---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 14 of 18
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, section 14. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 14. Book XLIV · chapters 35–46

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/14/#p-N

[¶0] 35.11. When they said that the terrain was not difficult, but was blocked by the king's guard-forces, the consul conceived the hope that the guards could be dislodged if he attacked suddenly by night with a strong force and surprised them; for, he argued, javelins, arrows, and other missiles are useless in the dark when the target cannot be sighted at a distance;

> Latin: 35.11. cum loca non iniqua esse dicerent, praesidiis autem regiis obsideri, spem cepit, si nocte inproviso valida manu adgressus necopinantis esset, deici praesidia posse:

[¶1] 35.12. the sword is the weapon used at close quarters in a confused throng, and with that weapon the Roman soldier would win. Planning to use the abovementioned merchants as guides, the consul summoned the praetor Octavius, explained his plans, and ordered him to sail for Heracleum with the fleet and have ten days' cooked rations for a thousand men.

> Latin: 35.12. iacula enim et sagittas et cetera missilia in tenebris, ubi, quid petatur, procul provideri nequeat, inutilia esse; gladio comminus geri rem in permixta turba, quo miles Romanus vincat.

[¶2] 35.13. For his own part, he sent Publius Scipio Nasica and his own son Quintus Fabius Maximus with five thousand picked men to Heracleum, in order to feign an embarkation for the purpose of the plan mentioned in the council, namely, of ravaging the coastal area of inner Macedonia.

> Latin: 35.13. his ducibus usurus, praetorem Octavium accersitum exposito, quid pararet, Heraclium cum classe petere iubet et mille hominibus decem dierum cocta cibaria habere.

[¶3] 35.14. Scipio and Fabius were privately informed that food was ready for them at the fleet, so that they would not be delayed. Next, the guides were instructed to arrange the stages of the journey so that they could attack Pythoüs in the fourth watch of the third day. Next day at dawn the consul himself, in order to keep the king from investigating the other projects, joined battle with the enemy's outposts in the middle of the river-bed.

> Latin: 35.14. ipse P. Scipionem Nasicam, Q. Fabium Maximum filium suum cum quinque milibus delectis militum Heracleum mittit, velut classem conscensuros ad maritumam oram interioris Macedoniae, quod in consilio agitatum erat, vastandam. secreto indicatum cibaria his praeparata ad classem esse, ne quid eos moraretur. inde iussi duces itineris ita dividere viam, ut quarta vigilia tertio die Pythoum adoriri possent.

[¶4] 35.16. The fight was conducted with light-armed troops on both sides. It was impossible to fight with heavier troops in so rough a stream-bed. The slope of either bank to the bottom was about three hundred paces; between the banks, a space of a little over a mile lay open where the torrent had hollowed it out in varying degrees from place to place.

> Latin: 35.16. ipse postero die, ut detineret regem ab circumspectu rerum aliarum, prima luce medio in alveo cum stationibus hostium proelium commisit, atque pugnatum utrimque est levi armatura; nec gravioribus armis in tam inaequali alveo pugnari poterat.

[¶5] 35.17. There the fight took place in sight of the watchers from the walls of both camps, the king on one side, the consul and his legions on the other.

> Latin: 35.17. descensus ripae utriusque in alveum trecentorum ferme passum erat; medium spatium torrentis alibi aliter cavati paulo plus quam mille passus patebat.

[¶6] 35.18. The king's light troops fought better at long range with missiles; at close quarters the Romans were steadier, and better protected by either the cavalry targe or the Ligurian rectangular shield.

> Latin: 35.18. ibi in medio spectantibus utrimque ex vallo castrorum hinc rege, hinc consule cum suis legionibus pugnatum est.

[¶7] 35.19. About noon the consul ordered the recall to be sounded for his men. So that day the fight was broken off with no small losses to both sides. At sunrise the next day an even sharper fight took place, since their spirits had been roused by the combat.

> Latin: 35.19. missilibus procul regia auxilia melius pugnabant; comminus stabilior et tutior aut parma aut scuto Ligustino Romanus erat. meridie fere receptui cani suis consul iussit. ita eo die diremptum proelium est haud paucis utrimque interfectis.

[¶8] 35.21. But the Romans received a great many wounds not only from those with whom the fight had been joined, but much more from the large numbers posted on the towers with all sorts of missile weapons and stones. As they came nearer to the enemy's bank, the shots from the engines reached even the rear ranks. After far more severe losses that day, the consul recalled his men somewhat later.

> Latin: 35.21. sole orto postero die inritatis certamine animis etiam acrius concursum est. sed Romani non ab iis tantum, cum quibus contractum certamen erat, sed multo magis ab ea multitudine, quae disposita in turribus stabat, omni genere missilium telorum ac saxis maxime volnerabantur.

[¶9] 35.22. On the third day, he desisted from battle and went down to the lower side of the camp as if he were going to attempt the crossing through the spur of the fortifications which ran down to the sea.

> Latin: 35.22. ubi propius ripam hostium subissent, tormentis missa etiam ad ultimos perveniebant. multo pluribus eo die amissis consul paulo serius recepit suos.

[¶10] 35.23. What was before Perseus' eyes... The season was that immediately following the turn of midsummer; the time of day was approaching noon; the journey had been made through much dust and an ever-hotter sun.

> Latin: 35.23. tertio die proelio abstinuit, degressus ad imam partem castrorum, veluti per devexum in mare bracchium transitum temptaturus. Perseus, quod in oculis erat … … anni post circumactum solstitium erat; hora diei iam ad meridiem vergebat; iter multo pulvere et incalescente sole factum erat.

[¶11] 36.2. Weariness and thirst now began to make themselves felt, and since it was presently obvious that midday would intensify the blazing heat, the consul decided not to expose men so weakened to a fresh and unwearied enemy;

> Latin: 36.2. lassitudo et sitis iam sentiebatur et meridie stante magis. adcesserunt tum … mox adparebat. statuit sic adfectos recenti atque integro hosti non obicere;

[¶12] 36.3. but such zeal was in their hearts for fighting at all costs that the consul needed as much skill to out manoeuvre his own men as the enemy.

> Latin: 36.3. sed tantus ardor in animis ad dimicandum utcumque erat, ut consuli non minore arte ad suos eludendos quam ad hostis opus esset.

[¶13] 36.4. Since all were not yet in formation, he urged on the tribunes of the soldiers to hasten the deployment; he himself went about the ranks and was engaged in rousing the spirits of the men to battle by exhortation.

> Latin: 36.4. nondum omnibus instructis instabat tribunis militum, ut maturarent instruere; circumibat ipse ordines; animos militum hortando in pugnam accendebat.

[¶14] 36.5. At this they first kept eagerly calling for the signal; then, in proportion as the heat increased their countenances were less lively and their cries slacker, and some stood lolling on their shields and leaning on their spears. Then the consul proceeded openly to give the order to the ranking centurions to layout the front of the camp and place the baggage.

> Latin: 36.5. ibi primo alacres signum poscebant; deinde quantum incresceret aestus, et voltus minus vigentes et voces segniores erant, et quidam incumbentes scutis nixique pilis stabant.

[¶15] 36.6. When the soldiers perceived that this was being done, some rejoiced openly that he had not compelled men wearied by the toil of marching to fight a battle in scorching heat.

> Latin: 36.6. tum iam aperte primis ordinibus inperat, metarentur frontem castrorum et inpedimenta constituerent. quod ubi fieri milites sensere, alii gaudere palam, quod fessos viae labore flagrantissimo aestu non coegisset pugnare.

[¶16] 36.8. Surrounding the general were his staff and the foreign commanders, among whom was Attalus, all showing approval as long as they believed the consul was going to fight (for he had not revealed his doubts even to them); then at the sudden change of plan they were all silent except Nasica, who alone dared to advise the consul not to loose his grasp on an enemy who had baffled previous generals by avoiding an encounter.

> Latin: 36.8. legati circa imperatorem ducesque externi erant, inter quos et Attalus, omnes adprobantes, cum pugnaturum consulem credebant — neque enim ne his quidem cunctationem aperuerat suam — tunc mutatione consilii subita cum alii silerent, Nasica unus ex omnibus ausus est monere consulem, ne hostem ludificatum priores imperatores fugiendo certamen manibus emitteret:

[¶17] 36.10. Nasica feared that if the enemy departed by night, he would have to be pursued with the greatest toil and risk into the interior of Macedonia, and that the summer would be wasted, as under previous leaders, in roaming about the bypaths and passes of the Macedonian mountains;

> Latin: 36.10. vereri, ne, si nocte abeat, sequendus maximo labore ac periculo in intima Macedoniae sit, aestasque, sicut prioribus ducibus, per calles saltusque Macedonicorum montium vagando circumagatur.

[¶18] 36.11. for his own part he strongly urged attack while the consul had the enemy in open country, so as not to lose the opportunity for victory which had been offered. The consul, nothing offended by the outspoken warning from so famous a young man, replied:

> Latin: 36.11. se magnopere suadere, dum in campo patenti hostem habeat, adgrediatur nec oblatam occasionem vincendi amittat.

[¶19] 36.12. “I too have had the spirit which you now have, Nasica, and you will come to have the spirit I now have. From many vicissitudes of war I have learned when to fight and when to refuse battle.”

> Latin: 36.12. consul nihil offensus libera admonitione tam clari adulescentis ‘et ego’ inquit ‘animum istum habui, Nasica, quem tu nunc habes, et, quem ego nunc habeo, tu habebis.

[¶20] 36.13. “There is not time to instruct you while you are standing-to for battle as to the reasons why it is better to be inactive today. You shall ask for my reasoning at another time; now you will be satisfied to take the word of an experienced general.”

> Latin: 36.13. multis belli casibus didici, quando pugnandum, quando abstinendum pugna sit. non operae est stanti nunc in acie docere, quibus de causis hodie quiesse melius sit. rationes alias reposcito;

[¶21] 36.14. The young man held his tongue, thinking that no doubt the consul saw some obstacles to battle which he himself did not envisage.

> Latin: 36.14. nunc auctoritate veteris imperatoris contentus eris.’ conticuit adulescens: haud dubie videre aliqua impedimenta pugnae consulem, quae sibi non apparerent.

[¶22] 37.1. After Paulus saw that the camp had been laid out and the baggage placed, he quietly withdrew the rear formation first from behind the battle-line, next the chief formation, while the forward formation stood its ground at the front of the battle-line, in case the enemy should make a move; last of all he withdrew the forward formation, taking the soldiers of one maniple at a time, starting with the right wing.

> Latin: 37.1. Paulus postquam metata castra impedimentaque conlocata animadvertit, ex postrema acie triarios primos subducit, deinde principes stantibus in prima acie hastatis, si quid hostis moveret, postremo hastatos, ab dextro primum cornu singulorum paulatim signorum milites subtrahens.

[¶23] 37.3. In this way, while the cavalry and the light-armed troops faced the enemy from in front of the battle-line, the infantry were withdrawn without confusion, and the cavalry were not called away from their posts until the facade of the rampart and the ditch facing the enemy had been completed.

> Latin: 37.3. ita pedites equitibus cum levi armatura ante aciem hosti oppositis sine tumultu abducti, nec ante, quam prima frons valli ac fossa perducta est, ex statione equites revocati sunt.

[¶24] 37.4. Although the king would have been prepared to fight that day without reluctance, he was satisfied to let it be seen that the delay was due to the enemy, and he too withdrew his forces into camp.

> Latin: 37.4. rex quoque, cum sine detractatione paratus pugnare eo die fuisset, contentus eo, quod per hostem moram fuisse pugnae scirent, et ipse in castra copias reduxit.

[¶25] 37.5. After the fortification of the camp was complete, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, tribune of the soldiers with the second legion, who had been praetor the year before, summoned the soldiers to an assembly, by permission of the consul, and announced that no one should regard it as a bad omen when on the following night an eclipse of the moon would take place from the second to the fourth hour of the night.

> Latin: 37.5. castris permunitis C. Sulpicius Gallus, tribunus militum secundae legionis, qui praetor superiore anno fuerat, consulis permissu ad contionem militibus vocatis, pronuntiavit nocte proxima, ne quis id pro portento acciperet, ab hora secunda usque ad quartam horam noctis lunam defecturam esse. id quia naturali ordine statis temporibus fiat, et sciri ante et praedici posse.

[¶26] 37.7. Since this occurred in the regular order of nature at certain times, said Sulpicius, it could be calculated ahead of time and foretold. Therefore just as they were not surprised —inasmuch as both the risings and the settings of the sun and moon are well understood —when they saw the moon shining now full, now during its wane with a narrow arc, no more ought they to count it a prodigy that the moon is darkened whenever it is hidden in the shadow of the earth.

> Latin: 37.7. itaque quem ad modum, quia certi solis lunaeque et ortus et occasus sint, nunc pleno orbe, nunc senescentem exiguo cornu fulgere lunam non mirarentur, ita ne obscurari quidem, cum condatur umbra terrae, trahere in prodigium debere.

[¶27] 37.8. On the night preceding the 4th of September, when the moon was eclipsed at the predicted hour, the Roman soldiers regarded the wisdom of Gallus as almost divine;

> Latin: 37.8. nocte, quam pridie nonas Septembres insecuta est dies, edita hora cum luna defecisset, Romanis militibus Galli sapientia prope divina videri;

[¶28] 37.9. the Macedonians took it as a dire portent, foretelling the downfall of the kingdom and the nation, and no soothsayer shook their conviction. There was uproar and wailing in the Macedonian camp until the moon emerged to shine as usual.

> Latin: 37.9. Macedonas ut triste prodigium occasum regni perniciemque gentis portendens movit, nec aliter vates. clamor ululatusque in castris Macedonum fuit, donec luna in suam lucem emersit.

[¶29] 37.10. On the following day, so great was the eagerness of both armies for battle that some of their followers blamed both the king and the consul for separating without a fight. The king had a rejoinder ready at hand: not only that the enemy had taken the lead in openly declining battle and leading his men back to camp, but that he had posted his forces in a position to which the phalanx could not be advanced, since even slightly unfavourable terrain makes a phalanx useless.

> Latin: 37.10. postero die — tantus utrique ardor exercitui ad concurrendum fuerat, ut et regem et consulem suorum quidam, quod sine proelio discessum esset, accusarent — regi prompta defensio erat non eo solum, quod hostis prior, aperte pugnam detractans, in castra copias reduxisset, sed etiam quod eo loco signa constituisset, quo phalanx, quam inutilem vel mediocris iniquitas loci efficeret, promoveri non posset.

[¶30] 37.12. As for the consul, besides his seeming loss of an opportunity for battle on the previous day and his giving the enemy a chance of withdrawing by night if they wished, he seemed on this day too to be wasting time on the pretext of offering sacrifice, although he should have given the signal at dawn and gone out to battle.

> Latin: 37.12. consul ad id, quod pridie praetermisisse pugnandi occasionem videbatur et locum dedisse hosti, si nocte abire vellet, tunc quoque per speciem immolandi terere videbatur tempus, cum luce prima ad signum propositum pugnae exeundum in aciem fuisset.

[¶31] 37.13. At the third hour, after due completion of the sacrifice, he at last called a council, and in doing so seemed to some to be expending in talk and untimely advisement the time needed for carrying out action. In reply to such talk the consul delivered the following speech:

> Latin: 37.13. tertia demum hora sacrificio rite perpetrato ad consilium vocavit atque ibi, quod rei gerendae tempus esset, loquendo et intempestive consultando videbatur quibusdam extrahere. … sermones tamen consul orationem habuit.

[¶32] 38.1. "That excellent young man, Publius Nasica, alone among all those who favoured fighting yesterday disclosed his opinion to me; he too kept silent later, so that he may have seemed to have exchanged his view for mine.

> Latin: 38.1. ‘P. Nasica, egregius adulescens, ex omnibus unus, quibus hesterno die pugnari placuit, denudavit mihi suum consilium; idem postea, ita ut transisse in sententiam meam videri posset, tacuit.

[¶33] 38.2. Certain others thought it better to criticize their general behind his back rather than to advise him openly.

> Latin: 38.2. quibusdam aliis absentem carpere imperatorem quam praesentem monere melius visum est.

[¶34] 38.3. Both to you, Publius Nasica, and to any others who less openly shared your opinion, I shall not hesitate to give an accounting for having postponed the battle.

> Latin: 38.3. et tibi, P. Nasica, et quicumque idem, quod tu, occultius senserunt, non gravabor reddere dilatae pugnae rationem.

[¶35] 38.4. For I am so far from regretting our inactivity yesterday that I believe I saved the army by so planning. That none of you may believe me to hold this opinion groundlessly, come let each, if he please, review with me how many factors weighed for the enemy and against us. First of all, of their great superiority in numbers I am sure that you were all previously aware, and that you took notice of it on seeing the battle-line drawn up yesterday.

> Latin: 38.4. nam tantum abest, ut me hesternae quietis paeniteat, ut servatum a me exercitum eo consilio credam. in qua me opinione sine causa esse ne quis vestrum credat, recognoscat agedum mecum, si videtur, quam multa pro hoste et adversus nos fuerint.

[¶36] 38.5. Out of this small force of ours, one-fourth of the men were left to guard the baggage; and you know that the guarding of the packs is not put in the hands of the most cowardly.

> Latin: 38.5. iam omnium primum, quantum numero nos praestent, neminem vestrum nec ante ignorasse et hesterno die, explicatam intuentis aciem, animadvertisse certum habeo.

[¶37] 38.6. But suppose we had been united: can we possibly consider it a small advantage that we shall go out, with the good help of the gods, from this camp in which we have spent last night, to do battle either today or at latest tomorrow if we so determine?

> Latin: 38.6. ex hac nostra paucitate quarta pars militum praesidio inpedimentis relicta erat; nec ignavissimum quemque relinqui ad custodiam sarcinarum scitis.

[¶38] 38.7. Does it make no difference whether you bid a soldier take up arms and lead him into battle when he is wearied neither by the toil of a journey nor by construction on that day, when he is rested and refreshed in his own tent, when he is full of strength and vigorous in body and in spirit?

> Latin: 38.7. sed fuerimus omnes: parvom hoc tandem esse credimus, quod ex his castris, in quibus hac nocte mansimus, exituri in aciem hodierno aut summum crastino die, si ita videbitur, dis bene iuvantibus sumus?

[¶39] 38.8. Or whether he is wearied by a long march and tired by his load, dripping with sweat, his throat dry with thirst, his mouth and eyes full of dust, with the midday sun beating down upon him? Will you pit him against an enemy fresh and rested, who brings into battle a strength unsapped by previous exertion? Who, by the gods' good faith, when he is thus matched, sluggish though he be and unwarlike, will not overcome the bravest fighter?

> Latin: 38.8. nihilne interest, utrum militem, quem neque viae labor eo die neque operis fatigaverit, requietum, integrum in tentorio suo arma capere iubeas atque in aciem plenum virium, vigentem et corpore et animo educas, an longo itinere fatigatum et onere fessum, madentem sudore, arentibus siti faucibus, ore atque oculis repletis pulvere, torrente meridiano sole, hosti obicias recenti, requieto, qui nulla re ante consumptas vires ad proelium adferat?

[¶40] 38.10. "What of the fact that the enemy had drawn up their line completely at leisure, had made ready their spirits, were standing each at his post in the ranks, while we at that time had to incur the hasty turmoil of drawing up our line and had to enter battle in disorder?

> Latin: 38.10. quis pro deum fidem ita conparatus, vel iners atque inbellis, fortissimum virum non vicerit? quid, quod hostes per summum otium instruxerant aciem, praeparaverant animos, stabant conpositi suis quisque ordinibus, nobis tunc repente trepidandum in acie instruenda erat et incompositis concurrendum?

[¶41] 39.1. Oh yes, you say, we should have had a battle-line undeployed and disorderly; but our camp was fortified, our water-supply found, the way to it secured by placing guards, and reconnaissance made all around.

> Latin: 39.1. at hercule aciem quidem inconditam inordinatamque habuissemus; castra munita, provisam aquationem, tutum ad eam iter praesidiis inpositis, explorata circa omnia, an nihil nostri habentes praeter nudum campum, in quo pugnaremus?

[¶42] 39.2. Or did our men have nothing but the bare ground on which to fight...? Your ancestors regarded a fortified camp as a haven against all the mischances of an army, whence they might go out to fight, and whither they might find shelter from the storm of battle.

> Latin: 39.2. maiores vestri castra munita portum ad omnis casus exercitus ducebant esse, unde ad pugnam exirent, quo iactati tempestate pugnae receptum haberent.

[¶43] 39.3. Therefore when they had walled in their camp with fortifications, they used also to strengthen it with a powerful garrison, because one who had been stripped of his camp, even though he had won the battle, would be considered the loser. Camp is the shelter of the conqueror, the refuge of the conquered.

> Latin: 39.3. ideo, cum munimentis ea saepsissent, praesidio quoque valido firmabant, quod, qui castris exutus erat, etiamsi pugnando acie vicisset, pro victo haberetur. castra sunt victori receptaculum, victo perfugium.

[¶44] 39.4. How many armies meeting with none too favourable fortune in battle, after being driven within their rampart, have in their own good time, sometimes after only a moment, sallied forth and routed the victorious enemy?

> Latin: 39.4. quam multi exercitus, quibus minus prospera pugnae fortuna fuit, intra vallum conpulsi tempore suo, interdum momento post, eruptione facta victorem hostem pepulerunt?

[¶45] 39.5. This abode is a second home for the soldier, its rampart takes the place of city walls and his own tent is the soldier's dwelling and hearthside. Should we have fought like nomads with no abode, so that, whether conquered or conquerors, we might return —where?

> Latin: 39.5. patria altera est militaris haec sedes, vallumque pro moenibus et tentorium suum cuique militi domus ac penates sunt. sine ulla sede vagi dimicassemus, ut quo victores nos reciperemus?

[¶46] 39.6. "To this statement of the difficulties and hindrances to battle, here is the rejoinder: what if the enemy had departed during the interval of last night? How much toil would we have had to expend in the renewed pursuit far into the utmost end of Macedonia?

> Latin: 39.6. his difficultatibus et impedimentis pugnae illud opponitur: quid si hostis hac interposita nocte abisset, quantum rursus sequendo eo penitus in ultimam Macedoniam exhauriendum laboris erat?

[¶47] 39.7. For my part I am sure that he would never have remained here or led his forces out into battle-line had he decided to retreat from here. For how much easier it would have been to depart while we were at a distance than now when we are on his neck and he cannot trick us by leaving either by night or day?

> Latin: 39.7. ego autem neque mansurum eum neque in aciem copias educturum fuisse certum habeo, si cedere hinc statuisset. quanto enim facilius abire fuit, cum procul abessemus, quam nunc, cum in cervicibus sumus, nec fallere nos interdiu aut nocte abeund o potest?

[¶48] 39.8. What more can we wish than to attack our enemy in open country from the rear of his retreating and dispersed column after he has left his fortifications, instead of attacking, as we have attempted to do, his camp protected by the lofty bank of a river, and barricaded as well with a rampart and plenty of towers? “These were my reasons for postponing battle from yesterday to today.”

> Latin: 39.8. quid autem est nobis optatius quam ut, quorum castra praealta fluminis ripa tuta, vallo insuper saepta ac crebris turribus, oppugnare adorti sumus, eos relictis munimentis agmine effuso abeuntis in patentibus campis ab tergo adoriamur? hae dilatae pugnae ex hesterno die in hodiernum causae fuerunt.

[¶49] 39.9. “For I too prefer to fight; and therefore since the way to the enemy was barred by the Elpeüs River, I have opened a new road by expelling the enemy's guards from a different pass, and I will not turn back till I have fought to a finish.”

> Latin: 39.9. pugnare enim et ipsi mihi placet, et ideo, quia per Elpeum amnem saepta ad hostem via erat, alio saltu deiectis hostium praesidiis novom iter aperui neque prius, quam debellavero, absistam.’

[¶50] 40.1. After this speech silence ensued, partly because men had changed over to his opinion, partly because they shrank from offending him to no purpose in a matter which was in any case a lost opportunity and could not be brought back. Nor even on that day did either the consul or the king care to fight, the king because he would have had to attack men no longer weary from travel as on the previous day, nor in turmoil as they marshalled their line of battle and hardly in formation, the consul because neither wood nor fodder had been collected in the new camp and a large number of soldiers had gone out of camp to seek them from the near-by countryside. Without either general wishing it, Fortune, which is stronger than human planning, brought on the battle. There was a stream of no great size nearer the camp of the enemy, from which both the Macedonians and the Romans were drawing water after posting guards on either bank in order to accomplish this mission safely. There were two cohorts on the Roman side, a Marrucinian and a Paelignian, and two troops of Samnite cavalry under the command of the staff-officer Marcus Sergius Silus; another fixed outpost was stationed before the camp under the staff-officer Gaius Cluvius, composed of three cohorts, from Firmum, the Vestini, and Cremona respectively, and two troops of cavalry from Placentia and Aesernia. While there was quiet at the river, since neither side took the offensive, about the ninth hour a baggage-animal shied from the hands of his grooms and escaped toward the other bank. While three soldiers were chasing him through the water, which was about knee-deep, two Thracians dragged the animal from mid-stream to their bank; the Romans pursued them, killed one, recaptured the animal, and retired to their post. There was a guard of eight hundred Thracians on the Macedonian bank. At first a few of these, angry at the killing of their fellow-countryman before their eyes, crossed the river in pursuit of the killers, then more went, and finally the whole force, and with the guard..

> Latin: 40.1. post hanc orationem silentium fuit partim traductis in sententiam eius, partim verentibus nequiquam offendere in eo, quod utcumque praetermissum revocari non posset. ac ne illo ipso quidem die aut consuli aut regi pugnare placebat, regi, quod nec fessos, ut pridie, ex via neque trepidantis in acie instruenda et vixdum compositos adgressurus erat, consuli, quod in novis castris non ligna, non pabulum convectum erat, ad quae petenda ex propinquis agris magna pars militum e castris exierat. neutro imperatorum volente fortuna, quae plus consiliis humanis pollet, contraxit certamen. flumen erat haud magnum propius hostium castris, ex quo et Macedones et Romani aquabantur praesidiis ex utraque ripa positis, ut id facere tuto possent. duae cohortes a parte Romanorum erant, Marrucina et Paeligna, duae turmae Samnitium equitum, quibus praeerat M. Sergius Silus legatus; et aliud pro castris stativom erat praesidium sub C. Cluvio legato, tres cohortes, Firmana, Vestina, Cremonensis, duae turmae equitum, Placentina et Aesernina. cum otium ad flumen esset neutris lacessentibus, hora circiter nona iumentum e manibus curantium elapsum in ulteriorem ripam effugit. quod cum per aquam ferme genus tenus altam tres milites sequerentur, Threces duo id iumentum ex medio alveo in suam ripam trahentes …, altero eorum occiso receptoque eo iumento ad stationem suorum se recipiebant. octingentorum Thracum praesidium in hostium ripa erat. ex his pauci primo, aegre passi popularem in suo conspectu caesum, ad persequendos interfectores fluvium transgressi sunt, dein plures, postremo omnes, et cum praesidio … … proelium ducit.

[¶51] 41.1. ... led... the battle. The men were stirred by the prestige of his office, the fame of the man, and above all by his age, for though he was over sixty he kept assuming functions of men in their prime in undergoing an outstanding amount of toil and danger. The legion filled the space between the light infantry and the phalanxes and broke the enemy line.

> Latin: 41.1. movebat imperii maiestas, gloria viri, ante omnia aetas, quod maior sexaginta annis iuvenum munia in parte praecipua laboris periculique capessebat. intervallum, quod inter cetratos et phalanges erat, inplevit legio atque aciem hostium interrupit.

[¶52] 41.2. In the rear were the light infantry; the consul faced a unit with metal shields —these were called the Bronze Shields. Lucius Albinus the ex-consul was ordered to lead the second legion against the White Shield phalanx; this was the centre of the hostile line.

> Latin: 41.2. a tergo cetrati erant, frontem adversus clupeatos habebat; chalcaspides appellabantur. secundam legionem L. Albinus consularis ducere adversus leucaspidem phalangem iussus;

[¶53] 41.3. On the right wing, where the battle had begun near the river, the consul brought up the elephants and the squadrons of the allies; and from this point the flight of the Macedonians first began.

> Latin: 41.3. ea media acies hostium fuit. in dextrum cornu, unde circa fluvium commissum proelium erat, elephantos inducit et alas sociorum;

[¶54] 41.4. For, as frequently men's new inventions appear strong when described, but in actual trial, when there is need for action rather than a description of how they will act, these inventions disappear without achieving any result, so in this battle the anti-elephant corps was a mere name without practical effect.

> Latin: 41.4. et hinc primum fuga Macedonum est orta. nam sicut pleraque nova conmenta mortalium in verbis vim habent, experiendo, cum agi, non, quem ad modum agatur, edisseri oportet, sine ullo effectu evanescunt, ita tum elephantos … Macedonum sine ullo usu fuerunt.

[¶55] 41.5. The charge of the elephants was followed up by the allies of the Latin Name, who routed the left wing.

> Latin: 41.5. elephantorum impetum subsecuti sunt socii nominis Latini pepuleruntque laevom cornu.

[¶56] 41.6. In the centre the charge of the second legion scattered the phalanx. No reason for the victory was more obvious than the fact that there were many scattered engagements which first threw into confusion and then disrupted the wavering phalanx. The power of this formation when closed up and bristling with spears extended is irresistible;

> Latin: 41.6. in medio secunda legio inmissa dissipavit phalangem. neque ulla evidentior causa victoriae fuit, quam quod multa passim proelia erant, quae fluctuantem turbarunt primo, deinde disiecerunt phalangem, cuius confertae et intentis horrentis hastis intolerabiles vires sunt;

[¶57] 41.7. but if by attacks at several points you compel them to swing their spears about, unwieldy because of their length and weight, they become tangled in a haphazard mass; and if indeed some sort of uproar is heard on a flank or from the rear, they are involved in utter confusion.

> Latin: 41.7. si carptim adgrediendo circumagere inmobilem longitudine et gravitate hastam cogas, confusa strue inplicantur; si vero aut ab latere aut ab tergo aliquid tumultus increpuit, ruinae modo turbantur, sicut tum adversus catervatim incurrentes Romanos et interrupta multifariam acie obviam ire cogebantur;

[¶58] 41.8. Such was the case on this occasion, when the phalanx was compelled to meet the Romans who were attacking in groups, while the Macedonian line was broken at many points. The Romans for their part kept infiltrating their units wherever gaps presented themselves. If they had attacked frontally in solid line against an orderly phalanx, as happened to the Paelignians who at the beginning of the battle recklessly met the light infantry, the Romans would have spitted themselves on the spears and would not have withstood the solid line.

> Latin: 41.8. et Romani, quacumque data intervalla essent, insinuabant ordines suos. qui si universa acie in frontem adversus instructam phalangem concurrissent, quod Paelignis principio pugnae incaute congressis adversus cetratos evenit, induissent se hastis nec confertam aciem sustinuissent.

[¶59] 42.1. However, while the infantry were being slaughtered all over the field, except for those who cast away their weapons and fled, the cavalry on the other hand retired from the fight almost unscathed.

> Latin: 42.1. ceterum sicut peditum passim caedes fiebant, nisi qui abiectis armis fugerunt, sic equitatus prope integer pugna excessit.

[¶60] 42.2. The king himself was the leader in the flight. Directly from Pydna he set out for Pella with the Sacred Squadrons of cavalry; immediately Cotys and the Odrysan cavalry followed them.

> Latin: 42.2. princeps fugae rex ipse erat. iam a Pydna cum sacris alis equitum Pellam petebat; confestim eos Cotys sequebatur Odrysarumque equitatus.

[¶61] 42.3. The other Macedonian squadrons also continued to retreat in orderly formation because the line of the infantry in between kept the victors busy with slaughter and caused them to forget the pursuit of the cavalry.

> Latin: 42.3. ceterae quoque Macedonum alae integris abibant ordinibus, quia interiecta peditum acies, cuius caedes victores tenebat, inmemores fecerat sequendi equites.

[¶62] 42.4. For a long time the phalanx was cut to pieces from the front, from the flanks, and from the rear. Finally those who slipped through the hands of the Romans fled weaponless to the sea, and some even entered the water and raising their hands to the men on board ship humbly begged for life.

> Latin: 42.4. diu phalanx a fronte, a lateribus, ab tergo caesa est. postremo qui ex hostium manibus elapsi erant, inermes ad mare fugientes, quidam aquam etiam ingressi, manus ad eos, qui in classe erant, tendentes, suppliciter vitam orabant;

[¶63] 42.5. When they saw small boats gathering from all around the fleet, they thought that these were coming to pick them up, to take them prisoner rather than to kill them, and so they advanced farther into the water, some even swimming.

> Latin: 42.5. et cum scaphas concurrere undique ab navibus cernerent, ad excipiendos sese venire rati, ut caperent potius quam occiderent, longius in aquam, quidam etiam natantes, progressi sunt.

[¶64] 42.6. But when they were mercilessly cut down from the boats, those who could made for shore again by swimming and ran into a more dreadful form of destruction; for the elephants, guided by their mahouts to the shore, trampled and crushed the men coming out of the water.

> Latin: 42.6. sed cum hostiliter e scaphis caederentur, retro qui poterant nando repetentes terram in aliam foediorem pestem incidebant; elephanti enim ab rectoribus ad litus acti exeuntis obterebant elidebantque.

[¶65] 42.7. It is readily agreed that the Romans never killed so many Macedonians in any other single battle. For about twenty thousand men were slain; about six thousand who escaped from the battlefield to Pydna were taken alive, and five thousand stragglers were captured in flight. Of the victors not more than one hundred fell and by far the greater part of them were Paeligni; somewhat more were wounded. If fighting had broken out earlier, so that sufficient daylight would have remained for the victors to pursue, the entire Macedonian force would have been wiped out; as it was, the approach of night both sheltered the fugitives and inspired in the Romans a reluctance to pursue over unknown terrain.

> Latin: 42.7. facile convenit ab Romanis numquam una acie tantum Macedonum interfectum. caesa enim ad viginti milia hominum sunt; ad sex milia, qui Pydnam ex acie perfugerant, vivi in potestatem pervenerunt, et vagi ex fuga quinque milia hominum capta. ex victoribus ceciderunt non plus centum, et eorum multo maior pars Paeligni; volnerati aliquanto plures sunt. quod si maturius pugnari coeptum esset, ut satis diei victoribus ad persequendum superesset, deletae omnes copiae forent; nunc imminens nox et fugientes texit et Romanis pigritiem ad sequendum locis ignotis fecit.

[¶66] 43.1. Perseus fled to the Pierian Forest along the military road with a large column of cavalry and the royal entourage.

> Latin: 43.1. Perseus ad Pieriam silvam via militari frequenti agmine equitum et regio comitatu fugit.

[¶67] 43.2. As soon as they arrived in the forest, where there were many divergent ways, and night was approaching, the king left the road with a very few of his most trusty men.

> Latin: 43.2. simul in silvam ventum est, ubi plures diversae semitae erant, et nox adpropinquabat, cum perpaucis maxime fidis via devertit.

[¶68] 43.3. The cavalry, left without a commander, took various routes in dispersing to their own cities; a very few went on to Pella more rapidly than the king, since they had gone by the direct and clear way.

> Latin: 43.3. equites sine duce relicti alii alia in civitates suas dilapsi sunt; perpauci inde Pellam celerius quam ipse Perseus, quia recta expedita via ierant, pervenerunt.

[¶69] 43.4. The king was bothered till about midnight by losing his way and by various difficulties of the route. At the palace Perseus was waited upon by the commanders of Pella, Euctus, and Eulaeus, and the royal pages. On the other hand, of his friends who by various haps had come safely from the battle to Pella, not one came to him, though they were summoned many times.

> Latin: 43.4. rex ad mediam ferme noctem et errore et variis difficultatibus viae vexatus est. in regia maesta Perseo qui Pellae praeerant, Eulaeus Euctusque, et regii pueri praesto erant. contra ea amicorum, qui alii alio casu servati ex proelio Pellam venerant, cum saepe arcessiti essent, nemo ad eum venit.

[¶70] 43.6. There were only three companions in flight with him, Evander the Cretan, Neon the Boeotian, and Archidamus the Aetolian.

> Latin: 43.6. tres erant tantum cum eo fugae comites, Euander Cretensis, Neo Boeotius et Archidamus Aetolus.

[¶71] 43.7. With these he escaped in the fourth watch, being now afraid that those who refused to come to him would presently venture on a bolder stroke.

> Latin: 43.7. cum iis, iam metuens, ne, qui venire ad se abnuerent, maius aliquid mox auderent, quarta vigilia profugit.

[¶72] 43.8. His escort was composed of about five hundred Cretans. He was making for Amphipolis; but he had left Pella at night because of his anxiety to cross the Axius River before dawn, since he thought that because of the difficulty of crossing this would be the limit of the Roman pursuit.

> Latin: 43.8. secuti eum sunt admodum quingenti Cretenses. petebat Amphipolim; sed nocte a Pella exierat, properans ante lucem Axium amnem traicere, eum finem sequendi propter difficultatem transitus fore ratus Romanis.

[¶73] 44.1. When the consul returned victorious to camp, he was prevented from enjoying an unalloyed delight by the sting of worry over his younger son.

> Latin: 44.1. consulem, cum se in castra victor recepisset, ne sincero gaudio frueretur, cura de minore filio stimulabat.

[¶74] 44.2. This was Publius Scipio, who was also called Africanus later after the destruction of Carthage, born son to the consul Paulus and by adoption grandson of Africanus.

> Latin: 44.2. P. Scipio is erat, Africanus et ipse postea deleta Carthagine appellatus, naturalis consulis Pauli filius, adoptione Africani nepos.

[¶75] 44.3. This son was then in his seventeenth year, a fact which in itself increased the anxiety for him, and had been carried away in another direction by a crowd while in hot pursuit of the enemy. When he returned very late, then at last on the safe recovery of his son the consul felt the joy of so great a victory.

> Latin: 44.3. is septumum decumum tunc annum agens, quod ipsum curam augebat, dum effuse sequitur hostes, in partem aliam turba ablatus erat; et serius cum redisset, tunc demum recepto sospite filio victoriae tantae gaudium consul sensit.

[¶76] 44.4. At Amphipolis the news of the battle had by now arrived; there was a gathering of the matrons in the temple of Diana whom they call Tauropolos, to pray for help. Diodorus, who was in charge of the city, feared that the Thracians, two thousand of whom were in the garrison, would plunder the city during the confusion. Hence he craftily hired a man to play the part of dispatch bearer, from whom he received papers in the middle of the market place.

> Latin: 44.4. Amphipolim cum iam fama pugnae pervenisset concursusque matronarum in templum Dianae, quam Tauropolon vocant, ad opem exposcendam fieret, Diodorus, qui praeerat urbi, metuens, ne Thraces, quorum duo milia in praesidio erant, urbem in tumultu diriperent, ab subornato ab se per fallaciam in tabellarii speciem litteras in foro medio accepit.

[¶77] 44.5. The message in these despatches was that the Roman fleet had put in at Emathia and was harassing the surrounding countryside, and that the officers in charge of Emathia requested him to send a force against the ravagers.

> Latin: 44.5. scriptum in iis erat, ad Emathiam classem Romanam adpulsam esse agrosque circa vexari; orare praefectos Emathiae, ut praesidium adversus populatores mittat.

[¶78] 44.6. After reading this, he urged the Thracians to start out to defend the coast of Emathia, telling them that they would cause great slaughter and get great booty among the Romans scattered all over the fields.

> Latin: 44.6. his lectis hortatur Thracas, ut ad tuendam Emathiae oram proficiscantur: magnam eos caedem praedamque palatis passim per agros Romanis facturos.

[¶79] 44.7. At the same time he minimized the report of the loss of a battle; if this were true, he said, man after man would have been arriving direct from the rout.

> Latin: 44.7. simul elevat famam adversae pugnae: quae si vera foret, alium super alium recentes ex fuga venturos fuisse.

[¶80] 44.8. Having got rid of the Thracians on this pretext, he barred the gates as soon as he saw that they had crossed the Strymon.

> Latin: 44.8. per hanc causam Thracibus ablegatis, simul transgressos eos Strymonem vidit, portas clausit.

[¶81] 45.1. On the second day after the battle Perseus arrived at Amphipolis.

> Latin: 45.1. Tertio die Perseus, quam pugnatum erat, Amphipolim venit.

[¶82] 45.2. From there he sent ambassadors with the staff of Mercury to Paulus. Meanwhile Hippias, Midon, and Pantauchus, the chief among the king's friends, set out of their own accord from Beroea, where they had taken refuge after the battle, and surrendered to the Romans at the consul's camp. Others too, overcome with fear, were thereafter preparing to do the same.

> Latin: 45.2. inde oratores cum caduceo ad Paulum misit. interim Hippias et Midon et Pantauchus, principes amicorum regis, Beroea, quo ex acie confugerant, ipsi ad consulem profecti Romanis se dedunt.

[¶83] 45.3. The consul sent as messengers of his victory his son Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus with despatches to Rome and granted the spoils of the slain enemy to the infantry, and to the cavalry the right to plunder the surrounding territory, provided that they were not absent from camp for more than two nights.

> Latin: 45.3. hoc idem et alii deinceps metu perculsi parabant facere. consul nuntiis victoriae Q. Fabio filio et L. Lentulo et Q. Metello cum litteris Romam missis spolia iacentis hostium exercitus peditibus concessit, equitibus praedam circumiecti agri, dum ne amplius duabus noctibus a castris abessent.

[¶84] 45.4. He himself moved camp nearer to the sea by Pydna.

> Latin: 45.4. ipse propius mare ad Pydnam castra movit.

[¶85] 45.5. Beroea first, then Thessalonica and Pella, and then almost all Macedonia was surrendered within two days.

> Latin: 45.5. Beroea primum, deinde Thessalonica et Pella et deinceps omnis ferme Macedonia intra biduum dedita.

[¶86] 45.6. The people of Pydna who were nearest had not yet sent envoys; a heterogeneous crowd of numerous nationalities together and the mob which had been amalgamated by flight from the battlefield were standing in the way of planning and agreement among the citizens. The gates were not only closed but built up solid.

> Latin: 45.6. Pydnaei, qui proximi erant, nondum miserant legatos; multitudo incondita plurium simul gentium turbaque, quae ex acie fuga in unum conpulsa erat, consilium et consensum civitatis inpediebat; nec clausae modo portae, sed etiam inaedificatae erant.

[¶87] 45.7. Midon and Pantauchus were sent up to the walls to confer with Solon, who was in charge of the garrison; through him dismissal of the mob of soldiers was arranged. The city when surrendered was given to the Roman troops to plunder.

> Latin: 45.7. missi Midon et Pantauchus sub muros ad conloquium Solonis, qui praesidio praeerat; per eum emittitur militaris turba. oppidum deditum militibus datur diripiendum.

[¶88] 45.8. After Perseus had tried his only expedient, to get aid from the Bisaltae, to whom he sent envoys without result, he appeared before an assembly bringing his son Philip with him, in order to strengthen by exhortation the spirits of the people of Amphipolis themselves, and of the cavalry and infantry who had either accompanied him or had in their flight reached the same goal.

> Latin: 45.8. Perseus, una tantum spe Bisaltarum auxilii temptata, ad quos nequiquam miserat legatos, in contionem processit Philippum secum filium habens, ut et ipsos Amphipolitanos et equitum peditumque, qui aut se persecuti aut fuga eodem delati erant, adhortando animos confirmaret.

[¶89] 45.10. He began to speak several times, but tears choked him, and when he could not open his mouth he instructed Evander the Cretan in the matters which he wished to discuss with the people and went down from the sacred spot.

> Latin: 45.10. sed aliquotiens dicere incipientem cum lacrimae praepedissent, quia ipse hiscere nequiit, Euandro Cretensi editis, quae agi cum multitudine vellet, de templo descendit.

[¶90] 45.11. At the sight of the king and his truly pitiable weeping the crowd itself groaned and wept; but with equal readiness they would have none of Evander's speech; and some dared to shout from the midst of the assembly, “Get away from here so that we few survivors may not perish on your account.” The vehemence of these interruptions choked off Evander's speech.

> Latin: 45.11. multitudo sicut ad conspectum regis fletumque tam miserabilem et ipsa ingemuerat lacrimaveratque, ita Euandri orationem aspernabatur; et quidam ausi sunt media ex contione succlamare ‘abite hinc, ne, qui pauci supersumus, propter vos pereamus.’ horum ferocia vocem Euandri clausit.

[¶91] 45.12. Thereafter the king went home, put his money, his gold, and his silver into the scout-ships which were moored in the Strymon and himself went down to the river.

> Latin: 45.12. rex inde domum se recepit pecuniaque et auro argentoque in lembos, qui in Strymone stabant, delatis et ipse ad flumen descendit.

[¶92] 45.13. The Thracians and the rest of the mob of soldiers, not daring to trust themselves to ships, slipped away to their homes; the Cretans followed Perseus in hopes of cash. Because apportionment would create more hard feelings than gratitude, fifty talents were set out on the river-bank for them to scramble for.

> Latin: 45.13. Thraces navibus se committere non ausi domos dilapsi et alia militaris generis turba; Cretenses spem pecuniae secuti. et quoniam in dividendo plus offensionum quam gratiae erat, quinquaginta talenta iis posita sunt in ripa diripienda.

[¶93] 45.14. When after this scramble they were boarding the ships in riotous fashion, they sank one scout-ship at the mouth of the river by overcrowding it. On that day the party reached Galepsus, on the next Samothrace, their destination;

> Latin: 45.14. ab hac direptione cum per tumultum naves conscenderent, lembum unum in ostio amnis multitudine gravatum merserunt.

[¶94] 45.15. it is said that two thousand talents were brought there. Paulus sent men to take charge of all the surrendered cities, so that no wrong should be done to the conquered in the first days of peace; he kept the king's ambassadors with him and, since he did not know of the king's flight, sent Publius Nasica to Amphipolis with a small force of infantry and cavalry, both to ravage Sintica and to interfere with any moves of the king.

> Latin: 45.15. Galepsum eo die, postero Samothracam, quam petebant, perveniunt; ad duo milia talentum pervecta eo dicuntur. Paulus per omnes deditas civitates dimissis, qui praeessent, ne qua iniuria in nova pace victis fieret, retentisque apud se caduceatoribus regis P. Nasicam, ignarus fugae regis, Amphipolim misit cum modica peditum equitumque manu, simul ut Sinticen evastaret et ad omnes conatus regis impedimento esset.

[¶95] 46.3. Meanwhile Meliboea was captured and plundered by Gnaeus Octavius. At Aeginium, to besiege which the staff-officer Gnaeus Anicius had been sent, two hundred men were lost in a sally from the town because the people of Aeginium did not know that the war was over.

> Latin: 46.3. inter haec Meliboea a Cn. Octavio capitur diripiturque; ad Aeginium, ad quod oppugnandum Cn. Anicius legatus missus erat, ducenti eruptione ex oppido facta amissi sunt ignaris Aeginiensibus debellatum esse.

[¶96] 46.4. The consul set out from Pydna with his whole army and on the second day reached Pella, pitched camp a mile from there, and remained in this camp for a few days, examining the site of the city from all sides and noticing that it had not been chosen to be the capital without good reason.

> Latin: 46.4. consul a Pydna profectus cum toto exercitu die altero Pellam pervenit et cum castra mille passus inde posuisset, per aliquot dies ibi stativa habuit situm urbis undique aspiciens, quam non sine causa delectam esse regiam advertit.

[¶97] 46.5. It is situated on a hill sloping to the south-west; swamps of a depth impenetrable in summer or winter surround it, formed by the ponding of rivers. The citadel Phacus projects like an island from the swamp itself, where it comes nearest the city, and is set on an embankment, a huge construction designed to bear the weight of a wall and remain undamaged by the water of the surrounding swamp.

> Latin: 46.5. sita est in tumulo vergente in occidentem hibernum; cingunt paludes inexsuperabilis altitudinis aestate et hieme, quas restagnantes faciunt …. arx Phacus in ipsa palude, qua proxima urbi est, velut insula eminet aggeri operis ingentis imposita, qui et murum sustineat et umore circumfusae paludis nihil laedatur.

[¶98] 46.7. At a distance it appears to be joined to the city wall, but it is separated by a river within the walls and likewise connected by a bridge, so that there is no approach for a besieger from without nor is there any escape for anyone imprisoned by the king within, except over a very easily guarded bridge.

> Latin: 46.7. muro urbis coniuncta procul videtur; divisa est intermurali amni et eadem ponte iuncta, ut nec oppugnante externo aditum ab ulla parte habeat, nec, si quem ibi rex includat, ullum nisi per facillimae custodiae pontem effugium.

[¶99] 46.8. The royal treasury was located there; but at that time nothing was found except the three hundred talents which had been sent to King Gentius and then withheld.

> Latin: 46.8. et gaza regia in eo loco erat; sed tum nihil praeter trecenta talenta, quae missa Gentio regi, deinde retenta fuerant, inventum est.

[¶100] 46.9. During the days in camp at Pella, numerous embassies were received which came, especially from Thessaly, to offer congratulations.

> Latin: 46.9. per quos dies ad Pellam stativa fuerunt, legationes frequentes, quae ad gratulandum convenerant, maxime ex Thessalia, auditae sunt.

[¶101] 46.10. Then on receiving the news that Perseus had crossed to Samothrace, the consul set out from Pella and arrived at Amphipolis on the fourth day's march.

> Latin: 46.10. nuntio deinde accepto Persea Samothracam traiecisse, profectus a Pella consul quartis castris Amphipolim pervenit.

[¶102] 46.11. The pouring out of the entire populace to meet him showed to any one that Paulus had not robbed them of a just and good king...

> Latin: 46.11. effusa omnis obviam turba cuivis indicio erat non bono ac iusto rege orba … victoriae nuntii, Q.