, inplevit legio atque aciem hostium interrupit.

[¶52] 41.2. In the rear were the light infantry; the consul faced a unit with metal shields —these were called the Bronze Shields. Lucius Albinus the ex-consul was ordered to lead the second legion against the White Shield phalanx; this was the centre of the hostile line.

> Latin: 41.2. a tergo cetrati erant, frontem adversus clupeatos habebat; chalcaspides appellabantur. secundam legionem L. Albinus consularis ducere adversus leucaspidem phalangem iussus;

[¶53] 41.3. On the right wing, where the battle had begun near the river, the consul brought up the elephants and the squadrons of the allies; and from this point the flight of the Macedonians first began.

> Latin: 41.3. ea media acies hostium fuit. in dextrum cornu, unde circa fluvium commissum proelium erat, elephantos inducit et alas sociorum;

[¶54] 41.4. For, as frequently men's new inventions appear strong when described, but in actual trial, when there is need for action rather than a description of how they will act, these inventions disappear without achieving any result, so in this battle the anti-elephant corps was a mere name without practical effect.

> Latin: 41.4. et hinc primum fuga Macedonum est orta. nam sicut pleraque nova conmenta mortalium in verbis vim habent, experiendo, cum agi, non, quem ad modum agatur, edisseri oportet, sine ullo effectu evanescunt, ita tum elephantos … Macedonum sine ullo usu fuerunt.

[¶55] 41.5. The charge of the elephants was followed up by the allies of the Latin Name, who routed the left wing.

> Latin: 41.5. elephantorum impetum subsecuti sunt socii nominis Latini pepuleruntque laevom cornu.

[¶56] 41.6. In the centre the charge of the second legion scattered the phalanx. No reason for the victory was more obvious than the fact that there were many scattered engagements which first threw into confusion and then disrupted the wavering phalanx. The power of this formation when closed up and bristling with spears extended is irresistible;

> Latin: 41.6. in medio secunda legio inmissa dissipavit phalangem. neque ulla evidentior causa victoriae fuit, quam quod multa passim proelia erant, quae fluctuantem turbarunt primo, deinde disiecerunt phalangem, cuius confertae et intentis horrentis hastis intolerabiles vires sunt;

[¶57] 41.7. but if by attacks at several points you compel them to swing their spears about, unwieldy because of their length and weight, they become tangled in a haphazard mass; and if indeed some sort of uproar is heard on a flank or from the rear, they are involved in utter confusion.

> Latin: 41.7. si carptim adgrediendo circumagere inmobilem longitudine et gravitate hastam cogas, confusa strue inplicantur; si vero aut ab latere aut ab tergo aliquid tumultus increpuit, ruinae modo turbantur, sicut tum adversus catervatim incurrentes Romanos et interrupta multifariam acie obviam ire cogebantur;

[¶58] 41.8. Such was the case on this occasion, when the phalanx was compelled to meet the Romans who were attacking in groups, while the Macedonian line was broken at many points. The Romans for their part kept infiltrating their units wherever gaps presented themselves. If they had attacked frontally in solid line against an orderly phalanx, as happened to the Paelignians who at the beginning of the battle recklessly met the light infantry, the Romans would have spitted themselves on the spears and would not have withstood the solid line.

> Latin: 41.8. et Romani, quacumque data intervalla essent, insinuabant ordines suos. qui si universa acie in frontem adversus instructam phalangem concurrissent, quod Paelignis principio pugnae incaute congressis adversus cetratos evenit, induissent se hastis nec confertam aciem sustinuissent.

[¶59] 42.1. However, while the infantry were being slaughtered all over the field, except for those who cast away their weapons and fled, the cavalry on the other hand retired from the fight almost unscathed.

> Latin: 42.1. ceterum sicut peditum passim caedes fiebant, nisi qui abiectis armis fugerunt, sic equitatus prope integer pugna excessit.

[¶60] 42.2. The king himself was the leader in the flight. Directly from Pydna he set out for Pella with the Sacred Squadrons of cavalry; immediately Cotys and the Odrysan cavalry followed them.

> Latin: 42.2. princeps fugae rex ipse erat. iam a Pydna cum sacris alis equitum Pellam petebat; confestim eos Cotys sequebatur Odrysarumque equitatus.

[¶61] 42.3. The other Macedonian squadrons also continued to retreat in orderly formation because the line of the infantry in between kept the victors busy with slaughter and caused them to forget the pursuit of the cavalry.

> Latin: 42.3. ceterae quoque Macedonum alae integris abibant ordinibus, quia interiecta peditum acies, cuius caedes victores tenebat, inmemores fecerat sequendi equites.

[¶62] 42.4. For a long time the phalanx was cut to pieces from the front, from the flanks, and from the rear. Finally those who slipped through the hands of the Romans fled weaponless to the sea, and some even entered the water and raising their hands to the men on board ship humbly begged for life.

> Latin: 42.4. diu phalanx a fronte, a lateribus, ab tergo caesa est. postremo qui ex hostium manibus elapsi erant, inermes ad mare fugientes, quidam aquam etiam ingressi, manus ad eos, qui in classe erant, tendentes, suppliciter vitam orabant;

[¶63] 42.5. When they saw small boats gathering from all around the fleet, they thought that these were coming to pick them up, to take them prisoner rather than to kill them, and so they advanced farther into the water, some even swimming.

> Latin: 42.5. et cum scaphas concurrere undique ab navibus cernerent, ad excipiendos sese venire rati, ut caperent potius quam occiderent, longius in aquam, quidam etiam natantes, progressi sunt.

[¶64] 42.6. But when they were mercilessly cut down from the boats, those who could made for shore again by swimming and ran into a more dreadful form of destruction; for the elephants, guided by their mahouts to the shore, trampled and crushed the men coming out of the water.

> Latin: 42.6. sed cum hostiliter e scaphis caederentur, retro qui poterant nando repetentes terram in aliam foediorem pestem incidebant; elephanti enim ab rectoribus ad litus acti exeuntis obterebant elidebantque.

[¶65] 42.7. It is readily agreed that the Romans never killed so many Macedonians in any other single battle. For about twenty thousand men were slain; about six thousand who escaped from the battlefield to Pydna were taken alive, and five thousand stragglers were captured in flight. Of the victors not more than one hundred fell and by far the greater part of them were Paeligni; somewhat more were wounded. If fighting had broken out earlier, so that sufficient daylight would have remained for the victors to pursue, the entire Macedonian force would have been wiped out; as it was, the approach of night both sheltered the fugitives and inspired in the Romans a reluctance to pursue over unknown terrain.

> Latin: 42.7. facile convenit ab Romanis numquam una acie tantum Macedonum interfectum. caesa enim ad viginti milia hominum sunt; ad sex milia, qui Pydnam ex acie perfugerant, vivi in potestatem pervenerunt, et vagi ex fuga quinque milia hominum capta. ex victoribus ceciderunt non plus centum, et eorum multo maior pars Paeligni; volnerati aliquanto plures sunt. quod si maturius pugnari coeptum esset, ut satis diei victoribus ad persequendum superesset, deletae omnes copiae forent; nunc imminens nox et fugientes texit et Romanis pigritiem ad sequendum locis ignotis fecit.

[¶66] 43.1. Perseus fled to the Pierian Forest along the military road with a large column of cavalry and the royal entourage.

> Latin: 43.1. Perseus ad Pieriam silvam via militari frequenti agmine equitum et regio comitatu fugit.

[¶67] 43.2. As soon as they arrived in the forest, where there were many divergent ways, and night was approaching, the king left the road with a very few of his most trusty men.

> Latin: 43.2. simul in silvam ventum est, ubi plures diversae semitae erant, et nox adpropinquabat, cum perpaucis maxime fidis via devertit.

[¶68] 43.3. The cavalry, left without a commander, took various routes in dispersing to their own cities; a very few went on to Pella more rapidly than the king, since they had gone by the direct and clear way.

> Latin: 43.3. equites sine duce relicti alii alia in civitates suas dilapsi sunt; perpauci inde Pellam celerius quam ipse Perseus, quia recta expedita via ierant, pervenerunt.

[¶69] 43.4. The king was bothered till about midnight by losing his way and by various difficulties of the route. At the palace Perseus was waited upon by the commanders of Pella, Euctus, and Eulaeus, and the royal pages. On the other hand, of his friends who by various haps had come safely from the battle to Pella, not one came to him, though they were summoned many times.

> Latin: 43.4. rex ad mediam ferme noctem et errore et variis difficultatibus viae vexatus est. in regia maesta Perseo qui Pellae praeerant, Eulaeus Euctusque, et regii pueri praesto erant. contra ea amicorum, qui alii alio casu servati ex proelio Pellam venerant, cum saepe arcessiti essent, nemo ad eum venit.

[¶70] 43.6. There were only three companions in flight with him, Evander the Cretan, Neon the Boeotian, and Archidamus the Aetolian.

> Latin: 43.6. tres erant tantum cum eo fugae comites, Euander Cretensis, Neo Boeotius et Archidamus Aetolus.

[¶71] 43.7. With these he escaped in the fourth watch, being now afraid that those who refused to come to him would presently venture on a bolder stroke.

> Latin: 43.7. cum iis, iam metuens, ne, qui venire ad se abnuerent, maius aliquid mox auderent, quarta vigilia profugit.

[¶72] 43.8. His escort was composed of about five hundred Cretans. He was making for Amphipolis; but he had left Pella at night because of his anxiety to cross the Axius River before dawn, since he thought that because of the difficulty of crossing this would be the limit of the Roman pursuit.

> Latin: 43.8. secuti eum sunt admodum quingenti Cretenses. petebat Amphipolim; sed nocte a Pella exierat, properans ante lucem Axium amnem traicere, eum finem sequendi propter difficultatem transitus fore ratus Romanis.

[¶73] 44.1. When the consul returned victorious to camp, he was prevented from enjoying an unalloyed delight by the sting of worry over his younger son.

> Latin: 44.1. consulem, cum se in castra victor recepisset, ne sincero gaudio frueretur, cura de minore filio stimulabat.

[¶74] 44.2. This was Publius Scipio, who was also called Africanus later after the destruction of Carthage, born son to the consul Paulus and by adoption grandson of Africanus.

> Latin: 44.2. P. Scipio is erat, Africanus et ipse postea deleta Carthagine appellatus, naturalis consulis Pauli filius, adoptione Africani nepos.

[¶75] 44.3. This son was then in his seventeenth year, a fact which in itself increased the anxiety for him, and had been carried away in another direction by a crowd while in hot pursuit of the enemy. When he returned very late, then at last on the safe recovery of his son the consul felt the joy of so great a victory.

> Latin: 44.3. is septumum decumum tunc annum agens, quod ipsum curam augebat, dum effuse sequitur hostes, in partem aliam turba ablatus erat; et serius cum redisset, tunc demum recepto sospite filio victoriae tantae gaudium consul sensit.

[¶76] 44.4. At Amphipolis the news of the battle had by now arrived; there was a gathering of the matrons in the temple of Diana whom they call Tauropolos, to pray for help. Diodorus, who was in charge of the city, feared that the Thracians, two thousand of whom were in the garrison, would plunder the city during the confusion. Hence he craftily hired a man to play the part of dispatch bearer, from whom he received papers in the middle of the market place.

> Latin: 44.4. Amphipolim cum iam fama pugnae pervenisset concursusque matronarum in templum Dianae, quam Tauropolon vocant, ad opem exposcendam fieret, Diodorus, qui praeerat urbi, metuens, ne Thraces, quorum duo milia in praesidio erant, urbem in tumultu diriperent, ab subornato ab se per fallaciam in tabellarii speciem litteras in foro medio accepit.

[¶77] 44.5. The message in these despatches was that the Roman fleet had put in at Emathia and was harassing the surrounding countryside, and that the officers in charge of Emathia requested him to send a force against the ravagers.

> Latin: 44.5. scriptum in iis erat, ad Emathiam classem Romanam adpulsam esse agrosque circa vexari; orare praefectos Emathiae, ut praesidium adversus populatores mittat.

[¶78] 44.6. After reading this, he urged the Thracians to start out to defend the coast of Emathia, telling them that they would cause great slaughter and get great booty among the Romans scattered all over the fields.

> Latin: 44.6. his lectis hortatur Thracas, ut ad tuendam Emathiae oram proficiscantur: magnam eos caedem praedamque palatis passim per agros Romanis facturos.

[¶79] 44.7. At the same time he minimized the report of the loss of a battle; if this were true, he said, man after man would have been arriving direct from the rout.

> Latin: 44.7. simul elevat famam adversae pugnae: quae si vera foret, alium super alium recentes ex fuga venturos fuisse.

[¶80] 44.8. Having got rid of the Thracians on this pretext, he barred the gates as soon as he saw that they had crossed the Strymon.

> Latin: 44.8. per hanc causam Thracibus ablegatis, simul transgressos eos Strymonem vidit, portas clausit.

[¶81] 45.1. On the second day after the battle Perseus arrived at Amphipolis.

> Latin: 45.1. Tertio die Perseus, quam pugnatum erat, Amphipolim venit.

[¶82] 45.2. From there he sent ambassadors with the staff of Mercury to Paulus. Meanwhile Hippias, Midon, and Pantauchus, the chief among the king's friends, set out of their own accord from Beroea, where they had taken refuge after the battle, and surrendered to the Romans at the consul's camp. Others too, overcome with fear, were thereafter preparing to do the same.

> Latin: 45.2. inde oratores cum caduceo ad Paulum misit. interim Hippias et Midon et Pantauchus, principes amicorum regis, Beroea, quo ex acie confugerant, ipsi ad consulem profecti Romanis se dedunt.

[¶83] 45.3. The consul sent as messengers of his victory his son Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus with despatches to Rome and granted the spoils of the slain enemy to the infantry, and to the cavalry the right to plunder the surrounding territory, provided that they were not absent from camp for more than two nights.

> Latin: 45.3. hoc idem et alii deinceps metu perculsi parabant facere. consul nuntiis victoriae Q. Fabio filio et L. Lentulo et Q. Metello cum litteris Romam missis spolia iacentis hostium exercitus peditibus concessit, equitibus praedam circumiecti agri, dum ne amplius duabus noctibus a castris abessent.

[¶84] 45.4. He himself moved camp nearer to the sea by Pydna.

> Latin: 45.4. ipse propius mare ad Pydnam castra movit.

[¶85] 45.5. Beroea first, then Thessalonica and Pella, and then almost all Macedonia was surrendered within two days.

> Latin: 45.5. Beroea primum, deinde Thessalonica et Pella et deinceps omnis ferme Macedonia intra biduum dedita.

[¶86] 45.6. The people of Pydna who were nearest had not yet sent envoys; a heterogeneous crowd of numerous nationalities together and the mob which had been amalgamated by flight from the battlefield were standing in the way of planning and agreement among the citizens. The gates were not only closed but built up solid.

> Latin: 45.6. Pydnaei, qui proximi erant, nondum miserant legatos; multitudo incondita plurium simul gentium turbaque, quae ex acie fuga in unum conpulsa erat, consilium et consensum civitatis inpediebat; nec clausae modo portae, sed etiam inaedificatae erant.

[¶87] 45.7. Midon and Pantauchus were sent up to the walls to confer with Solon, who was in charge of the garrison; through him dismissal of the mob of soldiers was arranged. The city when surrendered was given to the Roman troops to plunder.

> Latin: 45.7. missi Midon et Pantauchus sub muros ad conloquium Solonis, qui praesidio praeerat; per eum emittitur militaris turba. oppidum deditum militibus datur diripiendum.

[¶88] 45.8. After Perseus had tried his only expedient, to get aid from the Bisaltae, to whom he sent envoys without result, he appeared before an assembly bringing his son Philip with him, in order to strengthen by exhortation the spirits of the people of Amphipolis themselves, and of the cavalry and infantry who had either accompanied him or had in their flight reached the same goal.

> Latin: 45.8. Perseus, una tantum spe Bisaltarum auxilii temptata, ad quos nequiquam miserat legatos, in contionem processit Philippum secum filium habens, ut et ipsos Amphipolitanos et equitum peditumque, qui aut se persecuti aut fuga eodem delati erant, adhortando animos confirmaret.

[¶89] 45.10. He began to speak several times, but tears choked him, and when he could not open his mouth he instructed Evander the Cretan in the matters which he wished to discuss with the people and went down from the sacred spot.

> Latin: 45.10. sed aliquotiens dicere incipientem cum lacrimae praepedissent, quia ipse hiscere nequiit, Euandro Cretensi editis, quae agi cum multitudine vellet, de templo descendit.

[¶90] 45.11. At the sight of the king and his truly pitiable weeping the crowd itself groaned and wept; but with equal readiness they would have none of Evander's speech; and some dared to shout from the midst of the assembly, “Get away from here so that we few survivors may not perish on your account.” The vehemence of these interruptions choked off Evander's speech.

> Latin: 45.11. multitudo sicut ad conspectum regis fletumque tam miserabilem et ipsa ingemuerat lacrimaveratque, ita Euandri orationem aspernabatur; et quidam ausi sunt media ex contione succlamare ‘abite hinc, ne, qui pauci supersumus, propter vos pereamus.’ horum ferocia vocem Euandri clausit.

[¶91] 45.12. Thereafter the king went home, put his money, his gold, and his silver into the scout-ships which were moored in the Strymon and himself went down to the river.

> Latin: 45.12. rex inde domum se recepit pecuniaque et auro argentoque in lembos, qui in Strymone stabant, delatis et ipse ad flumen descendit.

[¶92] 45.13. The Thracians and the rest of the mob of soldiers, not daring to trust themselves to ships, slipped away to their homes; the Cretans followed Perseus in hopes of cash. Because apportionment would create more hard feelings than gratitude, fifty talents were set out on the river-bank for them to scramble for.

> Latin: 45.13. Thraces navibus se committere non ausi domos dilapsi et alia militaris generis turba; Cretenses spem pecuniae secuti. et quoniam in dividendo plus offensionum quam gratiae erat, quinquaginta talenta iis posita sunt in ripa diripienda.

[¶93] 45.14. When after this scramble they were boarding the ships in riotous fashion, they sank one scout-ship at the mouth of the river by overcrowding it. On that day the party reached Galepsus, on the next Samothrace, their destination;

> Latin: 45.14. ab hac direptione cum per tumultum naves conscenderent, lembum unum in ostio amnis multitudine gravatum merserunt.

[¶94] 45.15. it is said that two thousand talents were brought there. Paulus sent men to take charge of all the surrendered cities, so that no wrong should be done to the conquered in the first days of peace; he kept the king's ambassadors with him and, since he did not know of the king's flight, sent Publius Nasica to Amphipolis with a small force of infantry and cavalry, both to ravage Sintica and to interfere with any moves of the king.

> Latin: 45.15. Galepsum eo die, postero Samothracam, quam petebant, perveniunt; ad duo milia talentum pervecta eo dicuntur. Paulus per omnes deditas civitates dimissis, qui praeessent, ne qua iniuria in nova pace victis fieret, retentisque apud se caduceatoribus regis P. Nasicam, ignarus fugae regis, Amphipolim misit cum modica peditum equitumque manu, simul ut Sinticen evastaret et ad omnes conatus regis impedimento esset.

[¶95] 46.3. Meanwhile Meliboea was captured and plundered by Gnaeus Octavius. At Aeginium, to besiege which the staff-officer Gnaeus Anicius had been sent, two hundred men were lost in a sally from the town because the people of Aeginium did not know that the war was over.

> Latin: 46.3. inter haec Meliboea a Cn. Octavio capitur diripiturque; ad Aeginium, ad quod oppugnandum Cn. Anicius legatus missus erat, ducenti eruptione ex oppido facta amissi sunt ignaris Aeginiensibus debellatum esse.

[¶96] 46.4. The consul set out from Pydna with his whole army and on the second day reached Pella, pitched camp a mile from there, and remained in this camp for a few days, examining the site of the city from all sides and noticing that it had not been chosen to be the capital without good reason.

> Latin: 46.4. consul a Pydna profectus cum toto exercitu die altero Pellam pervenit et cum castra mille passus inde posuisset, per aliquot dies ibi stativa habuit situm urbis undique aspiciens, quam non sine causa delectam esse regiam advertit.

[¶97] 46.5. It is situated on a hill sloping to the south-west; swamps of a depth impenetrable in summer or winter surround it, formed by the ponding of rivers. The citadel Phacus projects like an island from the swamp itself, where it comes nearest the city, and is set on an embankment, a huge construction designed to bear the weight of a wall and remain undamaged by the water of the surrounding swamp.

> Latin: 46.5. sita est in tumulo vergente in occidentem hibernum; cingunt paludes inexsuperabilis altitudinis aestate et hieme, quas restagnantes faciunt …. arx Phacus in ipsa palude, qua proxima urbi est, velut insula eminet aggeri operis ingentis imposita, qui et murum sustineat et umore circumfusae paludis nihil laedatur.

[¶98] 46.7. At a distance it appears to be joined to the city wall, but it is separated by a river within the walls and likewise connected by a bridge, so that there is no approach for a besieger from without nor is there any escape for anyone imprisoned by the king within, except over a very easily guarded bridge.

> Latin: 46.7. muro urbis coniuncta procul videtur; divisa est intermurali amni et eadem ponte iuncta, ut nec oppugnante externo aditum ab ulla parte habeat, nec, si quem ibi rex includat, ullum nisi per facillimae custodiae pontem effugium.

[¶99] 46.8. The royal treasury was located there; but at that time nothing was found except the three hundred talents which had been sent to King Gentius and then withheld.

> Latin: 46.8. et gaza regia in eo loco erat; sed tum nihil praeter trecenta talenta, quae missa Gentio regi, deinde retenta fuerant, inventum est.

[¶100] 46.9. During the days in camp at Pella, numerous embassies were received which came, especially from Thessaly, to offer congratulations.

> Latin: 46.9. per quos dies ad Pellam stativa fuerunt, legationes frequentes, quae ad gratulandum convenerant, maxime ex Thessalia, auditae sunt.

[¶101] 46.10. Then on receiving the news that Perseus had crossed to Samothrace, the consul set out from Pella and arrived at Amphipolis on the fourth day's march.

> Latin: 46.10. nuntio deinde accepto Persea Samothracam traiecisse, profectus a Pella consul quartis castris Amphipolim pervenit.

[¶102] 46.11. The pouring out of the entire populace to meet him showed to any one that Paulus had not robbed them of a just and good king...

> Latin: 46.11. effusa omnis obviam turba cuivis indicio erat non bono ac iusto rege orba … victoriae nuntii, Q.

## 15. Book XLV · chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/15/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/15/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. THE messengers of victory, Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus, summoned up the utmost possible speed and quickly arrived in Rome. Yet they found that the joy of their announcement had been anticipated. On the third day after the battle with the king, while games were being celebrated in the circus, a rumour in the audience suddenly swept over the whole auditorium that a battle had been fought in Macedonia and the king beaten; then the buzz increased; finally there arose shouting and clapping, as if a definite report of victory had arrived. The magistrates were astonished and sought after the originator of this sudden rejoicing. When no such person was found, the rejoicing as if for an established fact died away, but the happy omen lurked nevertheless in men's minds. After confirmation came through the genuine report on the arrival of Fabius, Lentulus, and Metellus, men rejoiced both in the actual victory and in the prophetic power of their spirits. The story is told of a second rejoicing by the mob at the circus, which seemed no less genuine. On the sixteenth of September, on the second day of the Roman Games, it is said that a messenger who said he came from Macedonia handed despatches wreathed with laurel to the consul Gaius Licinius as he was going up to start the chariot-race. When the race was over, the consul mounted his chariot and as he was being driven back to the reserved seats, showed the despatches to the people. At the sight of them the people at once forgot the show and rushed down into the arena. On the spot, the consul summoned the senate, had the despatches read, and on motion of the Fathers, announced to the people before the magistrates' seats that his colleague Lucius Aemilius had fought a pitched battle with King Perseus, that the Macedonian army had been slaughtered and routed, that the king had fled with but few followers, and that all the cities of Macedonia had come under the sway of the Roman people.

> Latin: 1.1. Fabius et L. Lentulus et Q. Metellus, quanta potuit adhiberi festinatio, celeriter Romam cum venissent, praeceptam tamen eius rei laetitiam invenerunt. quarto post die, quam cum rege est pugnatum, cum in circo ludi fierent, murmur repente populi tota spectacula pervasit pugnatum in Macedonia et devictum regem esse; dein fremitus increvit; postremo clamor plaususque velut certo nuntio victoriae allato est exortus. mirari magistratus et quaerere auctorem repentinae laetitiae; qui postquam nullus erat, evanuit quidem tamquam certae rei gaudium, omen tamen laetum insidebat animis. quod postquam veris nuntiis Fabi Lentulique et Metelli adventu firmatum est, cum victoria ipsa, tum augurio animorum suorum laetabantur. et altera traditur circensis turbae non minus similis veri laetitia. ante diem quintum decimum kal. Octobres, ludorum Romanorum secundo die, C. Licinio consuli ad quadrigas mittendas escendenti tabellarius, qui se ex Macedonia venire diceret, laureatas litteras reddidisse dicitur. quadrigis missis consul currum conscendit et, cum per circum reveheretur ad foros publicos, laureatas tabellas populo ostendit. quibus conspectis repente inmemor spectaculi populus in medium decurrit. eo senatum consul vocavit recitatisque tabellis ex auctoritate patrum pro foris publicis denuntiavit populo L. Aemilium collegam signis conlatis cum rege Perseo pugnasse; Macedonum exercitum caesum fusumque; regem cum paucis fugisse; civitates omnes Macedoniae in dicionem populi Romani venisse. his auditis clamor cum ingenti plausu ortus; ludis relictis domus magna pars hominum ad coniuges liberosque laetum nuntium portabant. tertius decimus dies erat ab eo, quo in Macedonia pugnatum est. postero die senatus in curia habitus, supplicationesque decretae, et senatus consultum factum est, ut consul, quos praeter milites sociosque navales coniuratos haberet, dimitteret; de militibus sociisque navalibus dimittendis referretur, cum legati ab L. Aemilio consule, a quibus praemissus tabellarius esset, venissent. ante diem sextum kal. Octobres hora fere secunda legati urbem ingressi sunt. ingentem secum occurrentium, quacumque ibant, prosequentiumque trahentes turbam in forum ad curiam perrexerunt. senatus forte in curia erat; eo legatos consul introduxit. ibi tantum temporis retenti, dum exponerent, quantae regiae copiae peditum equitumque fuissent, quot milia ex his caesa, quot capta forent;

[¶1] 2.5. On hearing this, shouting with great clapping of hands began; the games were deserted and most of the people took home the glad news to their wives and children. This was the twelfth day after the battle had taken place in Macedonia.

> Latin: 2.5. quam paucorum militum iactura tanta hostium strages facta; quam pavide rex fugisset; existimari Samothraciam petiturum; paratam classem ad persequendum esse, neque terra neque mari elabi posse.

[¶2] 2.6. II. Next day the senate met in the senate-house, a thanksgiving was voted, and a resolution passed that the consul should discharge men whom he had under oath, except soldiers and sailors, and that the question of dismissing soldiers and sailors should be put when the envoys who had sent the messenger ahead should arrive from the consul Lucius Aemilius. On the twenty-fifth day of September, about the second hour the envoys entered the city, and made their way to the forum, drawing after them a huge crowd of people who met them at every point on their way, and proceeded to escort them. The senate happened to be in the senate-house; the consul presented the envoys there.

> Latin: 2.6. eadem haec paulo post in contionem traducti exposuerunt; renovataque laetitia, cum consul edixisset, ut omnes aedes sacrae aperirentur, pro se quisque ex contione ad gratias agendas ire dis, ingentique turba non virorum modo sed etiam feminarum conpleri tota urbe deorum immortalium templa.

[¶3] 2.8. They were kept there just long enough to explain how large the king's forces of infantry and cavalry had been, how many thousand of them had been slain and how many captured, with the loss of how few of our men this great slaughter of the enemy had been accomplished, and how hastily the king had fled; it was thought, the envoys said, that he would make for Samothrace; the fleet was ready to pursue, and it would be impossible for him to slip away either by land or sea.

> Latin: 2.8. senatus revocatus in curiam supplicationes ob rem egregie gestam ab L. Aemilio consule in quinque dies circa omnia pulvinaria decrevit hostiisque maioribus sacrificari iussit.

[¶4] 2.9. On being brought before a meeting shortly thereafter, the envoys related the same facts. Joy broke out anew when the consul proclaimed that all sacred buildings should be opened;

> Latin: 2.9. naves, quae in Tiberi paratae instructaeque stabant, ut, si res posceret, in Macedoniam mitterentur, subduci et in navalibus conlocari;

[¶5] 2.10. from the meeting, each citizen went of his own accord to offer thanks to the gods, and all over the city the temples of the immortal gods were filled with a huge throng, not only of men, but of women too. The senate was recalled to the senate-house, voted that thanksgiving for the glorious achievement of the consul Lucius Aemilius should be observed for five days at all the banquet-tables of the gods, and ordered sacrifice offered with the larger victims. The ships which were moored in the Tiber ready and equipped to be sent to Macedonia, if circumstances demanded it, were to be put ashore and housed in the ship-sheds; the sailors were to be discharged after receiving their year's pay, and with them, all those who had taken the oath before the consul. It was voted to discharge all soldiers who were in Corcyra, at Brundisium, along the Adriatic, or in the territory of Larinum —for an army had been distributed among all these places, to enable Gaius Licinius to bring aid to his colleague, if the situation demanded it. At a meeting a thanksgiving was proclaimed to the people for the eleventh of October and the four days following.

> Latin: 2.10. socios navalis dato annuo stipendio dimitti et cum his omnes, qui in consulis verba juraverant; et quod militum Corcyrae, Brundisi, ad mare superum aut in agro Larinati esset — omnibus his locis dispositus exercitus fuerat, cum quo, si res posceret, C. Licinius collegae ferret opem — , hos omnes milites dimitti placuit. supplicatio pro contione populo indicta est ex ante diem quintum idus Octobres cum eo die in quinque dies.

[¶6] 3.1. From Illyricum two envoys, Gaius Licinius Nerva and Publius Decius, announced that the army of the Illyrians had been slaughtered, King Gentius was captured, and Illyricum was under the sway of the Roman people.

> Latin: 3.1. ex Illyrico duo legati, C. Licinius Nerva et P. Decius, nuntiarunt exercitum Illyriorum caesum, Gentium regem captum, in dicione populi Romani et Illyricum esse.

[¶7] 3.2. For this achievement under the leadership and auspices of the praetor Lucius Anicius, the senate voted thanksgiving for three days. The date was proclaimed by the consul as the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth of November.

> Latin: 3.2. ob eas res gestas ductu auspicioque L. Anici praetoris senatus in triduom supplicationes decrevit. iterum Latinae edictae a consule sunt in ante diem quartum et tertium et pridie idus Novembres.

[¶8] 3.3. Some historians relate that the ambassadors of the Rhodians, who had not yet been dismissed after the announcement of victory, were summoned to the senate, as if in mockery of their foolish pride, and that there Agepolis, their chief, spoke as follows:

> Latin: 3.3. tradidere quidam legatos Rhodios nondum dimissos post victoriam nuntiatam velut ad ludibrium stolidae superbiae in senatum vocatos esse;

[¶9] 3.4. the envoys had been sent by the Rhodians to bring about peace between the Romans and Perseus, since the war between them was the cause of hardship and injury to all Greece, and of expense and loss to the Romans themselves. The good fortune of the Roman people had been kind to the Rhodians in giving them the opportunity, now that the war had been brought to an end by other means, of congratulating the Romans on their glorious victory.

> Latin: 3.4. ibi Agepolim, principem eorum, ita locutum: missos esse legatos ab Rhodiis ad pacem inter Romanos et Persea faciendam, quod id bellum grave atque incommodum Graeciae omni, sumptuosum ac damnosum ipsis Romanis esset.

[¶10] 3.6. This was the speech of the Rhodian. The answer of the senate was that the Rhodians had sent that embassy through concern neither for the welfare of Greece nor for the outlays of the Roman People, but on behalf of Perseus.

> Latin: 3.6. fortunam populi Romani bene fecisse, quando finito aliter bello gratulandi sibi de victoria egregia Romanis opportunitatem dedisset. haec ab Rhodio dicta; responsum ab senatu esse: Rhodios nec utilitatium Graeciae gratia neque cura inpensarum populi Romani, sed pro Perseo legationem eam misisse;

[¶11] 3.7. For had their concern been as alleged, their envoys should have been sent when Perseus had led his army into Thessaly and for two years was besieging some Greek cities and alarming others with the threat of attack.

> Latin: 3.7. nam si ea fuisset cura, quae simularetur, tum mittendos legatos fuisse, cum Perseus in Thessaliam exercitu inducto per biennium Graecas urbes alias obsideret, alias denuntiatione armorum terreret;

[¶12] 3.8. At that time, there had been not a word about peace from the Rhodians. After they had heard that the Romans had overcome the passes and crossed into Macedonia, and that Perseus was surrounded, then the Rhodians sent an embassy for no other purpose than to snatch Perseus from the impending disaster. With this reply, the envoys were dismissed.

> Latin: 3.8. tum nullam pacis ab Rhodiis mentionem factam. postquam superatos saltus transgressosque in Macedoniam Romanos audissent et inclusum teneri Persea, tunc Rhodios legationem misisse, non ad ullam aliam rem quam ad Perseum ex inminenti periculo eripiendum. cum hoc responso legatos dimissos.

[¶13] 4.1. About the same time Marcus Marcellus, on his return from Spain after taking the noted city of Marcolica, also deposited in the treasury ten pounds of gold and silver of a value of one million sesterces.

> Latin: 4.1. per eosdem dies et M. Marcellus, ex provincia Hispania decedens Marcolica nobili urbe capta, decem pondo auri et argenti ad summam sestertii deciens in aerarium rettulit.

[¶14] 4.2. As the consul Aemilius Paulus was encamped near Sirae in the Odomantian territory, as was mentioned above, despatches from King Perseus were brought to him by three envoys of no rank. When Paulus perceived them in soiled garb and with tears streaming, it is said that he himself wept for the lot of man, since that king who shortly before, discontented with the kingdom of Macedonia, had attacked the Dardanians and Illyrians and summoned the Bastarnae to his aid, had now lost his army, and, stripped of his kingdom and driven to a small island, was a suppliant, protected by the sanctity of a temple, not by his own powers.

> Latin: 4.2. Paulus Aemilius consul cum castra, ut supra dictum est, ad Siras terrae Odomanticae haberet, litterae ab rege Perseo per ignobiles tres legatos … cerneret, et ipse inlacrimasse dicitur sorti humanae, quod, qui paulo ante non contentus regno Macedoniae Dardanos Illyriosque oppugnasset, Bastarnarum excivisset auxilia, is tum amisso exercitu, extorris regno, in parvam insulam conpulsus, supplex, fani religione, non viribus suis tutus esset.

[¶15] 4.4. But after he read “King Perseus to the Consul Paulus, greeting,” the folly of the man who did not realize the state of his fortunes erased all pity.

> Latin: 4.4. sed postquam a rege Perseo consuli Paulo salutem legit, miserationem omnem stultitia ignorantis fortunam suam exemit.

[¶16] 4.5. Therefore, although the body of the letter contained entreaties far from royal, yet that embassy was dismissed without an answer and without dispatches.

> Latin: 4.5. itaque, quamquam in reliqua parte litterarum minime regiae preces erant, tamen sine responso ac sine litteris ea legatio dimissa est.

[¶17] 4.6. Perseus understood what title the conquered must forget; therefore other dispatches, sent under his name without title, requested and obtained the sending of certain persons with whom he might discuss the status and the terms of his new lot.

> Latin: 4.6. sensit Perseus, cuius nominis obliviscendum victo esset; itaque alterae litterae cum privati nominis titulo missae et petiere et impetravere, ut aliqui ad eum mitterentur, cum quibus loqui de statu et condicione suae fortunae posset.

[¶18] 4.7. Three envoys were sent, Publius Lentulus, Aulus Postumius Albinus, and Aulus Antonius. Nothing was accomplished by that embassy, since Perseus clung with all his might to the title of king, while Paulus urged him to entrust himself and all he had to the discretion and mercy of the Roman People.

> Latin: 4.7. missi sunt tres legati P. Lentulus, A. Postumius Albinus, A. Antonius. nihil ea legatione perfectum est Perseo regium nomen omni vi amplectente, Paulo, ut se suaque omnia in fidem et clementiam populi Romani permitteret, tendente.

[¶19] 5.1. While these negotiations were under way, the fleet of Gnaeus Octavius put in at Samothrace. He too was attempting to entice the king to surrender now by menaces, now by hope, while the threat of force was kept imminent, when a matter brought about either by chance or plan lent him assistance in his undertaking.

> Latin: 5.1. dum haec aguntur, classis Cn. Octavi Samothracam est adpulsa. is quoque praesenti admoto terrore modo minis, modo spe perlicere, ut se traderet, cum conaretur, adiuvit in hoc eum res seu casu contracta seu consilio.

[¶20] 5.2. Lucius Atilius, a prominent young man, noticing that the people of Samothrace were in meeting, requested the magistrates for permission to address the people briefly. Permission being granted, he asked:

> Latin: 5.2. L. Atilius, inlustris adulescens, cum in contione esse populum Samothracum animum advertisset, a magistratibus petiit, ut sibi paucis adloquendi populi potestatem facerent.

[¶21] 5.3. “My hosts of Samothrace, is our understanding correct or false that this island is sacred, and all its soil is revered and unprofaned?”

> Latin: 5.3. permisso ‘utrum nos, hospites Samothraces, vere accepimus an falso sacram hanc insulam et augusti totam atque inviolati soli esse?

[¶22] 5.4. When all agreed that it was as sacred as he believed, he said, “Why then has a murderer polluted it, profaned it with the blood of King Eumenes, and although the preamble to every rite warns away from the holy things those whose hands are not pure, why do you yet permit your sanctuary to be defiled by the blood-stained person of a brigand?”

> Latin: 5.4. ’ cum creditae sanctitati adsentirentur omnes, ‘cur igitur’ inquit ‘polluit eam homicida, sanguine regis Eumenis violavit? et, cum omnis praefatio sacrorum eos, quibus non sint purae manus, sacris arceat, vos penetralia vestra contaminari cruento latronis corpore sinetis?

[¶23] 5.5. The story how Evander had nearly succeeded in murdering King Eumenes at Delphi had been bruited abroad throughout all the cities of Greece.

> Latin: 5.5. ’ nobilis fama erat apud omnes Graeciae civitates Eumenis regis per Euandrum Delphis prope perpetrata caedes.

[¶24] 5.6. Consequently, the Samothracians decided that, apart from the fact that they saw that they and their whole island and shrine were in the power of the Romans, the reproach against them was a just one. They sent Theondas, the chief magistrate of their community —they call him “king” —to Perseus to announce that Evander the Cretan was being accused of murder;

> Latin: 5.6. itaque, praeterquam quod in potestate Romanorum sese insulamque totam et templum cernebant esse, ne inmerito quidem ea sibi exprobrari rati, Theondan, qui summus magistratus apud eos erat — regem ipsi appellant —, ad Persea mittunt, qui nuntiaret argui caedis Euandrum Cretensem;

[¶25] 5.7. that there was a court of theirs established by ancestral custom to try those who were alleged to have brought unclean hands within the sacred precincts of the temple; and that if Evander trusted that he was innocent of the capital charge brought against him, he should appear to defend himself, whereas, if he dared not entrust himself to the court, he should free the temple of profanation, and provide for his own safety.

> Latin: 5.7. esse autem iudicia apud sese more maiorum conparata de iis, qui incestas manus intulisse intra terminos sacratos templi dicantur; si confideret Euander innoxium se rei capitalis argui, veniret ad causam dicendam, si committere se iudicio non auderet, liberaret religione templum ac sibimet ipse consuleret.

[¶26] 5.9. Perseus called Evander aside and said that he by no means advised him to stand trial, for he would have neither a good case nor sufficient influence. (Behind his words was the fear that Evander, if condemned, would reveal the king as the sponsor of the abominable crime.) What was there left, said Perseus, except to die bravely?

> Latin: 5.9. Perseus sevocato Euandro iudicium subeundi nullo pacto auctor esse: nec causa nec gratia parem fore. suberat et ille metus, ne damnatus auctorem se nefandi facinoris protraheret.

[¶27] 5.10. Evander made no open refusal, but saying that he preferred to die by poison rather than the steel, he secretly made ready for escape. When this was reported to the king, he feared that the anger of the Samothracians would turn against him, on the ground that he had caused the guilty party to escape punishment; so he ordered Evander killed.

> Latin: 5.10. reliqui quid esse, nisi ut fortiter moriatur? nihil palam abnuere Euander; sed cum veneno se malle mori quam ferro dixisset, occulte fugam parabat. quod cum renuntiatum regi esset, metuens, ne tamquam a se subtracto poenae reo iram Samothracum in se converteret, interfici Euandrum iussit.

[¶28] 5.11. When this murder had been hastily perpetrated, it suddenly occurred to Perseus that he had beyond doubt taken on himself the guilt of Evander. The latter had wounded Eumenes at Delphi, he had killed Evander at Samothrace; and so two of the most sacred shrines on earth had been profaned with human blood at his sole instigation.

> Latin: 5.11. qua perpetrata temere caede subiit extemplo animum, in se nimirum receptam labem, quae Euandri fuisset; ab illo Delphis volneratum Eumenen, ab se Samothracae Euandrum occisum, ita duo sanctissima in terris templa se uno auctore sanguine humano violata.

[¶29] 5.12. He turned aside accusation on this score by bribing Theondas to report to the people that Evander had committed suicide.

> Latin: 5.12. huius rei crimen corrupto pecunia Theonda avertit, ut renuntiaret populo Euandrum sibi ipsum mortem conscisse.

[¶30] 6.1. However, when he committed this terrible crime against his pre-eminent remaining friend, who had been tested in so many vicissitudes and had been betrayed because he had not betrayed the king, Perseus turned all hearts against him.

> Latin: 6.1. ceterum tanto facinore in unicum relictum amicum admisso, per tot casus expertum proditumque, quia non prodiderat, omnium ab se abalienavit animos.

[¶31] 6.2. Each one individually deserted to the Romans. By fleeing they forced the king too, left almost alone, to adopt some plan of flight; finally he appealed to Oroandes the Cretan, who knew the coast of Thrace from having made trading voyages there, to take him aboard a scout-ship and carry him to Cotys.

> Latin: 6.2. pro se quisque transire ad Romanos; fugaeque consilium capere solum prope relictum coegerunt; Oroandemque Cretensem, cui nota Threciae ora erat, quia mercaturas in ea regione fecerat, appellat, ut se sublatum in lembum ad Cotym deveheret.

[¶32] 6.3. There is a harbour Demetrium on a certain headland of Samothrace; the scout-ship was anchored there. At sun-down the needful equipment was carried to the shore; all the money that could be brought secretly was also carried down.

> Latin: 6.3. Demetrium est portus in promunturio quodam Samothracae; ibi lembus stabat. sub occasum solis deferuntur, quae ad usum necessaria erant, defertur et pecunia, quanta clam deferri poterat.

[¶33] 6.4. In the middle of the night, the king himself with three companions of his flight went by a back door of the house into a garden next to his bedroom and thence, after scrambling with difficulty over a wall, reached the sea.

> Latin: 6.4. rex ipse nocte media cum tribus consciis fugae per posticum aedium in propincum cubiculo hortum atque inde, maceriam aegre transgressus, ad mare pervenit.

[¶34] 6.5. Oroandes had waited just long enough for the money to be brought down, and in the early darkness had weighed anchor and was sailing directly for Crete.

> Latin: 6.5. Oroandes tantum moratus, dum pecunia deferretur, primis tenebris solverat navem ac per altum Cretam petebat.

[¶35] 6.6. When the ship was not found at the harbour, Perseus wandered about for some time on the shore and, finally, fearing the imminent approach of dawn, did not dare to return to the house where he was entertained, but took cover near an out-of-the-way corner on one side of the temple.

> Latin: 6.6. postquam in portu navis non inventa est, vagatus Perseus aliquamdiu in litore, postremo timens lucem iam adpropinquantem, in hospitium redire non ausus in latere templi prope angulum obscurum delituit.

[¶36] 6.7. Among the Macedonians there were Royal Pages, so-called, sons of the chief men chosen to wait upon the king; this troop, having accompanied the king in his flight had not even then left him, until by order of Gnaeus Octavius, announcement was made by a herald that if the Royal Pages and the other Macedonians who were in Samothrace surrendered to the Romans, they would secure their safety, their freedom, and all their possessions which they either had with them, or had left in Macedonia.

> Latin: 6.7. pueri regii apud Macedonas vocabantur principum liberi ad ministerium electi regis. ea cohors persecuta regem fugientem ne tum quidem abscedebat, donec iussu Cn. Octavi pronuntiatum est per praeconem, regios pueros Macedonasque alios, qui Samothracae essent, si transirent ad Romanos, incolumitatem libertatemque et sua omnia servaturos, quae aut secum haberent aut in Macedonia reliquissent.

[¶37] 6.9. At this word, they all made their way to the Romans, and reported their names to Gaius Postumius, a military tribune. The king's young children were also handed over to Octavius by Ion of Thessalonica, and no one was left with the king except Philip, his oldest son.

> Latin: 6.9. ad hanc vocem transitio omnium facta est, nominaque dabant ad C. Postumium tribunum militum. liberos quoque parvos regios Ion Thessalonicensis Octavio tradidit, nec quisquam praeter Philippum, maximum natu ex filiis, cum rege relictus.

[¶38] 6.10. Then Perseus surrendered himself and his son to Octavius, railing at his fortune and the gods in whose temple he was, who had done nothing to aid their suppliant.

> Latin: 6.10. tum sese filiumque Octavio tradidit, fortunam deosque, quorum in templo erat, nulla ope supplicem iuvantis accusans.

[¶39] 6.11. He was ordered to be placed in the flagship, and what was left of the money was brought there. The fleet immediately sailed back to Amphipolis.

> Latin: 6.11. in praetoriam navem inponi iussus, eodem et pecunia, quae superfuit, delata est, extemploque classis Amphipolim repetiit.

[¶40] 6.12. Thence Octavius sent the king to the consul's camp, sending ahead dispatches to inform the consul that the king was a prisoner and was being brought to him.

> Latin: 6.12. inde Octavius regem in castra ad consulem misit praemissis litteris, ut in potestate eum esse et adduci sciret.

[¶41] 7.1. Thinking that this was a second victory, as indeed it was, Paulus offered sacrifice at this message; he read the letter of the praetor before his assembled council, sent Quintus Aelius Tubero to meet the king, and ordered the others to remain in full numbers at headquarters.

> Latin: 7.1. secundam eam Paulus, sicut erat, victoriam ratus victimas cecidit eo nuntio, et consilio advocato litteras praetoris cum recitasset, Q. Aelium Tuberonem obviam regi misit, ceteros manere in praetorio frequentis iussit.

[¶42] 7.2. So great a crowd never gathered elsewhere for any sight. In the previous generation King Syphax had been brought as prisoner into a Roman camp, but apart from the fact that he was not comparable either as to his own reputation or that of his nation, he was a mere appendage to the war with Carthage, as Gentius was to this one with Macedonia.

> Latin: 7.2. non alias ad ullum spectaculum tanta multitudo occurrit. patrum aetate Syphax rex captus in castra Romana adductus erat. praeterquam quod nec sua nec gentis fama comparandus, tunc accessio Punici belli fuerat, sicut Gentius Macedonici;

[¶43] 7.3. Perseus was the chief enemy, and not only his own reputation and that of his father, grandfather, and the rest to whom he was related by blood and stock made him a cynosure, but the glory of Philip and Alexander the Great, who made the Macedonians masters of the world, radiated from him.

> Latin: 7.3. Perseus caput belli erat, nec ipsius tantum patris avique …, quos sanguine ac genere contingebat, fama conspectum eum efficiebat, sed effulgebant Philippus ac magnus Alexander, qui summum inperium in orbe terrarum Macedonum fecerant.

[¶44] 7.4. Perseus entered the camp in dark-coloured garb, with his son, but unattended by any other of his people whose presence as a sharer of his downfall might have made him more pitiable. He was unable to proceed because of the crowd rushing to gaze at him, until lictors were sent by the consul to clear a path to the headquarters.

> Latin: 7.4. pullo amictu cum filio Perseus ingressus est castra nullo suorum alio comite, qui socius calamitatis miserabiliorem eum faceret. progredi prae turba occurrentium ad spectaculum non poterat, donec a consule lictores missi sunt, qui summoto iter ad praetorium facerent.

[¶45] 7.5. The consul rose to meet him, though he ordered the others to keep their seats, and advancing a few steps offered his hand to the king as he entered, raised him when he fell at his feet, not allowing him to clasp his knees, brought him into the tent, and bade him be seated opposite the officers called as council.

> Latin: 7.5. consurrexit consul et iussis sedere aliis progressusque paulum introeunti regi dextram porrexit summittentemque se ad pedes sustulit nec attingere genua passus introductum in tabernaculum adversus advocatos in consilium considere iussit.

[¶46] 8.1. The first question put was, by what wrong had he been driven to make war on the Roman People with such determined enmity as to bring himself and his kingdom into utmost danger?

> Latin: 8.1. prima percontatio fuit, qua subactus iniuria contra populum Romanum bellum tam infesto animo suscepisset, quo se regnumque suum ad ultimum discrimen adduceret?

[¶47] 8.2. While all awaited an answer, he gazed silently at the ground for a long time and wept.

> Latin: 8.2. cum responsum expectantibus cunctis terram intuens diu tacitus fleret, rursum consul:

[¶48] 8.3. Then the consul asked again: “If you had received the kingdom as a young man, I should indeed be less surprised that you were unaware how powerful the Roman People is as a friend or as an enemy.”

> Latin: 8.3. ‘si iuvenis regnum accepisses, minus equidem mirarer ignorasse te, quam gravis aut amicus aut inimicus esset populus Romanus;

[¶49] 8.4. “As it is, since you had a part in the war which your father waged with us, and since you were aware of the peace that followed, which we observed with the utmost faithfulness toward him, what reasoning led you to prefer war rather than peace with men whose power in war, whose good faith in peace, you had alike tested?”

> Latin: 8.4. nunc vero, cum et bello patris tui, quod nobiscum gessit, interfuisses et pacis postea, quam cum summa fide adversus eum coluimus, meminisses, quod fuit consilium, quorum et vim in bello et fidem in pace expertus esses, cum iis tibi bellum esse quam pacem malle?

[¶50] 8.5. When no reply either to the question or the accusation was forthcoming, the consul continued, “However that may be, whether it has occurred through human mistake or chance or law of nature, be of good cheer. The misfortunes of many kings and of many peoples have shown that the mercy of the Roman People offers you not only hope, but an almost positive assurance of safety.”

> Latin: 8.5. ’ nec interrogatus nec accusatus cum responderet, ‘utcumque tamen haec, sive errore humano seu casu seu necessitate, inciderunt, bonum animum habe; multorum regum et populorum casibus cognita populi Romani clementia non modo spem tibi, sed probe certam fiduciam salutis praebet.

[¶51] 8.6. This the consul said in Greek to Perseus; then he continued in Latin to his staff: “You see before you a notable example of the changefulness of human affairs. I say this especially for you, young men. Therefore it is proper to offer no insult or violence to anyone, while one is in favourable circumstances, and not to trust to one's present fortune, since no one knows what evening will bring.”

> Latin: 8.6. ’ haec Graeco sermone Perseo; Latine deinde suis ‘exemplum insigne cernitis’ inquit ‘mutationis rerum humanarum. vobis hoc praecipue dico, iuvenes. ideo in secundis rebus nihil in quemquam superbe ac violenter consulere decet nec praesenti credere fortunae, cum, quid vesper ferat, incertum sit.

[¶52] 8.7. “He will be truly a man, in a word, whose spirit is neither deflected from its course by the breath of prosperity, nor broken by misfortune.” When the meeting was dismissed, the task of guarding the king was assigned to Quintus Aelius.

> Latin: 8.7. is demum vir erit, cuius animum neque prospera flatu suo efferet nec adversa infringet.’ consilio dimisso tuendi cura regis Q. Aelio mandatur.

[¶53] 8.8. On that day Perseus was entertained by the consul, and every other token of respect was shown him which could be shown under such circumstances. The army was then released to winter quarters.

> Latin: 8.8. eo die et invitatus ad consulem Perseus et alius omnis ei honos habitus est, qui haberi in tali fortuna poterat. exercitus deinde in hiberna dimissus est.

[¶54] 9.1. Amphipolis received most of the troops, the nearby cities the rest.

> Latin: 9.1. maximam partem copiarum Amphipolis, reliquas propinquae urbes acceperunt.

[¶55] 9.2. This was the end of the war between the Romans and Perseus, after four years of steady campaigning, and also the end of a kingdom famed over a large part of Europe and all of Asia.

> Latin: 9.2. hic finis belli, cum quadriennium continuum bellatum esset, inter Romanos ac Persea fuit idemque finis incliti per Europae plerumque atque Asiam omnem regni.

[¶56] 9.3. They reckoned Perseus as the twentieth after Caranus, who founded the kingdom. Perseus ascended the throne in the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, and was recognized as king by the senate in the consulship of Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius; his reign lasted eleven years.

> Latin: 9.3. vicensimum ab Carano, qui primus regnabat, Persea numerabant. Perseus Q. Fulvio L. Manlio consulibus regnum accepit, a senatu rex est appellatus M. Iunio A. Manlio consulibus, regnavit undecim annos.

[¶57] 9.4. The Macedonian nation was of no great reputation until the time of Philip, son of Amyntas. Later, when it had proceeded to expand under him, it was still confined within the bounds of Europe, though embracing all Greece and part of Thrace and Illyricum.

> Latin: 9.4. Macedonum gens obscura admodum fama usque ad Philippum, Amyntae filium, fuit; inde ac per eum crescere cum coepisset, Europae se tamen finibus continuit, Graeciam omnem et partem Threciae atque Illyrici amplexa.

[¶58] 9.5. Thereafter it overflowed into Asia, and Alexander, in the thirteen years of his reign, first brought under his sway all the well-nigh boundless empire that had belonged to the Persians, and then traversed Arabia and India, where the Indian Ocean embraces the uttermost ends of the earth.

> Latin: 9.5. superfudit deinde se in Asiam et tredecim annis, quibus Alexander regnavit, primum omnia, qua Persarum prope inmenso spatio imperium fuerat, suae dicionis fecit;

[¶59] 9.6. At that time the empire and name of the Macedonians was greatest on earth;

> Latin: 9.6. Arabas hinc Indiamque, qua terrarum ultimos finis rubrum mare amplectitur, peragravit.

[¶60] 9.7. thereafter at the death of Alexander it was torn into many kingdoms, as each leader snatched at resources for his own account, and its strength was dismembered; yet it endured for a hundred and fifty years from the topmost pinnacle of its fortune to its final end.

> Latin: 9.7. tum maximum in terris Macedonum regnum nomenque; inde morte Alexandri distractum in multa regna, dum ad se quisque opes rapiunt, laceratis viribus a summo culmine fortunae ad ultimum finem centum quinquaginta annos stetit.

[¶61] 10.1. When a report of the Roman victory penetrated to Asia, Antenor, who was lying off Phanae with his fleet of scout-ships, crossed from there to Cassandria.

> Latin: 10.1. victoriae Romanae fama cum pervasisset in Asiam, Antenor, qui cum classe lemborum ad Phanas stabat, Cassandriam inde traiecit.

[¶62] 10.2. When Gaius Popilius, who was at Delos to protect ships making for Macedonia, heard that the war had been brought to an end in Macedonia and that the enemy scout-ships had left their post, he for his part dismissed the ships of Attalus and proceeded to sail for Egypt to complete the mission on which he had started, so that he might be able to meet Antiochus before he reached the walls of Alexandria. As the ambassadors were sailing past Asia and came to Loryma, a harbour slightly more than twenty miles from Rhodes and situated exactly opposite to the city, the chief men of Rhodes met them (for the report of the victory had by now been brought to that city also) with the request that they put in at Rhodes;

> Latin: 10.2. C. Popilius, qui ad Delum praesidio navibus Macedoniam petentibus erat, postquam debellatum in Macedonia et statione summotos hostium lembos audivit, dimissis et ipse … adticis navibus ad susceptam legationem peragendam navigare Aegyptum pergit, ut prius occurrere Antiocho posset, quam ad Alexandreae moenia accederet. cum praeterveherentur Asiam legati et Loryma venissent, qui portus viginti paulo amplius milia ab Rhodo abest ex adverso urbi ipsi positus, principes Rhodiorum occurrunt — iam enim eo quoque victoriae fama perlata erat — orantes, ut Rhodum deveherentur: pertinere id ad famam salutemque civitatis, noscere ipsos omnia, quae acta essent quaeque agerentur Rhodi, et conperta per se, non volgata fama Romam referre.

[¶63] 10.5. for, said the Rhodians, it was a matter touching the reputation and safety of their city that the envoys should personally become acquainted with everything which had been done and was being done at Rhodes, and that they should carry back to Rome facts ascertained by themselves, not popular rumours.

> Latin: 10.5. diu negantes perpulerunt, ut moram navigationis brevem pro salute sociae urbis paterentur. postquam Rhodum ventum est, in contionem quoque eos iidem precibus pertraxerunt.

[¶64] 10.6. After many refusals, they induced the envoys to endure a short delay of their voyage for the sake of the safety of an allied city. After their arrival at Rhodes, the same leaders also dragged them by entreaty before an assembly. The arrival of the envoys increased rather than diminished the fear of the city;

> Latin: 10.6. adventus legatorum auxit potius timorem civitati quam minuit; omnia enim Popilius, quae singuli universique eo bello hostiliter dixerant fecerantque, rettulit et vir asper ingenio augebat atrocitatem eorum, quae dicerentur,

[¶65] 10.8. for Popilius rehearsed every hostile word or act during this war either on the part of individuals or of the commonwealth, and being a man of harsh temperament, he increased the savage effect of his remarks by his grim face and prosecutor's tone, so that, since he had no reason for a personal quarrel with Rhodes, the people guessed from the bitterness of one Roman senator what the attitude of the whole senate was toward them.

> Latin: 10.8. voltu truci et accusatoria voce, ut, cum propriae simultatis nulla causa cum civitate esset, ex unius senatoris Romani acerbitate, qualis in se universi senatus animus esset, coniectarent. C. Decimi moderatior oratio fuit, qui in plerisque eorum, quae commemorata a Popilio essent, culpam non penes populum, sed penes paucos concitores volgi esse dixit:

[¶66] 10.10. The speech of Gaius Decimius was milder, for he laid the blame for many of the offences mentioned by Popilius not at the door of the people as a whole, but at that of a few agitators;

> Latin: 10.10. eos venalem linguam habentis decreta plena regiae adsentationis fecisse et eas legationes misisse, quarum Rhodios semper non minus puderet quam paeniteret. quae omnia, si sana mens populo foret, in capita noxiorum versura.

[¶67] 10.11. these, he said, whose tongues were for sale, had written the decrees full of fawning upon the king and had sent those embassies concerning which the Rhodians had always felt as much shame as regret. All these acts, said Decimius, would, if the people's reason was sound, recoil upon the heads of the guilty.

> Latin: 10.11. cum magno adsensu auditus est non magis eo, quod multitudinem noxa levabat, quam quod culpam in auctores verterat.

[¶68] 10.12. There was great approval felt for his speech, but no more because he relieved the commons of blame than because he assigned responsibility to the guilty.

> Latin: 10.12. itaque cum principes eorum Romanis responderent, nequaquam tam grata oratio eorum fuit, qui, quae Popilius obiecerat, diluere utcumque conati sunt, quam eorum, qui Decimio in auctoribus ad piaculum noxae obiciendis adsensi sunt.

[¶69] 10.13. And so when the leaders of the Rhodians answered the Romans, their speeches were by no means as pleasing when the speaker tried at all costs to extenuate the charges made by Popilius, as when he agreed with Decimius in urging that the responsible persons should expiate their wrong. A decree was therefore passed at once that anyone convicted of saying or doing anything against the Romans in behalf of Perseus should be put to death.

> Latin: 10.13. decretum igitur extemplo, ut, qui pro Perseo adversus Romanos dixisse quid aut fecisse convincerentur, capitis condemnarentur. excesserunt urbe sub adventum Romanorum quidam, alii mortem sibi consciverunt.

[¶70] 10.14. Some had left the city on the arrival of the Romans, others committed suicide. After a delay of not more than five days at Rhodes, the ambassadors left for Alexandria. The Rhodians proceeded no less zealously to prosecute trials according to the decree passed in the presence of the Romans. This unflagging zeal in carrying the matter out was produced as much by the mildness of Decimius as by the harshness of Popilius.

> Latin: 10.14. legati non ultra quam quinque dies Rhodi morati Alexandream proficiscuntur. nec eo segnius iudicia ex decreto coram his facto Rhodii exercebant; quam perseverantiam in exequenda re tam Decimi lenitas quam ….

[¶71] 11.1. While this was going on, Antiochus had left Alexandria after an unsuccessful trial of the fortifications and had taken control of the rest of Egypt. He left at Memphis the elder Ptolemy whose claim to the throne he was pretending to support with his army, in order that he might attack the winner presently, and led his army off into Syria.

> Latin: 11.1. cum haec gererentur, Antiochus frustra temptatis moenibus Alexandreae abscesserat ceteraque Aegypto potitus, relicto Memphi maiore Ptolemaeo, cui regnum quaeri suis viribus simulabat, ut victorem mox adgrederetur, in Syriam exercitum abduxit.

[¶72] 11.2. Ptolemy was well aware of this ulterior motive too, and thought that, as long as his younger brother was cowed by fear of a siege, he might be restored to Alexandria with the aid of his sister and without opposition on the part of his brother's friends. He therefore kept sending, first to his sister, then to his brother and his friends, until he made an amicable settlement with them.

> Latin: 11.2. nec huius voluntatis eius ignarus Ptolemaeus, dum conterritum obsidionis metu minorem fratrem haberet, posse se recipi Alexandreae et sorore adiuvante et non repugnantibus fratris amici ratus primum ad sororem, deinde ad fratrem amicosque eius non prius destitit mittere, quam pacem cum iis confirmaret.

[¶73] 11.4. Suspicion was directed against Antiochus because, though he had turned over the rest of Egypt to Ptolemy, he had left a strong garrison at Pelusium.

> Latin: 11.4. suspectum Antiochum effecerat, quod cetera Aegypto sibi tradita Pelusi validum relictum erat praesidium.

[¶74] 11.5. It was evident that the key to Egypt was in Antiochus' hands, so that he could reinvade it when he wished. The upshot of a civil war between the brothers would be that the winner, worn out by the struggle, would be no match for Antiochus.

> Latin: 11.5. apparebat claustra Aegypti teneri, ut, cum vellet, rursum exercitum induceret; bello intestino cum fratre eum exitum fore, ut victor fessus certamine nequaquam par Antiocho futurus esset.

[¶75] 11.6. This wise reasoning by the elder brother was gratefully accepted by the younger brother and his associates; the sister gave much assistance not only by her advice, but by her entreaties.

> Latin: 11.6. haec prudenter animadversa a maiore cum adsensu minor frater quique cum eo erant acceperunt; soror plurimum adiuvit non consilio modo sed etiam precibus.

[¶76] 11.7. Accordingly, peace was made by general agreement, and the elder Ptolemy returned to Alexandria, without opposition even on the part of the mob, which had suffered throughout the war from a scarcity of all supplies not only during the siege, but after the enemy had left the walls, because nothing came in from Egypt.

> Latin: 11.7. itaque consentientibus cunctis pace facta Alexandream recipitur ne multitudine quidem adversante, quae in bello non per obsidionem modo, sed etiam postquam a moenibus abscessum est, quia nihil ex Aegypto subvehebatur, omnium rerum adtenuata inopia erat.

[¶77] 11.8. It would have been in order for Antiochus to rejoice at this conclusion had he led his army into Egypt for the purpose of restoring Ptolemy —the specious plea that he had employed in statements to all the states of Asia and Greece either when he received embassies or sent out messages. But he was so incensed that he prepared for war against the two brothers with much more urgency and bitterness than against the one.

> Latin: 11.8. his cum laetari Antiochum conveniens esset, si reducendi eius causa exercitum Aegyptum induxisset, quo specioso titulo ad omnis Asiae et Graeciae civitates legationibus recipiendis litterisque dimittendis usus erat, adeo est offensus, ut multo acrius infestiusque adversus duos quam ante adversus unum pararet bellum.

[¶78] 11.9. He immediately sent a fleet to Cyprus; and in early spring he himself advanced with his army into Hollow Syria on his way to Egypt.

> Latin: 11.9. Cyprum extemplo classem misit; ipse primo vere cum exercitu Aegyptum petens in Coelen Syriam processit.

[¶79] 11.10. Near Rhinocolura envoys from Ptolemy met him, offering thanks for his assistance in recovering Ptolemy's ancestral throne and requesting that he should not undo his act of kindness and rather say what he wanted done than shift from ally to enemy and act by force of arms. Antiochus replied that he would recall his fleet and lead back his army on no other terms than the cession to him of all Cyprus, Pelusium, and the region which lies around the Pelusian mouth of the Nile.

> Latin: 11.10. circa Rhinocolura Ptolemaei legatis agentibus gratias, quod per eum regnum patrium recepisset, petentibusque, ut suum munus tueretur et diceret potius, quid fieri vellet, quam hostis ex socio factus vi atque armis ageret, respondit non aliter neque classem revocaturum neque exercitum reducturum, nisi sibi et tota Cypro et Pelusio agroque, qui circa Pelusiacum ostium Nili esset, cederetur;

[¶80] 11.11. He also named a day before which he must receive the report of the execution of his terms.

> Latin: 11.11. diemque praestituit, intra quam de condicionibus peractis responsum acciperet.

[¶81] 12.1. After the time allotted for the truce had expired, Antiochus' officers sailed to Pelusium via the mouth of the Nile, while he marched through the Arabian Desert and, after being received by the inhabitants of Memphis and the rest of the Egyptians, partly through good-will and partly through fear, he came down to Alexandria by short marches.

> Latin: 12.1. postquam dies data indutiis praeteriit, … navigantibus ostio Nili ad Pelusium, per deserta Arabiae … ad Memphim incolebant, et ab ceteris Aegyptiis partim voluntate, partim metu, ad Alexandream modicis itineribus descendit.

[¶82] 12.3. When he had crossed the river at Eleusis, a place four miles away from Alexandria, the Roman envoys met him.

> Latin: 12.3. ad Eleusinem transgresso flumen, qui locus quattuor milia ab Alexandrea abest, legati Romani occurrerunt.

[¶83] 12.4. As they approached, he greeted them and offered his hand to Popilius; whereat Popilius handed him the tablets containing the decree of the senate in writing, and bade him read this first of all.

> Latin: 12.4. quos cum advenientis salutasset dextramque Popilio porrigeret, tabellas ei Popilius senatus consultum scriptum habentis tradit atque omnium primum id legere iubet.

[¶84] 12.5. On reading the decree, he said that he would call in his friends and consider what he should do; Popilius, in accordance with the usual harshness of his temper, drew a circle around the king with a rod that he carried in his hand, and said, “Before you step out of this circle, give me an answer which I may take back to the senate.” After the king had hesitated a moment, struck dumb by so violent an order, he replied, “I shall do what the senate decrees.”

> Latin: 12.5. quibus perlectis cum se consideraturum adhibitis amicis, quid faciendum sibi esset, dixisset, Popilius pro cetera asperitate animi virga, quam in manu gerebat, circumscripsit regem ac ‘priusquam hoc circulo excedas’ inquit, ‘redde responsum, senatui quod referam.’

[¶85] 12.6. Only then did Popilius extend his hand to the king as to an ally and friend. Later, when Antiochus had quitted Egypt by the appointed day, and the envoys had also confirmed by their own weighty approval the agreement of the brothers, who with great difficulty had settled on terms of peace, the Romans sailed for Cyprus, whence they sent away the fleet of Antiochus which had already defeated the Egyptian ships in battle.

> Latin: 12.6. obstupefactus tam violento imperio parumper cum haesitasset, ‘faciam’ inquit, ‘quod censet senatus.’ tum demum Popilius dextram regi tamquam socio atque amico porrexit. die deinde finita cum excessisset Aegypto Antiochus, legati concordia etiam auctoritate sua inter fratres firmata, inter quos vixdum convenerat pax, Cyprum navigant et inde, quae iam vicerat proelio Aegyptias naves, classem Antiochi dimittunt.

[¶86] 12.8. This embassy gained a great reputation among the nations, because Egypt had clearly been taken away from Antiochus after he had possession of it, and their ancestral kingdom had been restored to the House of Ptolemy.

> Latin: 12.8. clara ea per gentis legatio fuit, quod haud dubie adempta Antiocho Aegyptus habenti iam redditumque patrium regnum stirpi Ptolemaei fuerat.

[¶87] 12.9. The term of one of the consuls of this year was distinguished by a notable victory; the reputation of the other was correspondingly undistinguished, because he did not have the wherewithal for achievement.

> Latin: 12.9. consulum eius anni sicut alterius clarus consulatus insigni victoria, ita alterius obscura fama, quia materiam res gerendi non habuit.

[¶88] 12.10. At the very outset, when he proclaimed a day for his legions to assemble, he entered the sacred enclosure without taking the auspices. When the augurs were consulted on this matter, they declared that the day had been wrongfully set.

> Latin: 12.10. iam primum cum legionibus ad conveniendum diem dixit, non auspicato templum intravit. vitio diem dictam esse augures, cum ad eos relatum est, decreverunt.

[¶89] 12.11. The consul set out for Gaul, and had a fixed camp near Campi Macri close to Mounts Sicimina and Papinus. Later he spent the winter in the same region with the allies of the Latin Name; the Roman legions had remained at Rome, because the day for the assembly of the army was wrongfully appointed.

> Latin: 12.11. profectus in Galliam circa Macros campos ad montis Siciminam et Papinum stativa habuit; deinde circa eadem loca cum sociis nominis Latini hibernabat;

[¶90] 12.12. The praetors also went to their provinces, except Gaius Papirius Carbo, to whom Sardinia had fallen.

> Latin: 12.12. legiones Romanae, quod vitio dies exercitui ad conveniendum dicta erat, Romae manserant.

[¶91] 12.13. The senate decreed that he should conduct at Rome the court for suits between citizens and aliens, for this also had been allotted to him.

> Latin: 12.13. et praetores praeter C. Papirium Carbonem, cui Sardinia evenerat, in provincias iere. eum [dum] ius dicere Romae — nam eam quoque sortem habebat — inter cives et peregrinos patres censuerant.

[¶92] 13.1. Popilius, too, and the embassy which had been sent to Antiochus returned to Rome. They reported that the disputes between the kings had been settled and the army led out of Egypt into Syria.

> Latin: 13.1. et Popilius et ea legatio, quae missa ad Antiochum erat, Romam rediit; rettulit controversias inter reges sublatas esse exercitumque ex Aegypto in Syriam reductum.

[¶93] 13.2. Afterwards the envoys of the kings themselves arrived. Antiochus' envoys reported that to the king peace had seemed preferable to any conquest, since it was the wish of the senate, and that Antiochus had obeyed the orders of the Roman envoys as if they had been gods.

> Latin: 13.2. post ipsorum regum legati venerunt: Antiochi legati referentes omni victoria potiorem pacem regi, senatui quae placuisset, visam, eumque haud secus quam deorum imperio, legatorum Romanorum iussis paruisse;

[¶94] 13.3. Then they presented congratulations on the victory, to which the king would have contributed his aid, they said, if any demand had been made upon him.

> Latin: 13.3. gratulati dein de victoria sunt, quam omni ope, si quid imperatum foret, adiuturum regem fuisse.

[¶95] 13.4. Ptolemy's envoys offered thanks in the names of the king and Cleopatra together;

> Latin: 13.4. Ptolemaei legati communi nomine regis et Cleopatrae gratias egerunt:

[¶96] 13.5. they owed, they said, more to the Roman senate and people than to their own parents, more than to the immortal gods, since they had been freed by the Romans from a most wretched state of siege, and had recovered the ancestral kingdom which they had almost lost.

> Latin: 13.5. plus eos senatui populoque Romano quam parentibus suis, plus quam dis immortalibus debere, per quos obsidione miserrima liberati essent, regnum patrium prope amissum recepissent.

[¶97] 13.6. The senate's reply to Antiochus was that he had done what was right and proper in obeying the envoys, and that the Roman senate and people were pleased.

> Latin: 13.6. responsum ab senatu est Antiochum recte atque ordine fecisse, quod legatis paruisset, gratumque id esse senatui populoque Romano;

[¶98] 13.7. To the king and queen of Egypt, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, the reply was that the senate was very happy if by its agency something good and beneficial had come to pass, and that the senate would use its best efforts to convince them that the greatest bulwark of their reign was founded on the good faith of the Roman people.

> Latin: 13.7. regibus Aegypti, Ptolemaeo Cleopatraeque, si quid per se boni commodique evenisset, id magno opere senatum laetari daturumque operam, ut regni sui maximum semper praesidium positum esse in fide populi Romani ducant.

[¶99] 13.8. Instructions were given to Gaius Papirius the praetor that he should see that the customary presents were sent to the envoys.

> Latin: 13.8. munera legatis ut ex instituto mittenda curaret, C. Papirio praetori mandatum.

[¶100] 13.9. Despatches from Macedonia were then introduced, calculated to redouble the rejoicing over the victory; they reported that King Perseus was a prisoner of the consul.

> Latin: 13.9. litterae deinde e Macedonia allatae, quae victoriae laetitiam geminarent, Persea regem in potestatem consulis venisse.

[¶101] 13.10. After the royal embassies were dismissed, a dispute was heard between envoys from Pisa and from Luna. The Pisans complained that Roman colonists were driving them off their land, whereas the men of Luna declared that the land in question had been assigned to them by the board of three.

> Latin: 13.10. dimissis legatis disceptatum inter Pisanos Lunensesque legatos est Pisanis querentibus agro se a colonis Romanis pelli, Lunensibus adfirmantibus eum, de quo agatur, ab triumviris agrum sibi adsignatum esse.

[¶102] 13.11. The senate sent five men to investigate the facts about the boundary and make a decision, namely, Quintus Fabius Buteo, Publius Cornelius Blasio, Titus Sempronius Musca, Lucius Naevius Balbus, and Gaius Apuleius Saturninus.

> Latin: 13.11. senatus, qui de finibus cognoscerent statuerentque, quinqueviros misit Q. Fabium Buteonem, P. Cornelium Blasionem, T. Sempronium Muscam, L. Naevium Balbum, C. Apuleium Saturninum.

[¶103] 13.12. From the brothers Eumenes, Attalus, and Athenaeus a joint embassy of congratulation on the victory arrived. When Masgaba, too, the son of King Masinissa, landed from his ship at Puteoli, he was met by Lucius Manlius the quaestor who had been sent with money to meet him, to escort him at public expense to Rome. On Masgaba's arrival, a meeting of the senate was at once held for him.

> Latin: 13.12. et ab Eumene et ab Attalo et ab Athenaeo fratribus communis legatio de victoria gratulatum venit. et Masgabae, regis Masinissae filio, Puteolis nave egresso praesto fuit obviam missus cum pecunia L. Manlius quaestor, qui Romam eum publico sumptu perduceret.

[¶104] 13.13. There the young man spoke so as to make matters pleasing by their nature even more pleasing by his words. He recalled how much infantry and cavalry, how many elephants, and how much grain his father had sent to Macedonia during those four years.

> Latin: 13.13. advenienti extemplo senatus datus est. is adulescens ita locutus est, ut, quae rebus grata erant, gratiora verbis faceret. commemoravit, quot pedites equitesque, quot elephantos, quantum frumenti eo quadriennio pater suus in Macedoniam misisset:

## 16. Book XLV · chapters 13–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16/#p-N

[¶0] 13.14. He said that there were two matters which brought a blush to his father's cheeks: first, that the senate had requested through envoys what they needed for the war, and had not ordered it, and secondly, that they had sent him money for the grain.

> Latin: 13.14. duas res ei rubori fuisse, unam, quod rogasset eum per legatos senatus, quae ad bellum opus essent, et non inperasset, alteram, quod pecuniam ei pro frumento misisset.

[¶1] 13.15. Masinissa remembered, said his son, that he held a kingdom won by the Roman People, and that they had increased it and made it many times as great; he was satisfied with the usufruct of the kingdom, and knew that the ownership and title to it were vested in those who had given it.

> Latin: 13.15. Masinissam meminisse se regnum a populo Romano partum auctumque et multiplicatum habere; usu regni contentum scire dominium et ius eorum, qui dederint, esse;

[¶2] 13.16. Therefore it was right that they should claim what they wished from him, not request it, nor buy the products of his country that sprang from a soil that was their own gift. Masinissa was and would be satisfied with what the Roman People did not need.

> Latin: 13.16. sumere itaque eos de se, non rogare aequom esse neque emere ea ex fructibus agri ab se dati, quae ibi proveniant. id Masinissae satis esse et fore, quod populo Romano super esset.

[¶3] 13.17. After Masgaba had set out with this message, he said, horsemen had overtaken him to report that Macedonia had been conquered and to bid him congratulate the senate and point out to them that his father was so rejoiced over this event that he wished to come to Rome and offer sacrifice and thanksgiving to Jupiter, Greatest and Best, on the Capitol; he requested permission from the senate to do this, if they had no objection.

> Latin: 13.17. cum iis mandatis a patre profectum postea consecutos equites, qui devictam Macedoniam nuntiarent gratulatumque senatui iuberent indicare tantae eam rem laetitiae patri suo esse, ut Romam venire velit Iovique optimo maximo in Capitolio sacrificare et grates agere; id, nisi molestum sit, ut ei permittatur, ab senatu petere.

[¶4] 14.1. The answer was given to the prince that his father Masinissa was acting as was proper for a good and grateful man, in that he attached to payment due for kindness such credit and honour.

> Latin: 14.1. responsum regulo est facere patrem eius Masinissam, quod virum gratum bonumque facere deceat, ut pretium honoremque debito beneficio addat.

[¶5] 14.2. On the one hand the Roman People had profited by his brave and loyal aid in the Punic War, and on the other, he had secured his kingdom through the good will of the Roman People; after this balancing of favours, he had performed every possible act of friendship in wars against three kings successively.

> Latin: 14.2. et populum Romanum ab eo bello Punico forti fidelique opera adiutum, et illum favente populo Romano regnum adeptum; aequatis iis postea trium regum bellis deinceps omnibus eum functum officiis.

[¶6] 14.3. Joy over the victory of the Roman People was not surprising in a king who had linked with the fortunes of the Romans the whole hazard of his personal fortunes and those of his realm.

> Latin: 14.3. victoria vero populi Romani laetari eum regem mirum non esse, qui sortem omnem fortunae regnique sui cum rebus Romanis miscuisset. grates deis pro victoria apud suos penates ageret; Romae filium pro eo acturum.

[¶7] 14.4. As for thanks to the gods for the victory, let him offer them in his own home; his son would serve as his representative at Rome. The son had also offered sufficient congratulations on his own and his father's behalf. That Masinissa himself should leave his kingdom and go outside of Africa, apart from the fact that it was against his own interests, was also contrary to the public welfare of the Roman People, the senate believed.

> Latin: 14.4. gratulatum quoque satis suo ac patris nomine esse. ipsum relinquere regnum et Africa excedere, praeterquam quod illi inutile esset, non esse e re publica populi Romani senatum censere.

[¶8] 14.5. When Masgaba requested that Hanno, son of Hamilcar, be demanded as hostage in place of..., the answer was given that the senate considered it by no means just to exact hostages from the Carthaginians according to the judgment of Masinissa. The quaestor was ordered to buy gifts for the prince, in accordance with a resolution of the senate, to the amount of one hundred pounds of silver, and to escort him to Puteoli, to provide for all his expenses while he was in Italy, and to hire two ships to convey him and his suite to Africa.

> Latin: 14.5. petenti Masgabae, ut Hanno, Hamilcaris filius, obses in locum … exigeret. munera ex senatus consulto emere regulo quaestor iussus ex centum pondo argenti et prosequi eum Puteolos omnemque sumptum, quoad in Italia esset, praebere et duas naves conducere, quibus ipse comitesque regis in Africam deveherentur;

[¶9] 14.7. Garments were presented to all his suite, both free and slave.

> Latin: 14.7. et comitibus omnibus, liberis servisque, vestimenta data.

[¶10] 14.8. Not very much later dispatches were brought from Masinissa's other son Misagenes, stating that he had been sent with his cavalry to Africa by Lucius Paulus after the defeat of Perseus, that on his voyage his fleet had been scattered in the Adriatic, and he had arrived in ill heath with three ships at Brundisium.

> Latin: 14.8. haud ita multo post de altero Masinissae filio Misagene litterae adlatae sunt, missum eum ab L. Paulo post devictum Persea in Africam cum equitibus suis; navigantem dispersa classe in Hadriatico mari Brundisium tribus navibus aegrum delatum.

[¶11] 14.9. Lucius Stertinius the quaestor was sent to him with the same gifts which had been given at Rome to his brother, and was instructed to see to it that a house for entertainment... Freedmen had been distributed among the four city tribes except for those who had a son over five years old (these they ordered to be reckoned where they had been enrolled at the census immediately previous), and those who had an estate or estates in the country valued at over thirty thousand sesterces...

> Latin: 14.9. ad eum cum iisdem muneribus, quae data Romae fratri eius erant, L. Stertinius quaestor Brundisium missus iussusque curare, ut aedes hospitio … in quattuor urbanas tribus discripti erant libertini praeter eos, quibus filius quinquenni maior ex se natus esset, —

[¶12] 15.2. the privilege of enrolling was granted. Although this arrangement had become established in this way, Claudius said that it was impossible for a censor without a decree of the people to deprive any individual of his ballot, let alone a whole class.

> Latin: 15.2. eos, ubi proxumo lustro censi essent, censeri iusserunt—et eos, qui praedium praediave rustica pluris sestertium triginta milium haberent, — … censendi ius factum est —. hoc cum ita servatum esset, negabat Claudius suffragii lationem iniussu populi censorem cuiquam homini, nedum ordini universo adimere posse.

[¶13] 15.4. For if, said Claudius, the censor could move a man from his tribe, which was exactly what ordering him to change his tribe meant, he could remove him from all thirty-five tribes, that is, deprive him of citizenship and status as a free man-not determine where he should be enrolled but exclude him from enrolment.

> Latin: 15.4. neque enim, si tribu movere posset, quod sit nihil aliud quam mutare iubere tribum, ideo omnibus quinque et triginta tribubus emovere posse, id est civitatem libertatemque eripere, non ubi censeatur finire, sed censu excludere.

[¶14] 15.5. This was argued between the two censors; finally they resorted to the following solution: they drew lots publicly in the Hall of Liberty for one of the four city tribes, to which they would consign all those who had been slaves.

> Latin: 15.5. haec inter ipsos disceptata; postremo eo descensum est, ut ex quattuor urbanis tribubus unam palam in atrio Libertatis sortirentur, in quam omnes, qui servitutem servissent, coicerent.

[¶15] 15.6. The lot of the Esquiline tribe was cast; Tiberius Gracchus announced that they had decided to enrol all freedmen in this tribe.

> Latin: 15.6. Exquilinae sors exiit; in ea Ti. Gracchus pronuntiavit libertinos omnis censeri placere.

[¶16] 15.7. This matter was regarded by the senate as greatly to the credit of the censors. Thanks were voted to Sempronius, for having persisted in a praiseworthy undertaking, and to Claudius, for not interfering.

> Latin: 15.7. magno ea res honori censoribus apud senatum fuit. gratiae actae et Sempronio, qui in bene coepto perseverasset, et Claudio, qui non inpedisset.

[¶17] 15.8. More men were removed from the senate than by former censors, and more also ordered to sell their horses. All alike were by both censors removed from their tribe and made aerarii; nor was the disgrace of anyone who had been blacklisted by the one relieved by the other.

> Latin: 15.8. plures quam ab superioribus et senatu moti sunt et equos vendere iussi. omnes iidem ab utroque et tribu moti et aerarii facti, neque ullius, quem alter notaret, ab altero levata ignominia.

[¶18] 15.9. When the censors asked that their term of a year and a half be prolonged in order that they might, as was customary, see to repairs to buildings and inspect the public works for which they had contracted, the request was vetoed by the tribune Gnaeus Tremellius, because he had not been chosen for the senate.

> Latin: 15.9. petentibus, ut ex instituto ad sarta tecta exigenda et ad opera, quae locassent, probanda anni et sex mensum tempus prorogaretur, Cn. Tremellius tribunus, quia lectus non erat in senatum, intercessit.

[¶19] 15.10. In this same year Gaius Cicereius dedicated a temple to Moneta on the Alban Mount five years after he vowed it. In this year Lucius Postumius Albinus was consecrated as flamen of Mars.

> Latin: 15.10. eodem anno C. Cicereius aedem Monetae in monte Albano dedicavit quinquennio post, quam vovit. flamen Martialis inauguratus est eo anno L. Postumius Albinus.

[¶20] 16.1. When the new consuls Quintus Aelius and Marcus Junius put to the senate the question of provinces, the Fathers voted that Spain should again be made two provinces, after having been one during the Macedonian War;

> Latin: 16.1. Q. Aelio M. Iunio consulibus de provinciis referentibus censuere patres duas provincias Hispaniam rursus fieri, quae una per bellum Macedonicum fuerat, et Macedoniam Illyricumque eosdem, L.

[¶21] 16.2. also that the same officers, Lucius Paulus and Lucius Anicius, should command in Macedonia and Illyricum until on the advice of senatorial envoys they had made a settlement for these states which had been upset by war, and which were to be given a constitution other than monarchical.

> Latin: 16.2. Paulum et L. Anicium, obtinere, donec de sententia legatorum res et bello turbatas et in statum alium ex regno formandas conposuissent.

[¶22] 16.3. To the consuls Pisa and Gaul were assigned with two legions apiece, each legion to be composed of five thousand two hundred infantry and four hundred cavalry. The assignments for the praetors were: to Quintus Cassius, the City Praetorship; to Manius Juventius Thalna, the jurisdiction over aliens; to Tiberius Claudius Nero, Sicily; to Gnaeus Fulvius, Hither Spain; to Gaius Licinius Nerva, Farther Spain.

> Latin: 16.3. consulibus Pisae et Gallia decretae cum binis legionibus … peditum et equitum quadringenorum. praetorum sortes fuere, Q. Cassi urbana, M'. Iuventi Thalnae inter peregrinos, Ti. Claudi Neronis Sicilia, Cn. Fulvi Hispania citerior, ulterior C. Licini Nervae.

[¶23] 16.4. Aulus Manlius Torquatus was assigned Sardinia, but was unable to go to his province, since he was held by vote of the senate to preside over trials for capital crimes.

> Latin: 16.4. A. Manlio Torquato Sardinia obvenerat; nequiit ire in provinciam, ad res capitalis quaerendas ex senatus consulto retentus.

[¶24] 16.5. The question of the prodigies which had been reported was next put to the senate. The temple of the Household Gods on the Velia had been struck by lightning, as well as two gates and a section of wall in the town of Minervium. At Anagnia there had been a rain of earth and at- Lanuvium a meteor had been seen in the sky; and at Calatia on state-owned land Marcus Valerius, a Roman citizen, reported that blood had trickled from his hearth for three days and two nights.

> Latin: 16.5. de prodigiis deinde nuntiatis senatus est consultus. aedes deum Penatium in Velia de caelo tacta erat et in oppido Minervio duae portae et muri aliquantum. Anagniae terra pluerat et Lanuvi fax in caelo visa erat et Calatiae in publico agro M. Valerius civis Romanus nuntiabat ex foco suo sanguinem per triduum et duas noctes manasse.

[¶25] 16.6. Especially for this last the Board of Ten was ordered to consult the books; they proclaimed to the people a single day of prayer and offered a sacrifice of fifty goats in the forum. Because of the other prodigies, another day of prayer was observed at all the banquet-tables of the gods, sacrifice with greater victims was offered, and the city purified.

> Latin: 16.6. ob id maxime decemviri libros adire iussi supplicationem in diem unum populo edixerunt et quinquaginta capris in foro sacrificarunt. et aliorum prodigiorum causa diem alterum supplicatio circa omnia pulvinaria fuit et hostiis maioribus sacrificatum est et urbs lustrata.

[¶26] 16.7. Another matter concerning the paying of respects to the immortal gods was the senate's decree that, whereas the enemy had been conquered and the kings Perseus and Gentius along with Macedonia and Illyricum were under the sway of the Roman People, therefore the praetors Quintus Cassius and Manius Juventius should see to the presentation at all the banquet-tables of the gods of gifts as great as those given in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius because of the victory over King Antiochus.

> Latin: 16.7. item, quod ad honorem deum inmortalium pertineret, decrevit senatus, ut, quoniam perduelles superati, Perseus et Gentius reges cum Macedonia atque Illyrico in potestate populi Romani essent, ut, quanta dona Ap. Claudio M. Sempronio consulibus ob devictum Antiochum regem data ad omnia pulvinaria essent, tanta Q. Cassius et M'. Iuventius praetores curarent danda.

[¶27] 17.1. Ten commissioners for Macedonia and five for Illyricum were then appointed, on whose advice Lucius Paulus and Lucius Anicius might arrange the settlements.

> Latin: 17.1. legatos deinde, quorum de sententia imperatores L. Paulus, L. Anicius conponerent res, decreverunt decem in Macedoniam, quinque in Illyricum.

[¶28] 17.2. First those for Macedonia were named: Aulus Postumius Luscus and Gaius Claudius, both ex-censors, Quintus Fabius Labeo, Quintus Marcius Philippus, and Gaius Licinius Crassus, who was Paulus' colleague in the consulship and at that time was in charge of Gaul, his term of command having been extended.

> Latin: 17.2. in Macedoniam sunt primi nominati A. Postumius Luscus, C. Claudius, ambo illi censorii, Q. Fabius Labeo … C. Licinius Crassus, collega in consulatu Pauli, tum prorogato imperio provinciam Galliam habebat.

[¶29] 17.3. To these ex-consuls were added Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Servius Cornelius Sulla, Lucius Junius, Titus Numisius Tarquiniensis, and Aulus Terentius Varro.

> Latin: 17.3. his consularibus addidere Cn. Domitium Ahenobarbum, Ser. Cornelium Sullam, L. Iunium, T. Numisium Tarquiniensem, A. Terentium Varronem.

[¶30] 17.4. For Illyricum the following were named: Publius Aelius Ligus, an exconsul, Gaius Cicereius and Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus (the latter had been praetor the previous year, the former many years before ), Publius Terentius Tuscivicanus, and Publius Manilius.

> Latin: 17.4. in Illyricum autem hi nominati, P. Aelius Ligus consularis, C. Cicereius et Cn. Baebius Tamphilus — hic priore anno, Cicereius multis ante annis praetor fuerat —, P. Terentius Tuscivicanus, P. Manilius.

[¶31] 17.5. Next the consuls were instructed by the Fathers that, since one of them should relieve Gaius Licinius, who had been appointed commissioner, in Gaul, they ought as early as possible either to agree on their provinces or to draw lots. They accordingly drew lots. Pisa fell to Marcus Junius, Gaul to Quintus Aelius.

> Latin: 17.5. moniti deinde consules a patribus, ut, quoniam alterum ex his succedere C. Licinio, qui legatus nominatus erat, in Galliam oporteret, primo quoque tempore provincias aut conpararent inter se aut sortirentur, sortiti sunt.

[¶32] 17.6. The senate voted that before Junius went to his field of activity, he should present to the senate the embassies which had assembled in Rome from all quarters to offer congratulations. Moreover, although men were being sent of sufficient calibre to justify the hope that by their advice the generals would establish nothing unworthy of either the mercy or the high position of the Roman People, yet discussions went on in the senate too as to general considerations, so that the commissioners might carry from home to the generals a full outline of policy.

> Latin: 17.6. M. Iunio Pisae obvenerunt, quem, priusquam in provinciam iret, legationes, quae undique Romam gratulatum convenerant, introducere in senatum placuit, Q. Aelio Gallia. ceterum quamquam tales viri mitterentur, quorum de consilio sperari posset imperatores nihil indignum nec clementia nec gravitate populi Romani decreturos esse, tamen in senatu quoque agitata sunt summa consiliorum, ut inchoata omnia legati ab domo ferre ad imperatores possent.

[¶33] 18.1. First of all it was voted that the Macedonians and Illyrians should be given their independence, so that it should be clear to all nations that the forces of the Roman People brought not slavery to free peoples, but on the contrary, freedom to the enslaved. The senate wished nations which were free to consider that their freedom was assured and lasting under the protection of the Roman People, and that those who lived under kings should feel for the time being that their rulers were milder and more just under the eye of the Roman People, and, if at any time their kings should make war on the Roman People, that the outcome of the war would bring victory to the Romans, but freedom to themselves. It was also voted to discontinue the leasing of the Macedonian mines, a source of immense revenue, and of rural estates, for these could not be farmed without a contractor, and where there was a contractor, there either the ownership by the state lapsed, or no freedom was left to the allied people.

> Latin: 18.1. omnium primum liberos esse placebat Macedonas atque Illyrios, ut omnibus gentibus appareret, arma populi Romani non liberis servitutem, sed contra servientibus libertatem adferre, ut et, in libertate gentes quae essent, tutam eam sibi perpetuaque sub tutela esse, et, quae sub regibus viverent, et in praesens tempus mitiores eos iustioresque respectu populi Romani habere se crederent et, si quando bellum cum populo Romano regibus fuisset suis, exitum eius victoriam Romanis adlaturum, sibi libertatem. metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationes praediorumque rusticorum tolli placebat; nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut ius publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse.

[¶34] 18.5. It was impossible, the senate thought, for even the Macedonians to farm these resources; for where there was booty as a prize for administrators, in that state there would never be a lack of reasons for conspiracies and strife.

> Latin: 18.5. ne ipsos quidem Macedonas id exercere posse; ubi in medio praeda administrantibus esset, ibi numquam causas seditionum et certaminis defore.

[¶35] 18.6. Finally, fearing that if there were a common legislature for the nation, some relentless demagogue would turn the freedom given in healthy moderation into the licence which brings ruin, the senate voted to divide Macedonia into four sections, so that each might have its own legislature.

> Latin: 18.6. commune concilium gentis esse …, ne inprobus vulgi adsentator aliquando libertatem salubri moderatione datam ad licentiam pestilentem traheret.

[¶36] 18.7. It was further resolved that Macedonia should pay to the Roman People half the taxes which they had been accustomed to pay to their kings. Like instructions were given for Illyricum.

> Latin: 18.7. in quattuor regiones discribi Macedoniam, ut suum quaeque concilium haberet, placuit et dimidium tributi, quam quod regibus ferre soliti erant, populo Romano pendere.

[¶37] 18.8. The details were left to the generals and the commissioners themselves, for which the present discussion would lay a surer foundation of planning.

> Latin: 18.8. similia his et in Illyricum mandata. cetera ipsis imperatoribus legatisque relicta, in quibus praesens tractatio rerum certiora subiectura erat consilia.

[¶38] 19.1. Among the many embassies from kings, nations, and peoples Attalus, the brother of King Eumenes, especially drew to himself the eyes and minds of everyone.

> Latin: 19.1. inter multas regum gentiumque et populorum legationes Attalus, frater regis Eumenis, maxime convertit in se omnium oculos animosque.

[¶39] 19.2. For he was received by those who had served with him in this war in much more cordial fashion than if King Eumenes himself had come.

> Latin: 19.2. exceptus enim est ab iis, qui simul eo bello militaverant, haud paulo benignius, quam si ipse rex Eumenes venisset.

[¶40] 19.3. Two reasons honourable in outward view brought him to Rome, first the congratulations suitable to the recent victory in which he himself had aided, and second, complaint about the uprising of the Galatians and the disaster suffered thereby, which threatened destruction to the kingdom itself.

> Latin: 19.3. adduxerant eum duae in speciem honestae res, una gratulatio conveniens in ea victoria, quam ipse adiuvisset, altera querimonia Gallici tumultus acceptaeque cladis, qua regnum in dubium adductum esset.

[¶41] 19.4. Underneath he cherished a secret hope of honours and rewards from the senate which he could hardly accept without disloyalty to his brother. For there were also certain untrustworthy Roman advisers to stimulate his self-seeking with hope;

> Latin: 19.4. suberat et secreta spes honorum praemiorumque ab senatu, quae vix salva pietate ei contingere poterant. erant enim quidam Romanorum quoque non boni auctores, qui spe cupiditatem eius elicerent:

[¶42] 19.5. the view, they said, held in Rome about Attalus and Eumenes was that the former was a sure friend to the Romans, while the latter was a faithful ally neither to the Romans nor to Perseus; accordingly it could hardly be determined whether the senate would be more disposed to grant his requests for himself or those against his brother —to such an extent did one and all make every concession to the one, but withhold any from the other.

> Latin: 19.5. eam opinionem de Attalo et Eumene Romae esse, tamquam de altero Romanis certo amico, altero nec Romanis nec Persei fido socio. itaque vix statui posse, utrum, quae pro se, an, quae contra fratrem petiturus esset, ab senatu magis inpetrabilia forent; adeo universos omnia et huic tribuere et illi vero negare.

[¶43] 19.7. Attalus was, as the facts showed, one of those men who would desire whatever hope might promise; but the wise advice of one friend tightened the reins, as it were, on his spirit elated by success. Stratius, a physician, was with him, sent to Rome by the uneasy Eumenes precisely to keep an eye on the actions of his brother and to give loyal advice, if he saw any failure in loyalty.

> Latin: 19.7. eorum hominum, ut res docuit, Attalus erat, qui, quantum spes spopondisset, cuperent, ni unius amici prudens monitio velut frenos animo eius, gestienti secundis rebus, inposuisset.

[¶44] 19.8. This Stratius made his approach to ears already filled and a mind already tempted, and by offering well-timed remarks won an almost lost cause; his argument was that different kingdoms had thrived on different things;

> Latin: 19.8. Stratius cum eo fuit medicus, ad id ipsum a non securo Eumene Romam missus speculator rerum, quae a fratre agerentur, monitorque fidus, si decedi fide vidisset.

[¶45] 19.9. the kingdom of Pergamum, being new and not bolstered by any longstanding wealth, was founded on brotherly harmony, because one brother wore the name of king and the distinguishing emblem on his head, but all the brothers ruled.

> Latin: 19.9. is ad occupatas iam aures sollicitatumque iam animum cum venisset, adgressus tempestivis sermonibus rem prope prolapsam restituit, aliis alia regna crevisse rebus dicendo;

[¶46] 19.10. As for Attalus, who was second in age, who did not consider him as a king? And not only because one could see that his present powers were so great, but because it was beyond doubt that he would reign before many days had passed, for the weakness and age of Eumenes pointed in that direction, since he was at that time without issue (for Eumenes had not at that time acknowledged the son who reigned after him ).

> Latin: 19.10. regnum eorum novum, nullis vetustis fundatum opibus, fraterna stare concordia, quod unus nomen regium et praecipuum capitis insigne gerat, omnes fratres regnent.

[¶47] 19.11. What use was there, said Stratius,. in seeking by violence a prize which would automatically fall to him shortly? Furthermore, the kingdom had been assailed by the fresh tempest of the Galatian uprising, which could hardly be withstood by agreement and harmony in the royal family; but if civil strife were added to the foreign war, no halt could be called. What he was considering was simply preventing his brother from dying as king in order to rob himself of his imminent expectation of the throne.

> Latin: 19.11. Attalum vero, qui aetate proximus sit, quis non pro rege habeat? neque eo solum, quia tantas praesentes eius opes cernat, sed quod haud ambiguum sit prope diem regnaturum; eam infirmitatem aetatemque Eumenis esse nullam stirpem liberum habentis; necdum enim agnoverat eum, qui postea regnavit. quid adtinere vim adferre rei sua sponte ad eum mox venturae? accessisse etiam novam tempestatem regno tumultus Gallici, cui vix consensu et concordia regum resisti queat;

[¶48] 19.13. Even if it were true that either action would bring fame, whether he preserved the kingdom for his brother, or snatched it from him, nevertheless praise for preserving the kingdom, coupled as it was with family loyalty, would still be the better choice.

> Latin: 19.13. si vero ad externum bellum domestica seditio adiciatur, sisti non posse; nec aliud eum quam, ne frater in regno moriatur, sibi ipsi spem propinquam regni erepturum.

[¶49] 19.14. But in as much as one alternative was in fact despicable and verging on the murder of kin, what remained in doubt to keep judgment in suspense? Was he in doubt whether to seek for part of the kingdom, or to seize it all?

> Latin: 19.14. si utraque gloriosa res esset, et servasse fratri regnum et eripuisse, servati tamen regni, quae iuncta pietati sit, potiorem laudem fuisse. sed enim vero cum detestabilis altera res et proxima parricidio sit, quid ad deliberationem dubii superesse?

[¶50] 19.15. If he took part, both parts would be weakened by disruption of forces and without a doubt exposed to every kind of injury; if he took all, would his elder brother become a private citizen, or an exile at his age and with his weakness of body, or would Attalus in the end order his brother's death?

> Latin: 19.15. utrum enim partem regni petiturum esse, an totum erepturum? si partem, ambo infirmos distractis viribus et omnibus iniuriis probrisque obnoxios fore; si totum, privatumne ergo maiorem fratrem an exulem illa aetate, illa corporis infirmitate … an ad ultimum mori iussurum?

[¶51] 19.16. To say nothing of the end of disloyal brothers as told in legend, the fate of Perseus seemed to be a notable example, for as he bowed himself down at the feet of a conquering enemy, he had laid aside in the temple of Samothrace, as if the gods had been there exacting his punishment, that crown which he had seized by means of a brother's murder.

> Latin: 19.16. egregium enim, ut fabulis traditus impiorum fratrum eventus taceatur, Persei exitum videri, qui ex fraterna caede raptum diadema in templo Samothracum, velut praesentibus dis exigentibus poenas, ad pedes victoris hostis prostratus posuerit.

[¶52] 19.17. The very men, said Stratius, who were egging him on, no friends to him, but foes to Eumenes, would praise his loyalty and steadfastness, if he kept faith with his brother to the end.

> Latin: 19.17. eos ipsos, qui non illi amici, sed Eumeni infesti stimulent eum, pietatem constantiamque laudaturos, si fidem ad ultimum fratri praestitisset.

[¶53] 20.1. This reasoning prevailed on the mind of Attalus. On being presented to the senate, therefore, he offered congratulations on the victory; he explained his services during this war, and those of his brother, such as they were, as well as the revolt of the Galatians which had recently taken place with great disturbance; he requested that the senate should send envoys to the Galatians, to induce them to lay aside their arms.

> Latin: 20.1. haec plus valuere in Attali animo. itaque introductus in senatum gratulatus victoriam est et sua merita eo bello fratrisque, si qua erant, et Gallorum defectionem, quae nuper ingenti motu facta erat, exposuit;

[¶54] 20.2. Having delivered these messages in the interest of his state, he asked for Aenus and Maronea for himself.

> Latin: 20.2. petiit, ut legatos mitteret ad eos, quorum auctoritate ab armis avocarentur. his pro regni utilitate editis mandatis Aenum sibi et Maroneam petiit.

[¶55] 20.3. Thus, after disappointing the hopes of those who had supposed that he would accuse his brother and seek a division of the kingdom, he left the senate-house. Seldom has anyone else, king or citizen, been heard with as much good will and as much general approval; Attalus was honoured with every mark of attention and gift while he was there, and on his departure he was attended with equal ceremony.

> Latin: 20.3. ita destituta eorum spe, qui fratre accusato partitionem regni petiturum crediderant, curia excessit. [ut] raro alias quisquam rex aut privatus tanto favore tantoque omnium adsensu est auditus; omnibus honoribus muneribusque et praesens est cultus et proficiscentem prosecuti sunt.

[¶56] 20.4. Among the many embassies from Asia and Greece, the envoys of the Rhodians especially drew the city's attention.

> Latin: 20.4. inter multas Asiae Graeciaeque legationes Rhodiorum maxime legati civitatem converterunt.

[¶57] 20.5. For they first appeared in white clothes, as was suitable for those offering congratulations —and had they worn soiled clothes, they might have offered the appearance of men mourning for the fall of Perseus.

> Latin: 20.5. nam cum primo in veste candida visi essent, quod et gratulantis decebat, et, si sordidam vestem habuissent, lugentium Persei casum praebere speciem poterant, postquam consulti ab M.

[¶58] 20.6. However, after the senate was consulted by Marcus Junius the consul, while the envoys stood in the assembly-ground, whether lodgings, entertainment, and reception before the senate should be provided, and the Fathers had advised that none of the rights of hospitality should be granted in their case, the consul came forth from the senate-house, and in reply to the Rhodians, who said they had come to offer congratulations on the victory and to clear their city of the charges against it, and asked that a session of the senate be held for them, the consul announced that for allies and friends the Romans were accustomed to perform various acts of courtesy and hospitality, one of which was to grant a hearing before the

> Latin: 20.6. Iunio consule patres stantibus in comitio legatis, an locum, lautia senatumque darent, nullum hospitale ius in iis esse servandum censuerunt, egressusque e curia consul, cum Rhodii gratulatum se de victoria purgatumque civitatis crimina dicentes venisse petissent, ut senatus sibi daretur,

[¶59] 20.8. senate, but the Rhodians during this war had not earned the right to be considered in the category of friends and allies. On hearing this, the Rhodians threw themselves on the ground and begged the consul and all who were present not to adopt the principle that new and false charges against the Rhodians should outweigh the good services of long standing of which they themselves were witnesses.

> Latin: 20.8. pronuntiavit sociis et amicis et alia comiter atque hospitaliter praestare Romanos et senatum dare consuesse, Rhodios non ita meritos eo bello, ut amicorum sociorumque numero habendi sint, his auditis prostraverunt se omnes humi consulemque et cunctos, qui aderant, orantes, ne nova falsaque crimina plus obesse Rhodiis aecum censerent quam antiqua merita, quorum ipsi testes essent.

[¶60] 20.10. Forthwith the Rhodians put on mourning and went the rounds of the houses of the chief men begging with tears and entreaties that they would hear the case before passing sentence.

> Latin: 20.10. extemplo veste sordida sumpta domos principum cum precibus ac lacrimis circumibant orantes, ut prius cognoscerent causam quam condemnarent.

[¶61] 21.1. Manius Juventius Thalna, the praetor with jurisdiction over suits between citizens and aliens, was stirring up the people against the Rhodians and had announced a motion to declare war against Rhodes and to choose from the magistrates of this year one to be sent to this war with a fleet (Juventius hoped that he would be the one designated). Such action was opposed by Marcus Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, tribunes of the people.

> Latin: 21.1. M'. Iuventius Thalna praetor, cuius inter cives et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, populum adversus Rhodios incitabat rogationemque promulgaverat, ut Rhodiis bellum indiceretur, et ex magistratibus eius anni deligerent, qui ad id bellum cum classe mitteretur, se eum sperans futurum esse.

[¶62] 21.3. But not only had the praetor in the first place undertaken the matter in a novel and dangerous fashion, because he was proposing entirely on his own initiative, without previously consulting the senate or notifying the consuls, to put to the people the question, whether it was their will and command that war should be declared against the Rhodians, whereas previously the senate had always been consulted first about war, and then the question brought before the people on the authority of the senate, but the tribunes also were in the same position, since the custom was that no one should veto a law until opportunity was given to private citizens to argue for and against the law;

> Latin: 21.3. huic actioni M. Antonius et M. Pomponius tribuni plebis adversabantur. sed et praetor novo maloque exemplo rem ingressus erat, quod non ante consulto senatu, non consulibus certioribus factis de sua unius sententia rogationem ferret, vellent iuberentne Rhodiis bellum indici, cum antea semper prius senatus de bello consultus esset, deinde ex auctoritate patrum ad populum latum,

[¶63] 21.6. in this way it had often turned out either that those who had not announced that they would exercise the veto did so when the faults of the law had been called to their attention by the speeches of those who opposed the law, or that those who had come intending to veto were overborne by the prestige of those who argued for the law.

> Latin: 21.6. et tribuni plebis, cum ita traditum esset, ne quis prius intercederet legi, quam privatis suadendi dissuadendique legem potestas facta esset, eoque persaepe evenisset, ut et, qui non professi essent se intercessuros, animadversis vitiis legis ex oratione dissuadentium intercederent, et, qui ad intercedendum venissent, desisterent victi auctoritatibus suadentium legem.

[¶64] 21.7. On this occasion the praetor and the tribunes vied with each other in doing everything in the wrong order; the tribunes by their premature veto... the haste of the praetor...

> Latin: 21.7. tum inter praetorem tribunosque omnia intempestive agendi certamen erat:

[¶65] 21.8. till the arrival of the general.. "... is. Whether we have done wrong is so far unproved, but we are already suffering all the penalties and disgrace. In former times, after the defeat of Carthage, when Philip or Antiochus had been subdued, on our arrival in Rome we came from public entertainment to the senate-house to offer you our congratulations, gentlemen of the senate, and from the senate-house we mounted to the Capitol, bearing gifts to your gods. Today from a mean inn, having hardly found shelter for pay and all but ordered like enemies to remain outside the city, we Rhodians in this mourning garb enter the senate-house of Rome —we to whom you lately presented the provinces of Lycia and Caria, who received from you the most unstinted rewards and honours. "You are bidding the Macedonians and Illyrians be independent, we hear, though they were slaves before they waged war against you-nor are we jealous of anyone's good fortune, nay rather we recognize the mercy of the Roman People; and will you transform us Rhodians from allies into enemies — us, who have been no worse than inactive in this war?

> Latin: 21.8. tribuni festinationem praetoris ante tempus intercedendo … in adventum imperatoris … ‘ … est. peccaverimusne adhuc dubium est; poenas, ignominias omnes iam patimur. antea, Carthaginiensibus victis, Philippo, Antiocho superatis cum Romam venissemus, ex publico hospitio in curiam gratulatum vobis, patres conscripti, ex curia in Capitolium ad deos vestros dona ferentes …; nunc ex sordido deversorio, vix mercede recepti ac prope hostium more extra urbem manere iussi in hoc squalore venimus in curiam Romanam Rhodii, quos provinciis nuper Lycia atque Caria, quos praemiis atque honoribus amplissumis donastis. et Macedonas Illyriosque liberos esse, ut audimus, iubetis, cum servierint, antequam vobiscum bellarent — nec cuiusquam fortunae invidemus, immo agnoscimus clementiam populi Romani —, Rhodios, qui nihil aliud quam quieverunt, hoc bello hostes ex sociis facturi estis?

[¶66] 22.5. Surely you are the same Romans who boast that your wars are favoured of Fortune because they are just, nor do you exult as much in the outcome, because you conquer, as in the beginning, because you never undertake war without good cause.

> Latin: 22.5. certe eidem vos estis Romani, qui ideo felicia bella vestra esse, quia iusta sint, prae vobis fertis, nec tam exitu eorum, quod vincatis, quam principiis, quod non sine causa suscipiatis, gloriamini.

[¶67] 22.6. The siege of Messana in Sicily made the Carthaginians your enemies, the siege of Athens, the attempted enslavement of Greece and the aid given Hannibal in money and troops made Philip your foe.

> Latin: 22.6. Messana in Sicilia oppugnata Carthaginienses, Athenae oppugnatae et Graecia in servitutem petita et adiutus Hannibal pecunia auxiliis Philippum hostem fecerunt.

[¶68] 22.7. Antiochus was summoned at the initiative of the Aetolians, your enemies; he crossed in person with his fleet to Greece; he seized Demetrias, Chalcis, and the pass of Thermopylae, and sought to cast you out of the tenure of your empire.

> Latin: 22.7. Antiochus ipse ultro, ab Aetolis, hostibus vestris, accersitus, ex Asia classe in Graeciam traiecit; Demetriade et Chalcide et saltu Thermopylarum occupato de possessione imperii vos deicere conatus.

[¶69] 22.8. With Perseus, your reason for war was the assault upon your allies, or the murder of princes and chiefs of nations or peoples.

> Latin: 22.8. cum Perseo socii vestri oppugnati, aut interfecti reguli principesque gentium aut populorum causa belli vobis fuere.

[¶70] 22.9. Under what heading, pray, shall our downfall be placed, if we are to perish? For the present I am not separating the case for the city from Polyaratus and Dinon, our fellow-citizens, and from those whom we brought to hand over to you. If all we Rhodians were equally guilty, what would be the charge against us in this war?

> Latin: 22.9. quem tandem titulum nostra calamitas habitura est, si perituri sumus? nondum segrego civitatis causam a Polyarato et Dinone, civibus nostris, et iis, quos ut traderemus vobis adduximus, si omnes Rhodii aeque noxii essemus, quod nostrum in hoc bello crimen esset?

[¶71] 22.10. It would be that we took the side of Perseus and as we took a stand for you in the wars with Antiochus and with Philip against those kings, so now we sided with the king against you.

> Latin: 22.10. Persei partibus favimus et quem ad modum Antiochi Philippique bello pro vobis adversus reges, sic nunc pro rege adversus vos stetimus.

[¶72] 22.11. How we are accustomed to help our allies, and how vigorously we enter into a war, you may ask Gaius Livius, or Lucius Aemilius Regillus, who commanded your fleets in Asia.

> Latin: 22.11. quem ad modum soleamus socios iuvare et quam inpigre capessere bella, C. Livium, L. Aemilium Regillum interrogate, qui classibus vestris in Asia praefuerunt. numquam vestrae naves pugnavere sine nobis;

[¶73] 22.12. Never did your ships enter battle without ours. We fought independently first at Samos, and again off Pamphylia against the command of Hannibal;

> Latin: 22.12. nostra classe pugnavimus semel ad Samum, iterum in Pamphylia adversus Hannibalem inperatorem;

[¶74] 22.13. this victory gives us the more pride because, undismayed by the terrible catastrophe by which we had lost in the defeat at Samos a large part of our fleet and a splendid group of young men, we dared to go out again to meet the king's fleet as it approached from Syria.

> Latin: 22.13. quae victoria nobis eo gloriosior est, quod, cum ad Samum magnam partem navium adversa pugna et egregiam iuventutem amisissemus, ne tanta quidem clade territi iterum ausi sumus regiae classi ex Syria venienti obviam ire.

[¶75] 22.14. These matters I have mentioned not for the sake of boasting, for indeed our present fortune does not permit that, but to make it clear how the Rhodians are accustomed to aid their allies.

> Latin: 22.14. haec non gloriandi causa rettuli — neque enim ea nunc nostra est fortuna —, sed ut admonerem, quem ad modum adiuvare socios solerent Rhodii.

[¶76] 23.1. "The rewards which we received from you after the conquest of Philip and of Antiochus were most abundant. If the good fortune which is now yours by the grace of the gods and because of your valour had fallen to Perseus, and we had come to Macedonia to seek a reward from the victorious king, what pray would we say?

> Latin: 23.1. praemia et Philippo et Antiocho devictis amplissima accepimus a vobis. si, quae vestra nunc est fortuna deum benignitate et virtute vestra, ea Persei fuisset et praemia petitum ad victorem regem venissemus in Macedoniam, quid tandem diceremus?

[¶77] 23.2. That we had aided him with money or with grain, with forces on land or on sea? What fortress had we held? Where had we fought either under his commanders or by ourselves?

> Latin: 23.2. pecuniane a nobis adiutum an frumento? auxiliis terrestribus an navalibus? quod praesidium tenuisse nos? ubi pugnasse aut sub illius ducibus aut per nos ipsos?

[¶78] 23.3. If he asked where there had been a soldier of ours, or where a ship, within his lines, what in the world would be our answer?

> Latin: 23.3. si quaereret, ubi miles noster, ubi navis intra praesidia sua fuisset, quid responderemus? causam fortasse diceremus apud victorem, quem ad modum apud vos dicimus.

[¶79] 23.4. Perhaps we should be defending ourselves before the conqueror, as now we are before you. For the result we obtained by sending envoys to both parties concerning peace was that we won no favour from either side, but incurred even accusation and danger from one of them.

> Latin: 23.4. hoc enim legatos utroque de pace mittendo consecuti sumus, ut ab neutra parte gratiam iniremus, ab altera etiam crimen et periculum esset.

[¶80] 23.5. Yet Perseus might truly reproach us, as you cannot, gentlemen of the senate, because we sent to you at the beginning of the war envoys to promise you whatever was needed for the war; we would be ready, we said, as in the former wars, with ships, arms, and young men for every demand.

> Latin: 23.5. quamquam Perseus vere obiceret, id quod vos non potestis, patres conscripti, nos principio belli misisse ad vos legatos, qui pollicerentur vobis, quae ad bellum opus essent; navalibus copiis, armis, iuventute nostra, sicut prioribus bellis, ad omnia paratos fore.

[¶81] 23.6. The obstacle to our furnishing these things was of your making, since you for whatever reason spurned our aid at that time. Neither therefore have we in any way acted as enemies, nor have we failed in the duty of good allies, but we were prevented from performing that duty by you. 'What then?

> Latin: 23.6. ne praestaremus, per vos stetit, qui de quacumque causa tum aspernati nostra auxilia estis. neque fecimus igitur quicquam tamquam hostes, neque bonorum sociorum defuimus officio, sed a vobis prohibiti praestare non potuimus.

[¶82] 23.7. Has nothing been said or done in your city, Rhodians, which you would wish undone, at which the Roman People might justly take offence? ' From this point I do not propose to defend what has happened —I am not so mad —but I propose to separate the defence of the state from the guilt of private citizens.

> Latin: 23.7. ‘quid igitur? nihilne factum neque dictum est in civitate vestra, Rhodii, quod nolletis, quo merito offenderetur populus Romanus?’ hic iam non, quod factum est, defensurus sum — non adeo insanio —, sed publicam causam a privatorum culpa segregaturus.

[¶83] 23.8. There is no state which will not have not only wicked citizens at certain times but an inexperienced commonalty always.:

> Latin: 23.8. nulla est civitas, quae non et improbos cives aliquando et imperitam multitudinem semper habeat.

[¶84] 23.9. Even in your city I hear that there have been those who pursued ill-gotten gain by toadying to the mob, and that at certain times the commons seceded from you and you lost control of the commonwealth.

> Latin: 23.9. etiam apud vos fuisse audivi, qui adsentando multitudini grassarentur, et secessisse aliquando a vobis plebem nec in potestate vestra rem publicam fuisse.

[¶85] 23.10. If this could happen in a state-with -so well disciplined a character, can any one marvel that there were some among us who in grasping after the king's friendship led our commons astray with their counsel? However, these people wrought no harm beyond slackness in our loyalty as friends.

> Latin: 23.10. si hoc in hac tam bene morata civitate accidere potuit, mirari quisquam potest aliquos fuisse apud nos, qui regis amicitiam petentes plebem nostram consiliis depravarent? qui tamen nihil ultra valuerunt, quam ut in officio cessaremus.

[¶86] 23.11. I shall not pass over the most serious charge against our city in this war: we sent envoys at the same time both to you and to Perseus on the subject of peace;

> Latin: 23.11. non praeteribo id, quod gravissimum est in hoc bello crimen civitatis nostrae: legatos eodem tempore et ad vos et ad Persea de pace misimus, quod infelix consilium furiosus, ut postea audivimus, orator stultissimum fecit, quem sic locutum constat, tamquam C.

[¶87] 23.12. this unhappy plan, through a madman, as we heard later, who was spokesman, became something extremely stupid, for he spoke, it is well known, as the Roman envoy Gaius Popilius might have spoken, whom you sent to turn back from war Kings Antiochus and Ptolemy. But nevertheless this error, whether it should be called arrogance or folly, was no different before you from what it was before Perseus. The character of states is like that of individual men; some nations are hot-tempered, some bold, some diffident, some over-indulgent in wine, others in sex.

> Latin: 23.12. Popilius legatus Romanus, quem ad summovendos a bello Antiochum et Ptolemaeum reges misistis, loqueretur. sed tamen ea sive superbia, sive stultitia appellanda est, eadem, quae apud vos, et apud Persea fuit.

[¶88] 23.14. The people of Athens, report has it, is quick and bold beyond its strength in adventure, the Spartan hesitant and hardly undertaking matters of which it is sure.

> Latin: 23.14. tam civitatium quam singulorum hominum mores sunt; gentes quoque aliae iracundae, aliae audaces, quaedam timidae, in vinum, in Venerem proniores aliae sunt.

[¶89] 23.15. I would not deny that all the region of Asia breeds somewhat flighty temperaments, and that our rhetoric is rather inflated because we might seem to be outstanding among the states in our area-a position due precisely not to our own powers but to your favours and your choice of us.

> Latin: 23.15. Atheniensium populum fama est celerem et supra vires audacem esse ad conandum, Lacedaemoniorum cunctatorem et vix in ea, quibus fidit, ingredientem.

[¶90] 23.16. Enough punishment was meted out to that embassy on the spot and to their faces, when they were sent away with so grim an answer from you.

> Latin: 23.16. non negaverim et totam Asiae regionem inaniora parere ingenia et nostrorum tumidiorem sermonem esse, quod excellere inter finitimas civitates videamur, et id ipsum non tam viribus nostris quam vestris honoribus ac iudiciis.

[¶91] 23.17. But if at that time they paid too small a penalty of disgrace, certainly the present embassy, so pitiable and so humble, would be atonement great enough for an even more arrogant embassy than that other one was. Arrogance, especially of speech, is hated by the hot-tempered, but laughed at by the wise, especially if directed by an inferior against his superior; no one has ever thought it worthy of the death-penalty.

> Latin: 23.17. satis quidem et tunc in praesentia castigata illa legatio erat, cum tam tristi responso vestro dimissa. si tum parum ignominiae pensum est, haec certe tam miserabilis ac supplex legatio etiam insolentioris, quam illa fuit, legationis satis magnum piaculum esset.

[¶92] 23.18. There was danger, to be sure, that the Rhodians should despise the Romans! Even the gods are assailed by some with overbold language, but we have never heard that any one has on that account been struck by a thunderbolt.

> Latin: 23.18. superbiam, verborum praesertim, iracundi oderunt, prudentes inrident, utique si inferioris adversus superiorem est; capitali poena nemo umquam dignam iudicavit. id enim vero periculum erat, ne Romanos Rhodii contemnerent. etiam deos aliqui verbis ferocioribus increpant, nec ob id quemquam fulmine ictum audimus.

[¶93] 24.1. “What then remains, of which we must clear ourselves, if there was never a hostile action on our part, and if the overweening words of an envoy should produce a disgust of the ear, not the ruin of a city?”

> Latin: 24.1. quid igitur superat, quod purgemus, si nec factum hostile ullum nostrum est, et verba tumidiora legati offensionem aurium, non perniciem civitatis meruerunt?

[¶94] 24.2. “I hear that in conversations among yourselves an appraisal of damages, so as to speak, is being made for our unexpressed desire;”

> Latin: 24.2. voluntatis nostrae tacitae velut litem aestimari vestris inter vos sermonibus audio, patres conscripti: favisse nos regi et illum vincere maluisse, ideo bello persequendos esse credunt alii vestrum;

[¶95] 24.3. “some believe, gentlemen of the senate, that we favoured the king and preferred that he should win, and that therefore we should be punished by armed force; others of you feel that we did, to be sure, have this desire, but that we should not on that account be punished by armed force, for, they say, there is no provision in the law, written or unwritten, of any state that he who desires the death of his enemy, but does nothing to bring it about, shall incur capital punishment.”

> Latin: 24.3. alii voluisse quidem nos hoc, non tamen ob id bello persequendos esse: neque moribus neque legibus ullius civitatis ita conparatum esse, ut, si qui velit inimicum perire, si nihil fecerit, quo id fiat, capitis damnetur.

[¶96] 24.4. “To these men who free us of the penalty, but not of the guilt, we are indeed grateful; but these are the terms which we ourselves set for ourselves:”

> Latin: 24.4. his, qui nos poena, non crimine liberant, gratiam quidem habemus; ipsi nobis hanc dicimus legem: si omnes voluimus, quod arguimur, non distinguimus voluntatem a facto;

[¶97] 24.5. “if we all have willed that of which we are accused —we do not separate the will from the deed —let us all suffer the penalty; but if some of our leaders favoured you, and others the king, I do not ask that because of us who sided with you the partizans of the king should be untouched; I merely beg that we may not perish because of them.”

> Latin: 24.5. omnes plectamur; si alii principum nostrorum vobis, alii regi faverunt, non postulo, ut propter nos, qui partium vestrarum fuimus, regis fautores salvi sint: illud deprecor, ne nos propter illos pereamus.

[¶98] 24.6. “You are no more hostile to them than is our state itself, and because they knew this, many of them have either fled or committed suicide; others who have been found guilty by us will be placed in your hands, gentlemen of the senate.”

> Latin: 24.6. non estis vos illis infestiores, quam civitas est ipsa; et hoc quia sciebant, plerique eorum aut profugerunt aut mortem sibi consciverunt, alii damnati a nobis in potestate vestra erunt, patres conscripti.

[¶99] 24.7. “The rest of us at Rhodes have no more deserved punishment during this war than we have deserved gratitude, either. Let the store of our previous helpful acts make good the present omission of service.”

> Latin: 24.7. ceteri Rhodii sicut gratiam nullam meriti hoc bello, ita ne poenam quidem sumus. priorum nostrorum bene factorum cumulus hoc, quod nunc cessatum in officio est, expleat.

[¶100] 24.8. “You have waged wars against three kings during these years; let not our slackness in one war be, to our hurt, of more importance than the fact that we fought on your side in two wars.”

> Latin: 24.8. cum tribus regibus gessistis bella per hos annos; ne plus obsit nobis, quod uno bello cessavimus, quam quod duobus bellis pro vobis pugnavimus.

[¶101] 24.9. “Take account of Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus as if of the vote of three judges; two acquit us, the third is undecided; suppose that it is for our condemnation; even so, if the Kings were judging us, we should indeed lose our case, but your judgment, gentlemen of the senate, determines whether Rhodes shall exist on earth or shall be destroyed root and branch.”

> Latin: 24.9. Philippum, Antiochum, Persea tamquam tris sententias ponite; duae nos absolvunt, una dubia est; ut gravior sit, illi de nobis si iudicarent, damnati essemus: vos iudicatis, patres conscripti, sit Rhodus in terris an funditus deleatur.

[¶102] 24.10. “For you are not deliberating about war, gentlemen of the senate; you can declare it, but you cannot wage it, for not a man of Rhodes will bear arms against you.”

> Latin: 24.10. non enim de bello deliberatis, patres conscripti, quod inferre potestis, gerere non potestis, cum nemo Rhodiorum arma adversus vos laturus sit. si perseverabitis in ira, tempus a vobis petemus, quo hanc funestam legationem domum referamus.

[¶103] 24.11. “If you will not abate your wrath, we shall ask of you time in which to report home on this fatal mission; every free person, every man and every woman of us in Rhodes will embark on ships with all our money and, abandoning our homes and our altars, will come to Rome;” “we will heap up in the assembly-ground and in the entry of your senate-house all our gold and our silver, whether owned by the state or its citizens, and will put our persons and those of our wives and children in your power, that we may suffer here whatever we must suffer; far from our sight be the plundering and burning of our city.”

> Latin: 24.11. omnia libera capita, quidquid Rhodiorum virorum feminarum est, cum omni pecunia nostra naves conscendemus ac relictis penatibus publicis privatisque Romam veniemus et omni auro et argento, quidquid publici, quidquid privati est, in comitio, in vestibulo curiae vestrae cumulato, corpora nostra coniugumque ac liberorum vestrae potestati permittemus hic passuri, quodcumque patiendum erit;

[¶104] 24.13. “The Romans may judge that the Rhodians are enemies, but they cannot make them so.”

> Latin: 24.13. procul ab oculis nostris urbs nostra diripiatur, incendatur.

[¶105] 24.14. “For we have also in us the power of passing judgmenton ourselves, and we shall never adjudge ourselves your enemies, nor commit any act of hostility, though we suffer the utmost disaster.”

> Latin: 24.14. hostis Rhodios esse Romani iudicare possunt …; est enim et nostrum aliquod de nobis iudicium, quo numquam iudicabimus nos vestros hostis, nec quicquam hostile, etiam si omnia patiemur, faciemus.’

[¶106] 25.1. Following a speech to this effect all the envoys again cast themselves down in the posture of suppliants, waving their olive-branches; after some time they were made to rise and left the senate-house.

> Latin: 25.1. secundum talem orationem universi rursus prociderunt ramosque oleae supplices iactantes tandem excitati curia excesserunt.

[¶107] 25.2. Then the roll-call of opinions began. The chief enemies of the Rhodians were those who had been conducting the war in Macedonia as consuls, praetors, or staff-officers.

> Latin: 25.2. tunc sententiae interrogari coeptae. infestissimi Rhodiis erant, qui consules praetoresve aut legati gesserant in Macedonia bellum. plurimum causam eorum adiuvit M. Porcius Cato, qui, asper ingenio, tum lenem mitemque senatorem egit.

## 17. Book XLV · chapters 25–35

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17/#p-N

[¶0] 25.3. Great aid to the cause of Rhodes was given by Marcus Porcius Cato, who, though of a harsh temperament, on this occasion played the part of a tolerant and mild senator.

> Latin: 25.3. non inseram simulacrum viri copiosi, quae dixerit, referendo; ipsius oratio scripta exstat Originum quinto libro inclusa.

[¶1] 25.4. I shall not include here a pale wraith of this eloquent man by reporting what he said; his own speech is preserved in written form, as part of the fifth book of his “Beginnings.”

> Latin: 25.4. Rhodiis responsum ita redditum est, ut nec hostes fierent nec socii permanerent.

[¶2] 25.5. The reply to the Rhodians was couched in such form that they were neither declared enemies nor continued to be allies. Philocrates and Astymedes were the leaders of this embassy.

> Latin: 25.5. Philocrates et Astymedes principes legationis erant. partim cum Philocrate renuntiare Rhodum legationem placuit, partim cum Astymede Romae subsistere, qui, quae agerentur, scirent certioresque suos facerent.

[¶3] 25.6. It was decided that some of them with Philocrates should report to Rhodes about the embassy, while some remained at Rome with Astymedes to keep track of what was being done and inform their people. For the time being orders were given that they should withdraw their governors from Lycia and Caria by a certain date.

> Latin: 25.6. in praesentia deducere ante certam diem ex Lycia Cariaque iusserunt praefectos. haec Rhodum nuntiata, quae per se tristia fuissent, quia maioris mali levatus erat timor, cum bellum timuissent, in gaudium verterunt.

[¶4] 25.7. These actions were reported at Rhodes; of themselves they would have been grievous, but were turned into a cause for rejoicing, because the Rhodians were relieved of fear of a greater evil, since they had feared war. So they immediately voted a crown of twenty thousand gold pieces. They sent Theodotus, the admiral of their fleet, on this embassy. They wanted to ask the Romans for an alliance in such fashion that no decree of the people concerning it should be passed or committed to dispatches, because if they did not obtain their request, the disgrace of an open repulse would be greater.

> Latin: 25.7. itaque extemplo coronam viginti milium aureorum decreverunt; Theaetetum, praefectum classis, in eam legationem miserunt. societatem ab Romanis ita volebant peti, ut nullum de ea re scitum populi fieret aut litteris mandaretur, quod, nisi impetrarent, maior a repulsa ignominia esset.

[¶5] 25.8. The admiral of the fleet alone had the right to negotiate for such a purpose without the passing of any enabling resolution.

> Latin: 25.8. praefecti classis id unius erat ius, ut agere de ea re sine rogatione ulla perlata posset.

[¶6] 25.9. For the Rhodians had for all these years maintained their friendship in such a way as not to bind themselves to the Romans by any treaty of alliance, precisely for the purpose of not cutting off hope on the part of the kings that they would come to their aid, if need arose, as well as their own hope of reaping a harvest from the good will and good fortune of the kings.

> Latin: 25.9. nam ita per tot annos in amicitia fuerant, ut sociali foedere se cum Romanis non inligarent, ob nullam aliam causam, quam ne spem regibus absciderent auxilii sui, si quid opus esset, neu sibi ipsis fructus ex benignitate et fortuna eorum percipiendi.

[¶7] 25.10. At this time they felt that they should by all means seek an alliance, not to protect themselves against other peoples, for they feared no one but the Romans, but to alleviate the Romans' suspicion of themselves.

> Latin: 25.10. tunc utique petenda societas videbatur, non quae tutiores eos ab aliis faceret — nec enim timebant quemquam praeter Romanos —, sed quae ipsis Romanis minus suspectos.

[¶8] 25.11. At about the same time the Caunians revolted from them, and Mylassa seized the towns of the Euromenses.

> Latin: 25.11. sub idem fere tempus et Caunii descivere ab iis, et Mylasenses Euromensium oppida occuparunt.

[¶9] 25.12. The spirit of Rhodes was not so broken that they did not perceive that if Lycia and Caria were taken away by the Romans, and the rest of their possessions either freed themselves by revolt or were seized by the neighbours, they would be hemmed in by the shores of a small island of infertile soil, which could by no means support the population of so large a city. Troops were therefore promptly sent and the Caunians compelled to accept their rule, even though forces of Cibyra were called in by the Caunians.

> Latin: 25.12. non ita fracti animi civitatis erant, ut non sentirent, si Lycia et Caria ademptae ab Romanis forent, cetera aut se ipsa per defectionem liberarent aut a finitumis occuparentur, includi se insulae parvae et sterilis agri litoribus, quae nequaquam alere tantae urbis populum posset.

[¶10] 25.13. Mylassa too and Alabanda, which had also come to join Mylassa in taking away the province of Euromus, were defeated in battle near Orthosia. While these events were occuring in Asia, and the previously-mentioned events in Macedonia and at Rome, in Illyricum meanwhile, after taking King Gentius into custody, as previously related, Lucius Anicius put Gabinius in charge of the garrison placed in Scodra, the capital, and Gaius. Licinius in charge of the strategic cities of Rhizon and Olcinium. After putting these men in charge of Illyricum, Anicius marched into Epirus with the rest of his army. In that region, Phanote the first city surrendered to him, all its population coming out with fillets to meet him. He placed a garrison here and passed on to Molossis, and on recovery of all of its cities except Passaron, Tecmon, Phylace, and Horreum, he led his force first against Passaron. Antinoüs and Theodotus were the leading-men of this city, distinguished both by their attachment to Perseus and their hatred of the Romans, and likewise responsible for the defection of the whole people from the Romans. Because of their feeling of personal guilt, since there was no hope of pardon for them, these men shut the gates, in order to be buried in the general downfall of their city, and urged the people to prefer death to slavery. No one dared open his mouth against such all-powerful men. At last a certain Theodotus, a youth of equal rank, spoke out, his dread of the Romans outweighing his timidity before the chief men of his city. “What is this madness,” said he, “which is goading you, that you make the state an accessory to the crime of two men?” “Certainly I have often heard tales of those who met death for the fatherland; but these are the first ever known to believe that the fatherland ought to die for them. Why do we not open our gates and accept the overlordship which the world has accepted?” When the crowd concurred with these remarks, Antinoüs and Theodotus charged into the first outpost of the enemy and, exposing themselves to wounds, were there killed; the city was surrendered to the Romans. By similar obstinacy on the part of Cephalus, the leading citizen, Tecmon was closed, but when he was killed, it was recovered by surrender.

> Latin: 25.13. missa igitur iuventute propere et Caunios, quamquam Cibyratarum asciverant auxilia, coegerunt imperio parere, et Mylasensis Alabandensisque, qui Euromensium provinciam ademptum et ipsi coniuncto exercitu venerant, circa Orthosiam acie vicerunt. dum haec ibi, alia in Macedonia, alia Romae geruntur, interim in Illyrico L. Anicius rege Gentio, sicut ante dictum est, in potestatem redacto Scodrae, quae regia fuerat, praesidio inposito Gabinium praefecit, Rhizoni et Olcinio, urbibus opportunis, C. Licinium. praepositis his Illyrico, reliquo exercitu in Epirum est profectus. ubi prima Phanota ei dedita est omni multitudine cum infulis obviam effusa. hinc praesidio inposito in Molossidem transgressus, cuius omnibus oppidis praeter Passaronem et Tecmonem et Phylacen et Horreum receptis primum ad Passaronem ducit. Antinous et Theodotus principes eius civitatis erant, insignes et favore Persei et odio adversus Romanos, iidem universae genti auctores desciscendi ab Romanis. hi conscientia privatae noxae, quia ipsis nulla spes veniae erat, ut communi ruina patriae opprimerentur, clauserunt portas multitudinem, ut mortem servituti praeponerent, hortantes. nemo adversus praepotentis viros hiscere audebat; tandem Theodotus quidam, nobilis et ipse adulescens, cum maior a Romanis metus timorem a principibus suis vicisset, ‘quae vos rabies’ inquit ‘agitat, qui duorum hominum noxae civitatem accessionem facitis? equidem pro patria qui letum oppetissent, saepe fando audivi; qui patriam pro se perire aecum censerent, hi primi inventi sunt. quin aperimus portas et imperium accipimus, quod orbis terrarum accepit? ’ haec dicentem cum multitudo sequeretur, Antinous et Theodotus in primam stationem hostium inruperunt atque ibi offerentes se ipsi volneribus interfecti; urbs dedita est Romanis. simili pertinacia Cephalonis principis clausum Tecmonem ipso interfecto per deditionem recepit. nec Phylace nec Horreum oppugnationem tulerunt. pacata Epiro divisisque in hiberna copiis per opportunas urbes, regressus ipse in Illyricum Scodrae, quo quinque legati ab Roma venerant, evocatis ex tota provincia principibus conventum habuit. ibi pro tribunali pronuntiavit de sententia consilii senatum populumque Romanum Illyrios esse liberos iubere: praesidia ex omnibus oppidis, arcibus et castellis sese deducturum. non solum liberos, sed etiam inmunes fore Issenses et Taulantios, Dassaretiorum Pirustas, Rhizonitas, Olciniatas, quod incolumi Gentio ad Romanos defecissent. Daorseis quoque immunitatem dare, quod relicto Caravantio cum armis ad Romanos transissent. Scodrensibus et Dassarensibus et Selepitanis ceterisque Illyriis vectigal dimidium inpositum eius, quod regi pependissent. inde in tres partes Illyricum divisit. unam eam fecit, quae supra dicta est, alteram Labeatas omnis, tertiam Agravonitas et Rhizonitas et Olciniatas accolasque eorum. hac formula dicta in Illyrico, ipse inde Epiri Passaronem in hiberna rediit. dum haec in Illyrico geruntur, Paulus ante adventum decem legatorum Q. Maximum filium, iam ab Roma regressum, ad Aeginium et Agassas diripiendas mittit, Agassas, quod, cum Marcio consuli tradidissent urbem petita ultro societate Romana, defecerant rursus ad Persea; Aeginiensium novum crimen erat: famae de victoria Romanorum fidem non habentes in quosdam militum urbem ingressos hostiliter saevierant. ad Aeniorum quoque urbem diripiendam L. Postumium misit, quod pertinacius quam finitumae civitates in armis fuerant.

[¶11] 27.5. Neither Phylace nor Horreum stood up against attack. When order had been established in Epirus, and the troops distributed in winter quarters among suitable cities, Anicius returned to Illyricum, summoned the chief men from all his theatre of operations, and held a conference at Scodra, where the five commissioners from Rome had arrived. There he announced as officer in charge, on the advice of his council, that the Roman senate and people gave the Illyrians their freedom; he would remove his garrisons from all towns, citadels, and forts. Not only freedom, but tax-exemption as well would be granted, he said, to the people of Issa and Taulantia, and to the Pirustae among the Dassaretii as well as to Rhizon and Olcinium, because they had gone over to the Romans while Gentius was still undefeated. The Daorsi would also be granted tax-exemption, because they had abandoned Caravantius and gone over with their arms to the Romans. On the people of Scodra, the Dassarenses, the Selepitani, and the rest of the Illyrians a tax was laid of half what they had paid to the king. Next, Anicius divided Illyricum into three parts. He made the first of these the region above Pista, the second all the Labeatae, and the third the Agravonitae, Rhizon and Olcinium and their neighbours. After announcing this charter for Illyricum, Anicius returned from there into Epirus to his winter-quarters at Passaron. XXVII. While these events were occurring in Illyricum, Paulus sent his son Quintus Maximus, who had by this time returned from Rome, to sack Aeginium and Agassae before the arrival of the ten commissioners. In the case of Agassae, the reason was that, although they had surrendered their city to the consul Marcius with a voluntary request for alliance with Rome, they had again gone over to Perseus. The fault of Aeginium was recent; because they did not believe the rumour about the Roman victory, they had cruelly treated as enemies certain soldiers who had entered their city. Paulus also sent Lucius Postumius to sack the city of Aenia, because they had maintained resistance more stubbornly than the neighbouring cities. It was about the season of autumn; Paulus decided to employ the beginning of this season travelling about Greece and seeing the sights which are made so famous by repute that they are greater by hearsay than by visual acquaintance. Putting Gaius Sulpicius Gallus in charge of the camp, he set out with no large escort, his son Scipio and Athenaeus, the brother of King Eumenes, serving as his personal aides. He went through Thessaly to Delphi, the famous oracular shrine. There he offered sacrifice to Apollo, and when he saw the columns which had been begun at the entrance, on which they were going to place statues of King Perseus, he reserved them for his own statues as conqueror. At Lebadia also he visited the shrine of Jupiter Trophonius; there he viewed the mouth of the cave through which those who use the oracle go down to make their inquiries of the gods, and offered sacrifice to Jupiter and Hercynna, whose temple is there. Paulus then went down to Chalcis to see the spectacle of the Euripus and of that great island Euboea which is joined by a bridge to the mainland. From Chalcis he crossed to Aulis, three miles away, with its harbour famous as the anchorage once upon a time for the thousand ships of Agamemnon's fleet, and its temple of Diana, where the renowned king of kings sought passage to Troy for his ships by bringing his daughter as a victim to the altar. Thence Paulus went to Oropus in Attica, where an ancient prophet is worshipped as a god, and there is an old temple made charming by springs and streams around it. Thence he went to Athens, which is also replete with ancient glory, but nevertheless has many notable sights, the Acropolis, the harbours, the walls joining Piraeus to the city, the shipyards, the monuments of great generals, and the statues of gods and men —statues notable for every sort of material and artistry.

> Latin: 27.5. auctumni fere tempus erat, cuius temporis initio ad circumeundam Graeciam visendaque, quae nobilitata fama maiora, auribus accepta, sunt, quam oculis noscuntur, uti statuit. praeposito castris C. Sulpicio Gallo profectus cum haud magno comitatu, tegentibus latera Scipione filio et Athenaeo, Eumenis regis fratre, per Thessaliam Delphos petiit, inclitum oraculum; ubi sacrificio Apollini facto inchoatas in vestibulo columnas, quibus imposituri statuas regis Persei fuerant, suis statuis victor destinavit. Lebadiae quoque templum Iovis Trophonii adiit, ibi cum vidisset os specus, per quod oraculo utentes sciscitatum deos descendunt, sacrificio Iovi Hercynnaeque facto, quorum ibi templum est, Chalcidem ad spectaculum Euripi Euboeaeque, tantae insulae, ponte continenti iunctae descendit. a Chalcide Aulidem traicit trium milium spatio distantem, portum inclitum statione quondam mille navium Agamemnoniae classis, Dianaeque templum, ubi navibus cursum ad Troiam filia victima aris admota rex ille regum petiit. inde Oropum Atticae ventum est, ubi pro deo vates anticus colitur, templumque vetustum est fontibus rivisque circa amoenum; Athenas inde, plenas quidem et ipsas vetustate famae, multa tamen visenda habentis, arcem, portus, muros Piraeeum urbi iungentis, navalia, monumenta magnorum imperatorum, simulacra deorum hominumque, omni genere et materiae et artium insignia.

[¶12] 28.1. After offering sacrifice to Minerva, the Guardian of the Citadel, in Athens, Paulus set out for Corinth and reached it on the second day.

> Latin: 28.1. sacrificio Minervae, praesidi arcis, in urbe facto profectus Corinthum altero die pervenit.

[¶13] 28.2. The city was then world-famous before its destruction; its citadel and the Isthmus were also sights to see; the citadel rising to a huge height, enclosed by the city wall and flowing with springs, while the Isthmus separated by its narrow passage two neighbouring seas lying toward the sunrise and sunset.

> Latin: 28.2. urbs erat tunc praeclara ante excidium; arx quoque et Isthmus praebuere spectaculum: arx intra moenia in immanem altitudinem edita, scatens fontibus, Isthmus duo maria ab occasu et ortu solis finitima artis faucibus dirimens.

[¶14] 28.3. Thence Paulus went to Sicyon and Argos, both famous cities; from there he visited Epidaurus, by no means as wealthy a town, but noted for the famous temple of Aesculapius which, at a distance of five miles from the city, is now rich in the traces of gifts of which it has been robbed, but then was rich in the gifts themselves which the sick had consecrated to the god as payment for health-giving remedies.

> Latin: 28.3. Sicyonem inde et Argos, nobiles urbes, adiit; inde haud parem opibus Epidaurum, sed inclitam Aesculapi nobili templo, quod quinque milibus passuum ab urbe distans nunc vestigiis revolsorum donorum, tum donis dives erat, quae remediorum salutarium aegri mercedem sacraverant deo.

[¶15] 28.4. Next he visited Lacedaemon, notable not for the splendour of its buildings, but for its discipline and institutions; from there he went up to Olympia via Megalopolis.

> Latin: 28.4. inde Lacedaemonem adit, non operum magnificentia, sed disciplina institutisque memorabilem, under per Megalopolim Olympiam escendit.

[¶16] 28.5. At Olympia he saw many sights which he considered worth seeing; but he was stirred to the quick as he gazed on what seemed Jupiter's very self.

> Latin: 28.5. ubi et alia quidem spectanda ei visa, et Iovem velut praesentem intuens motus animo est. itaque haud secus, quam si in Capitolio immolaturus esset, sacrificium amplius solito apparari iussit.

[¶17] 28.6. Therefore he ordered a sacrifice prepared larger than usual, just as if he had been going to sacrifice on the Capitol. In this way he travelled through Greece, raising no question as to how either any individual or any state had felt about the war with Perseus, so as not to trouble the minds of the allies by any fear.

> Latin: 28.6. ita peragrata Graecia, ut nihil eorum, quae quisque Persei bello privatim aut publice sensisset, inquireret, ne cuius metu sollicitaret animos sociorum, Demetriadem cum reverteretur, in itinere sordidata turba Aetolorum occurrit;

[¶18] 28.7. When he was returning to Demetrias, he met a crowd of Aetolians in mourning; on his asking in surprise what was the matter, it was reported to him that five hundred and fifty leading men had been killed by Lyciscus and Tisippus, while the senate was surrounded by Roman soldiers sent by Aulus Baebius, the commander of the garrison; others had been driven into exile, and the property of those killed and of the exiles had been seized.

> Latin: 28.7. mirantique et percunctanti, quid esset, defertur quingentos quinquaginta principes ab Lycisco et Tisippo, circumsesso senatu per milites Romanos, missos ab A. Baebio, praefecto praesidii, interfectos, alios in exilium actos esse, bonaque eorum, qui interfecti essent, et exulum possideri. iussis, qui arguebantur, Amphipoli adesse ipse convento Cn.

[¶19] 28.8. Ordering the accused men to meet him at Amphipolis, he joined Gnaeus Octavius in Demetrias. When a report arrived that the ten commissioners had by now crossed the sea, he gave up everything else and went to them at Apollonia.

> Latin: 28.8. Octavio Demetriade, postquam fama accidit traiecisse iam mare decem legatos, omnibus aliis omissis Apolloniam ad eos pergit.

[¶20] 28.9. There Perseus came to meet him from Amphipolis —a. day's journey —free of any guard. Paulus greeted him in kindly fashion but after he arrived in camp at Amphipolis, he is said to have rebuked Gaius Sulpicius severely, first because he had allowed Perseus to roam so far from him through the province, and secondly because he had allowed the soldiers the great liberty of stripping the city walls of tiles, in order to roof over their winter-quarters; Paulus ordered the tiles taken back and the uncovered areas repaired to their previous condition.

> Latin: 28.9. quo cum Perseus obviam Amphipoli nimis soluta custodia processisset — id diei iter est —, ipsum quidem benigne allocutus est; ceterum postquam in castra ad Amphipolim venit, graviter increpuisse traditur C. Sulpicium, primum quod Persea tam procul a se vagari per provinciam passus esset, deinde quod adeo indulsisset militibus, ut nudare tegulis muros urbis ad tegenda hibernacula sua pateretur; referrique tegulas et refici detecta, sicut fuerant, iussit.

[¶21] 28.11. Perseus and his elder son Philip he turned over to Aulus Postumius and put under guard; Perseus' daughter and his younger son he summoned to Amphipolis from Samothrace and maintained completely in the state of free persons.

> Latin: 28.11. et Persea quidem cum maiore filio Philippo, traditos A. Postumio, in custodiam misit; filiam cum minore filio, a Samothrace accitos Amphipolim, omni liberali cultu habuit.

[¶22] 29.1. When the day arrived on which he had ordered ten leading men from each city to be at Amphipolis, and all official despatches which had been filed anywhere and the royal money to be brought in, Paulus with the ten commissioners took his official seat surrounded by the whole crowd of Macedonians.

> Latin: 29.1. ipse, ubi dies venit, quo adesse Amphipoli denos principes civitatium iusserat litterasque omnis, quae ubique depositae essent, et pecuniam regiam conferri, cum decem legatis circumfusa omni multitudine Macedonum in tribunali consedit.

[¶23] 29.2. Although the latter were used to a royal court, yet the ceremonial of a new master was frightening as it met their eyes —the consul's bench, his entrance after the way had been cleared, the herald, and the orderly, all things novel to their eyes and ears, which might have inspired terror in allies, to say nothing of conquered enemies.

> Latin: 29.2. adsuetis regio imperio tamen novum formam terribilem praebuit, tribunal, summoto aditus, praeco, accensus, insueta omnia oculis auribusque, quae vel socios, nedum hostes victos terrere possent.

[¶24] 29.3. After the herald had commanded silence Paulus announced in Latin the decisions of the senate, as well as his own, made by the advice of his council.

> Latin: 29.3. silentio per praeconem facto Paulus Latine, quae senatui, quae sibi ex consilii sententia visa essent, pronuntiavit. ea Cn. Octavius praetor — nam et ipse aderat — interpretata sermone Graeco referebat:

[¶25] 29.4. This announcement was translated into Greek and repeated by Gnaeus Octavius the praetor —for he too was present. The terms were: first of all the Macedonians were given their freedom; they were to keep their own cities and lands, to use their own laws, and to elect annual magistrates; they were to pay to the Roman People half the tax which they had paid to their kings.

> Latin: 29.4. omnium primum liberos esse iubere Macedonas, habentis urbes easdem agrosque, utentes legibus suis, annuos creantis magistratus; tributum dimidium eius, quod pependissent regibus, pendere populo Romano.

[¶26] 29.5. Next, Macedonia was to be divided into four regions; one, the first section, would comprise the land between the Strymon and Nessus Rivers;

> Latin: 29.5. deinde in quattuor regiones dividi Macedoniam. unam fore et primam partem quod agri inter Strymonem et Nessum sit amnem;

[¶27] 29.6. to this region were to be added across the Nessus to the eastward the villages, forts, and towns which Perseus had held except Aenus, Maronea, and Abdera; on this side of the Strymon, too, toward the west there was included all the country of the Bisaltae, including Heraclea, called Sintice.

> Latin: 29.6. accessurum huic parti trans Nessum, ad orientem versum, qua Perseus tenuisset vicos, castella, oppida, praeter Aenum et Maroneam et Abdera; cis Strymonem autem vergentia ad occasum, Bisalticam omnem cum Heraclea, quam Sinticen appellant.

[¶28] 29.7. The second region was to be the region bounded on the east by the Strymon River, except for Heraclea Sintice, and the Bisaltae, while the western boundary would be the Axius River; this would also include the Paeonians who were settled near the Axius River in an easterly direction.

> Latin: 29.7. secundam fore regionem, quam ab ortu Strymo amplecteretur amnis, praeter Sinticen, Heracleam et Bisaltas, ab occasuque Axius terminaret fluvius, additis Paeonibus, qui prope Axium flumen ad regionem orientis colerent.

[¶29] 29.8. The third region was established as that bounded on the east by the Axius, and on the west by the Peneüs River; to the north Mount Bora forms a barrier; to this region was added that part of Paeonia which stretches along the west bank of the Axius River; Edessa and Beroea fell in the same part. The fourth region was across Mount Bora, part marching with Illyricum, the rest with Epirus.

> Latin: 29.8. tertia pars facta, quam Axius ab oriente, Peneus amnis ab occasu cingunt; ad septentrionem Bora mons obicitur. adiecta huic parti regio Paeoniae, qua ab occasu praeter Axium amnem porrigitur;

[¶30] 29.9. The capitals of the regions, where their assemblies were to meet, were established: for the first region, Amphipolis, for the second, Thessalonica, for the third, Pella, and for the fourth, Pelagonia. In those places Paulus ordered an assembly of each region to be appointed, money to be gathered, and magistrates elected.

> Latin: 29.9. Edessa quoque et Beroea eodem concesserunt. quarta regio trans Boram montem, una parte confinis Illyrico, altera Epiro. capita regionum, ubi concilia fierent, primae regionis Amphipolim, secundae Thessalonicen, tertiae Pellam, quartae Pelagoniam fecit.

[¶31] 29.10. Paulus then announced that it had been decided that no one should be allowed the right of marriage or of trading in land or buildings outside the bounds of his own region. Furthermore, the mines of gold and silver were not to be worked, but those of iron and copper were permitted.

> Latin: 29.10. eo concilia suae cuiusque regionis indici, pecuniam conferri, ibi magistratus creari iussit. pronuntiavit deinde neque conubium neque commercium agrorum aedificiorumque inter se placere cuiquam extra fines regionis suae esse.

[¶32] 29.11. The tax on those who worked the mines was set at half what they had paid to the king. The use of imported salt was banned.

> Latin: 29.11. metalla quoque auri atque argenti non exerceri, ferri et aeris permitti. vectigal exercentibus dimidium eius inpositum, quod pependissent regi.

[¶33] 29.12. When the Dardanians asked for the return of Paeonia, on the ground that it had been theirs and adjoined their boundaries, Paulus proclaimed that freedom was being given to all those who had been subjects of Perseus.

> Latin: 29.12. et sale invecto uti vetuit. Dardanis repetentibus Paeoniam, quod et sua fuisset et continens esset finibus suis, omnibus dare libertatem pronuntiavit, qui sub regno Persei fuissent.

[¶34] 29.13. After refusing them Paeonia, he granted them the right to import salt; he ordered the third region to carry salt to Stobi in Paeonia, and he set a price on it. He forbade the Macedonians to cut ship-timbers, or to permit others to do so.

> Latin: 29.13. post non impetratam Paeoniam salis commercium dedit; tertiae regioni imperavit, ut Stobos Paeoniae deveherent, pretiumque statuit.

[¶35] 29.14. The regions which bordered on barbarians —and this was true of all except the third —were allowed to have armed guards along their frontiers.

> Latin: 29.14. navalem materiam et ipsos caedere et alios pati vetuit. regionibus, quae adfines barbaris essent — excepta autem tertia omnes erant —, permisit, ut praesidia armata in finibus extremis haberent.

[¶36] 30.1. The announcement of these arrangements on the first day of the gathering aroused mixed emotions.

> Latin: 30.1. haec pronuntiata primo die conventus varie adfecerunt animos; libertas praeter spem data adrexit et levatum annuum vectigal;

[¶37] 30.2. The unexpected grant of freedom cheered men, as well as the lightening of the annual taxation; but to those who were cut off from trading between regions, their country seemed as mangled as an animal disjointed into parts, each of which needed the other; so unaware were the Macedonians themselves of the size of Macedonia, of how it lent itself to division, and of how self-sufficient each part was.

> Latin: 30.2. regionatim commercio interruptis ita videri lacerata … tamquam animali in artus alterum alterius indigentis distracto: adeo, quanta Macedonia esset, quam divisui facilis, quam se ipsa quaeque contenta pars esset, Macedones quoque ignorabant.

[¶38] 30.3. The assets of the first region are the Bisaltae, men of great courage (they live beyond the Nessus and around the Strymon), soil suitable for many different crops, mines, and the strategic position of Amphipolis, the interposition of which bars off every approach to Macedonia from the sunrise side.

> Latin: 30.3. pars prima Bisaltas habet, fortissimos viros — trans Nessum amnem incolunt et circa Strymonem —, et multas frugum proprietates et metalla et opportunitatem Amphipolis, quae obiecta claudit omnes ab oriente sole in Macedoniam aditus.

[¶39] 30.4. The second region has those highly flourishing cities Thessalonica and Cassandrea, and in addition, Pallene, a fertile and fruitful land; facilities for seafaring are also furnished it by the harbours at Torone, Mount Athos, Aenea, and Acanthus, some of which conveniently face Thessaly and the island of Euboea, and others the Hellespont.

> Latin: 30.4. secunda pars celeberrimas urbes Thessalonicen et Cassandream habet, ad hoc Pallenen, fertilem ac frugiferam terram; maritimas quoque opportunitates ei praebent portus ad Toronen ac montem Athon Aeneamque et Acanthum, alii ad Thessaliam insulamque Euboeam, alii ad Hellespontum opportune versi.

[¶40] 30.5. The third region has the famous cities of Edessa, Beroea, and Pella, and the warlike race of the Vettii, as well as a large population of Gauls and Illyrians, who are industrious farmers.

> Latin: 30.5. tertia regio nobilis urbes Edessam et Beroeam et Pellam habet et Vettiorum bellicosam gentem, incolas quoque permultos Gallos et Illyrios, inpigros cultores.

[¶41] 30.6. The fourth region is inhabited by the Eordaei, Lyncestae, and Pelagonians; added to these are Atintania, Tymphaeis, and Elimiotis.

> Latin: 30.6. quartam regionem Eordaei et Lyncestae et Pelagones incolunt;

[¶42] 30.7. This part of the world is as a whole cold, difficult to cultivate, and harsh; it has inhabitants of temperament like their land. These are also made fiercer by their barbarian neighbours, who now give them training in warfare, now intermingle their practices during peace.

> Latin: 30.7. iuncta his Atintania et Tymphaeis et Elimiotis. frigida haec omnis duraque cultu et aspera plaga est; cultorum quoque ingenia terrae similia habet. ferociores eos et accolae barbari faciunt nunc bello exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos.

[¶43] 30.8. The partition of Macedonia therefore showed, by separating the assets of the regions, how great the country is as a whole.

> Latin: 30.8. divisa itaque Macedoniae partium usibus separatis, quanta univers … ostendit.

[¶44] 31.1. After the proclamation of the charter for Macedonia, Paulus declared that he would also lay down a law-code, and then proceeded to summon the Aetolians.

> Latin: 31.1. Macedoniae formula dicta cum leges quoque se daturum ostendisset, Aetoli deinde citati. in qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est, quam utra fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset;

[¶45] 31.2. In this investigation, the question was more which side had favoured the king and which the Romans, than which had done wrong or had been wronged; the assassins were acquitted of guilt; the exile of the expelled was confirmed quite as definitely as the death of the slain; only Aulus Baebius was condemned for furnishing Roman soldiers to help carry out the slaughter.

> Latin: 31.2. noxa liberati interfectores; exilium pulsis aeque ratum fuit ac mors interfectis; A. Baebius unus est damnatus, quod milites Romanos praebuisset ad ministerium caedis.

[¶46] 31.3. This outcome of the case of the Aetolians raised to an unbearable pitch of pride the spirits of those in all the states and peoples of Greece who sided with the Romans, and crushed helplessly under their feet any who were in some respect tainted by suspicion of having favoured the king.

> Latin: 31.3. hic eventus Aetolorum causae in omnibus Graeciae gentibus populisque eorum, qui partis Romanorum fuerant, inflavit ad intolerabilem superbiam animos et obnoxios pedibus eorum subiecit, quos aliqua parte suspicio favoris in regem contigerat.

[¶47] 31.4. There were three sorts of leaders in the states, two groups who by fawning upon the Roman power and the friendship of kings respectively gained personal wealth for themselves by tyrannizing over their cities; the middle group alone, opposing both the others, strove to guard independence and constitutionality.

> Latin: 31.4. tria genera principum in civitatibus erant, duo, quae adulando aut Romanorum imperium aut amicitiam regum sibi privatim oppressis faciebant civitatibus; media una pars utrique generi adversa libertatem et leges tuebatur.

[¶48] 31.5. Their reward was greater affection from their own people, and less favour in foreign quarters. Carried along on the tide of Roman success, the members of the pro- Roman party were then alone occupying all magistracies and serving as envoys.

> Latin: 31.5. his ut maior apud suos caritas, ita minor ad externos gratia erat. secundis rebus elati Romanorum partis eius fautores soli tum in magistratibus, soli in legationibus erant.

[¶49] 31.6. These gathered in great numbers both from the Peloponnesus and Boeotia and the other leagues of Greece, and filled the ears of the ten commissioners, saying that not only those who out of vanity openly boasted themselves guests and friends of Perseus, but many more who kept under cover, had sided with the king, and under the guise of preserving independence they had turned the whole organization of the league meetings against the Roman interest; these peoples, said their representatives, would not maintain loyalty unless the spirit of the opposition was crushed and the prestige sustained and strengthened of those who had no object in view but the power of Rome.

> Latin: 31.6. hi cum frequentes et ex Peloponneso et ex Boeotia et ex aliis Graeciae conciliis adessent, implevere aures decem legatorum: non eos tantum, qui se propalam per vanitatem iactassent tamquam hospites et amicos Persei, sed multo plures alios ex occulto favisse regi, qui per speciem tuendae libertatis in conciliis adversus Romanos omnia instruxissent, nec aliter eas mansuras in fide gentes, nisi fractis animis partium aleretur confirmareturque auctoritas eorum, qui nihil praeter imperium Romanorum spectarent.

[¶50] 31.9. Names were furnished by these men, and their opponents from Aetolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Boeotia were summoned by dispatches from the general to follow him to Rome to stand trial. Two of the board of commissioners, Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius, set out for Achaia in order to summon men by proclamation on the spot.

> Latin: 31.9. ab his editis nominibus evocati litteris imperatoris ex Aetolia Acarnaniaque et Epiro et Boeotia, qui Romam ad causam dicendam sequerentur; in Achaiam ex decem legatorum numero profecti duo, C. Claudius et Cn. Domitius, ut ipsi edicto evocarent.

[¶51] 31.10. This they did for two reasons, first because they thought the Achaeans had more confidence and more pride to make them refuse obedience and perhaps also Callicrates and the other informers and purveyors of charges might be endangered;

> Latin: 31.10. id duabus de causis factum, una, quod fiduciae plus animorumque esse Achaeis ad non parendum credebant et forsitan etiam in periculo fore Callicraten et ceteros criminum auctores delatoresque;

[¶52] 31.11. the second reason for the personal summons was that from the other leagues they had letters of the leaders that had been seized in the royal archives, but no letters from the Achaeans had been found and the charge against them was blind. When the Aetolians had been dismissed, the Acarnanian League was called up. No changes were made concerning them, except that Leucas was removed from the Acarnanian federation.

> Latin: 31.11. altera, cur praesentes evocarent, causa erat, quod ex aliis gentibus principum litteras deprensas in commentariis regiis habebant, in Achaeis caecum erat crimen nullis eorum litteris inventis.

[¶53] 31.12. In the course of more sweeping inquiries as to support of the king, either individual or by political units, the investigation was extended to Asia, and Labeo was sent to destroy Antissa on the island of Lesbos and to move its inhabitants to Methymna, because when Antenor, the king's admiral, had been roaming about Lesbos with his scout-ships, the people of Antissa had received him into their harbour and aided him with provisions. Two men of distinction were beheaded by the consul, Andronicus, son of Andronicus, an Aetolian, because following his father he had borne arms against the Roman People, and Neon of Thebes, who had induced his people to make an alliance with Perseus.

> Latin: 31.12. Aetolis dimissis Acarnanum citata gens. in his nihil novatum, nisi quod Leucas exempta est Acarnanum concilio. quaerendo deinde latius, qui publice aut privatim partium regis fuissent, in Asiam quoque cognitionem extendere et ad Antissam in Lesbo insula diruendam, traducendos Methymnam Antissaeos Labeonem miserunt, quod Antenorem, regium praefectum, quo tempore cum lembis circa Lesbum est vagatus, portu receptum commeatibus iuvissent. duo securi percussi viri insignes, Andronicus, Andronici filius, Aetolus, quod patrem secutus arma contra populum Romanum tulisset, et Neo Thebanus, quo auctore societatem cum Perseo iunxerant.

[¶54] 32.1. After the interruption due to these investigations of other peoples, the assembly of the Macedonians was again convened.

> Latin: 32.1. his rerum externarum cognitionibus interpositis Macedonum rursus advocatum concilium;

[¶55] 32.2. Concerning the constitution of Macedonia it was announced that senators, whom they call synhedri, were to be chosen, by whose advice affairs of state were to be conducted.

> Latin: 32.2. pronuntiatum, quod ad statum Macedoniae pertinebat, senatores, quos synedros vocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio res publica administraretur. nomina deinde sunt recitata principum Macedonum, quos cum liberis maioribus quam quindecim annos natis praecedere in Italiam placeret.

[¶56] 32.4. The names were read of the Macedonian leaders who, it had been decided, were to precede the consul on the way to Italy with their sons of over fifteen years of age.

> Latin: 32.4. id, prima specie saevom, mox apparuit multitudini Macedonum pro libertate sua esse factum. nominati sunt enim regis amici purpuratique, duces exercituum, praefecti navium aut praesidiorum servire regi humiliter, aliis superbe imperare adsueti;

[¶57] 32.5. This ordinance, cruel at first glance, soon was seen by the commons of Macedonia to have been enacted in the interests of their freedom.

> Latin: 32.5. praedivites alii, alii, quos fortuna non aequarent, his sumptibus pares; regius omnibus victus vestitusque, nulli civilis animus, neque legum neque libertatis aequae patiens.

[¶58] 32.6. For the names were those of the king's friends and the wearers of the purple, of commanders of armies, of officers in command of ships and garrisons-men accustomed to being humble slaves of the king, but haughty tyrants toward others.

> Latin: 32.6. omnes igitur, qui in aliquis ministeriis regiis, etiam qui in legationibus fuerant, iussi Macedonia excedere atque in Italiam ire; qui non paruisset imperio, mors denuntiata.

[¶59] 32.7. Some were exceedingly rich, others equalled in expenditure those whose fortunes they could not match; all of them used the diet and garments of the court, none had the temperament of a citizen, or would endure the rule of law and the give-and-take of free men.

> Latin: 32.7. leges Macedoniae dedit cum tanta cura, ut non hostibus victis, sed sociis bene meritis dare videretur, et quas ne usus quidem longo tempore, qui unus est legum corrector, experiendo argueret. ab seriis rebus ludicrum, quod ex multo ante praeparato et in Asiae civitates et ad reges missis, qui denuntiarent, et cum circumiret ipse Graeciae civitates indixerat principibus, magno apparatu Amphipoli fecit.

[¶60] 32.9. All, therefore, who had held some office under the king, even those who had served as ambassadors, were ordered to leave Macedonia and travel to Italy; death was the penalty announced for disobedience to this order.

> Latin: 32.9. nam et artificum omnis generis, qui ludicram artem faciebant, ex toto orbe terrarum multitudo et athletarum et nobilium equorum convenit et legationes cum victimis et quidquid aliud deorum hominumque causa fieri magnis ludis in Graecia solet.

[¶61] 32.10. Paulus laid down laws for Macedonia with such care as to seem to be giving them not to conquered enemies, but to well-deserving allies —laws which not even experience over along period, the one best amender of legislation, could prove faulty in actual use. After the serious business, Paulus celebrated with great pomp at Amphipolis a festival which had been long under preparation, and to announce which he had sent men to the cities and the kings of Asia, while he himself had given notice to the leading men during his tour of the Greek cities. For a crowd of all sorts of professionals in the art of entertainment gathered from all over the world, as well as athletes and famous horses;

> Latin: 32.10. ita factum est, ut non magnificentiam tantum, sed prudentiam in dandis spectaculis, ad quae rudes tum Romani erant, admirarentur. epulae quoque legationibus paratae et opulentia et cura eadem. vulgo dictum ipsius ferebant, et convivium instruere et ludos parare eiusdem esse, qui vincere bello sciret. edito ludicro omnis generis clupeisque aereis in naves inpositis cetera omnis generis arma cumulata in ingentem acervum, precatus Martem, Minervam Luamque matrem et ceteros deos, quibus spolia hostium dicare ius fasque est, ipse imperator face subdita succendit; deinde circumstantes tribuni militum pro se quisque ignes coniecerunt.

[¶62] 33.3. moreover there were delegations with sacrifices, and whatever more is usually done at the great games of Greece for the sake of gods or men, was so carried out as to arouse admiration not only for lavishness but for skill in giving shows, at which Romans were then tyros. Banquets for the delegations were also prepared with equal sumptuousness and pains. From mouth to mouth went the saying of Paulus himself, that the man who knew how to conquer in war could also arrange a banquet and organize games. XXXIII. After the festival had been held and the bronze shields loaded into ships, the rest of the arms of all kinds were piled up into a great heap, and the general, after prayer to Mars, Minerva, Mother Lua, and the other gods to whom it is right and lawful to dedicate the spoils of the enemy, with his own hands put the torch to the pile; then each of the military tribunes as they stood round about tossed in fire.

> Latin: 33.3. notata est in illo conventu Europae Asiaeque, undique partim ad gratulationem, partim ad spectaculum contracta multitudine, tantis navalibus terrestribusque exercitibus, ea copia rerum, ea vilitas annonae, ut et privatis et civitatibus et gentibus dona data pleraque eius generis sint ab imperatore non in usum modo praesentem, sed etiam quod domos aveherent.

[¶63] 33.5. In that great gathering of Europe and Asia, when such a crowd had assembled partly to offer congratulations and partly for the display, and in the presence of such forces naval and military, a remarkable fact was that supplies were so abundant and grain so cheap that both to individuals and to cities and peoples abundant gifts of such supplies were made by the general, not only for immediate use, but to be taken home with them. The eyes of the crowd which came were no more drawn to the stage spectacle, the contests of men, or the racing of the horses, than to the collected loot of Macedonia, set out on exhibition, statues, paintings, rare stuffs, and vessels made of gold, silver, bronze and ivory, manufactured with great pains in the palace at Pella, so as to serve not only for immediate show, as did the objects with which the palace at Alexandria was crammed, but for continuous use.

> Latin: 33.5. spectaculo fuit ei, quae venerat, turbae non scaenicum magis ludicrum, non certamina hominum aut curricula equorum, quam praeda Macedonica omnis, ut viseretur, exposita, statuarum tabularumque et textilium et vasorum ex auro et argento et aere et ebore factorum ingenti cura in ea regia, ubi non in praesentem modo speciem, qualibus referta regia Alexandreae erat, sed in perpetuum usum fierent.

[¶64] 33.7. This booty was loaded on the fleet and given to Gnaeus Octavius to transport to Rome. After a courteous farewell to the delegates, Paulus crossed the Strymon and pitched camp a mile from Amphipolis; thence he set out for Pella and arrived on the fifth day. Passing by the city to what is called the Pellaeum, he halted for two days, and sent his son Quintus Maximus and Publius Nasica with a portion of the troops to ravage Illyrians who had helped Perseus in the war, ordering the expedition to meet him at Oricum; the consul himself made for Epirus and reached Passaron on the fifteenth day.

> Latin: 33.7. haec in classem inposita devehenda Romam Cn. Octavio data. Paulus benigne legatis dimissis transgressus Strymonem mille passuum ab Amphipoli castra posuit; inde profectus Pellam quinto die pervenit. praetergressus urbem, ad Spelaeum quod vocant biduum moratus P. Nasicam et Q. Maximum filium cum parte copiarum ad depopulandos Illyrios, qui Persea iuverant bello, misit iussos ad Oricum sibi occurrere; ipse Epirum petens quintis decimis castris Passaronem pervenit.

[¶65] 34.1. Not far from here was the camp of Anicius. Paulus sent him despatches, so that there should be no disturbance over what was about to take place, saying that the senate had granted to Paulus' army the booty from those cities of Epirus which had deserted to Perseus. The consul sent centurions to the several cities, who were to say that they had come to remove the garrisons so that the people of Epirus might be free like the Macedonians; ten leading men from each city were summoned to the consul.

> Latin: 34.1. haud procul inde Anici castra aberant. ad quem litteris missis, ne quid ad ea, quae fierent, moveretur: senatum praedam Epiri civitatium, quae ad Persea defecissent, exercitui dedisse suo, missis centurionibus in singulas urbes, qui se dicerent ad praesidia deducenda venisse, ut liberi Epirotae sicut Macedones essent, denos principes ex singulis evocavit civitatibus.

[¶66] 34.2. These men were instructed to have the gold and silver collected at the civic centre.

> Latin: 34.2. quibus cum denuntiasset, ut aurum atque argentum in publicum proferretur, per omnes civitates cohortes dimisit.

[¶67] 34.3. Then cohorts were sent to all the cities, those bound for the more distant leaving before those for the nearer, so that they would arrive at all the towns on the same day.

> Latin: 34.3. ante in ulteriores quam in propiores profecti, ut uno die in omnes perveniretur.

[¶68] 34.4. The tribunes and centurions had been instructed as to their mission. Early in the day all the gold and silver was collected; at the fourth hour the soldiers were given the signal to plunder the towns.

> Latin: 34.4. edita tribunis centurionibusque erant, quae agerentur. mane omne aurum argentumque conlatum; hora quarta signum ad diripiendas urbes datum est militibus;

[¶69] 34.5. So great was the booty that a distribution was made of four hundred denarii apiece to the cavalry, and two hundred apiece to the infantry, and one-hundred and fifty thousand persons were removed.

> Latin: 34.5. tantaque praeda fuit, ut in equitem quadringeni denarii, peditibus duceni dividerentur, centum quinquaginta milia capitum humanorum abducerentur.

[¶70] 34.6. The walls of the plundered cities were destroyed; the number of communities was about seventy. All the booty was sold, and from the proceeds the amounts given above were paid to the army.

> Latin: 34.6. muri deinde direptarum urbium diruti sunt; ea fuere oppida circa septuaginta. vendita praeda omnis; inde ea summa militi numerata est.

[¶71] 34.7. Paulus went down to the sea at Oricum, having by no means met the expectations of the soldiers, as he had supposed he would; the men were complaining that they had no share in the booty from the king, as if they had fought no campaign in Macedonia.

> Latin: 34.7. Paulus ad mare Oricum descendit nequaquam, ut ratus erat, expletis militum animis, qui, tamquam nullum in Macedonia gessissent bellum, expertis regiae praedae esse indignabantur.

[¶72] 34.8. On finding at Oricum the troops he had sent with Scipio Nasica and his son Maximus, Paulus embarked his army on ships and crossed to Italy.

> Latin: 34.8. Orici cum missas cum Scipione Nasica Maximoque filio copias invenisset, exercitu in naves inposito in Italiam traiecit.

[¶73] 34.9. A few days later Anicius, after waiting for the ships which the army of Macedonia had used, crossed to Italy, first holding an assembly of the remaining Epirotes and Acarnanians, and ordering the leaders, judgment about whom he had reserved for the senate, to follow him to Italy.

> Latin: 34.9. et post paucos dies Anicius conventu reliquorum Epirotarum Acarnanumque acto iussisque in Italiam sequi principibus, quorum cognitionem causae senatui reservarat, et ipse navibus expectatis, quibus usus Macedonicus exercitus erat, in Italiam traiecit.

[¶74] 34.10. While these events were occurring in Macedonia and Epirus, the commissioners who had been sent with Attalus to put an end to the war between the Galatians and King Eumenes, arrived in Asia.

> Latin: 34.10. cum haec in Macedonia Epiroque gesta sunt, legati, qui cum Attalo ad finiendum bellum inter Gallos et regem Eumenem missi erant, in Asiam pervenerunt.

[¶75] 34.11. A truce had been declared for the winter; the Galatians on their side had returned to their homes, and the king had gone into winter-quarters at Pergamum and was ill with a serious disease. Early spring called the Galatians into the field, and they had by this time reached Synnada; Eumenes had mustered an army from all sides at Sardis.

> Latin: 34.11. indutiis per hiemem factis et Galli domos abierant et rex in hiberna concesserat Pergamum gravique morbo aeger fuerat. ver primum ex domo Gallos exciverat; iamque Synnada pervenerant, cum Eumenes ad Sardis undique exercitum contraxerat.

[¶76] 34.12. At that city the Romans learned that Solovettius the Galatian leader was at Synnada, and decided to go there to confer with him; Attalus set out with them, but it was decided that he should not enter the camp of the Galatians, lest tempers be lost during an altercation.

> Latin: 34.12. ibi Romani cum et Solovettium ducem Gallorum Synnadis … adlocuturi. et Attalus cum eis profectus; sed castra Gallorum intrare eum non placuit, ne animi ex disceptatione inritarentur.

[¶77] 34.13. Publius Licinius, an ex-consul, talked with the prince of the Galatians and reported that he had been emboldened by the appeal to him, so that it was occasion for wonder that the words of Roman envoys had had such weight with those prosperous kings Antiochus and Ptolemy that they at once made peace, whereas with the Galatians Roman words were without effect.

> Latin: 34.13. P. Licinius cum regulo Gallorum est locutus rettulitque ferociorem eum deprecando factum, ut mirum videri possit inter tam opulentos reges Antiochum Ptolemaeumque tantum legatorum Romanorum verba valuisse, ut extemplo pacem facerent, apud Gallos nullius momenti fuisse.

[¶78] 35.1. In Rome first the captive kings, Perseus and Gentius, were placed in custody with their children, next the horde of other prisoners, and after them the Macedonians who had been ordered to come to Rome, and the leaders of Greece, for these men too had not only been summoned when at home, but if any of them were reported as being at the courts of the kings, they had also been sought out by letter.

> Latin: 35.1. Romam primum reges captivi Perseus et Gentius in custodiam cum liberis abducti, dein turba alia captivorum, tum quibus Macedonum denuntiatum erat, ut Romam venirent, principumque Graeciae; nam ii quoque non solum praesentes exciti erant, sed etiam, si qui apud reges esse dicebantur, litteris arcessiti sunt.

[¶79] 35.3. After a few days, Paulus himself sailed up the Tiber to the city in a royal galley of immense size, which was driven by sixteen banks of oars, and decorated with the spoils of Macedonia, not only splendid armour, but also royal fabrics. The banks were lined with the crowd which had poured out to welcome him. A few days later Anicius and Octavius arrived aboard their fleet.

> Latin: 35.3. Paulus ipse post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine.

[¶80] 35.4. A triumph was decreed to all three commanders by the senate, and Quintus Cassius the praetor was assigned the task of arranging with the tribunes of the commons that they should propose to the commons, on motion of the senate, a resolution that the commanders should keep their authority of office on the day on which they rode into the city in triumph.

> Latin: 35.4. paucos post dies Anicius et Octavius classe sua advecti. tribus iis omnibus decretus est ab senatu triumphus mandatumque Q. Cassio praetori, cum tribunis plebis ageret, ex auctoritate patrum rogationem ad plebem ferrent, ut iis, quo die in urbem triumphantes inveherentur, imperium esset.

[¶81] 35.5. Moderate circumstances are unassailed by envy; that passion always aims at the heights. There was no debate over the triumphs for Anicius and Octavius; but defamation attacked Paulus, to whom the others themselves would have blushed to compare themselves.

> Latin: 35.5. intacta invidia media sunt; ad summa ferme tendit. nec de Anici nec de Octavi triumpho dubitatum est; Paulum, cui ipsi quoque se conparare erubuissent, obtrectatio carpsit.

[¶82] 35.6. He had held the soldiers to old-fashioned discipline; he had given them less of the booty than they had hoped for from such lavish royal resources, though had he given rein to their greed, they would have left nothing to be deposited in the public treasury.

> Latin: 35.6. antiqua disciplina milites habuerat; de praeda parcius, quam speraverant ex tantis regiis opibus, dederat nihil relicturis, si aviditati indulgeretur, quod in aerarium deferret.

[¶83] 35.7. The whole army of Macedonia, angered at their general, were prepared to be slack in attending the assembly for passing the law.

> Latin: 35.7. totus Macedonicus exercitus imperatori iratus neglegenter erat adfuturus comitiis ferendae legis.

[¶84] 35.8. But Servius Sulpicius Galba, who had been military tribune of the second legion in Macedonia, and was personally hostile to the general, had egged on the men to appear for voting in full numbers, by buttonholing the men himself and urging them through the soldiers of his legion.

> Latin: 35.8. sed eos Ser. Sulpicius Galba, qui tribunus militum secundae legionis in Macedonia fuerat, privatim imperatori inimicus, prensando ipse et per suae legionis milites sollicitando stimulaverat, ut frequentes ad suffragium adessent;

## 18. Book XLV · chapters 35–44

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/18/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/18/#p-N

[¶0] 35.9. Let them, said Sulpicius, avenge themselves on their domineering and stingy leader by voting down the proposal concerning his triumph; the city commons would follow the opinion of the soldiers. Paulus had been unable to give them money; but the rank and file were able to award honours. Let him not look for a harvest of gratitude where he had not earned it.

> Latin: 35.9. imperiosum ducem et malignum antiquando rogationem, quae de triumpho eius ferretur, ulciscerentur. plebem urbanam secuturam esse militum iudicia. pecuniam illum dare non potuisse, militem honorem dare posse. ne speraret ibi fructum gratiae, ubi non meruisset.

[¶1] 36.1. Such was the urging of Sulpicius. When Tiberius Sempronius, tribune of the commons, proposed this resolution on the Capitol, and opportunity was given to citizens to speak concerning the law, hardly anyone came forward to urge passage, since the case seemed quite clear.

> Latin: 36.1. his incitatis cum in Capitolio rogationem eam Ti. Sempronius tribunus plebis ferret et privatis de lege dicendi locus esset, ad suadendum, ut in re minime dubia, haud quisquam procederet, Ser.

[¶2] 36.2. Suddenly Servius Galba came forward and asked of the tribunes, inasmuch as it was now the eighth hour of the day, and time would not serve for him to show cause why they should not allow Lucius Aemilius to celebrate a triumph, that they should adjourn to the following day, and bring the matter up early, because he needed a full day to present his arguments.

> Latin: 36.2. Galba repente processit et a tribunis postulavit, ut, quoniam hora iam octava diei esset, nec satis temporis ad demonstrandum haberet, cur L. Aemilium non iuberent triumphare, in posterum diem differrent et mane eam rem agerent:

[¶3] 36.3. When the tribunes ordered him to say what he wished on that day, he prolonged the meeting till nightfall with his speaking, recalling and reminding them of the harsh enforcement of military duties; more toil and more danger had been imposed, he said, than the situation demanded; on the other hand, rewards and honours had been without exception restricted; and military service, if success attended this sort of leadership, would be more dreadful and full of hardships in wartime, and after victory would moreover be left without funds or honours.

> Latin: 36.3. integro sibi die ad causam eam orandam opus esse. cum tribuni dicere eo die, si quid vellet, iuberent, in noctem rem dicendo extraxit referendo admonendoque exacta acerbe munia militiae; plus laboris, plus periculi, quam desiderasset res, iniunctum;

[¶4] 36.4. The fate of the Macedonians was preferable, said Galba, to that of the Roman soldiers. If they turned out in large numbers on the next day to reject the law, men with authority would be made aware that not everything was under the control of the leader, but something also under that of the soldiers.

> Latin: 36.4. contra in praemiis, in honoribus omnia artata; militiamque, si talibus succedat ducibus, horridiorem asperioremque bellantibus eandem victoribus inopem atque inhonoratam futuram. Macedonas in meliore fortuna quam milites Romanos esse. si frequentes postero die ad legem antiquandam adessent, intellecturos potentis viros non omnia in ducis, aliquid et in militum manu esse.

[¶5] 36.6. Roused by these utterances, the soldiers next day filled the Capitol with such a crowd that no one else could approach to cast his vote.

> Latin: 36.6. his vocibus incitati postero die milites tanta frequentia Capitolium conpleverunt, ut aditus nulli praeterea ad suffragium ferendum esset.

[¶6] 36.7. When the first tribes called within the enclosure voted against the law, the leaders of the state hastened to gather on the Capitol, crying out that it was an unworthy action to rob Lucius Paulus of his triumph when he had won so great a war; the generals were being helplessly subjected to the insubordination and greed of their men.

> Latin: 36.7. intro vocatae primae tribus cum antiquarent, concursus in Capitolium principum civitatis factus est indignum facinus esse clamitantium, L. Paulum tanti belli victorem despoliari triumpho:

[¶7] 36.8. Even now wrong action was all too often taken for the sake of currying favour; what would happen if soldiers were made the masters of their generals? Each man hurled reproaches on his own score against Galba.

> Latin: 36.8. obnoxios imperatores tradi licentiae atque avaritiae militari. iam nunc nimis saepe per ambitionem peccari; quid, si domini milites imperatoribus imponatur? in Galbam pro se quisque probra ingerere.

[¶8] 36.9. When this uproar had at last been calmed, Marcus Servilius, who had been consul and master of the horse, requested of the tribunes that they should conduct this balloting anew, and give him an opportunity to speak to the people.

> Latin: 36.9. tandem hoc tumultu sedato M. Servilius, qui consul et magister equitum fuerat, ut de integro eam rem agerent ab tribunis petere dicendique sibi ad populum potestatem facerent.

[¶9] 36.10. After the tribunes had retired to consider the proposal, overborne by the influence of the leading men, they began to repeat the proceedings, and announced that they would call the same tribes again, once Marcus Servilius and other citizens who wished to speak, had had their say.

> Latin: 36.10. tribuni, cum ad deliberandum secessissent, victi auctoritatibus principum de integro agere coeperunt revocaturosque se easdem tribus pronuntiarunt, si M. Servilius aliique privati, qui dicere vellent, dixissent.

[¶10] 37.1. Then Servilius said: "If it were impossible, fellow-citizens, to determine from anything else how great a general Lucius Aemilius has shown himself to be this one criterion would have sufficed -that although he had in camp such mutinous and unreliable soldiers, as well as a personal enemy of such high rank, so rash, and so eloquent a rabble-rouser, yet Paulus had no breach of discipline in his army.

> Latin: 37.1. tum Servilius: ‘quantus imperator L. Aemilius fuerit, Quirites, si ex alia re nulla aestimari possit, vel hoc satis erat, quod, cum tam seditiosos et leves milites, tam nobilem, tam temerarium, tam eloquentem ad instigandam multitudinem inimicum in castris haberet, nullam in exercitu seditionem habuit.

[¶11] 37.2. The same strictness of command which now they hate at that time restrained them. Consequently, being kept under old-fashioned discipline, they neither said nor did anything mutinous.

> Latin: 37.2. eadem severitas imperii, quam nunc oderunt, tum eos continuit. itaque antiqua disciplina habiti neque dixerunt seditiose quicquam neque fecerunt.

[¶12] 37.3. "As for Servius Galba, if he wished by accusing Lucius Paulus to put his apprenticeship behind him and offer proof of his skill as an orator, he should not have interfered with the triumph, which the senate had adjudged to be proper, to say nothing of other considerations.

> Latin: 37.3. Servius quidem Galba, si in L. Paulo accusando tirocinium ponere et documentum eloquentiae dare voluit, non triumphum inpedire debuit, quem, si nihil aliud, senatus iustum esse iudicaverat, sed postero die quam triumphatum esset, privatum cum visurus esset, nomen deferret et legibus interrogaret;

[¶13] 37.4. Rather on the day after the triumph was celebrated, when he would see Paulus a private citizen, he should bring accusation and question him according to law, or a little later, when Galba entered upon his first public office, he should summon his enemy to trial and accuse him before the people.

> Latin: 37.4. aut serius paulo, cum primum magistratus ipse cepisset, diem diceret inimico et eum ad populum accusaret.

[¶14] 37.5. Thus there would accrue to Lucius Paulus not only the triumph which is the due reward for his success in gloriously conducting the war, but also punishment, if he had done anything unworthy of his laurels, both new and old. "But, if you please, Galba wished to tarnish the praises of the man to whom he could ascribe no crime, no guilt.

> Latin: 37.5. ita et pretium recte facti triumphum haberet L. Paulus pro egregie bello gesto et poenam, si quid et vetere gloria sua et nova indignum fecisset.

[¶15] 37.6. Yesterday he asked for a full day in which to accuse Lucius Paulus; actually he squandered in speaking four hours, all that was left of the day.

> Latin: 37.6. sed videlicet, cui crimen nullum, nullum probrum dicere poterat, eius obtrectare laudes voluit. diem integrum hesterno die ad accusandum L. Paulum petiit: quattuor horas, quantum supererat diei, dicendo absumpsit.

[¶16] 37.7. What defendant was ever so guilty that the faults in his life could not be expounded in all those hours? What did Galba say in this time which Lucius Paulus would want to deny, if he were on trial? Let someone, pray, call two meetings for a moment, one of the army of Macedonia, the other unprejudiced and of judgment less impaired by partisanship or hate, a meeting of the whole Roman people.

> Latin: 37.7. quis umquam tam nocens reus fuit, cuius vitia vitae tot horis expromi non possent? quid interim obiecit, quod L. Paulus, si causam dicat, negatum velit?

[¶17] 37.8. "Let the defendant be brought first before the meeting in mufti —the civilians. What would you say before the citizen-body of Rome, Servius Galba?

> Latin: 37.8. duas mihi aliquis contiones parumper faciat, unam militum Macedonicorum, puram alteram, integrioris iudicii et a favore et odio universi populi Romani. apud contionem togatam et urbanam prius reus agatur.

[¶18] 37.9. For all your speech of yesterday would be cut short: 'You were posted on guard too strictly and watchfully; the sentries were inspected too severely and too frequently; you got more work done than formerly, because the general himself was going the rounds to see that it was done; on the same day you made a march and went from the march out to battle; even when you had won the battle he did not let you rest —he led you at once in pursuit of the enemy.

> Latin: 37.9. quid apud Quirites Romanos, Ser. Galba, diceres? illa enim tibi tota abscisa oratio esset ‘in statione severius et intentius institisti; vigiliae acerbius et diligentius circumitae sunt; operis plus quam antea fecisti, cum ipse imperator ut exactor circumiret;

[¶19] 37.10. Although he might have made you rich by dividing the spoil, he is planning to carry the royal treasure in his triumph and deposit it in the treasury.' These statements, though they have a certain sting to provoke the temper of the soldiers, who think that Paulus has catered too little to their lack of discipline and their greed, would just as surely have had no power to move the Roman people; for even though the people should not recall the old stories which they heard from their fathers of disasters suffered because generals courted popularity, and of victories won by strictness of command, yet the people surely remember the late Punic War, and what a difference there was between Marcus Minucius the master of horse, and Quintus Fabius Maximus the dictator.

> Latin: 37.10. eodem die et iter fecisti et in aciem ex itinere isti, ne victorem quidem te adquiescere passus est; statim ad persequendos hostes duxit. cum te praeda partienda locupletem facere posset, pecuniam regiam translaturus in triumpho est et in aerarium laturus.’ haec sicut ad militum animos stimulandos aliquem aculeum habent, qui parum licentiae, parum avaritiae suae inservitum censent, ita apud populum Romanum nihil valuissent, qui, ut vetera atque audita a parentibus suis non repetat, quae ambitione imperatorum clades acceptae sint, quae severitate imperii victoriae partae, proxumo certe Punico bello, quid inter M.

[¶20] 37.12. And so it would have been clear that the accuser could not open his mouth, and that a defence of Paulus was superfluous.

> Latin: 37.12. Minucium magistrum equitum et Q. Fabium Maximum dictatorem interfuerit, meminit.

[¶21] 37.13. "Let us pass over to the other meeting; and I think I will not address you as 'Citizens,' but as 'Soldiers,' in case this title may at least bring a blush to your cheeks, and instill some scruple against maltreating your general.

> Latin: 37.13. itaque accusatorem … hiscere potuisse et supervacaneam defensionem Pauli fuisse. transeatur ad alteram contionem; nec Quirites vos, sed milites videor appellaturus, si nomen hoc saltem ruborem incutere et verecundiam aliquam imperatoris violandi adferre possit.

[¶22] 38.1. "Indeed the state of my own feelings is different, when I picture myself speaking before the army, than it was previously, when my speech was directed toward the people of the city.

> Latin: 38.1. equidem ipse aliter adfectus animo sum, qui apud exercitum mihi loqui videar, quam paulo ante eram, cum ad plebem urbanam spectabat oratio. quid enim dicitis, milites?

[¶23] 38.2. For what do you mean, soldiers? Is there anyone in Rome except Perseus who does not want the triumph over Macedonia to be celebrated? And are you not ready to tear such an objector to pieces with the same hands with which you conquered the Macedonians? He who prevents you from entering the city in triumph would have prevented you from winning the victory, had he been able.

> Latin: 38.2. aliquis est Romae praeter Persea, qui triumphari de Macedonibus nolit; et eum non iisdem manibus discerpitis, quibus Macedonas vicistis? vincere vos prohibuisset, si potuisset, qui triumphantis urbem inire prohibet.

[¶24] 38.3. You are wrong, soldiers, if you suppose that a triumph is an honour only to the general, and not also to the soldiers and to the Roman People as a whole.

> Latin: 38.3. erratis, milites, si triumphum imperatoris tantum et non militum quoque et universi populi Romani esse decus censetis.

[¶25] 38.4. It is not the glory of Paulus alone which is at stake in this matter. "Furthermore, many who did not secure a triumph from the senate celebrated their triumph on the Alban Mount. No one can deprive Lucius Paulus of the glory of bringing the Macedonian war to an end any more than he can deprive Gaius Lutatius of credit for the First Punic War, or Publius Cornelius of that for the Second, or the others who have more recently celebrated triumphs.

> Latin: 38.4. non unius in hoc Pauli — multi, etiam qui ab senatu non inpetrarunt triumphum, in monte Albano triumpharunt; nemo L. Paulo magis eripere decus perfecti belli Macedonici potest quam C. Lutatio primi Punici belli, quam P. Cornelio secundi; … quam illi, qui triumphaverant;

[¶26] 38.5. A triumph will make Lucius Paulus neither greater nor less as a general; rather it is the reputation of the soldiers and that of the Roman People as a whole which is at stake in this matter, in the first place that Rome may not gain a reputation for a jealous and ungrateful spirit toward her most distinguished citizens, and seem in this respect to be imitating the people of Athens who in their envy buffet their leading men.

> Latin: 38.5. nec L. Paulum minorem aut maiorem imperatorem triumphus faciet —, militum magis in hoc universique populi Romani fama agitur, primum ne invidiae et ingrati animi adversus clarissimum quemque civem opinionem habeat et imitari in hoc populum Atheniensem lacerantem invidia principes suos videatur.

[¶27] 38.7. Enough of a crime was committed by your ancestors against Camillus —though they wronged him before his recovery of the city from the Gauls; enough was done by yourselves against Publius Africanus. Let us blush that the home and abode of the conqueror of Africa was at Liternum, and that it is at Liternum that his tomb is displayed.

> Latin: 38.7. satis peccatum in Camillo a maioribus vestris est, quem tamen ante receptam per eum a Gallis urbem violarunt; satis nuper a vobis in P. Africano. Literni domicilium et sedem fuisse domitoris Africae, Literni sepulcrum ostendi erubescamus.

[¶28] 38.8. Let Lucius Paulus rival these men in glory, but let him not be their equal in suffering injustice at your hands.

> Latin: 38.8. gloria sit par illis viris L. Paulus, iniuria vestra ne exaequetur. haec igitur primum infamia deleatur foeda apud alias gentes, damnosa apud nostros.

[¶29] 38.9. "Let therefore this disgrace be in the first place blotted out —a disgrace odious before other peoples, and harmful to ourselves. For who would want to emulate either Africanus or Paulus in a city so ungrateful and so hostile to excellence?

> Latin: 38.9. quis enim aut Africani aut Pauli similis esse in ingrata et inimica bonis civitate velit?

[¶30] 38.10. If there were no question of disgrace, and only glory were at stake, what possible triumph does not embody the glory of the Roman name which we all share?

> Latin: 38.10. si infamia nulla esset et de gloria tantum ageretur, qui tandem triumphus non communem nominis Romani gloriam habet?

[¶31] 38.11. Are the many triumphs which have been celebrated over the Gauls, over the Spaniards, over the Carthaginians spoken of as pertaining merely to the generals themselves, or to the Roman People? Just as triumphs are celebrated, not merely over Pyrrhus or Hannibal, but over the people of Epirus or Carthage, so not Manius Curius or Publius Cornelius alone, but the Romans celebrated the triumph.

> Latin: 38.11. tot de Gallis triumphi, tot de Hispanis, tot de Poenis ipsorum tantum imperatorum an populi Romani dicuntur? quem ad modum non de Pyrrho modo nec de Hannibale, sed de Epirotis Carthaginiensibusque [et Macedonibus] triumphi acti sunt, sic non M'. Curius tantum nec P. Cornelius, sed Romani triumpharunt.

[¶32] 38.12. Soldiers indeed are directly interested in the matter, for they too are crowned with laurel, while each man is adorned with the decorations he has been given; they parade through the city invoking the spirit of Triumph by name and singing their own praises and those of their general.

> Latin: 38.12. militum quidem propria est causa, qui et ipsi laureati et quisque donis, quibus donati sunt, insignes triumphum nomine cient suasque et imperatoris laudes canentes per urbem incedunt.

[¶33] 38.13. If on some occasion the soldiers are not brought back from the field for the triumph, they grumble; and yet even on such an occasion they believe that they are included in the triumph, though absent, because the victory has been won by their hands.

> Latin: 38.13. si quando non deportati ex provincia milites ad triumphum sunt, fremunt; et tamen tum quoque se absentis, quod suis manibus parta victoria sit, triumphare credunt.

[¶34] 38.14. If someone should ask you, soldiers, for what purpose you were transported to Italy, and were not dismissed at once when your mission had been completed, if he should ask why you had come to Rome in complete military units, why you were lingering here and were not dispersing, each to his own home, what would you answer but that you wished to be seen celebrating your triumph? Certainly you yourselves ought to have wanted to make a public appearance as conquerors.

> Latin: 38.14. si quis vos interroget, milites, ad quam rem in Italiam deportati et non statim confecta provincia dimissi sitis, quid Romam frequentes sub signis veneritis, quid moremini hic et non diversi domos quisque abeatis vestras, quid aliud respondeatis, quam vos triumphantis videri velle? vos certe victores conspici velle debebatis.

[¶35] 39.1. "Triumphs have been celebrated in recent years over Philip, the father of this king, and over Antiochus; both were still on the throne when the triumph was celebrated. Shall no triumph be celebrated over Perseus, who was taken prisoner and brought with his children to Rome?

> Latin: 39.1. triumphatum nuper de Philippo, patre huius, et de Antiocho est; ambo regnabant, cum de iis triumphatum est. de Perseo capto, in urbem cum liberis abducto non triumphabitur?

[¶36] 39.2. Nay, if while the other commanders were mounting the Capitol in the chariot, arrayed in their gold and purple, from below them Lucius Paulus, a lone citizen in the crowd of civilians, should ask them, ' Lucius Anicius, Gnaeus Octavius, do you consider yourselves more worthy of a triumph, or me? ' they would, I believe, yield him their place in the chariot and for very shame hand their regalia over to him.

> Latin: 39.2. quodsi in curru scandentis Capitolium, auratos purpuratosque, ex inferiore loco L. Paulus in turba togatorum unus privatus interroget ‘L. Anici, Cn. Octavi, utrum vos digniores triumpho esse an me censetis?’, curru descensuri et prae pudore videntur insignia ipsi sua tradituri.

[¶37] 39.3. Do you prefer, fellow-citizens, to have Gentius rather than Perseus led in a triumph, and the celebration to be made for an appendage to the war rather than for the war itself?

> Latin: 39.3. et vos Gentium quam Persea duci in triumpho mavoltis, Quirites, et de accessione potius belli quam de bello triumphari?

[¶38] 39.4. The legions from Illyricum will also enter the city crowned with laurel, and so will the sailors; shall the legions of Macedonia witness the triumphs of others after their own has been cancelled? What then shall become of so kingly a booty, of the spoils of so rich a victory?

> Latin: 39.4. et legiones ex Illyrico laureatae urbem inibunt et navales socii; Macedonicae legiones suo abrogato triumpho alienos spectabunt? quid deinde tam opimae praedae, tam opulentae victoriae spoliis fiet?

[¶39] 39.5. What, pray, shall be the hiding-place for all those thousand sets of arms stripped from the bodies of the enemy? Shall they be sent back to Macedonia? What of the golden statues, the marbles, the ivories, the paintings, the rare stuffs, all the embossed silver, all the gold, all the royal money?

> Latin: 39.5. quonam abdentur illa tot milia armorum detracta corporibus hostium? an in Macedoniam remittentur? quo signa aurea, marmorea, eburnea, tabulae pictae, textilia, tantum argenti caelati, tantum auri, tanta pecunia regia?

[¶40] 39.6. Shall they be carried to the treasury by night as if stolen? And what is more —that greatest of shows, royal prisoner of highest birth and greatest riches —where shall he be displayed to the people who have gained the victory?

> Latin: 39.6. an noctu tamquam furtiva in aerarium deportabuntur? quid? illud spectaculum maximum, nobilissimus opulentissimusque rex captus, ubi victori populo ostendetur?

[¶41] 39.7. Many of us can recall what crowds were drawn by the sight of King Syphax as prisoner, an appendage to the war with Carthage. Shall our prisoner King Perseus, shall the king's sons, Philip and Alexander, names of such potency, —shall they be removed from the sight of the commonwealth?

> Latin: 39.7. quos Syphax rex captus, accessio Punici belli, concursus fecerit, plerique meminimus. Perseus rex captus, Philippus et Alexander, filii regis, tanta nomina, subtrahentur civitatis oculis?

[¶42] 39.8. Lucius Paulus himself, twice consul, conqueror of Greece —all eyes are eager to behold him entering the city in his chariot; to this end we made him consul, that he might bring to an end the war which to nothing less than our great shame had dragged on through four years.

> Latin: 39.8. ipsum L. Paulum, bis consulem, domitorem Graeciae, omnium oculi conspicere urbem curru ingredientem avent; ad hoc fecimus consulem, ut bellum per quadriennium ingenti etiam pudore nostro tractum perficeret.

[¶43] 39.9. When he was allotted this field of operations, when he left home, we marked him for victory and triumph with minds that read the future; and shall we deny him a triumph when he has won his victory?

> Latin: 39.9. cui sortito provinciam, cui proficiscenti praesagientibus animis victoriam triumphumque destinavimus, ei victori triumphum negaturi sumus? et quidem non tantum eum sed deos etiam suo honore fraudaturi?

[¶44] 39.10. Nay more —shall we rob not only Paulus, but even the gods, of the honour that belongs to them? For it is to the gods too, not only to men, that we owe a triumph. Your ancestors made the gods their starting-point in every important enterprise, and likewise resorted to them at the conclusion.

> Latin: 39.10. dis quoque enim, non solum hominibus, debetur triumphus. maiores vestri omnium magnarum rerum et principia exorsi ab dis sunt et finem eum statuerunt.

[¶45] 39.11. When consul or praetor, his lictors in their military dress, sets out for his field of action and to war, he proclaims his vows upon the Capitol; when war has ended in victory, he returns in triumph to the same gods on the same Capitol, and brings them the well-earned gifts, as he promised them in his vows.

> Latin: 39.11. consul proficiscens praetorve paludatis lictoribus in provinciam et ad bellum vota in Capitolio nuncupat; victor perpetrato bello eodem in Capitolium triumphans ad eosdem deos, quibus vota nuncupavit, merita dona portans redit.

[¶46] 39.12. No small part of a triumphal procession is formed by the sacrificial animals going ahead, which make it clear that the general is returning with thanksgiving to the gods for success on behalf of the commonwealth.

> Latin: 39.12. pars non minima triumphi est victimae praecedentes, ut appareat dis grates agentem imperatorem ob rem publicam bene gestam redire. omnis illas victimas, quas traducendas in triumpho dicavit, alias alio caedente mactate.

[¶47] 39.13. Away with all those sacrificial victims which he has assigned to be led in the triumphal procession, and offer them up, some here, some there! I ask you! What of the banquet of the senate, which is not held on private property, nor on the unconsecrated land of the state, but on the Capitol-is this ceremony held for the pleasure of men, or in honour of the gods?

> Latin: 39.13. quid? illae epulae senatus, quae nec privato loco nec publico profano, sed in Capitolio eduntur, utrum hominum voluptatis causa an deorum honoris … auctore Ser.

[¶48] 39.14. “Will you play havoc with all these rites at the instigation of Servius Galba? Will the gates be closed to the triumph of Lucius Paulus? Will King Perseus of Macedonia, together with his sons, the throng of other prisoners, and the spoils of Macedonia, be left behind in the Flaminian Circus?”

> Latin: 39.14. Galba turbaturi estis? L. Pauli triumpho portae claudentur? rex Macedonum Perseus cum liberis et turba alia captivorum, spolia Macedonum, in circo Flaminio relinquentur? L. Paulus privatus tamquam rure rediens a porta domum ibit?

[¶49] 39.15. “Will Lucius Paulus go home from the gate as a private citizen, as if he were returning from his country house? You, centurion, and you, private, harken to what the senate decrees about General Paulus rather than what Servius Galba babbles, and harken too to my speech rather than his.”

> Latin: 39.15. et tu, centurio, miles, quibus ab imperatore Paulo donatus … senatus decrevit potius quam quid Ser. Galba fabuletur, audi. et hoc dicere me potius quam illum audi.

[¶50] 39.16. “He has learned nothing except talk, and that of a slanderous and malicious sort; I have on twenty-three occasions challenged and fought an enemy; I brought back the spoils of every man with whom I duelled; I possess a body adorned with honourable scars, every one of them received in front.” He then stripped, it is said, and told in which war he had received each wound.

> Latin: 39.16. ille nihil praeterquam loqui, et ipsum id maledice ac maligne, didicit; ego ter et viciens cum hoste per provocationem pugnavi; ex omnibus, cum quibus manum conserui, spolia rettuli; insigne corpus honestis cicatricibus, omnibus adverso corpore exceptis, habeo.

[¶51] 39.17. While displaying these, he by chance uncovered what should have remained concealed, and the swelling of his groin raised a laugh among those nearby.

> Latin: 39.17. ’ nudasse deinde se dicitur et, quo quaeque bello volnera accepta essent, rettulisse. quae dum ostentat, adapertis forte, quae velanda erant, tumor inguinum proximis risum movit.

[¶52] 39.18. “This too,” he then said, "at which you are laughing I got by sitting my horse through whole days and nights; and I feel no more shame or regret for this than for these wounds of mine, since it never hindered me from successfully conducting affairs of state at home or in the field. As a veteran soldier before young soldiers, I have displayed this body of mine which has often been marred by the sword; let Galba uncover his sleek and untouched person.

> Latin: 39.18. tum ‘hoc quoque, quod ridetis’ inquit, ‘in equo dies noctesque persedendo habeo, nec magis me eius quam cicatricum harum pudet paenitetque, quando numquam mihi impedimento ad rem publicam bene gerendam domi militiaeque fuit.

[¶53] 39.19. Tribunes, call back the tribes, if you please, to the voting; I [will join] you, soldiers... The total of all the captured gold and silver which was carried in the procession was one hundred and twenty million sesterces, according to the account of Valerius Antias; no doubt a somewhat larger total than this is made up from the number of wagons and the weights of gold and silver in various forms which are mentioned by this same author.

> Latin: 39.19. ego hoc ferro saepe vexatum corpus vetus miles adulescentibus militibus ostendi; Galba nitens et integrum denudet. revocate, si videtur, tribuni, ad suffragium tribus; ego ad vos milites, ….’ … summam omnis captivi auri argentique translati sestertium milliens ducenties fuisse Valerius Antias tradit; qua haud dubie maior aliquanto summa ex numero plaustrorum ponderibusque auri, argenti generatim ab ipso scriptis efficitur.

[¶54] 40.2. As much again was either expended in the late war, or scattered during the flight, when Perseus was making for Samothrace, according to the historians; and this fact is the more marvellous, because this huge sum of money was accumulated within thirty years after Philip's war with the Romans, partly from the output of the mines, and partly from other revenues.

> Latin: 40.2. alterum tantum aut in bellum proxumum absumptum aut in fuga, cum Samothracen peteret, dissipatum tradunt; eoque id mirabilius erat, quod tantum pecuniae intra triginta annos post bellum Philippi cum Romanis partim ex fructu metallorum, partim ex vectigalibus aliis coacervatum fuerat.

[¶55] 40.3. Philip therefore began his war against Rome when he was rather ill-supplied with funds, but Perseus, when he was very rich.

> Latin: 40.3. itaque admodum inops pecuniae Philippus, Perseus contra praedives bellare cum Romanis coepit.

[¶56] 40.4. Paulus himself came last in his chariot, showing a magnificent presence not only because of the general dignity of his bearing, but because of his advanced age as well. After the chariot came his two sons, Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio, among other distinguished men; then came the cavalry by troops, and the units of infantry, rank by rank.

> Latin: 40.4. ipse postremo Paulus in curru magnam cum dignitate alia corporis, tum senecta ipsa maiestatem prae se ferens; post currum inter alios illustres viros filii duo, Q. Maximus et P. Scipio; deinde equites turmatim et cohortes peditum suis quaeque ordinibus.

[¶57] 40.5. Each infantryman received one hundred denarii, each centurion, twice the amount, and each cavalryman, three times as much. It is thought that double the amount would have been given to the infantry, and proportionately to the rest, if they had supported Paulus' triumph in the voting, or had cheerfully applauded the announcement of the gift as actually given.

> Latin: 40.5. pediti in singulos dati denarii centeni, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. alterum tantum pediti daturum fuisse credunt et pro rata aliis, si aut non refragati honori eius fuissent aut benigne hac ipsa summa pronuntiata acclamassent.

[¶58] 40.6. But Perseus was not the only testimony at this time to the state of human fortunes, as he was led in chains before the chariot of his conqueror through the city of his enemies; the conqueror Paulus, in the splendour of his gold and purple, was no less a witness.

> Latin: 40.6. sed non Perseus tantum per illos dies documentum humanorum casuum fuit, in catenis ante currum victoris ducis per urbem hostium ductus, sed etiam victor Paulus auro purpuraque fulgens.

[¶59] 40.7. For of the two sons whom he kept at home as the only heirs of his name, his family rites, and his household, after he had given two other sons to be adopted, the younger boy, aged about twelve, died five days before the triumph, and the elder, fourteen years old, died three days after the festivity.

> Latin: 40.7. nam duobus e filiis, quos duobus datis in adoptionem solos nominis, sacrorum familiaeque heredes retinuerat domi, minor, ferme duodecim annos natus, quinque diebus ante triumphum, maior, quattuordecim annorum, triduo post triumphum decessit;

[¶60] 40.8. These were the minor boys who should have ridden with their father in the chariot, secretly planning like triumphs for themselves.

> Latin: 40.8. quos praetextatos curru vehi cum patre, sibi ipsos similis praedestinantis triumphos, oportuerat.

[¶61] 40.9. When a few days later an assembly of the commons was called by Marcus Antonius the tribune, and Paulus discoursed, as was customary for commanders, on his exploits, his speech was noteworthy and well-suited to a leading Roman:

> Latin: 40.9. paucis post diebus, data a M. Antonio tribuno plebis contione, cum de suis rebus gestis more ceterorum imperatorum dissereret, memorabilis eius oratio et digna Romano principe fuit.

[¶62] 41.1. "Although you, my fellow-citizens, are not unaware, I believe, of the good fortune with which I have conducted the affairs of the state, and of the two thunderbolts which have recently struck my house —for you were eyewitnesses first of my triumph, and then of the funerals of my sons —yet I beg you to permit me in a few words to compare, in the proper spirit, my personal fortune with the good fortune of the state.

> Latin: 41.1. ‘quamquam, et qua felicitate rem publicam administraverim, et quae duo fulmina domum meam per hos dies perculerint, non ignorare vos, Quirites, arbitror, cum spectaculo vobis nunc triumphus meus, nunc funera liberorum meorum fuerint, tamen paucis, quaeso, sinatis me cum publica felicitate conparare eo, quo debeo, animo privatam meam fortunam.

[¶63] 41.3. “When I left Italy, I set sail from Brundisium at sunrise; at the ninth hour of the day I reached Corcyra with all my ships. Five days later at Delphi I offered sacrifice to Apollo on my own behalf, and on that of your armies and fleets.”

> Latin: 41.3. profectus ex Italia classem a Brundisio sole orto solvi; nona diei hora cum omnibus meis navibus Corcyram tenui. inde quinto die Delphis Apollini pro me exercitibusque et classibus vestris sacrificavi.

[¶64] 41.4. “From Delphi I arrived five days later in camp. I took command of the army, removed certain great obstacles to victory, and advanced. Because the camp of the enemy was impregnable, and the king could not be compelled to fight, I slipped between his garrisons through the pass at Petra, and at Pydna I conquered the king in battle.”

> Latin: 41.4. a Delphis quinto die in castra perveni; ubi exercitu accepto, mutatis quibusdam, quae magna impedimenta victoriae erant, progressus, quia inexpugnabilia castra hostium erant neque cogi pugnare poterat rex, inter praesidia eius saltum ad Petram evasi et ad pugnam rege coacto acie vici;

[¶65] 41.5. “I brought Macedonia under the control of the Roman People, and in fifteen days I finished a war which three consuls before me had waged over a period of four years, each in such a way as always to leave a worse situation for his successor.”

> Latin: 41.5. Macedoniam in potestatem populi Romani redegi et, quod bellum per quadriennium quattuor ante me consules ita gesserunt, ut semper successori traderent gravius, id ego quindecim diebus perfeci.

[¶66] 41.6. “A harvest, as it were, of further successes followed; all the cities of Macedonia surrendered, the royal treasures were secured, the king was taken prisoner along with his children in the temple of Samothrace, almost as if the gods themselves delivered him into our hands. Even to me this good fortune seemed excessive, and therefore I viewed it askance. I began to fear the dangers.”

> Latin: 41.6. aliarum deinde secundarum rerum velut proventus secutus: civitates omnes Macedoniae se dediderunt, gaza regia in potestatem venit, rex ipse tradentibus prope ipsis dis in templo Samothracum cum liberis est captus.

[¶67] 41.7. “of the sea during the carrying of the great royal treasure to Italy, and the transfer of the victorious army.”

> Latin: 41.7. mihi quoque ipsi nimia iam fortuna videri eoque suspecta esse. maris pericula timere coepi in tanta pecunia regia in Italiam traicienda et victore exercitu transportando.

[¶68] 41.8. “After everything had been brought to Italy in a successful voyage, and I had nothing left to pray for, my hope was that, since fortune is wont to plunge downward from its high point, the brunt of this change should fall not upon the state, but upon my household.”

> Latin: 41.8. postquam omnia secundo navium cursu in Italiam pervenerunt, neque erat, quod ultra precarer, illud optavi, ut, cum ex summo retro volvi fortuna consuesset, mutationem eius domus mea potius quam res publica sentiret.

[¶69] 41.9. “And so I hope that the fortune of Rome has completed its course in so extraordinary a disaster as mine, since my triumph, as if in mockery of human vicissitudes, was interposed between the two funerals of my sons. Both Perseus and I are now on view as especially conspicuous samples of man's lot.”

> Latin: 41.9. itaque defunctam esse fortunam publicam mea tam insigni calamitate spero, quod triumphus meus, velut ad ludibrium casuum humanorum, duobus funeribus liberorum meorum est interpositus.

[¶70] 41.10. “Yet he, who as a prisoner saw his children led as prisoners before him, yet has those children unharmed;”

> Latin: 41.10. et cum ego et Perseus nunc nobilia maxime sortis mortalium exempla spectemur, ille, qui ante se captivos captivus ipse duci liberos vidit, incolumes tamen eos habet;

[¶71] 41.11. “whereas I who celebrated the triumph over him mounted my chariot after the funeral of one son, and when I returned from the Capitol found the other almost on the point of death, nor is there one left of so splendid a generation of sons to carry on the name of Lucius Aemilius Paulus. For two sons were given in adoption, as if from a great stock of children, and they belong to the Cornelian and Fabian clans.”

> Latin: 41.11. ego, qui de illo triumphavi, ab alterius funere filii currum … ex Capitolio prope iam expirantem veni; neque ex tanta stirpe liberum superest, qui L. Aemilii Pauli nomen ferat.

[¶72] 41.12. “Not a Paulus is left in my house, save one old man. But I am consoled in this disaster to my house by your happiness and the good fortune of the state.”

> Latin: 41.12. duos enim tamquam ex magna progenie liberorum in adoptionem datos Cornelia et Fabia gens habent; Paulus in domo praeter me nemo superest. sed hanc cladem domus meae vestra felicitas et secunda fortuna publica consolatur’ .

[¶73] 42.1. These words, spoken with such magnificent spirit, caused more turmoil of soul to the hearers than if his speech had been a pitiable lamentation for his bereavement.

> Latin: 42.1. haec tanto dicta animo magis confudere audientium animos, quam si miserabiliter orbitatem suam deflendo locutus esset.

[¶74] 42.2. On the first of December, Gnaeus Octavius held a naval triumph over King Perseus. This triumph was unadorned with prisoners or spoils.

> Latin: 42.2. Cn. Octavius kal. Dec. de rege Perseo navalem triumphum egit.

[¶75] 42.3. Octavius presented to each of the sailors seventy-five denarii, to the pilots of the ships twice as much, and to the captains, four times the amount.

> Latin: 42.3. is triumphus sine captivis fuit, sine spoliis. dedit sociis navalibus in singulos denarios septuagenos quinos, gubernatoribus, qui in navibus fuerant, duplex, magistris navium quadruplex.

[¶76] 42.4. The senate then met. The Fathers voted that Quintus Cassius should conduct King Perseus with his son Alexander to Alba for safe-keeping; he was to permit the king to keep intact the staff, money, silver, and furnishings which he had.

> Latin: 42.4. senatus deinde habitus est. patres censuerunt, ut Q. Cassius Persea regem cum Alexandro filio Albam in custodiam duceret; comites, pecuniam, argentum, instrumentum, quod haberet, nihil …. Bithys, filius Cotyis, regis Thracum, cum obsidibus in custodiam Carseolos est missus.

[¶77] 42.5. Bithys, the son of Cotys, King of Thrace, was sent with the hostages to Carseoli for safe-keeping. It was voted to place in the prison the other prisoners who were led in the triumph.

> Latin: 42.5. ceteros captivos, qui in triumpho ducti erant, in carcerem condi placuit.

[¶78] 42.6. A few days after these transactions, envoys came from Cotys, King of Thrace, bringing money to ransom his son and the other hostages. When these envoys were brought before the senate, they used the fact itself as the theme of their apology, saying that Cotys had not voluntarily aided Perseus in the war, because he had been compelled to give hostages; the envoys pleaded that they should be permitted to ransom them for whatever amount the Fathers themselves might determine.

> Latin: 42.6. paucos post dies, quam haec acta erant, legati ab Cotye, rege Thracum, venerunt pecuniam ad redimendum filium aliosque obsides adportantes. eis in senatum introductis et id ipsum argumenti praetendentibus orationi, non sua voluntate Cotyn bello iuvisse Persea, quod obsides dare coactus esset, orantibusque, ut eos pretio, quantum ipsi statuissent patres,

[¶79] 42.8. The answer authorized by the senate was that the Roman People were mindful of the friendship which had existed between them and Cotys, his ancestors, and the people of Thrace;

> Latin: 42.8. redimi paterentur, responsum ex auctoritate senatus est, populum Romanum meminisse amicitiae, quae cum Cotye maioribusque eius et gente Thracum fuisset.

[¶80] 42.9. but the giving of hostages constituted an accusation, not a defence against accusation, since the Thracian people had no reason to fear Perseus even when he was at peace, to say nothing of his being involved in a war against Rome.

> Latin: 42.9. obsides datos crimen, non criminis defensionem esse, cum Thracum genti ne quietus quidem Perseus, nedum bello Romano occupatus timendus fuerit.

[¶81] 42.10. However, although Cotys had preferred the favour of Perseus to the friendship of the Roman People, the latter would reckon rather what was worthy of themselves than what action would answer to his deserts, and would send him back his son and his hostages.

> Latin: 42.10. ceterum, etsi Cotys Persei gratiam praetulisset amicitiae populi Romani, magis, quid se dignum esset, quam quid merito eius fieri posset, aestimaturum, filium atque obsides ei remissurum.

[¶82] 42.11. Benefits conferred by the Roman People, said the senate, are without charge; the Romans prefer to leave the price on deposit in the hearts of the recipients rather than to demand cash down. Three envoys, Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius Licinius Nerva, and Marcus Caninius Rebilus, were appointed to escort the hostages back to Thrace. Gifts of two thousand asses apiece were given to the Thracians.

> Latin: 42.11. beneficia gratuita esse populi Romani; pretium eorum malle relinquere in accipientium animis quam praesens exigere. legati tres nominati, T. Quinctius Flamininus, C. Licinius Nerva, M. Caninius Rebilus, qui obsides in Thraciam reducerent, et Thracibus munera data in singulos binum milium aeris.

[¶83] 42.12. Bithys was summoned, along with the other hostages, from Carseoli, and was sent off to his father with the envoys. The king's ships captured from the Macedonians, of a size never previously seen, were beached by the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 42.12. Bithys cum ceteris obsidibus a Carseolis accersitus ad patrem cum legatis missus. naves regiae captae de Macedonibus invisitatae ante magnitudinis in campo Martio subductae sunt.

[¶84] 43.1. While recollections of the Macedonian triumph remained not only in people's minds, but almost before their eyes, Lucius Anicius celebrated his triumph over King Gentius and the Illyrians on the festival of Quirinus.

> Latin: 43.1. haerente adhuc non in animis modo sed paene in oculis memoria Macedonici triumphi L. Anicius Quirinalibus triumphavit de rege Gentio Illyriisque.

[¶85] 43.2. Men saw in each detail a resemblance, but no equality. The commander himself was the lesser, both in public esteem, as an Anicius compared with an Aemilius, and in rank of office, a praetor rather than a consul. Gentius could not be compared to Perseus, the Illyrians to the Macedonians, nor the spoils of the one to those of the other, nor the moneys, nor the gifts to the soldiers.

> Latin: 43.2. similia omnia magis visa hominibus quam paria: minor ipse imperator, et nobilitate Anicius cum Aemilio et iure imperii praetor cum consule conlatus; non Gentius Perseo, non Illyrii Macedonibus, non spolia spoliis, non pecunia pecuniae, non dona donis conparari poterant.

[¶86] 43.3. But though accordingly the previous triumph outshone this one, yet it was also clear to those who contemplated this one on its merits that it was by no means to be scorned.

> Latin: 43.3. itaque sicut praefulgebat huic triumphus recens, ita apparebat ipsum per se intuentibus nequaquam esse contemnendum.

[¶87] 43.4. Within a few days Anicius had overcome the Illyrian people, bold on both land and sea, and confident in their terrain and their fortifications; he had captured the king and all the royal family. In his triumph he bore through the city many military standards and other booty, as well as the royal furniture, twenty-seven pounds of gold, nineteen pounds of silver, thirteen thousand denarii, and one hundred and twenty thousand Illyrian silver-pieces.

> Latin: 43.4. perdomuerat intra paucos dies terra marique ferocem, locis munimentisque fretam gentem Illyriorum, regem regiaeque omnes stirpis ceperat. transtulit in triumpho multa militaria signa spoliaque alia et supellectilem regiam, auri pondo viginti et septem, argenti decem et novem pondo, denarium decem tria milia et centum viginti milia Illyrici argenti.

[¶88] 43.6. Before the chariot were led King Gentius with his wife and children, Caravantius the king's brother, and several prominent Illyrians.

> Latin: 43.6. ante currum ducti Gentius rex cum coniuge et liberis et Caravantius, frater regis, et aliquot nobiles Illyrii.

[¶89] 43.7. Anicius gave from the booty to each soldier forty-five denarii, double the amount to each centurion, and three times as much to the cavalry; the allies of the Latin Name received as much as the Romans, and the sailors as much as the soldiers. The soldiery followed this triumph in better spirits, and the leader was the subject of many songs.

> Latin: 43.7. de praeda militibus in singulos quadragenos quinos denarios, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti, sociis nominis Latini quantum civibus et sociis navalibus dedit quantum militibus.

[¶90] 43.8. Twenty million sesterces was realized from this booty, according to Antias, besides the gold and silver delivered to the treasury; since it was not clear to me from what source this amount could be derived, I have quoted an historian instead of stating a fact. King Gentius with his wife, his children, and his brother, was taken to Spoletium for safe-keeping, in accordance with a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 43.8. laetior hunc triumphum est secutus miles, multisque dux ipse carminibus celebratus. sestertium ducentiens ex ea praeda redactum esse auctor est Antias praeter aurum argentumque, quod in aerarium sit latum; quod quia unde redigi potuerit non apparebat, auctorem pro re posui.

[¶91] 43.9. The other prisoners were thrown into the prison at Rome. When the people of Spoletium refused to take custody, the royal family was transferred to Iguvium.

> Latin: 43.9. rex Gentius cum liberis et coniuge et fratre Spoletium in custodiam ex senatus consulto ductus, ceteri captivi Romae in carcerem coniecti; recusantibusque custodiam Spoletinis Iguvium reges traducti.

[¶92] 43.10. There remained from the Illyrian booty two hundred and twenty scout-ships; as prizes taken from King Gentius they were presented to the people of Corcyra, Apollonia, and Dyrrhachium by Quintus Cassius, in accordance with a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 43.10. relicum ex Illyrico praedae ducenti viginti lembi erant; de Gentio rege captos eos Corcyraeis et Apolloniatibus et Dyrrhachinis Q. Cassius ex senatus consulto tribuit.

[¶93] 44.1. In that year the consuls merely ravaged the fields of the Ligurians, since the enemy never led out their forces. Without accomplishing anything worthy of note, the consuls returned to Rome to attend to the election of their successors, and on the first day of the elections, declared Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus elected as consuls. On the next day there were elected as praetors Lucius Julius, Lucius Apuleius Saturninus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, Publius Rutilius Calvus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, and Marcus Fonteius.

> Latin: 44.1. consules eo anno agro tantum Ligurum populato, cum hostes exercitus numquam eduxissent, nulla re memorabili gesta Romam ad magistratus subrogandos redierunt et primo comitiali die consules crearunt M. Claudium Marcellum, C.

[¶94] 44.2. The provinces appointed for these praetors were the two city magistracies, the two Spains, Sicily, and Sardinia. There was an intercalation in this year; the day after the Terminalia was the first day of the intercalary month. An augur died this year, Gaius Claudius; in his place, the augurs chose Titus Quinctius Flamininus. The flamen of Quirinus, Quintus Fabius Pictor, also died. In this year King Prusias came to Rome with his son Nicomedes.

> Latin: 44.2. Sulpicium Gallum, deinde praetores postero die L. Iulium, L. Apuleium Saturninum, A. Licinium Nervam, P. Rutilium Calvum, P. Quinctilium Varum, M. Fonteium. his praetoribus duae urbanae provinciae sunt decretae, duae Hispaniae, Sicilia ac Sardinia. intercalatum eo anno; postridie Terminalia kalendae intercalariae fuerunt. augur eo anno mortuus est C. Claudius; in eius locum augures legerunt T. Quinctium Flamininum. et flamen Quirinalis mortuus Q. Fabius Pictor.

[¶95] 44.4. Entering the city with a large train, he proceeded from the gate to the Forum and the judgment-seat of Quintus Cassius the praetor. A crowd gathered from all sides; Prusias announced that he had come to bring greetings to the gods who inhabited the city of Rome, and to the senate and the Roman People, and to congratulate them on their victory over King Perseus and King Gentius, and on the extension of their empire by placing the Macedonians and Illyrians under their sway.

> Latin: 44.4. eo anno rex Prusia venit Romam cum filio Nicomede. is magno comitatu urbem ingressus ad forum a porta tribunalque Q. Cassi praetoris perrexit concursuque undique facto deos, qui urbem Romam incolerent, senatumque et populum Romanum salutatum se dixit venisse et gratulatum, quod Persea Gentiumque reges vicissent Macedonibusque et Illyriis in dicionem redactis auxissent imperium.

[¶96] 44.6. When the praetor offered to call a session of the senate for him on that very day, if he pleased, Prusias asked for a two-day interval, during which he might visit the temples of the gods, the city, and his friends and guest-friends.

> Latin: 44.6. cum praetor senatum ei, si velit, eo die daturum dixisset, biduum petiit, quo templa deum urbemque et hospites amicosque viseret.

[¶97] 44.7. There was assigned to him as escort Lucius Cornelius Scipio the quaestor, who had also been sent to Capua to meet him; and a house was rented for him, where he and his suite might be well entertained.

> Latin: 44.7. datus, qui circumduceret eum, L. Cornelius Scipio quaestor, qui et Capuam ei obviam missus fuerat, et aedes, quae ipsum comitesque eius benigne reciperent, conductae.

[¶98] 44.8. On the third day following, he approached the senate; he offered congratulations on the victory; he recited his services in the war; and he requested permission to fulfill a vow of ten full-grown victims at Rome in the Capitol and one at Praeneste to Fortune. This vow, he said, was for the victory of Rome; and he asked that the alliance with him should be renewed, and that the land taken from King Antiochus, which had been assigned to no one by the Roman People and was being held by Galatians, should be given to him.

> Latin: 44.8. tertio post die senatum adiit; gratulatus victoriam est; merita sua in eo bello commemoravit; petiit, ut votum sibi solvere, Romae in Capitolio decem maiores hostias et Praeneste unam Fortunae, liceret — ea vota pro victoria populi Romani esse —, et ut societas secum renovaretur agerque sibi de rege Antiocho captus, quem nulli datum a populo Romano Galli possiderent, daretur.

[¶99] 44.9. Last of all, he placed his son Nicomedes under the protection of the senate. He was aided by the good-will of all those who had been commanders in Macedonia.

> Latin: 44.9. filium postremo Nicomedem senatui commendavit. omnium, qui in Macedonia imperatores fuerant, favore est adiutus.

[¶100] 44.10. Consequently all but one of his requests were granted; as to the land, the answer was that envoys would be sent to look the matter over; if this land belonged to the Roman People and had been assigned to no one, they would consider Prusias most worthy of receiving it as a gift; if, on the other hand, it was shown not to have belonged to Antiochus, and therefore not to have come into the possession of the Roman People, or that it had been presented to the Galatians, then Prusias must pardon the Roman People, if they were unwilling to wrong anyone in the process of making him a

> Latin: 44.10. itaque cetera, quae petebat, concessa; de agro responsum est, legatos ad rem inspiciendam missuros; si is ager populi Romani fuisset nec cuiquam datus esset, dignissimum eo dono Prusiam habituros esse, si autem Antiochi non fuisse et eo ne populi quidem Romani factum appareret aut datum Gallis esse, ignoscere Prusiam debere, si ex nullius iniuria quicquam ei datum vellet populus Romanus.

[¶101] 44.12. present. A gift, said the senate, could not be pleasing even to the recipient, if he knew that the giver would take it away again whenever he pleased.

> Latin: 44.12. ne cui detur quidem, gratum esse donum posse, quod eum, qui det, ubi vellet, ablaturum esse sciat.

[¶102] 44.13. The senate accepted the commission to protect his son Nicomedes. How great was the care with which the Roman People guarded the sons of kings was shown, said the senate, by the case of Ptolemy, King of Egypt.

> Latin: 44.13. filii Nicomedis commendationem accipere. quanta cura regum amicorum liberos tueatur populus Romanus, documento Ptolemaeum, Aegypti regem, esse.

[¶103] 44.14. With this answer, Prusias was dismissed. Gifts were ordered given him of a value of... sesterces, and silver vessels of fifty pounds' weight.

> Latin: 44.14. cum hoc responso Prusia est dimissus. munera ei ex … sestertiis iussa dari et vasorum argenteorum pondo quinquaginta.

[¶104] 44.15. It was also voted to give to Prince Nicomedes gifts to the same amount as had been given to Masgaba, the son of King Masinissa. It was further voted that the victims and other requisites for sacrifice should be furnished at public expense to the king, just as to Roman magistrates, whether he wished to sacrifice at Rome or Praeneste.

> Latin: 44.15. et filio regis Nicomedi ex ea summa munera dari censuerunt, ex qua Masgabae, filio regis Masinissae, data essent; et ut victimae aliaque, quae ad sacrificium pertinerent, seu Romae seu Praeneste immolare vellet, regi ex publico sicut magistratibus Romanis praeberentur, et ut ex classe, quae Brundisi esset, naves longae viginti adsignarentur, quibus uteretur.

[¶105] 44.16. Also twenty war-vessels from the fleet at Brundisium were to be assigned to his use; until the king should reach the fleet presented to him, Lucius Cornelius Scipio was to escort him uninterruptedly, and to provide for the expenses of the king and his suite, until he boarded ship. They say that the king was wonderfully pleased with this expression of good-will toward himself on the part of the Roman People.

> Latin: 44.16. donec ad classem dono datam ei rex pervenisset, L. Cornelius Scipio ne ab eo abscederet sumptumque ipsi et comitibus praeberet, donec navem conscendisset.

[¶106] 44.18. He refused to have gifts bought for himself, but instructed his son to accept the gift of the Roman People. Such is the account of Prusias given by Roman writers.

> Latin: 44.18. mire laetum ea benignitate in se populi Romani regem fuisse ferunt; munera sibi ipsi emi non sisse, filium iussisse donum populi Romani accipere.

[¶107] 44.19. Polybius reports that this king was unworthy of the dignity of so high a title; that he was accustomed to meet envoys with his head shaved, while he wore a freedman's cap and called himself the freedman of the Roman People, giving this as his reason for wearing the emblem of this class.

> Latin: 44.19. haec de Prusia nostri scriptores. Polybius eum regem indignum maiestate nominis tanti tradit; pilleatum, capite raso, obviam ire legatis solitum libertumque se populi Romani ferre:

[¶108] 44.20. Polybius further says that when Prusias entered the senate-house at Rome, he fell down and kissed the threshold of the senatehouse, hailed the senate as his saviour-gods, and indulged in further speech which conveyed more disgrace to himself than honour to his hearers.

> Latin: 44.20. ideo insignia ordinis eius gerere; Romae quoque, cum veniret in curiam, summisisse se et osculo limen curiae contigisse et deos servatores suos senatum appellasse aliamque orationem non tam honorificam audientibus quam sibi deformem habuisse. moratus circa urbem triginta haud amplius dies in regnum est profectus.

[¶109] 44.21. After remaining in the vicinity of Rome no more than thirty days, he set out for his kingdom, and... the war under way between Eumenes and the Galatians.

> Latin: 44.21. actumque in Asia bellum …