---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 10 of 18
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, section 10. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 10. Book XLIII · chapters 12–23

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/10/#p-N

[¶0] 12.7. On the allies of the Latin Name sixteen thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry were levied.

> Latin: 12.7. tribunos iis, non permissum, ut consules facerent; populus creavit. sociis nominis Latini sedecim milia peditum et mille equites imperati.

[¶1] 12.8. It was voted that this force should merely be got ready so as to march out if circumstances anywhere should demand. Macedonia was especially an object of concern.

> Latin: 12.8. hunc exercitum parari tantum placuit, ut exiret, si quo res posceret. Macedonia maxime curam praebebat.

[¶2] 12.9. For the fleet, a thousand sailors, Roman citizens of the class of freedmen, and five hundred from Italy, were ordered enrolled; as many were to be enrolled from Sicily, and the governor-to-be of that province was instructed to see to their transportation to Macedonia, wherever the fleet might be.

> Latin: 12.9. in classem mille socii navales cives Romani libertini ordinis, ex Italia quingenti scribi iussi; totidem ut ex Sicilia scriberentur; et cui ea provincia evenisset, mandatum, ut eos in Macedoniam, ubicumque classis esset, deportandos curaret.

[¶3] 12.10. For Spain, three thousand Roman infantry and three hundred cavalry were decreed as reinforcement. The number of soldiers for the legions was fixed for that region also —five thousand and two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry for each legion.

> Latin: 12.10. in Hispaniam tria milia peditum Romanorum in supplementum, trecenti equites decreti. finitus ibi quoque in legiones militum numerus, peditum quina milia duceni et treceni equites.

[¶4] 12.11. The praetor to whom Spain should fall, was ordered to levy from the allies also four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.11. et sociis imperare praetor, cui Hispania obvenisset, iussus quattuor milia peditum et trecentos equites.

[¶5] 13.1. I am not unaware that, as a result of the same disregard that leads men generally to suppose nowadays that the gods foretell nothing, no portents at all are reported officially, or recorded in our histories.

> Latin: 13.1. non sum nescius ab eadem neclegentia, qua nihil deos portendere vulgo nunc credunt, neque nuntiari admodum ulla prodigia in publicum neque in annales referri.

[¶6] 13.2. However, not only does my own mind, as I write of old-time matters, become in some way or other old-fashioned, but also a certain conscientious scruple keeps me from regarding what those very sagacious men of former times thought worthy of public concern as something unworthy to be reported in my history.

> Latin: 13.2. ceterum et mihi vetustas res scribenti nescio quo pacto anticus fit animus, et quaedam religio tenet, quae illi prudentissimi viri publice suscipienda censuerint, ea pro indignis habere, quae in meos annales referam. Anagnia duo prodigia eo anno sunt nuntiata, facem in caelo conspectam et bovem feminam locutam;

[¶7] 13.3. At Anagnia, two portents were announced in that year, a fiery meteor seen in the sky, and a cow which spoke; this animal, the report stated, was being kept at public expense. At Minturnae also during these very days the sky presented the appearance of being on fire. At Reate there was a rain of stones. At Cumae the Apollo on the citadel shed tears for three days and three nights. In the city of Rome two temple-attendants announced portents; one, that a crested snake had been seen by many people in the temple of Fortune; the other announced two different portents in the temple of Fortune the First-Born which is on the hill, that a palm had sprung up in the courtyard and that during the day blood had rained down.

> Latin: 13.3. eam publice ali. Menturnis quoque per eos dies caeli ardentis species adfulserat. Reate imbri lapidavit. Cumis in arce Apollo triduum ac tris noctis lacrimavit. in urbe Romana duo aeditui nuntiarunt, alter in aede Fortunae anguem iubatum a conpluribus visum esse, alter in aede Primigeniae Fortunae, quae in colle est, duo diversa prodigia, palmam in area enatam et sanguine interdiu pluvisse.

[¶8] 13.6. Two portents were not treated as public matters, the one because it took place in a privately-owned spot-Titus Marcius Figulus reported that a palm had sprung up in his catch-basin —the other because it occurred in a non- Roman place —at Fregellae, in the house of Lucius Atreus, a spear which he had bought for his son's service in the army was said to have blazed during the day for more than two hours in such a way that the fire consumed none of it.

> Latin: 13.6. duo non suscepta prodigia sunt, alterum, quod in privato loco factum esset—palmam enatam in inpluvio suo T. Marcius Figulus nuntiabat—, alterum, quod in loco peregrino: Fregellis in domo L. Atrei hasta, quam filio militi emerat, interdiu plus duas horas arsisse, ita ut nihil eius ambureret ignis, dicebatur.

[¶9] 13.7. Because of the public portents the books were approached by the Board of Ten; they proclaimed the gods to whom the consuls were to offer forty full-grown victims, and also that a day of prayer should be observed, that all the magistrates should sacrifice full-grown victims at all the principal temples and that the people should wear wreaths.

> Latin: 13.7. publicorum prodigiorum causa libri a decemviris aditi. quadraginta maioribus hostiis quibus dis consules sacrificarent ediderunt et uti supplicatio fieret cunctique magistratus circa omnia pulvinaria victumis maioribus sacrificarent populusque coronatus esset.

[¶10] 13.8. Everything was carried out as the Board of Ten prescribed.

> Latin: 13.8. omnia, uti decemviri praeierunt, facta.

[¶11] 14.1. Thereupon the assembly for electing censors was announced. The leading men of the state sought the censorship, Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Mucius Scaevola, Marcus Junius Brutus, Gaius Claudius Pulcher, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The last two were elected censors by the Roman people.

> Latin: 14.1. censoribus deinde creandis comitia edicta sunt. petierunt censuram principes civitatis C. Valerius Laevinus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Mucius Scaevola, M. Iunius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus.

[¶12] 14.2. Since concern over holding the levy was greater, because of the Macedonian war, than at other times, the consuls blamed the commons before the senate because even the men of military age were not presenting themselves.

> Latin: 14.2. hos duos censores creavit populus Romanus. cum dilectus habendi maior quam alias propter Macedonicum bellum cura esset, consules plebem apud senatum accusabant, quod [et] iuniores non responderent.

[¶13] 14.3. Retorting to them Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius the praetors pleaded the cause of the commons; the levy, they said, was difficult, not for consuls, but for politically-minded consuls; they never enrolled a soldier against his will.

> Latin: 14.3. adversus quos C. Sulpicius et M. Claudius praetores plebis causam egerunt: non consulibus, sed ambitiosis consulibus dilectum difficilem esse;

[¶14] 14.4. That the Conscript Fathers might also be sure that this was so, they themselves, though praetors, whose powers of office and importance were less, would, if it seemed best to the senate, complete the levy. This task was entrusted to the praetors with great enthusiasm on the part of the Fathers, not without jeers at the consuls.

> Latin: 14.4. neminem invitum militem ab iis fieri. id ut ita esse scirent et patres conscripti, praetores, quibus et vis imperii minor et auctoritas esset, dilectum, si ita senatui videretur, perfecturos esse.

[¶15] 14.5. The censors, to further the business, made the following proclamation before a meeting; that they were going to lay down a rule for taking the census that, besides the general oath for all citizens, they would require assent on oath to the following:

> Latin: 14.5. id praetoribus magna patrum approbatione non sine suggillatione consulum mandatum est. censores ut eam rem adiuvarent, ita in contione edixerunt: legem censui censendo dicturos esse, ut praeter commune omnium civium ius iurandum haec adiurarent:

[¶16] 14.6. “Are you less than forty-six years of age, and have you, in accordance with the proclamation of Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius the censors, come forward for the levy, and as often as there shall be a levy, as long as these censors shall hold office, if you have not entered the army, will you come forward for the levy?”;

> Latin: 14.6. ‘tu minor annis sex et quadraginta es tuque ex edicto C. Claudi Ti. Semproni censorum ad dilectum prodisti et quotienscumque dilectus erit, quoad hi censores magistratum habebunt, si miles factus non eris, in dilectu prodibis?

[¶17] 14.7. again, since it was rumoured that many were absent on leave from the legions in Macedonia without specific reason because of the popularity-hunting of the generals, they proclaimed concerning the soldiers enrolled for Macedonia in the consulship of Publius Aelius and Gaius Popilius or after that consulship, that whoever of them were in Italy should within thirty days, having first appeared before the censors, return to their province, and that the names of those who were subject to the authority of father or grandfather should be reported to the censors.

> Latin: 14.7. ’ item quia fama erat multos ex Macedonicis legionibus incertis commeatibus per ambitionem imperatorum ab exercitu abesse, edixerunt de militibus P. Aelio C. Popilio consulibus postve eos consules in Macedoniam scriptis, ut qui eorum in Italia essent, intra dies triginta, censi prius apud sese, in provinciam redirent;

[¶18] 14.8. They would also review, they said, the reasons for discharges, and those whose discharge before completion of their military service seemed to the censors to result from indulgence they would order to be enrolled as soldiers.

> Latin: 14.8. qui in patris aut avi potestate essent, eorum nomina ad se ederentur. missorum quoque causas sese cognituros esse et quorum ante emerita stipendia gratiosa missio sibi visa esset, eos milites fieri iussuros.

[¶19] 14.10. Through this proclamation of the censors, and through their letters sent about throughout the markets and hamlets, so large a crowd of men of military age assembled at Rome that the unusual throng was burdensome to the city.

> Latin: 14.10. hoc edicto litterisque censorum per fora et conciliabula dimissis tanta multitudo iuniorum Romam convenit, ut gravis urbi turba insolita esset.

[¶20] 15.1. Besides the levy of those who were needed to be sent as reinforcements four legions were enrolled by Gaius Sulpicius the praetor, and within eleven days the levy was completed.

> Latin: 15.1. praeter dilectum eorum, quos in supplementum mitti oportebat, quattuor a C. Sulpicio praetore scriptae legiones sunt, intraque undecim dies dilectus est perfectus.

[¶21] 15.2. The consuls then drew lots for their provinces. For the praetors had drawn lots more promptly to secure the administration of justice.

> Latin: 15.2. consules deinde sortiti provincias sunt; nam praetores propter iurisdictionem maturius sortiti erant.

[¶22] 15.3. The city praetorship fell to Gaius Sulpicius, the jurisdiction over aliens to Gaius Decimius; Spain was drawn by Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Sicily by Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Sardinia by Publius Fonteius Capito, the fleet by Gaius Marcius Figulus. Of the consuls, Italy fell to Gnaeus Servilius, and Macedonia to Quintus Marcius; when the Latin Festival had been held, Marcius at once set out.

> Latin: 15.3. urbana C. Sulpicio, peregrina C. Decimio obtigerat; Hispaniam M. Claudius Marcellus, Siciliam Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, Sardiniam P. Fonteius Capito, classem C. Marcius Figulus erat sortitus. consulum Cn. Servilio Italia, Q. Marcio Macedonia obvenit; Latinisque actis Marcius extemplo est profectus.

[¶23] 15.4. When Caepio then consulted the senate as to which two of the new legions he should take with him to Gaul, the Fathers voted that Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius the praetors should give the consul what legions they chose from those they had enrolled.

> Latin: 15.4. Caepione deinde referente ad senatum, quas ex novis legionibus duas legiones secum in Galliam duceret, decrevere patres, ut C. Sulpicius M. Claudius praetores ex iis, quas scripsissent, legionibus, quas videretur, consuli darent.

[¶24] 15.5. Feeling insulted that a consul should be subject to the decision of praetors, Servilius dismissed the senate and, taking his stand at the judgment-seat of the praetors, demanded that, in accordance with the decree of the senate, they assign him two legions. The praetors gave the consul his choice in the selection.

> Latin: 15.5. indigne patiens praetorum arbitrio consulem subiectum dimisso senatu ad tribunal praetorum stans postulavit, ex senatus consulto destinarent sibi duas legiones. praetores consulis in eligendo arbitrium fecerunt.

[¶25] 15.6. Thereupon the censors chose the senate; Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was chosen chief. This was the third time the censors had chosen him. Seven were expelled from the senate.

> Latin: 15.6. senatum deinde censores legerunt. M. Aemilius Lepidus princeps ab tertiis iam censoribus lectus. septem e senatu eiecti sunt.

[¶26] 15.7. In receiving the census of the people they forced the soldiers from the army in Macedonia —the census showed how numerous were these absentees from the ranks —to return to their province;

> Latin: 15.7. in censu accipiendo populi milites ex Macedonico exercitu, qui quam multi abessent ab signis census docuit, in provinciam redire cogebant;

[¶27] 15.8. they reviewed the excuses of those discharged from service, and in the case of any whose discharge seemed premature they compelled assent on oath to the following: “With your whole heart will you, in accordance with the decree of Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius the censors, return to the province of Macedonia, as you are able, in all sincerity, to do this?”

> Latin: 15.8. causas stipendiis missorum cognoscebant et cuius nondum iusta missio visa esset, ita ius iurandum adigebant: ‘ex tui animi sententia tu ex edicto C. Claudi Ti. Semproni censorum in provinciam Macedoniam redibis, quod sine dolo malo facere poteris?’

[¶28] 16.1. In reviewing the knights, the censorship of these officials was rather stern and harsh; they deprived many of their horses.

> Latin: 16.1. in equitibus recensendis tristis admodum eorum atque aspera censura fuit;

[¶29] 16.2. When in this matter they had offended the order of knights, they added fire to the grudge by a proclamation, in which they proclaimed that none of those who in the censorship of Quintus Fulvius and Aulus Postumius had farmed the public revenues or the public works should appear at the auction of Claudius and Sempronius, or should be a partner or sharer in the contracting.

> Latin: 16.2. multis equos ademerunt. in ea re cum equestrem ordinem offendissent, flammam invidiae adiecere edicto, quo edixerunt, ne quis eorum, qui Q. Fulvio A. Postumio censoribus publica vectigalia aut ultro tributa conduxissent, ad hastam suam accederet sociusve aut adfinis eius conductionis esset.

[¶30] 16.3. When, after many complaints about this decree, the veteran tax-gatherers were unable to induce the senate to set a limit to the censors' power, at last in a tribune of the people, Publius Rutilius, who was angry with the censors over a dispute concerning a private matter, they found an advocate for their cause.

> Latin: 16.3. saepe id querendo veteres publicani cum impetrare nequissent ab senatu, ut modum potestati censoriae inponerent, tandem tribunum plebis P. Rutilium, ex rei privatae contentione iratum censoribus, patronum causae nancti sunt.

[¶31] 16.4. A freedman client of Rutilius had been ordered by the censors to pull down a house-wall on the Sacred Way opposite the public temples, because the wall was built on state land.

> Latin: 16.4. clientem libertinum parietem in sacra via adversus aedes publicas demoliri iusserant, quod publico inaedificatus esset.

[¶32] 16.5. An appeal was made by the citizen to the tribunes. When no one but Rutilius intervened in his behalf, the censors sent agents to secure bonds and announced before a meeting a fine for the citizen.

> Latin: 16.5. appellati a privato tribuni. cum praeter Rutilium nemo intercederet, censores ad pignera capienda miserunt multamque pro contione privato dixerunt.

[¶33] 16.6. A dispute having arisen from this cause, when the veteran tax-gatherers had resorted to the tribune, a proposed law was suddenly published under the name of the one tribune, stating that whereas Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius had let certain public revenues and public works, the letting of these should be void;

> Latin: 16.6. hinc contentione orta cum veteres publicani se ad tribunum contulissent, rogatio repente sub unius tribuni nomine promulgatur, quae publica vectigalia aut ultro tributa C.

[¶34] 16.7. they should be let anew, and everyone without restriction should have the right of farming and contracting. The tribune of the people announced for the assembly a day for voting on this proposal.

> Latin: 16.7. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea rata locatio ne esset; ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et conducendi promiscue ius esset.

[¶35] 16.8. When this day came, as the censors came forward to advise against the law, while Gracchus was speaking there was silence; when heckling greeted Claudius, he ordered the herald to bring the meeting to order.

> Latin: 16.8. diem ad eius legis rogationem concilio tribunus plebis dixit. qui post quam venit, ut censores ad dissuadendum processerunt, Graccho dicente silentium fuit; cum Claudio obstreperetur, audientiam facere praeconem iussit.

[¶36] 16.9. When this was done, the tribune, complaining that the meeting had been taken out of his hands and that he had been deprived of his authority, left the Capitol, where the assembly was. Next day he raised a great uproar.

> Latin: 16.9. eo facto avocatam a se contionem tribunus questus et in ordinem se coactum ex Capitolio, ubi erat concilium, abiit.

[¶37] 16.10. He first dedicated to the gods the property of Tiberius Gracchus because in the matter of the fine and the bonds imposed on one who had appealed to a tribune, Gracchus had, by not obeying the tribune's interposition, deprived him of his authority;

> Latin: 16.10. postero die ingentis tumultus ciere. Ti. Gracchi primum bona consecravit, quod in multa pignoribusque eius, qui tribunum appellasset, intercessioni non parendo se in ordinem coegisset;

[¶38] 16.11. he set a day for the trial of Gaius Claudius on the charge of taking the meeting away from him; and he announced that he judged each censor guilty of treason, and asked of Gaius Sulpicius the city praetor a day for an assembly.

> Latin: 16.11. C. Claudio diem dixit, quod contionem ab se avocasset, et utrique censori perduellionem se iudicare pronuntiavit diemque comitiis a C. Sulpicio praetore urbano petiit.

[¶39] 16.12. Since the censors did not object to having the people pass judgment on them at the first possible moment, the day for the assembly-trial for treason was set for the twenty-third and twenty-fourth of September.

> Latin: 16.12. non recusantibus censoribus, quominus primo quoque tempore iudicium de se populus faceret, in ante diem octavum et septimum kal.

[¶40] 16.13. The censors immediately mounted to the Hall of Liberty and, having there sealed the public accounts and closed the account room and sent away the public slaves, declared that they would transact no public business until the judgment of the people upon them had been passed.

> Latin: 16.13. Octobres comitiis perduellionis dicta dies. censores extemplo in atrium Libertatis escenderunt et obsignatis tabellis publicis clausoque tabulario et dimissis servis publicis negarunt se prius quidquam publici negotii gesturos, quam iudicium populi de se factum esset.

[¶41] 16.14. Claudius pleaded his cause first; and when of the twelve centuries of knights eight had condemned the censor, along with many other centuries of the first class, at once the leading men of the state, in the sight of the people, laid aside their gold rings and put on mourning, in order to go about entreating the commons.

> Latin: 16.14. prior Claudius causam dixit; et cum ex duodecim centuriis equitum octo censorem condemnassent multaeque aliae primae classis, extemplo principes civitatis in conspectu populi anulis aureis positis vestem mutarunt, ut supplices plebem circumirent.

[¶42] 16.15. Chiefly, however, Tiberius Gracchus is said to have changed men's minds, because, although there was everywhere shouting from the commons that Gracchus was in no danger, he swore in formal terms that if his colleague were condemned he would not await the outcome of his own trial, but would accompany Claudius into exile. None the less, so near did the defendant come to the last ray of hope that only eight centuries were lacking for condemnation.

> Latin: 16.15. maxime tamen sententiam vertisse dicitur Ti. Gracchus, quod, cum clamor undique plebis esset periculum Graccho non esse, conceptis verbis iuravit, si collega damnatus esset, non expectato de se iudicio comitem exilii eius futurum. adeo tamen ad extremum spei venit reus, ut octo centuriae ad damnationem defuerint.

[¶43] 16.16. When Claudius had been acquitted, the tribune of the people said that he did not care about the case of Gracchus.

> Latin: 16.16. absoluto Claudio tribunus plebis negavit se Gracchum morari.

[¶44] 17.1. In that year, at the request of envoys from Aquileia that the number of colonists be increased, fifteen hundred households were enrolled in accordance with a decree of the senate, and a board of three, Titus Annius Luscus, Publius Decius Subulo, and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, were sent to lead the settlement.

> Latin: 17.1. eo anno postulantibus Aquileiensium legatis, ut numerum colonorum augerent, mille et quingentae familiae ex senatus consulto scriptae triumvirique, qui eas deducerent, missi sunt T. Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, M. Cornelius Cethegus.

[¶45] 17.2. In the same year Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius, the envoys who had been sent into Greece, first caused to be read at Thebes and then to be carried about to all the cities of the Peloponnese the decree of the senate that no one should contribute anything to Roman officers for the war except what the senate should have voted.

> Latin: 17.2. eodem anno C. Popilius et Cn. Octavius legati, qui in Graeciam missi erant, senatus consultum Thebis primum recitatum per omnes Peloponnesi urbes circumtulerunt, ne quis ullam rem in bellum magistratibus Romanis conferret, praeterquam quod senatus censuisset.

[¶46] 17.3. This resolution had produced confidence for the future, too, that they had been relieved of both burdens and outlays, by which, as one and another ordered various things, they were being drained dry.

> Latin: 17.3. hoc fiduciam in posterum quoque praebuerat, levatos se oneribus[que] inpensisque, quibus alia aliis inperantibus exhauriebantur.

[¶47] 17.4. Before an Achaean council held for them at Aegium the Roman envoys both spoke and were heard with cordiality, and leaving this most loyal people with extraordinary hope for their future position, they crossed to Aetolia.

> Latin: 17.4. Achaico concilio Aegi iis dato benigne locuti auditique, egregia spe futuri status fidissima gente relicta, in Aetoliam traiecerunt.

[¶48] 17.5. There no revolt indeed had as yet broken out, but every move was suspected and replete with the mutual recriminations of the Aetolians;

> Latin: 17.5. ibi nondum quidem seditio erat, sed omnia suspecta criminumque inter ipsos plena;

[¶49] 17.6. having, because of these, called for the giving of hostages, but without bringing the trouble to an end, the envoys set out thence for Acarnania.

> Latin: 17.6. ob quae obsidibus postulatis neque exitu rei inposito in Acarnaniam inde profecti legati sunt. Thyri concilium legatis Acarnanes dederunt.

[¶50] 17.7. At Thyrreum the Acarnanians held a council for the envoys. There too a contest between factions was under way; some of the chief men demanded that garrisons be brought into their cities to guard against the madness of those who were dragging the tribe toward the Macedonians;

> Latin: 17.7. ibi quoque inter factiones erat certamen: quidam principum postulare, ut praesidia in urbes suas inducerentur adversus amentiam eorum, qui ad Macedonas gentem trahebant;

[¶51] 17.8. some objected to this, on the ground that the disgrace which was customary for those captured in war and hostile should not be inflicted on peaceful and allied cities.

> Latin: 17.8. pars recusare, ne, quod bello captis et hostibus mos esset, id pacatae et sociae civitates ignominiae acciperent.

[¶52] 17.9. This plea in opposition seemed sound. The envoys returned to Hostilius the proconsul at Larisa —for they had been sent by him.

> Latin: 17.9. iusta deprecatio haec visa. Larisam ad Hostilium proconsulem—ab eo enim missi erant— legati redierunt.

[¶53] 17.10. Octavius he kept with him, Popilius he sent with about a thousand soldiers into winter quarters at Ambracia.

> Latin: 17.10. Octavium retinuit secum, Popilium cum mille ferme militibus in hiberna Ambraciam misit.

[¶54] 18.1. Perseus did not dare to leave the limits of Macedonia at the outset of winter, for fear that at some point the Romans might raid his undefended realm. About the winter solstice, however, when the depth of snow makes the mountains impassable from Thessaly, he thought that here was an opportunity to shatter the hopes and spirits of his neighbours, so that no danger might arise from them while his attention was turned toward the campaign against the Romans. On the side of Thrace Cotys assured peace, as did Cephalus on the side of Epirus by his sudden desertion of the Romans, while the recent campaign had subdued the Dardani.

> Latin: 18.1. Perseus principio hiemis egredi Macedoniae finibus non ausus, ne qua in regnum vacuum inrumperent Romani, sub tempus brumae, cum in exsuperabilis ab Thessalia montes nivis altitudo facit, occasionem esse ratus frangendi finitimorum spes animosque, ne quid averso se in Romanum bellum periculi ab iis esset, cum a Threcia pacem Cotys, ab Epiro Cephalus repentina defectione ab Romanis praestarent, Dardanos recens domuisset bellum,

[¶55] 18.3. Perceiving then that the only quarter hostile to Macedonia was that which allowed access from Illyricum, where the Illyrians themselves were restless and were providing the Romans with an approach, and that if he conquered the nearest Illyrians, he might also entice King Gentius, who had long been wavering, into an alliance, Perseus set out with ten thousand infantry, some of whom were phalanx-men, two thousand light troops, and five hundred cavalry, and reached Stuberra.

> Latin: 18.3. solum infestum esse Macedoniae latus, quod ab Illyrico pateret, cernens, neque ipsis quietis Illyriis et aditum praebentibus Romanis, si domuisset proximos Illyriorum, Gentium quoque regem iam diu dubium in societatem perlici posse, cum decem milibus peditum, quorum pars phalangitae erant, et duobus milibus levium armorum et quingentis equitibus profectus Stuberram venit.

[¶56] 18.5. Thence, taking grain for a number of days and ordering equipment for besieging cities to follow, on the third day he pitched camp by Uscana —which is the largest city of the Penestian region —but sent, before bringing an attack to bear, men to test the mood, now of the commanders of the garrison, now of the townspeople.

> Latin: 18.5. inde frumento conplurium dierum sumpto iussoque apparatu oppugnandarum urbium sequi tertio die ad Uscanam—Pensestianae terrae ea maxima urbs est—posuit castra prius tamen, quam vim admoveret, missis, qui temptarent nunc praefectorum praesidii, nunc oppidanorum animos.

[¶57] 18.6. For there was in the city, along with the young men of the Illyrians, a Roman garrison. After the messengers reported nothing in the way of terms, Perseus began to press the siege and tried to capture the city with a surrounding attack. Although without interruption through day and night relay of men after relay here brought ladders against the walls, and there fire against the gates, nevertheless, the defenders of the city withstood this tempest, because they had hopes that the Macedonians could not longer endure the violence of winter in the open, and that the lull in the Roman campaign would not long permit the king to linger. However, after they saw sheds being brought up and towers raised, their determination was overcome.

> Latin: 18.6. erat autem ibi cum iuventute Illyriorum Romanum praesidium. postquam nihil pacati referebant, oppugnare est adortus et corona eam capere conatus est. cum sine intermissione interdiu noctuque alii aliis succedentes pars scalas muris, pars ignem portis inferrent, sustinebant tamen eam tempestatem propugnatores urbis, quia spes erat neque hiemis vim diutius pati Macedonas in aperto posse, nec ab Romano bello tantum regi laxamenti fore, ut posset morari.

[¶58] 18.9. For apart from the fact that they were not equally matched against the assault, there was no supply even of grain or of anything else in the city, as was natural when the siege was unexpected.

> Latin: 18.9. ceterum postquam vineas agi turresque excitari viderunt, victa pertinacia est. nam praeterquam quod adversus vim pares non erant, ne frumenti quidem aut ullius alterius rei copia intus erat ut in necopinata obsidione.

[¶59] 18.10. And so, since there was no hope of holding out, Gaius Carvilius of Spoletium and Gaius Afranius were sent from the Roman garrison to request of Perseus, first, that he should permit them to depart under arms and carrying their possessions with them, and next, if they failed to obtain this, that they should at least receive assurances of life and freedom. The king's generosity was greater in promise than in performance; for after bidding them to depart carrying their possessions with them, he deprived them first of their arms, then of their freedom.

> Latin: 18.10. itaque cum spei nihil ad resistendum esset, C. Carvilius Spoletinus et C. Afranius a praesidio Romano missi, qui a Perseo peterent primo, ut armatos suaque secum ferentis abire sineret, dein, si id minus impetrarent, vitae tantum libertatisque fidem acciperent.

[¶60] 18.11. After the Romans had left the city, both the force of Illyrians —there were five hundred of them —and the people of Uscana surrendered themselves and their city.

> Latin: 18.11. promissum id benignius est ab rege quam praestitum; exire enim sua secum efferentibus iussis primum arma ademit. his urbe egressis et Illyriorum cohors—quingenti erant—et Uscanenses se urbemque dediderunt.

[¶61] 19.1. After placing a garrison in Uscana, Perseus took the whole mass of prisoners, which almost equalled his army in numbers, to Stuberra.

> Latin: 19.1. Perseus praesidio Uscanae inposito multitudinem omnem deditorum, quae prope numero exercitum aequabat, Stuberram abducit.

[¶62] 19.2. There, after assigning the Romans —of whom there were four thousand —, except the chief officers, to various cities to guard, and selling the people of Uscana and the Illyrians, he led the army back among the Penestae in order to bring under his control the town of Oaeneum, which was in many ways strategically situated, particularly in that the route to the Labeates, where Gentius was king, passes this way.

> Latin: 19.2. ibi Romanis—quattuor milia autem hominum erant—praeter principes in custodiam civitatum divisis, Uscanensibus Illyriisque venditis in Penestiam exercitum reducit ad Oaeneum oppidum in potestatem redigendum et alioqui opportune situm, et transitus ea est in Labeates, ubi Gentius regnabat.

[¶63] 19.4. As he was passing a populous fort, Draudacum by name, one who knew this region said that there was no use of capturing Oaeneum unless Draudacum too was under his control; for it was even more strategically situated for all purposes.

> Latin: 19.4. praetereunti frequens castellum, Draudacum nomine, peritorum quidam regionis eius nihil Oaeneo capto opus esse ait, nisi in potestate et Draudacum sit; opportunius etiam ad omnia positum esse.

[¶64] 19.5. On his bringing up his army, all at once surrendered. Encouraged by this surrender, more prompt than he had hoped, after he noticed how great was the fear caused by his column, -he brought under his control eleven other forts because of this same dread.

> Latin: 19.5. admoto exercitu omnes extemplo dediderunt sese. qua spe celeriore deditione erectus postquam animadvertit, quantus agminis sui terror esset, undecim alia castella eodem metu in potestatem redigit.

[¶65] 19.6. At only a very few was there need of force; the rest were voluntarily surrendered; and in these there were taken prisoner fifteen hundred Roman soldiers who had been distributed among the garrisons.

> Latin: 19.6. ad perpauca vi opus fuit, cetera voluntate dedita; et in his recepti mille et quingenti dispositi per praesidia milites Romani.

[¶66] 19.7. Carvilius of Spoletium was most useful in the parleys, in saying that no harshness had been used against him and his comrades. Next, Perseus arrived at Oaeneum, which could not be taken without a regular siege. The city was strong both because of a somewhat larger force of young men than the others had had and because of its walls; moreover, on the one side a river, Artatus by name, on the other a very high mountain, difficult to ascend, girt the city about.

> Latin: 19.7. magno usui Carvilius Spoletinus erat in conloquiis dicendo, nihil in ipsos saevitum. ad Oaeneum perventum est, quod sine iusta oppugnatione capi non poterat. et maiore aliquanto, quam cetera, iuventute et validum oppidum moenibus erat, et hinc amnis, Artatus nomine, hinc mons praealtus et aditu difficilis cingebat.

[¶67] 19.9. These defences gave the people of the city hope of holding out. Perseus, after encircling the town with earthworks, began to build up a mound on the higher side, high enough to bring him above the wall.

> Latin: 19.9. haec spem ad resistendum oppidanis dabant. Perseus circumvallato oppido aggerem a parte superiore ducere instituit, cuius altitudine muros superaret.

[¶68] 19.10. While this work was in progress, the frequent battles which meanwhile took place, as the townspeople resorted to sallies to protect their walls and to hinder the siege-works of the enemy, caused a great wastage in casualties of one kind or another, while those townspeople who survived were incapacitated by daily and nightly toil and by wounds.

> Latin: 19.10. quod opus dum perficitur, crebris interim proeliis, quibus per excursiones et moenia sua oppidani tutabantur et opera hostium inpediebant, magna eorum multitudo variis casibus absumpta est, et qui supererant, labore diurno nocturnoque et volneribus inutiles erant.

[¶69] 19.11. As soon as the mound was joined to the wall, the royal company, whom they call the Conquerors, passed over it, and also at the same time an attack was made with ladders against many parts of the city.

> Latin: 19.11. ubi primum agger iniunctus muro est, et cohors regia, quos nicatoras appellant, transcendit et scalis multis simul partibus impetus in urbem est factus.

[¶70] 19.12. All the adult males were killed; their wives and children Perseus put under guard; the other items of booty fell to the soldiers.

> Latin: 19.12. puberes omnes interfecti sunt; coniuges liberosque eorum in custodiam dedit;

[¶71] 19.13. Returning thence victoriously to Stuberra, he sent as envoys to Gentius, Pleuratus the Illyrian, who was in exile at his court, and Adaeus, a Macedonian from Beroea; he instructed them to relate his achievements of that summer and winter against the Romans and Dardanians;

> Latin: 19.13. praedae alia militum cessere. Stuberram inde victor revertens ad Gentium legatos Pleuratum Illyricum, exulantem apud se, et Adaeum Macedonem a Beroea mittit.

[¶72] 19.14. they were to add the recent operations of his winter march into Illyricum; and they were to urge Gentius to join in friendship with Perseus and the Macedonians.

> Latin: 19.14. iis mandat, ut exponerent aestatis eius hiemisque acta sua adversus Romanos Dardanosque, adicerent recentia in Illyrico hibernae expeditionis opera; hortarentur Gentium in amicitiam secum et cum Macedonibus iungendam.

[¶73] 20.1. After crossing the ridge of Mount Scordus, and passing through the desert regions of Illyricum, which the Macedonians had purposely made desert by ravaging, so that there might be no easy passage for the Dardanians to Illyricum or Macedonia, these envoys came at last with great toil to Scodra.

> Latin: 20.1. hi transgressi iugum Scordi montis per Illyrici solitudines, quas de industria populando Macedones fecerant, ne transitus faciles Dardanis in Illyricum aut Macedoniam essent, Scodram labore ingenti tandem pervenerunt.

[¶74] 20.2. King Gentius was at Lissus. Thither the envoys were summoned, and their message was given a favourable hearing; but the reply which they took away accomplished nothing; it was to the effect that Gentius did not lack the will to fight the Romans, but to try to effect his will he did especially lack money.

> Latin: 20.2. Lissi rex Gentius erat. eo acciti legati mandata exponentes benigne auditi sunt; qui responsum sine effectu tulerunt, voluntatem sibi non deesse ad bellandum cum Romanis, ceterum ad conandum id, quod velit, pecuniam maxime deesse.

[¶75] 20.3. These words the envoys reported at Stuberra to the king, who was at that moment engaged in selling the prisoners from Illyricum. At once the same envoys, with the addition of Glaucias from among the king's bodyguard, were sent back with no word about money, by which alone the poverty-stricken barbarian could be urged into war.

> Latin: 20.3. haec Stuberram rettulere regi, tum maxime captivos ex Illyrico vendenti. extemplo iidem legati addito Glaucia ex numero custodum corporis remittuntur sine mentione pecuniae, qua non data barbarus inops inpelli ad bellum non poterat.

[¶76] 20.4. Thence, after ravaging Ancyra, Perseus led his army back again among the Penestae and, having strengthened the garrisons in Uscana and in all the forts that he had captured round about it, retired to Macedonia.

> Latin: 20.4. Ancyram inde populatus Perseus in Penestas rursum exercitum reducit firmatisque Uscanae et circa eam per omnia castella, quae receperat, praesidiis in Macedoniam sese recipit.

[¶77] 21.1. Lucius Coelius, a Roman staff-officer, was in charge of Illyricum; he had not dared to stir while the king was in those parts, but after his departure at last attempted in the Penestian country to retake Uscana, and, being driven back with many wounded by the Macedonian garrison which was there, led his forces back to Lychnidus.

> Latin: 21.1. L. Coelius, legatus Romanus, praeerat Illyrico; qui moveri non ausus, cum in iis locis rex esset, post profectionem demum eius conatus in Penestis Uscanam recipere a praesidio, quod ibi Macedonum erat, cum multis volneribus repulsus Lychnidum copias reduxit.

[¶78] 21.2. Thence after a few days he sent Marcus Trebellius of Fregellae with a strong enough detachment among the Penestae to receive hostages from those cities which had remained loyal to the alliance; he ordered Trebellius to proceed also to the Parthini, for they had likewise promised to give hostages.

> Latin: 21.2. inde post dies paucos M. Trebellium Fregellanum cum satis valida manu in Penestas misit ad obsides ab iis urbibus, quae in amicitia cum fide permanserant, accipiendos;

[¶79] 21.3. From both peoples Trebellius exacted the hostages without disturbance. The knights of the Penestae were sent to Apollonia, those of the Parthini to Dyrrachium —at that time the name Epidamnus was more generally in use among the Greeks.

> Latin: 21.3. procedere etiam in Parthinos — ii quoque obsides dare pepigerant — iussit. ab utraque gente sine tumultu exigit. Penestarum equites Apolloniam, Parthinorum Dyrrachium, — tum Epidamni magis celebre nomen Graecis erat — missi.

[¶80] 21.4. Appius Claudius, eager to atone for the disgrace he had received in Illyricum, attempted to besiege Phanote, a fort of Epirus. He took with him auxiliaries from the Chaonians and The sprotians, besides his Roman army, a total of about six thousand men; he did not accomplish anything worth his trouble, since Cleuas, who had been left by Perseus, was defending it with a strong garrison.

> Latin: 21.4. Ap. Claudius acceptam in Illyrico ignominiam corrigere cupiens Phanotam, Epiri castellum, adortus oppugnare est. auxilia Chaonum Thesprotorumque praeter Romanum exercitum, ad sex milia hominum, secum adduxit;

[¶81] 21.5. Perseus also, setting out for Elimea, and purifying his army in that neighbourhood, led his force, at the invitation of the Epirotes, to Stratus.

> Latin: 21.5. neque operae pretium fecit Cleua, qui relictus a Perseo erat, cum valido praesidio defendente. et Perseus Elimeam profectus et circa eam exercitu lustrato ad Stratum vocantibus Epirotis ducit.

[¶82] 21.6. Stratus was at that time the strongest city of Aetolia; it is situated inland from the Ambracian Gulf near the River Inachus. Perseus set out thither with ten thousand infantry and three handred cavalry, a smaller number of which he took with him because of the narrowness and roughness of the roads.

> Latin: 21.6. Stratus validissima tum urbs Aetoliae erat; sita est super Ambracium sinum prope amnem Inachum. cum decem milibus peditum eo profectus est et equitibus trecentis, quos pauciores propter angustias viarum et asperitatem duxit.

[¶83] 21.7. When on the third day he had arrived at Mount Citium, the snow was so deep that he barely succeeded incrossing and had difficulty also in finding a place for his camp.

> Latin: 21.7. tertio die cum pervenisset ad Citium montem, vix transgressus propter altitudinem nivis locum quoque castris aegre invenit.

[¶84] 21.8. Setting out thence, more because he could not stay than because either the way or the weather was bearable, with great suffering, especially of the baggage-animals, on the second day he pitched camp at the temple of Jupiter whom they call the Victorious. Thence having traversed a huge march to the Aratthus River, he halted... delayed by the depth of the river.

> Latin: 21.8. profectus inde, magis quia manere non poterat, quam quod tolerabilis aut via aut tempestas esset, cum ingenti vexatione praecipue iumentorum altero die ad templum Iovis, Nicaeum quem vocant, posuit castra.

[¶85] 21.9. In this length of time a bridge was finished, and, leading his troops across, he proceeded one day's march and effected a meeting with Archidamus, a prominent Aetolian, who was trying to hand over Stratus to him.

> Latin: 21.9. ad Aratthum inde flumen itinere ingenti emenso retentus altitudine amnis mansit. quo spatio temporis ponte perfecto, traductis copiis diei progressus iter obvium Archidamum, principem Aetolorum, per quem ei Stratus tradebatur, habuit.

[¶86] 22.1. On that day camp was pitched at the edge of Aetolian territory; thence on the second day they arrived at Stratus.

> Latin: 22.1. eo die ad finem agri Aetolici castra posita.

[¶87] 22.2. Although, when he pitched camp there near the Inachus River, Perseus expected the Aetolians to come streaming out of every gate to put themselves under his protection, he found that the gates were closed and that on the very night when he had arrived a Roman garrison, under the staff-officer Gaius Popilius, had been received.

> Latin: 22.2. inde altero die ad Stratum perventum; ubi prope Inachum amnem castris positis cum expectaret effusos omnibus portis Aetolos in fidem suam venturos, clausas portas atque ipsa ea nocte, qua venerat, receptum Romanum praesidium cum C. Popilio legato invenit.

[¶88] 22.3. The leading men, driven by the influence of Archidamus while he was there, had summoned the king, but had become less active when Archidamus had gone out to meet Perseus, and had given an opportunity to the opposing party of summoning Popilius with a thousand infantry from Ambracia.

> Latin: 22.3. principes, qui praesentis Archidami auctoritate conpulsi regem arcessierant, obviam egresso eggresso Archidamo segniores facti locum adversae factioni dederant ad Popilium cum mille peditibus ab Ambracia accersendum.

[¶89] 22.4. Just in time, too, came Dinarchus, the chief of cavalry of the Aetolian League, with six hundred infantry and a hundred cavalry. It was well known that he had come to Stratus as if on his way to Perseus, but then, changing his mind with his luck, had joined the Romans, against whom he had come.

> Latin: 22.4. in tempore et Dinarchus, praefectus equitum gentis Aetolorum, cum sescentis peditibus et equitibus centum venit.

[¶90] 22.5. Popilius, for his part, was not more off his guard than he should have been, considering the fickle temperaments which encompassed him.

> Latin: 22.5. satis constabat eum tamquam ad Persea tendentem Stratum venisse, mutato deinde cum fortuna animo Romanis se, adversus quos venerat, iunxisse.

[¶91] 22.6. He at once took control of the keys of the gates and the guarding of the walls, and removed to the citadel, ostensibly as its garrison, Dinarchus and his Aetolians, along with the young men of Stratus.

> Latin: 22.6. nec Popilius securior, quam debebat esse, inter tam mobilia ingenia erat. claves portarum custodiamque murorum suae extemplo potestatis fecit; Dinarchum Aetolosque cum iuventute Stratiorum in arcem per praesidii speciem amovit.

[¶92] 22.8. Perseus, after attempting parleys from the hills which overhang the upper part of the city, on seeing that they were determined and were even keeping him at a distance with missiles, pitched his camp five miles from the city across the river Petitarus.

> Latin: 22.8. Perseus ab imminentibus superiori parti urbis tumulis temptatis conloquiis cum obstinatos atque etiam telis procul arcentis videret, quinque milia passuum ab urbe trans Petitarum amnem posuit castra.

[¶93] 22.9. There he called a council and, although Archidamus and the Epirote deserters tried to keep him where he was, when the leading Macedonians were of the opinion that he should not fight against the unfavourable season of the year without having arranged for supplies, since the blockaders were bound to feel the want of them before the blockaded, especially when winter-quarters of the enemy were not far distant, Perseus in fear moved his camp into Aperantia.

> Latin: 22.9. ibi consilio advocato cum Archidamus Epirotarumque transfugae retinerent, Macedonum principes non pugnandum cum infesto tempore anni censerent, nullis praeparatis commeatibus, cum inopiam prius obsidentes quam obsessi sensuri essent, maxime quod hostium haud procul inde hiberna erant, territus in Aperantiam castra movit.

[¶94] 22.11. The Aperantians, because of their great regard for Archidamus and his influence with that people, by general agreement received Perseus; Archidamus himself, with a garrison of eight hundred men, was put in charge of the city.

> Latin: 22.11. Aperanti eum propter Archidami magnam in ea gente gratiam auctoritatemque consensu omnium acceperunt; is ipse cum octingentorum militum praesidio his est praepositus.

[¶95] 23.1. With no less suffering of beasts and men than when he had come, the king returned to Macedonia; Appius, however, was drawn away from the siege of Phanote by the report that Perseus was marching on Stratus.

> Latin: 23.1. rex cum non minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque, quam venerat, in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[¶96] 23.2. Cleuas, following with a force of vigorous young men beneath the almost impassable spurs of the mountains, killed about a thousand men of the burdened column and captured about two hundred.

> Latin: 23.2. Cleuas cum praesidio inpigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ad mille hominum ex agmine inpedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[¶97] 23.3. After passing over the narrows, Appius remained in camp a few days in the plain which they call Meleon. Meanwhile Cleuas, taking along Philostratus, who had five hundred of the Epirote people, crossed over to the territory of Antigonea.

> Latin: 23.3. Appius superatis angustiis in campo, quem Meleona vocant, stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas adsumpto Philostrato, qui … Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit.

[¶98] 23.4. The Macedonians set out to plunder; Philostratus with his detachment settled down in ambush in a hidden spot. When armed men sallied forth from Antigonea against the scattered plunderers, as they pursued in too open order after these fugitives, they burst into the valley ambushed by the enemy.

> Latin: 23.4. Macedones ad depopulationem profecti; Philostratus cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[¶99] 23.5. After the killing there of about a thousand and the capturing of nearly a hundred, the campaign was successfully conducted everywhere, and they moved their camp near the settled camp of Appius, so that no violence might be inflicted by the Roman army on their allies.

> Latin: 23.5. ibi mille occisis, centum ferme captis et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[¶100] 23.6. Appius, who was wasting time to no purpose in these parts, after sending away the forces of Chaonians, The sprotians and whatever other Epirotes there were, retired to Illyricum with his Italian soldiers, divided his men in winter-quarters among the allied cities of the Parthini, and himself returned to Rome to offer sacrifices.

> Latin: 23.6. Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonumque et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus per Parthinorum socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis ipse Romam sacrificii causa rediit.

[¶101] 23.7. Perseus sent to Cassandrea to act as its garrison a thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry recalled from the people of the Penestae. The envoys returned from Gentius with the same reply.

> Latin: 23.7. Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[¶102] 23.8. On the one hand, Perseus did not cease thereafter to make overtures to him by sending embassy after embassy, and, on the other hand, although it was obvious how much reinforcement Gentius could provide, yet he could not induce himself to incur expense for a matter of the greatest importance in every respect.

> Latin: 23.8. ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut inpensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.