1.1. THE messengers of victory, Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus, summoned up the utmost possible speed and quickly arrived in Rome. Yet they found that the joy of their announcement had been anticipated. On the third day after the battle with the king, while games were being celebrated in the circus, a rumour in the audience suddenly swept over the whole auditorium that a battle had been fought in Macedonia and the king beaten; then the buzz increased; finally there arose shouting and clapping, as if a definite report of victory had arrived. The magistrates were astonished and sought after the originator of this sudden rejoicing. When no such person was found, the rejoicing as if for an established fact died away, but the happy omen lurked nevertheless in men's minds. After confirmation came through the genuine report on the arrival of Fabius, Lentulus, and Metellus, men rejoiced both in the actual victory and in the prophetic power of their spirits. The story is told of a second rejoicing by the mob at the circus, which seemed no less genuine. On the sixteenth of September, on the second day of the Roman Games, it is said that a messenger who said he came from Macedonia handed despatches wreathed with laurel to the consul Gaius Licinius as he was going up to start the chariot-race. When the race was over, the consul mounted his chariot and as he was being driven back to the reserved seats, showed the despatches to the people. At the sight of them the people at once forgot the show and rushed down into the arena. On the spot, the consul summoned the senate, had the despatches read, and on motion of the Fathers, announced to the people before the magistrates' seats that his colleague Lucius Aemilius had fought a pitched battle with King Perseus, that the Macedonian army had been slaughtered and routed, that the king had fled with but few followers, and that all the cities of Macedonia had come under the sway of the Roman people.
1.1. Fabius et L. Lentulus et Q. Metellus, quanta potuit adhiberi festinatio, celeriter Romam cum venissent, praeceptam tamen eius rei laetitiam invenerunt. quarto post die, quam cum rege est pugnatum, cum in circo ludi fierent, murmur repente populi tota spectacula pervasit pugnatum in Macedonia et devictum regem esse; dein fremitus increvit; postremo clamor plaususque velut certo nuntio victoriae allato est exortus. mirari magistratus et quaerere auctorem repentinae laetitiae; qui postquam nullus erat, evanuit quidem tamquam certae rei gaudium, omen tamen laetum insidebat animis. quod postquam veris nuntiis Fabi Lentulique et Metelli adventu firmatum est, cum victoria ipsa, tum augurio animorum suorum laetabantur. et altera traditur circensis turbae non minus similis veri laetitia. ante diem quintum decimum kal. Octobres, ludorum Romanorum secundo die, C. Licinio consuli ad quadrigas mittendas escendenti tabellarius, qui se ex Macedonia venire diceret, laureatas litteras reddidisse dicitur. quadrigis missis consul currum conscendit et, cum per circum reveheretur ad foros publicos, laureatas tabellas populo ostendit. quibus conspectis repente inmemor spectaculi populus in medium decurrit. eo senatum consul vocavit recitatisque tabellis ex auctoritate patrum pro foris publicis denuntiavit populo L. Aemilium collegam signis conlatis cum rege Perseo pugnasse; Macedonum exercitum caesum fusumque; regem cum paucis fugisse; civitates omnes Macedoniae in dicionem populi Romani venisse. his auditis clamor cum ingenti plausu ortus; ludis relictis domus magna pars hominum ad coniuges liberosque laetum nuntium portabant. tertius decimus dies erat ab eo, quo in Macedonia pugnatum est. postero die senatus in curia habitus, supplicationesque decretae, et senatus consultum factum est, ut consul, quos praeter milites sociosque navales coniuratos haberet, dimitteret; de militibus sociisque navalibus dimittendis referretur, cum legati ab L. Aemilio consule, a quibus praemissus tabellarius esset, venissent. ante diem sextum kal. Octobres hora fere secunda legati urbem ingressi sunt. ingentem secum occurrentium, quacumque ibant, prosequentiumque trahentes turbam in forum ad curiam perrexerunt. senatus forte in curia erat; eo legatos consul introduxit. ibi tantum temporis retenti, dum exponerent, quantae regiae copiae peditum equitumque fuissent, quot milia ex his caesa, quot capta forent;
2.5. On hearing this, shouting with great clapping of hands began; the games were deserted and most of the people took home the glad news to their wives and children. This was the twelfth day after the battle had taken place in Macedonia.
2.5. quam paucorum militum iactura tanta hostium strages facta; quam pavide rex fugisset; existimari Samothraciam petiturum; paratam classem ad persequendum esse, neque terra neque mari elabi posse.
2.6. II. Next day the senate met in the senate-house, a thanksgiving was voted, and a resolution passed that the consul should discharge men whom he had under oath, except soldiers and sailors, and that the question of dismissing soldiers and sailors should be put when the envoys who had sent the messenger ahead should arrive from the consul Lucius Aemilius. On the twenty-fifth day of September, about the second hour the envoys entered the city, and made their way to the forum, drawing after them a huge crowd of people who met them at every point on their way, and proceeded to escort them. The senate happened to be in the senate-house; the consul presented the envoys there.
2.6. eadem haec paulo post in contionem traducti exposuerunt; renovataque laetitia, cum consul edixisset, ut omnes aedes sacrae aperirentur, pro se quisque ex contione ad gratias agendas ire dis, ingentique turba non virorum modo sed etiam feminarum conpleri tota urbe deorum immortalium templa.
2.8. They were kept there just long enough to explain how large the king's forces of infantry and cavalry had been, how many thousand of them had been slain and how many captured, with the loss of how few of our men this great slaughter of the enemy had been accomplished, and how hastily the king had fled; it was thought, the envoys said, that he would make for Samothrace; the fleet was ready to pursue, and it would be impossible for him to slip away either by land or sea.
2.8. senatus revocatus in curiam supplicationes ob rem egregie gestam ab L. Aemilio consule in quinque dies circa omnia pulvinaria decrevit hostiisque maioribus sacrificari iussit.
2.9. On being brought before a meeting shortly thereafter, the envoys related the same facts. Joy broke out anew when the consul proclaimed that all sacred buildings should be opened;
2.9. naves, quae in Tiberi paratae instructaeque stabant, ut, si res posceret, in Macedoniam mitterentur, subduci et in navalibus conlocari;
2.10. from the meeting, each citizen went of his own accord to offer thanks to the gods, and all over the city the temples of the immortal gods were filled with a huge throng, not only of men, but of women too. The senate was recalled to the senate-house, voted that thanksgiving for the glorious achievement of the consul Lucius Aemilius should be observed for five days at all the banquet-tables of the gods, and ordered sacrifice offered with the larger victims. The ships which were moored in the Tiber ready and equipped to be sent to Macedonia, if circumstances demanded it, were to be put ashore and housed in the ship-sheds; the sailors were to be discharged after receiving their year's pay, and with them, all those who had taken the oath before the consul. It was voted to discharge all soldiers who were in Corcyra, at Brundisium, along the Adriatic, or in the territory of Larinum —for an army had been distributed among all these places, to enable Gaius Licinius to bring aid to his colleague, if the situation demanded it. At a meeting a thanksgiving was proclaimed to the people for the eleventh of October and the four days following.
2.10. socios navalis dato annuo stipendio dimitti et cum his omnes, qui in consulis verba juraverant; et quod militum Corcyrae, Brundisi, ad mare superum aut in agro Larinati esset — omnibus his locis dispositus exercitus fuerat, cum quo, si res posceret, C. Licinius collegae ferret opem — , hos omnes milites dimitti placuit. supplicatio pro contione populo indicta est ex ante diem quintum idus Octobres cum eo die in quinque dies.
3.1. From Illyricum two envoys, Gaius Licinius Nerva and Publius Decius, announced that the army of the Illyrians had been slaughtered, King Gentius was captured, and Illyricum was under the sway of the Roman people.
3.1. ex Illyrico duo legati, C. Licinius Nerva et P. Decius, nuntiarunt exercitum Illyriorum caesum, Gentium regem captum, in dicione populi Romani et Illyricum esse.
3.2. For this achievement under the leadership and auspices of the praetor Lucius Anicius, the senate voted thanksgiving for three days. The date was proclaimed by the consul as the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth of November.
3.2. ob eas res gestas ductu auspicioque L. Anici praetoris senatus in triduom supplicationes decrevit. iterum Latinae edictae a consule sunt in ante diem quartum et tertium et pridie idus Novembres.
3.3. Some historians relate that the ambassadors of the Rhodians, who had not yet been dismissed after the announcement of victory, were summoned to the senate, as if in mockery of their foolish pride, and that there Agepolis, their chief, spoke as follows:
3.3. tradidere quidam legatos Rhodios nondum dimissos post victoriam nuntiatam velut ad ludibrium stolidae superbiae in senatum vocatos esse;
3.4. the envoys had been sent by the Rhodians to bring about peace between the Romans and Perseus, since the war between them was the cause of hardship and injury to all Greece, and of expense and loss to the Romans themselves. The good fortune of the Roman people had been kind to the Rhodians in giving them the opportunity, now that the war had been brought to an end by other means, of congratulating the Romans on their glorious victory.
3.4. ibi Agepolim, principem eorum, ita locutum: missos esse legatos ab Rhodiis ad pacem inter Romanos et Persea faciendam, quod id bellum grave atque incommodum Graeciae omni, sumptuosum ac damnosum ipsis Romanis esset.
3.6. This was the speech of the Rhodian. The answer of the senate was that the Rhodians had sent that embassy through concern neither for the welfare of Greece nor for the outlays of the Roman People, but on behalf of Perseus.
3.6. fortunam populi Romani bene fecisse, quando finito aliter bello gratulandi sibi de victoria egregia Romanis opportunitatem dedisset. haec ab Rhodio dicta; responsum ab senatu esse: Rhodios nec utilitatium Graeciae gratia neque cura inpensarum populi Romani, sed pro Perseo legationem eam misisse;
3.7. For had their concern been as alleged, their envoys should have been sent when Perseus had led his army into Thessaly and for two years was besieging some Greek cities and alarming others with the threat of attack.
3.7. nam si ea fuisset cura, quae simularetur, tum mittendos legatos fuisse, cum Perseus in Thessaliam exercitu inducto per biennium Graecas urbes alias obsideret, alias denuntiatione armorum terreret;
3.8. At that time, there had been not a word about peace from the Rhodians. After they had heard that the Romans had overcome the passes and crossed into Macedonia, and that Perseus was surrounded, then the Rhodians sent an embassy for no other purpose than to snatch Perseus from the impending disaster. With this reply, the envoys were dismissed.
3.8. tum nullam pacis ab Rhodiis mentionem factam. postquam superatos saltus transgressosque in Macedoniam Romanos audissent et inclusum teneri Persea, tunc Rhodios legationem misisse, non ad ullam aliam rem quam ad Perseum ex inminenti periculo eripiendum. cum hoc responso legatos dimissos.
4.1. About the same time Marcus Marcellus, on his return from Spain after taking the noted city of Marcolica, also deposited in the treasury ten pounds of gold and silver of a value of one million sesterces.
4.1. per eosdem dies et M. Marcellus, ex provincia Hispania decedens Marcolica nobili urbe capta, decem pondo auri et argenti ad summam sestertii deciens in aerarium rettulit.
4.2. As the consul Aemilius Paulus was encamped near Sirae in the Odomantian territory, as was mentioned above, despatches from King Perseus were brought to him by three envoys of no rank. When Paulus perceived them in soiled garb and with tears streaming, it is said that he himself wept for the lot of man, since that king who shortly before, discontented with the kingdom of Macedonia, had attacked the Dardanians and Illyrians and summoned the Bastarnae to his aid, had now lost his army, and, stripped of his kingdom and driven to a small island, was a suppliant, protected by the sanctity of a temple, not by his own powers.
4.2. Paulus Aemilius consul cum castra, ut supra dictum est, ad Siras terrae Odomanticae haberet, litterae ab rege Perseo per ignobiles tres legatos … cerneret, et ipse inlacrimasse dicitur sorti humanae, quod, qui paulo ante non contentus regno Macedoniae Dardanos Illyriosque oppugnasset, Bastarnarum excivisset auxilia, is tum amisso exercitu, extorris regno, in parvam insulam conpulsus, supplex, fani religione, non viribus suis tutus esset.
4.4. But after he read “King Perseus to the Consul Paulus, greeting,” the folly of the man who did not realize the state of his fortunes erased all pity.
4.4. sed postquam a rege Perseo consuli Paulo salutem legit, miserationem omnem stultitia ignorantis fortunam suam exemit.
4.5. Therefore, although the body of the letter contained entreaties far from royal, yet that embassy was dismissed without an answer and without dispatches.
4.5. itaque, quamquam in reliqua parte litterarum minime regiae preces erant, tamen sine responso ac sine litteris ea legatio dimissa est.
4.6. Perseus understood what title the conquered must forget; therefore other dispatches, sent under his name without title, requested and obtained the sending of certain persons with whom he might discuss the status and the terms of his new lot.
4.6. sensit Perseus, cuius nominis obliviscendum victo esset; itaque alterae litterae cum privati nominis titulo missae et petiere et impetravere, ut aliqui ad eum mitterentur, cum quibus loqui de statu et condicione suae fortunae posset.
4.7. Three envoys were sent, Publius Lentulus, Aulus Postumius Albinus, and Aulus Antonius. Nothing was accomplished by that embassy, since Perseus clung with all his might to the title of king, while Paulus urged him to entrust himself and all he had to the discretion and mercy of the Roman People.
4.7. missi sunt tres legati P. Lentulus, A. Postumius Albinus, A. Antonius. nihil ea legatione perfectum est Perseo regium nomen omni vi amplectente, Paulo, ut se suaque omnia in fidem et clementiam populi Romani permitteret, tendente.
5.1. While these negotiations were under way, the fleet of Gnaeus Octavius put in at Samothrace. He too was attempting to entice the king to surrender now by menaces, now by hope, while the threat of force was kept imminent, when a matter brought about either by chance or plan lent him assistance in his undertaking.
5.1. dum haec aguntur, classis Cn. Octavi Samothracam est adpulsa. is quoque praesenti admoto terrore modo minis, modo spe perlicere, ut se traderet, cum conaretur, adiuvit in hoc eum res seu casu contracta seu consilio.
5.2. Lucius Atilius, a prominent young man, noticing that the people of Samothrace were in meeting, requested the magistrates for permission to address the people briefly. Permission being granted, he asked:
5.2. L. Atilius, inlustris adulescens, cum in contione esse populum Samothracum animum advertisset, a magistratibus petiit, ut sibi paucis adloquendi populi potestatem facerent.
5.3. “My hosts of Samothrace, is our understanding correct or false that this island is sacred, and all its soil is revered and unprofaned?”
5.3. permisso ‘utrum nos, hospites Samothraces, vere accepimus an falso sacram hanc insulam et augusti totam atque inviolati soli esse?
5.4. When all agreed that it was as sacred as he believed, he said, “Why then has a murderer polluted it, profaned it with the blood of King Eumenes, and although the preamble to every rite warns away from the holy things those whose hands are not pure, why do you yet permit your sanctuary to be defiled by the blood-stained person of a brigand?”
5.4. ’ cum creditae sanctitati adsentirentur omnes, ‘cur igitur’ inquit ‘polluit eam homicida, sanguine regis Eumenis violavit? et, cum omnis praefatio sacrorum eos, quibus non sint purae manus, sacris arceat, vos penetralia vestra contaminari cruento latronis corpore sinetis?
5.5. The story how Evander had nearly succeeded in murdering King Eumenes at Delphi had been bruited abroad throughout all the cities of Greece.
5.5. ’ nobilis fama erat apud omnes Graeciae civitates Eumenis regis per Euandrum Delphis prope perpetrata caedes.
5.6. Consequently, the Samothracians decided that, apart from the fact that they saw that they and their whole island and shrine were in the power of the Romans, the reproach against them was a just one. They sent Theondas, the chief magistrate of their community —they call him “king” —to Perseus to announce that Evander the Cretan was being accused of murder;
5.6. itaque, praeterquam quod in potestate Romanorum sese insulamque totam et templum cernebant esse, ne inmerito quidem ea sibi exprobrari rati, Theondan, qui summus magistratus apud eos erat — regem ipsi appellant —, ad Persea mittunt, qui nuntiaret argui caedis Euandrum Cretensem;
5.7. that there was a court of theirs established by ancestral custom to try those who were alleged to have brought unclean hands within the sacred precincts of the temple; and that if Evander trusted that he was innocent of the capital charge brought against him, he should appear to defend himself, whereas, if he dared not entrust himself to the court, he should free the temple of profanation, and provide for his own safety.
5.7. esse autem iudicia apud sese more maiorum conparata de iis, qui incestas manus intulisse intra terminos sacratos templi dicantur; si confideret Euander innoxium se rei capitalis argui, veniret ad causam dicendam, si committere se iudicio non auderet, liberaret religione templum ac sibimet ipse consuleret.
5.9. Perseus called Evander aside and said that he by no means advised him to stand trial, for he would have neither a good case nor sufficient influence. (Behind his words was the fear that Evander, if condemned, would reveal the king as the sponsor of the abominable crime.) What was there left, said Perseus, except to die bravely?
5.9. Perseus sevocato Euandro iudicium subeundi nullo pacto auctor esse: nec causa nec gratia parem fore. suberat et ille metus, ne damnatus auctorem se nefandi facinoris protraheret.
5.10. Evander made no open refusal, but saying that he preferred to die by poison rather than the steel, he secretly made ready for escape. When this was reported to the king, he feared that the anger of the Samothracians would turn against him, on the ground that he had caused the guilty party to escape punishment; so he ordered Evander killed.
5.10. reliqui quid esse, nisi ut fortiter moriatur? nihil palam abnuere Euander; sed cum veneno se malle mori quam ferro dixisset, occulte fugam parabat. quod cum renuntiatum regi esset, metuens, ne tamquam a se subtracto poenae reo iram Samothracum in se converteret, interfici Euandrum iussit.
5.11. When this murder had been hastily perpetrated, it suddenly occurred to Perseus that he had beyond doubt taken on himself the guilt of Evander. The latter had wounded Eumenes at Delphi, he had killed Evander at Samothrace; and so two of the most sacred shrines on earth had been profaned with human blood at his sole instigation.
5.11. qua perpetrata temere caede subiit extemplo animum, in se nimirum receptam labem, quae Euandri fuisset; ab illo Delphis volneratum Eumenen, ab se Samothracae Euandrum occisum, ita duo sanctissima in terris templa se uno auctore sanguine humano violata.
5.12. He turned aside accusation on this score by bribing Theondas to report to the people that Evander had committed suicide.
5.12. huius rei crimen corrupto pecunia Theonda avertit, ut renuntiaret populo Euandrum sibi ipsum mortem conscisse.
6.1. However, when he committed this terrible crime against his pre-eminent remaining friend, who had been tested in so many vicissitudes and had been betrayed because he had not betrayed the king, Perseus turned all hearts against him.
6.1. ceterum tanto facinore in unicum relictum amicum admisso, per tot casus expertum proditumque, quia non prodiderat, omnium ab se abalienavit animos.
6.2. Each one individually deserted to the Romans. By fleeing they forced the king too, left almost alone, to adopt some plan of flight; finally he appealed to Oroandes the Cretan, who knew the coast of Thrace from having made trading voyages there, to take him aboard a scout-ship and carry him to Cotys.
6.2. pro se quisque transire ad Romanos; fugaeque consilium capere solum prope relictum coegerunt; Oroandemque Cretensem, cui nota Threciae ora erat, quia mercaturas in ea regione fecerat, appellat, ut se sublatum in lembum ad Cotym deveheret.
6.3. There is a harbour Demetrium on a certain headland of Samothrace; the scout-ship was anchored there. At sun-down the needful equipment was carried to the shore; all the money that could be brought secretly was also carried down.
6.3. Demetrium est portus in promunturio quodam Samothracae; ibi lembus stabat. sub occasum solis deferuntur, quae ad usum necessaria erant, defertur et pecunia, quanta clam deferri poterat.
6.4. In the middle of the night, the king himself with three companions of his flight went by a back door of the house into a garden next to his bedroom and thence, after scrambling with difficulty over a wall, reached the sea.
6.4. rex ipse nocte media cum tribus consciis fugae per posticum aedium in propincum cubiculo hortum atque inde, maceriam aegre transgressus, ad mare pervenit.
6.5. Oroandes had waited just long enough for the money to be brought down, and in the early darkness had weighed anchor and was sailing directly for Crete.
6.5. Oroandes tantum moratus, dum pecunia deferretur, primis tenebris solverat navem ac per altum Cretam petebat.
6.6. When the ship was not found at the harbour, Perseus wandered about for some time on the shore and, finally, fearing the imminent approach of dawn, did not dare to return to the house where he was entertained, but took cover near an out-of-the-way corner on one side of the temple.
6.6. postquam in portu navis non inventa est, vagatus Perseus aliquamdiu in litore, postremo timens lucem iam adpropinquantem, in hospitium redire non ausus in latere templi prope angulum obscurum delituit.
6.7. Among the Macedonians there were Royal Pages, so-called, sons of the chief men chosen to wait upon the king; this troop, having accompanied the king in his flight had not even then left him, until by order of Gnaeus Octavius, announcement was made by a herald that if the Royal Pages and the other Macedonians who were in Samothrace surrendered to the Romans, they would secure their safety, their freedom, and all their possessions which they either had with them, or had left in Macedonia.
6.7. pueri regii apud Macedonas vocabantur principum liberi ad ministerium electi regis. ea cohors persecuta regem fugientem ne tum quidem abscedebat, donec iussu Cn. Octavi pronuntiatum est per praeconem, regios pueros Macedonasque alios, qui Samothracae essent, si transirent ad Romanos, incolumitatem libertatemque et sua omnia servaturos, quae aut secum haberent aut in Macedonia reliquissent.
6.9. At this word, they all made their way to the Romans, and reported their names to Gaius Postumius, a military tribune. The king's young children were also handed over to Octavius by Ion of Thessalonica, and no one was left with the king except Philip, his oldest son.
6.9. ad hanc vocem transitio omnium facta est, nominaque dabant ad C. Postumium tribunum militum. liberos quoque parvos regios Ion Thessalonicensis Octavio tradidit, nec quisquam praeter Philippum, maximum natu ex filiis, cum rege relictus.
6.10. Then Perseus surrendered himself and his son to Octavius, railing at his fortune and the gods in whose temple he was, who had done nothing to aid their suppliant.
6.10. tum sese filiumque Octavio tradidit, fortunam deosque, quorum in templo erat, nulla ope supplicem iuvantis accusans.
6.11. He was ordered to be placed in the flagship, and what was left of the money was brought there. The fleet immediately sailed back to Amphipolis.
6.11. in praetoriam navem inponi iussus, eodem et pecunia, quae superfuit, delata est, extemploque classis Amphipolim repetiit.
6.12. Thence Octavius sent the king to the consul's camp, sending ahead dispatches to inform the consul that the king was a prisoner and was being brought to him.
6.12. inde Octavius regem in castra ad consulem misit praemissis litteris, ut in potestate eum esse et adduci sciret.
7.1. Thinking that this was a second victory, as indeed it was, Paulus offered sacrifice at this message; he read the letter of the praetor before his assembled council, sent Quintus Aelius Tubero to meet the king, and ordered the others to remain in full numbers at headquarters.
7.1. secundam eam Paulus, sicut erat, victoriam ratus victimas cecidit eo nuntio, et consilio advocato litteras praetoris cum recitasset, Q. Aelium Tuberonem obviam regi misit, ceteros manere in praetorio frequentis iussit.
7.2. So great a crowd never gathered elsewhere for any sight. In the previous generation King Syphax had been brought as prisoner into a Roman camp, but apart from the fact that he was not comparable either as to his own reputation or that of his nation, he was a mere appendage to the war with Carthage, as Gentius was to this one with Macedonia.
7.2. non alias ad ullum spectaculum tanta multitudo occurrit. patrum aetate Syphax rex captus in castra Romana adductus erat. praeterquam quod nec sua nec gentis fama comparandus, tunc accessio Punici belli fuerat, sicut Gentius Macedonici;
7.3. Perseus was the chief enemy, and not only his own reputation and that of his father, grandfather, and the rest to whom he was related by blood and stock made him a cynosure, but the glory of Philip and Alexander the Great, who made the Macedonians masters of the world, radiated from him.
7.3. Perseus caput belli erat, nec ipsius tantum patris avique …, quos sanguine ac genere contingebat, fama conspectum eum efficiebat, sed effulgebant Philippus ac magnus Alexander, qui summum inperium in orbe terrarum Macedonum fecerant.
7.4. Perseus entered the camp in dark-coloured garb, with his son, but unattended by any other of his people whose presence as a sharer of his downfall might have made him more pitiable. He was unable to proceed because of the crowd rushing to gaze at him, until lictors were sent by the consul to clear a path to the headquarters.
7.4. pullo amictu cum filio Perseus ingressus est castra nullo suorum alio comite, qui socius calamitatis miserabiliorem eum faceret. progredi prae turba occurrentium ad spectaculum non poterat, donec a consule lictores missi sunt, qui summoto iter ad praetorium facerent.
7.5. The consul rose to meet him, though he ordered the others to keep their seats, and advancing a few steps offered his hand to the king as he entered, raised him when he fell at his feet, not allowing him to clasp his knees, brought him into the tent, and bade him be seated opposite the officers called as council.
7.5. consurrexit consul et iussis sedere aliis progressusque paulum introeunti regi dextram porrexit summittentemque se ad pedes sustulit nec attingere genua passus introductum in tabernaculum adversus advocatos in consilium considere iussit.
8.1. The first question put was, by what wrong had he been driven to make war on the Roman People with such determined enmity as to bring himself and his kingdom into utmost danger?
8.1. prima percontatio fuit, qua subactus iniuria contra populum Romanum bellum tam infesto animo suscepisset, quo se regnumque suum ad ultimum discrimen adduceret?
8.2. While all awaited an answer, he gazed silently at the ground for a long time and wept.
8.2. cum responsum expectantibus cunctis terram intuens diu tacitus fleret, rursum consul:
8.3. Then the consul asked again: “If you had received the kingdom as a young man, I should indeed be less surprised that you were unaware how powerful the Roman People is as a friend or as an enemy.”
8.3. ‘si iuvenis regnum accepisses, minus equidem mirarer ignorasse te, quam gravis aut amicus aut inimicus esset populus Romanus;
8.4. “As it is, since you had a part in the war which your father waged with us, and since you were aware of the peace that followed, which we observed with the utmost faithfulness toward him, what reasoning led you to prefer war rather than peace with men whose power in war, whose good faith in peace, you had alike tested?”
8.4. nunc vero, cum et bello patris tui, quod nobiscum gessit, interfuisses et pacis postea, quam cum summa fide adversus eum coluimus, meminisses, quod fuit consilium, quorum et vim in bello et fidem in pace expertus esses, cum iis tibi bellum esse quam pacem malle?
8.5. When no reply either to the question or the accusation was forthcoming, the consul continued, “However that may be, whether it has occurred through human mistake or chance or law of nature, be of good cheer. The misfortunes of many kings and of many peoples have shown that the mercy of the Roman People offers you not only hope, but an almost positive assurance of safety.”
8.5. ’ nec interrogatus nec accusatus cum responderet, ‘utcumque tamen haec, sive errore humano seu casu seu necessitate, inciderunt, bonum animum habe; multorum regum et populorum casibus cognita populi Romani clementia non modo spem tibi, sed probe certam fiduciam salutis praebet.
8.6. This the consul said in Greek to Perseus; then he continued in Latin to his staff: “You see before you a notable example of the changefulness of human affairs. I say this especially for you, young men. Therefore it is proper to offer no insult or violence to anyone, while one is in favourable circumstances, and not to trust to one's present fortune, since no one knows what evening will bring.”
8.6. ’ haec Graeco sermone Perseo; Latine deinde suis ‘exemplum insigne cernitis’ inquit ‘mutationis rerum humanarum. vobis hoc praecipue dico, iuvenes. ideo in secundis rebus nihil in quemquam superbe ac violenter consulere decet nec praesenti credere fortunae, cum, quid vesper ferat, incertum sit.
8.7. “He will be truly a man, in a word, whose spirit is neither deflected from its course by the breath of prosperity, nor broken by misfortune.” When the meeting was dismissed, the task of guarding the king was assigned to Quintus Aelius.
8.7. is demum vir erit, cuius animum neque prospera flatu suo efferet nec adversa infringet.’ consilio dimisso tuendi cura regis Q. Aelio mandatur.
8.8. On that day Perseus was entertained by the consul, and every other token of respect was shown him which could be shown under such circumstances. The army was then released to winter quarters.
8.8. eo die et invitatus ad consulem Perseus et alius omnis ei honos habitus est, qui haberi in tali fortuna poterat. exercitus deinde in hiberna dimissus est.
9.1. Amphipolis received most of the troops, the nearby cities the rest.
9.1. maximam partem copiarum Amphipolis, reliquas propinquae urbes acceperunt.
9.2. This was the end of the war between the Romans and Perseus, after four years of steady campaigning, and also the end of a kingdom famed over a large part of Europe and all of Asia.
9.2. hic finis belli, cum quadriennium continuum bellatum esset, inter Romanos ac Persea fuit idemque finis incliti per Europae plerumque atque Asiam omnem regni.
9.3. They reckoned Perseus as the twentieth after Caranus, who founded the kingdom. Perseus ascended the throne in the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, and was recognized as king by the senate in the consulship of Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius; his reign lasted eleven years.
9.3. vicensimum ab Carano, qui primus regnabat, Persea numerabant. Perseus Q. Fulvio L. Manlio consulibus regnum accepit, a senatu rex est appellatus M. Iunio A. Manlio consulibus, regnavit undecim annos.
9.4. The Macedonian nation was of no great reputation until the time of Philip, son of Amyntas. Later, when it had proceeded to expand under him, it was still confined within the bounds of Europe, though embracing all Greece and part of Thrace and Illyricum.
9.4. Macedonum gens obscura admodum fama usque ad Philippum, Amyntae filium, fuit; inde ac per eum crescere cum coepisset, Europae se tamen finibus continuit, Graeciam omnem et partem Threciae atque Illyrici amplexa.
9.5. Thereafter it overflowed into Asia, and Alexander, in the thirteen years of his reign, first brought under his sway all the well-nigh boundless empire that had belonged to the Persians, and then traversed Arabia and India, where the Indian Ocean embraces the uttermost ends of the earth.
9.5. superfudit deinde se in Asiam et tredecim annis, quibus Alexander regnavit, primum omnia, qua Persarum prope inmenso spatio imperium fuerat, suae dicionis fecit;
9.6. At that time the empire and name of the Macedonians was greatest on earth;
9.6. Arabas hinc Indiamque, qua terrarum ultimos finis rubrum mare amplectitur, peragravit.
9.7. thereafter at the death of Alexander it was torn into many kingdoms, as each leader snatched at resources for his own account, and its strength was dismembered; yet it endured for a hundred and fifty years from the topmost pinnacle of its fortune to its final end.
9.7. tum maximum in terris Macedonum regnum nomenque; inde morte Alexandri distractum in multa regna, dum ad se quisque opes rapiunt, laceratis viribus a summo culmine fortunae ad ultimum finem centum quinquaginta annos stetit.
10.1. When a report of the Roman victory penetrated to Asia, Antenor, who was lying off Phanae with his fleet of scout-ships, crossed from there to Cassandria.
10.1. victoriae Romanae fama cum pervasisset in Asiam, Antenor, qui cum classe lemborum ad Phanas stabat, Cassandriam inde traiecit.
10.2. When Gaius Popilius, who was at Delos to protect ships making for Macedonia, heard that the war had been brought to an end in Macedonia and that the enemy scout-ships had left their post, he for his part dismissed the ships of Attalus and proceeded to sail for Egypt to complete the mission on which he had started, so that he might be able to meet Antiochus before he reached the walls of Alexandria. As the ambassadors were sailing past Asia and came to Loryma, a harbour slightly more than twenty miles from Rhodes and situated exactly opposite to the city, the chief men of Rhodes met them (for the report of the victory had by now been brought to that city also) with the request that they put in at Rhodes;
10.2. C. Popilius, qui ad Delum praesidio navibus Macedoniam petentibus erat, postquam debellatum in Macedonia et statione summotos hostium lembos audivit, dimissis et ipse … adticis navibus ad susceptam legationem peragendam navigare Aegyptum pergit, ut prius occurrere Antiocho posset, quam ad Alexandreae moenia accederet. cum praeterveherentur Asiam legati et Loryma venissent, qui portus viginti paulo amplius milia ab Rhodo abest ex adverso urbi ipsi positus, principes Rhodiorum occurrunt — iam enim eo quoque victoriae fama perlata erat — orantes, ut Rhodum deveherentur: pertinere id ad famam salutemque civitatis, noscere ipsos omnia, quae acta essent quaeque agerentur Rhodi, et conperta per se, non volgata fama Romam referre.
10.5. for, said the Rhodians, it was a matter touching the reputation and safety of their city that the envoys should personally become acquainted with everything which had been done and was being done at Rhodes, and that they should carry back to Rome facts ascertained by themselves, not popular rumours.
10.5. diu negantes perpulerunt, ut moram navigationis brevem pro salute sociae urbis paterentur. postquam Rhodum ventum est, in contionem quoque eos iidem precibus pertraxerunt.
10.6. After many refusals, they induced the envoys to endure a short delay of their voyage for the sake of the safety of an allied city. After their arrival at Rhodes, the same leaders also dragged them by entreaty before an assembly. The arrival of the envoys increased rather than diminished the fear of the city;
10.6. adventus legatorum auxit potius timorem civitati quam minuit; omnia enim Popilius, quae singuli universique eo bello hostiliter dixerant fecerantque, rettulit et vir asper ingenio augebat atrocitatem eorum, quae dicerentur,
10.8. for Popilius rehearsed every hostile word or act during this war either on the part of individuals or of the commonwealth, and being a man of harsh temperament, he increased the savage effect of his remarks by his grim face and prosecutor's tone, so that, since he had no reason for a personal quarrel with Rhodes, the people guessed from the bitterness of one Roman senator what the attitude of the whole senate was toward them.
10.8. voltu truci et accusatoria voce, ut, cum propriae simultatis nulla causa cum civitate esset, ex unius senatoris Romani acerbitate, qualis in se universi senatus animus esset, coniectarent. C. Decimi moderatior oratio fuit, qui in plerisque eorum, quae commemorata a Popilio essent, culpam non penes populum, sed penes paucos concitores volgi esse dixit:
10.10. The speech of Gaius Decimius was milder, for he laid the blame for many of the offences mentioned by Popilius not at the door of the people as a whole, but at that of a few agitators;
10.10. eos venalem linguam habentis decreta plena regiae adsentationis fecisse et eas legationes misisse, quarum Rhodios semper non minus puderet quam paeniteret. quae omnia, si sana mens populo foret, in capita noxiorum versura.
10.11. these, he said, whose tongues were for sale, had written the decrees full of fawning upon the king and had sent those embassies concerning which the Rhodians had always felt as much shame as regret. All these acts, said Decimius, would, if the people's reason was sound, recoil upon the heads of the guilty.
10.11. cum magno adsensu auditus est non magis eo, quod multitudinem noxa levabat, quam quod culpam in auctores verterat.
10.12. There was great approval felt for his speech, but no more because he relieved the commons of blame than because he assigned responsibility to the guilty.
10.12. itaque cum principes eorum Romanis responderent, nequaquam tam grata oratio eorum fuit, qui, quae Popilius obiecerat, diluere utcumque conati sunt, quam eorum, qui Decimio in auctoribus ad piaculum noxae obiciendis adsensi sunt.
10.13. And so when the leaders of the Rhodians answered the Romans, their speeches were by no means as pleasing when the speaker tried at all costs to extenuate the charges made by Popilius, as when he agreed with Decimius in urging that the responsible persons should expiate their wrong. A decree was therefore passed at once that anyone convicted of saying or doing anything against the Romans in behalf of Perseus should be put to death.
10.13. decretum igitur extemplo, ut, qui pro Perseo adversus Romanos dixisse quid aut fecisse convincerentur, capitis condemnarentur. excesserunt urbe sub adventum Romanorum quidam, alii mortem sibi consciverunt.
10.14. Some had left the city on the arrival of the Romans, others committed suicide. After a delay of not more than five days at Rhodes, the ambassadors left for Alexandria. The Rhodians proceeded no less zealously to prosecute trials according to the decree passed in the presence of the Romans. This unflagging zeal in carrying the matter out was produced as much by the mildness of Decimius as by the harshness of Popilius.
10.14. legati non ultra quam quinque dies Rhodi morati Alexandream proficiscuntur. nec eo segnius iudicia ex decreto coram his facto Rhodii exercebant; quam perseverantiam in exequenda re tam Decimi lenitas quam ….
11.1. While this was going on, Antiochus had left Alexandria after an unsuccessful trial of the fortifications and had taken control of the rest of Egypt. He left at Memphis the elder Ptolemy whose claim to the throne he was pretending to support with his army, in order that he might attack the winner presently, and led his army off into Syria.
11.1. cum haec gererentur, Antiochus frustra temptatis moenibus Alexandreae abscesserat ceteraque Aegypto potitus, relicto Memphi maiore Ptolemaeo, cui regnum quaeri suis viribus simulabat, ut victorem mox adgrederetur, in Syriam exercitum abduxit.
11.2. Ptolemy was well aware of this ulterior motive too, and thought that, as long as his younger brother was cowed by fear of a siege, he might be restored to Alexandria with the aid of his sister and without opposition on the part of his brother's friends. He therefore kept sending, first to his sister, then to his brother and his friends, until he made an amicable settlement with them.
11.2. nec huius voluntatis eius ignarus Ptolemaeus, dum conterritum obsidionis metu minorem fratrem haberet, posse se recipi Alexandreae et sorore adiuvante et non repugnantibus fratris amici ratus primum ad sororem, deinde ad fratrem amicosque eius non prius destitit mittere, quam pacem cum iis confirmaret.
11.4. Suspicion was directed against Antiochus because, though he had turned over the rest of Egypt to Ptolemy, he had left a strong garrison at Pelusium.
11.4. suspectum Antiochum effecerat, quod cetera Aegypto sibi tradita Pelusi validum relictum erat praesidium.
11.5. It was evident that the key to Egypt was in Antiochus' hands, so that he could reinvade it when he wished. The upshot of a civil war between the brothers would be that the winner, worn out by the struggle, would be no match for Antiochus.
11.5. apparebat claustra Aegypti teneri, ut, cum vellet, rursum exercitum induceret; bello intestino cum fratre eum exitum fore, ut victor fessus certamine nequaquam par Antiocho futurus esset.
11.6. This wise reasoning by the elder brother was gratefully accepted by the younger brother and his associates; the sister gave much assistance not only by her advice, but by her entreaties.
11.6. haec prudenter animadversa a maiore cum adsensu minor frater quique cum eo erant acceperunt; soror plurimum adiuvit non consilio modo sed etiam precibus.
11.7. Accordingly, peace was made by general agreement, and the elder Ptolemy returned to Alexandria, without opposition even on the part of the mob, which had suffered throughout the war from a scarcity of all supplies not only during the siege, but after the enemy had left the walls, because nothing came in from Egypt.
11.7. itaque consentientibus cunctis pace facta Alexandream recipitur ne multitudine quidem adversante, quae in bello non per obsidionem modo, sed etiam postquam a moenibus abscessum est, quia nihil ex Aegypto subvehebatur, omnium rerum adtenuata inopia erat.
11.8. It would have been in order for Antiochus to rejoice at this conclusion had he led his army into Egypt for the purpose of restoring Ptolemy —the specious plea that he had employed in statements to all the states of Asia and Greece either when he received embassies or sent out messages. But he was so incensed that he prepared for war against the two brothers with much more urgency and bitterness than against the one.
11.8. his cum laetari Antiochum conveniens esset, si reducendi eius causa exercitum Aegyptum induxisset, quo specioso titulo ad omnis Asiae et Graeciae civitates legationibus recipiendis litterisque dimittendis usus erat, adeo est offensus, ut multo acrius infestiusque adversus duos quam ante adversus unum pararet bellum.
11.9. He immediately sent a fleet to Cyprus; and in early spring he himself advanced with his army into Hollow Syria on his way to Egypt.
11.9. Cyprum extemplo classem misit; ipse primo vere cum exercitu Aegyptum petens in Coelen Syriam processit.
11.10. Near Rhinocolura envoys from Ptolemy met him, offering thanks for his assistance in recovering Ptolemy's ancestral throne and requesting that he should not undo his act of kindness and rather say what he wanted done than shift from ally to enemy and act by force of arms. Antiochus replied that he would recall his fleet and lead back his army on no other terms than the cession to him of all Cyprus, Pelusium, and the region which lies around the Pelusian mouth of the Nile.
11.10. circa Rhinocolura Ptolemaei legatis agentibus gratias, quod per eum regnum patrium recepisset, petentibusque, ut suum munus tueretur et diceret potius, quid fieri vellet, quam hostis ex socio factus vi atque armis ageret, respondit non aliter neque classem revocaturum neque exercitum reducturum, nisi sibi et tota Cypro et Pelusio agroque, qui circa Pelusiacum ostium Nili esset, cederetur;
11.11. He also named a day before which he must receive the report of the execution of his terms.
11.11. diemque praestituit, intra quam de condicionibus peractis responsum acciperet.
12.1. After the time allotted for the truce had expired, Antiochus' officers sailed to Pelusium via the mouth of the Nile, while he marched through the Arabian Desert and, after being received by the inhabitants of Memphis and the rest of the Egyptians, partly through good-will and partly through fear, he came down to Alexandria by short marches.
12.1. postquam dies data indutiis praeteriit, … navigantibus ostio Nili ad Pelusium, per deserta Arabiae … ad Memphim incolebant, et ab ceteris Aegyptiis partim voluntate, partim metu, ad Alexandream modicis itineribus descendit.
12.3. When he had crossed the river at Eleusis, a place four miles away from Alexandria, the Roman envoys met him.
12.3. ad Eleusinem transgresso flumen, qui locus quattuor milia ab Alexandrea abest, legati Romani occurrerunt.
12.4. As they approached, he greeted them and offered his hand to Popilius; whereat Popilius handed him the tablets containing the decree of the senate in writing, and bade him read this first of all.
12.4. quos cum advenientis salutasset dextramque Popilio porrigeret, tabellas ei Popilius senatus consultum scriptum habentis tradit atque omnium primum id legere iubet.
12.5. On reading the decree, he said that he would call in his friends and consider what he should do; Popilius, in accordance with the usual harshness of his temper, drew a circle around the king with a rod that he carried in his hand, and said, “Before you step out of this circle, give me an answer which I may take back to the senate.” After the king had hesitated a moment, struck dumb by so violent an order, he replied, “I shall do what the senate decrees.”
12.5. quibus perlectis cum se consideraturum adhibitis amicis, quid faciendum sibi esset, dixisset, Popilius pro cetera asperitate animi virga, quam in manu gerebat, circumscripsit regem ac ‘priusquam hoc circulo excedas’ inquit, ‘redde responsum, senatui quod referam.’
12.6. Only then did Popilius extend his hand to the king as to an ally and friend. Later, when Antiochus had quitted Egypt by the appointed day, and the envoys had also confirmed by their own weighty approval the agreement of the brothers, who with great difficulty had settled on terms of peace, the Romans sailed for Cyprus, whence they sent away the fleet of Antiochus which had already defeated the Egyptian ships in battle.
12.6. obstupefactus tam violento imperio parumper cum haesitasset, ‘faciam’ inquit, ‘quod censet senatus.’ tum demum Popilius dextram regi tamquam socio atque amico porrexit. die deinde finita cum excessisset Aegypto Antiochus, legati concordia etiam auctoritate sua inter fratres firmata, inter quos vixdum convenerat pax, Cyprum navigant et inde, quae iam vicerat proelio Aegyptias naves, classem Antiochi dimittunt.
12.8. This embassy gained a great reputation among the nations, because Egypt had clearly been taken away from Antiochus after he had possession of it, and their ancestral kingdom had been restored to the House of Ptolemy.
12.8. clara ea per gentis legatio fuit, quod haud dubie adempta Antiocho Aegyptus habenti iam redditumque patrium regnum stirpi Ptolemaei fuerat.
12.9. The term of one of the consuls of this year was distinguished by a notable victory; the reputation of the other was correspondingly undistinguished, because he did not have the wherewithal for achievement.
12.9. consulum eius anni sicut alterius clarus consulatus insigni victoria, ita alterius obscura fama, quia materiam res gerendi non habuit.
12.10. At the very outset, when he proclaimed a day for his legions to assemble, he entered the sacred enclosure without taking the auspices. When the augurs were consulted on this matter, they declared that the day had been wrongfully set.
12.10. iam primum cum legionibus ad conveniendum diem dixit, non auspicato templum intravit. vitio diem dictam esse augures, cum ad eos relatum est, decreverunt.
12.11. The consul set out for Gaul, and had a fixed camp near Campi Macri close to Mounts Sicimina and Papinus. Later he spent the winter in the same region with the allies of the Latin Name; the Roman legions had remained at Rome, because the day for the assembly of the army was wrongfully appointed.
12.11. profectus in Galliam circa Macros campos ad montis Siciminam et Papinum stativa habuit; deinde circa eadem loca cum sociis nominis Latini hibernabat;
12.12. The praetors also went to their provinces, except Gaius Papirius Carbo, to whom Sardinia had fallen.
12.12. legiones Romanae, quod vitio dies exercitui ad conveniendum dicta erat, Romae manserant.
12.13. The senate decreed that he should conduct at Rome the court for suits between citizens and aliens, for this also had been allotted to him.
12.13. et praetores praeter C. Papirium Carbonem, cui Sardinia evenerat, in provincias iere. eum [dum] ius dicere Romae — nam eam quoque sortem habebat — inter cives et peregrinos patres censuerant.
13.1. Popilius, too, and the embassy which had been sent to Antiochus returned to Rome. They reported that the disputes between the kings had been settled and the army led out of Egypt into Syria.
13.1. et Popilius et ea legatio, quae missa ad Antiochum erat, Romam rediit; rettulit controversias inter reges sublatas esse exercitumque ex Aegypto in Syriam reductum.
13.2. Afterwards the envoys of the kings themselves arrived. Antiochus' envoys reported that to the king peace had seemed preferable to any conquest, since it was the wish of the senate, and that Antiochus had obeyed the orders of the Roman envoys as if they had been gods.
13.2. post ipsorum regum legati venerunt: Antiochi legati referentes omni victoria potiorem pacem regi, senatui quae placuisset, visam, eumque haud secus quam deorum imperio, legatorum Romanorum iussis paruisse;
13.3. Then they presented congratulations on the victory, to which the king would have contributed his aid, they said, if any demand had been made upon him.
13.3. gratulati dein de victoria sunt, quam omni ope, si quid imperatum foret, adiuturum regem fuisse.
13.4. Ptolemy's envoys offered thanks in the names of the king and Cleopatra together;
13.4. Ptolemaei legati communi nomine regis et Cleopatrae gratias egerunt:
13.5. they owed, they said, more to the Roman senate and people than to their own parents, more than to the immortal gods, since they had been freed by the Romans from a most wretched state of siege, and had recovered the ancestral kingdom which they had almost lost.
13.5. plus eos senatui populoque Romano quam parentibus suis, plus quam dis immortalibus debere, per quos obsidione miserrima liberati essent, regnum patrium prope amissum recepissent.
13.6. The senate's reply to Antiochus was that he had done what was right and proper in obeying the envoys, and that the Roman senate and people were pleased.
13.6. responsum ab senatu est Antiochum recte atque ordine fecisse, quod legatis paruisset, gratumque id esse senatui populoque Romano;
13.7. To the king and queen of Egypt, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, the reply was that the senate was very happy if by its agency something good and beneficial had come to pass, and that the senate would use its best efforts to convince them that the greatest bulwark of their reign was founded on the good faith of the Roman people.
13.7. regibus Aegypti, Ptolemaeo Cleopatraeque, si quid per se boni commodique evenisset, id magno opere senatum laetari daturumque operam, ut regni sui maximum semper praesidium positum esse in fide populi Romani ducant.
13.8. Instructions were given to Gaius Papirius the praetor that he should see that the customary presents were sent to the envoys.
13.8. munera legatis ut ex instituto mittenda curaret, C. Papirio praetori mandatum.
13.9. Despatches from Macedonia were then introduced, calculated to redouble the rejoicing over the victory; they reported that King Perseus was a prisoner of the consul.
13.9. litterae deinde e Macedonia allatae, quae victoriae laetitiam geminarent, Persea regem in potestatem consulis venisse.
13.10. After the royal embassies were dismissed, a dispute was heard between envoys from Pisa and from Luna. The Pisans complained that Roman colonists were driving them off their land, whereas the men of Luna declared that the land in question had been assigned to them by the board of three.
13.10. dimissis legatis disceptatum inter Pisanos Lunensesque legatos est Pisanis querentibus agro se a colonis Romanis pelli, Lunensibus adfirmantibus eum, de quo agatur, ab triumviris agrum sibi adsignatum esse.
13.11. The senate sent five men to investigate the facts about the boundary and make a decision, namely, Quintus Fabius Buteo, Publius Cornelius Blasio, Titus Sempronius Musca, Lucius Naevius Balbus, and Gaius Apuleius Saturninus.
13.11. senatus, qui de finibus cognoscerent statuerentque, quinqueviros misit Q. Fabium Buteonem, P. Cornelium Blasionem, T. Sempronium Muscam, L. Naevium Balbum, C. Apuleium Saturninum.
13.12. From the brothers Eumenes, Attalus, and Athenaeus a joint embassy of congratulation on the victory arrived. When Masgaba, too, the son of King Masinissa, landed from his ship at Puteoli, he was met by Lucius Manlius the quaestor who had been sent with money to meet him, to escort him at public expense to Rome. On Masgaba's arrival, a meeting of the senate was at once held for him.
13.12. et ab Eumene et ab Attalo et ab Athenaeo fratribus communis legatio de victoria gratulatum venit. et Masgabae, regis Masinissae filio, Puteolis nave egresso praesto fuit obviam missus cum pecunia L. Manlius quaestor, qui Romam eum publico sumptu perduceret.
13.13. There the young man spoke so as to make matters pleasing by their nature even more pleasing by his words. He recalled how much infantry and cavalry, how many elephants, and how much grain his father had sent to Macedonia during those four years.
13.13. advenienti extemplo senatus datus est. is adulescens ita locutus est, ut, quae rebus grata erant, gratiora verbis faceret. commemoravit, quot pedites equitesque, quot elephantos, quantum frumenti eo quadriennio pater suus in Macedoniam misisset: