---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 16 of 18
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, section 16. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 16. Book XLV · chapters 13–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/16/#p-N

[¶0] 13.14. He said that there were two matters which brought a blush to his father's cheeks: first, that the senate had requested through envoys what they needed for the war, and had not ordered it, and secondly, that they had sent him money for the grain.

> Latin: 13.14. duas res ei rubori fuisse, unam, quod rogasset eum per legatos senatus, quae ad bellum opus essent, et non inperasset, alteram, quod pecuniam ei pro frumento misisset.

[¶1] 13.15. Masinissa remembered, said his son, that he held a kingdom won by the Roman People, and that they had increased it and made it many times as great; he was satisfied with the usufruct of the kingdom, and knew that the ownership and title to it were vested in those who had given it.

> Latin: 13.15. Masinissam meminisse se regnum a populo Romano partum auctumque et multiplicatum habere; usu regni contentum scire dominium et ius eorum, qui dederint, esse;

[¶2] 13.16. Therefore it was right that they should claim what they wished from him, not request it, nor buy the products of his country that sprang from a soil that was their own gift. Masinissa was and would be satisfied with what the Roman People did not need.

> Latin: 13.16. sumere itaque eos de se, non rogare aequom esse neque emere ea ex fructibus agri ab se dati, quae ibi proveniant. id Masinissae satis esse et fore, quod populo Romano super esset.

[¶3] 13.17. After Masgaba had set out with this message, he said, horsemen had overtaken him to report that Macedonia had been conquered and to bid him congratulate the senate and point out to them that his father was so rejoiced over this event that he wished to come to Rome and offer sacrifice and thanksgiving to Jupiter, Greatest and Best, on the Capitol; he requested permission from the senate to do this, if they had no objection.

> Latin: 13.17. cum iis mandatis a patre profectum postea consecutos equites, qui devictam Macedoniam nuntiarent gratulatumque senatui iuberent indicare tantae eam rem laetitiae patri suo esse, ut Romam venire velit Iovique optimo maximo in Capitolio sacrificare et grates agere; id, nisi molestum sit, ut ei permittatur, ab senatu petere.

[¶4] 14.1. The answer was given to the prince that his father Masinissa was acting as was proper for a good and grateful man, in that he attached to payment due for kindness such credit and honour.

> Latin: 14.1. responsum regulo est facere patrem eius Masinissam, quod virum gratum bonumque facere deceat, ut pretium honoremque debito beneficio addat.

[¶5] 14.2. On the one hand the Roman People had profited by his brave and loyal aid in the Punic War, and on the other, he had secured his kingdom through the good will of the Roman People; after this balancing of favours, he had performed every possible act of friendship in wars against three kings successively.

> Latin: 14.2. et populum Romanum ab eo bello Punico forti fidelique opera adiutum, et illum favente populo Romano regnum adeptum; aequatis iis postea trium regum bellis deinceps omnibus eum functum officiis.

[¶6] 14.3. Joy over the victory of the Roman People was not surprising in a king who had linked with the fortunes of the Romans the whole hazard of his personal fortunes and those of his realm.

> Latin: 14.3. victoria vero populi Romani laetari eum regem mirum non esse, qui sortem omnem fortunae regnique sui cum rebus Romanis miscuisset. grates deis pro victoria apud suos penates ageret; Romae filium pro eo acturum.

[¶7] 14.4. As for thanks to the gods for the victory, let him offer them in his own home; his son would serve as his representative at Rome. The son had also offered sufficient congratulations on his own and his father's behalf. That Masinissa himself should leave his kingdom and go outside of Africa, apart from the fact that it was against his own interests, was also contrary to the public welfare of the Roman People, the senate believed.

> Latin: 14.4. gratulatum quoque satis suo ac patris nomine esse. ipsum relinquere regnum et Africa excedere, praeterquam quod illi inutile esset, non esse e re publica populi Romani senatum censere.

[¶8] 14.5. When Masgaba requested that Hanno, son of Hamilcar, be demanded as hostage in place of..., the answer was given that the senate considered it by no means just to exact hostages from the Carthaginians according to the judgment of Masinissa. The quaestor was ordered to buy gifts for the prince, in accordance with a resolution of the senate, to the amount of one hundred pounds of silver, and to escort him to Puteoli, to provide for all his expenses while he was in Italy, and to hire two ships to convey him and his suite to Africa.

> Latin: 14.5. petenti Masgabae, ut Hanno, Hamilcaris filius, obses in locum … exigeret. munera ex senatus consulto emere regulo quaestor iussus ex centum pondo argenti et prosequi eum Puteolos omnemque sumptum, quoad in Italia esset, praebere et duas naves conducere, quibus ipse comitesque regis in Africam deveherentur;

[¶9] 14.7. Garments were presented to all his suite, both free and slave.

> Latin: 14.7. et comitibus omnibus, liberis servisque, vestimenta data.

[¶10] 14.8. Not very much later dispatches were brought from Masinissa's other son Misagenes, stating that he had been sent with his cavalry to Africa by Lucius Paulus after the defeat of Perseus, that on his voyage his fleet had been scattered in the Adriatic, and he had arrived in ill heath with three ships at Brundisium.

> Latin: 14.8. haud ita multo post de altero Masinissae filio Misagene litterae adlatae sunt, missum eum ab L. Paulo post devictum Persea in Africam cum equitibus suis; navigantem dispersa classe in Hadriatico mari Brundisium tribus navibus aegrum delatum.

[¶11] 14.9. Lucius Stertinius the quaestor was sent to him with the same gifts which had been given at Rome to his brother, and was instructed to see to it that a house for entertainment... Freedmen had been distributed among the four city tribes except for those who had a son over five years old (these they ordered to be reckoned where they had been enrolled at the census immediately previous), and those who had an estate or estates in the country valued at over thirty thousand sesterces...

> Latin: 14.9. ad eum cum iisdem muneribus, quae data Romae fratri eius erant, L. Stertinius quaestor Brundisium missus iussusque curare, ut aedes hospitio … in quattuor urbanas tribus discripti erant libertini praeter eos, quibus filius quinquenni maior ex se natus esset, —

[¶12] 15.2. the privilege of enrolling was granted. Although this arrangement had become established in this way, Claudius said that it was impossible for a censor without a decree of the people to deprive any individual of his ballot, let alone a whole class.

> Latin: 15.2. eos, ubi proxumo lustro censi essent, censeri iusserunt—et eos, qui praedium praediave rustica pluris sestertium triginta milium haberent, — … censendi ius factum est —. hoc cum ita servatum esset, negabat Claudius suffragii lationem iniussu populi censorem cuiquam homini, nedum ordini universo adimere posse.

[¶13] 15.4. For if, said Claudius, the censor could move a man from his tribe, which was exactly what ordering him to change his tribe meant, he could remove him from all thirty-five tribes, that is, deprive him of citizenship and status as a free man-not determine where he should be enrolled but exclude him from enrolment.

> Latin: 15.4. neque enim, si tribu movere posset, quod sit nihil aliud quam mutare iubere tribum, ideo omnibus quinque et triginta tribubus emovere posse, id est civitatem libertatemque eripere, non ubi censeatur finire, sed censu excludere.

[¶14] 15.5. This was argued between the two censors; finally they resorted to the following solution: they drew lots publicly in the Hall of Liberty for one of the four city tribes, to which they would consign all those who had been slaves.

> Latin: 15.5. haec inter ipsos disceptata; postremo eo descensum est, ut ex quattuor urbanis tribubus unam palam in atrio Libertatis sortirentur, in quam omnes, qui servitutem servissent, coicerent.

[¶15] 15.6. The lot of the Esquiline tribe was cast; Tiberius Gracchus announced that they had decided to enrol all freedmen in this tribe.

> Latin: 15.6. Exquilinae sors exiit; in ea Ti. Gracchus pronuntiavit libertinos omnis censeri placere.

[¶16] 15.7. This matter was regarded by the senate as greatly to the credit of the censors. Thanks were voted to Sempronius, for having persisted in a praiseworthy undertaking, and to Claudius, for not interfering.

> Latin: 15.7. magno ea res honori censoribus apud senatum fuit. gratiae actae et Sempronio, qui in bene coepto perseverasset, et Claudio, qui non inpedisset.

[¶17] 15.8. More men were removed from the senate than by former censors, and more also ordered to sell their horses. All alike were by both censors removed from their tribe and made aerarii; nor was the disgrace of anyone who had been blacklisted by the one relieved by the other.

> Latin: 15.8. plures quam ab superioribus et senatu moti sunt et equos vendere iussi. omnes iidem ab utroque et tribu moti et aerarii facti, neque ullius, quem alter notaret, ab altero levata ignominia.

[¶18] 15.9. When the censors asked that their term of a year and a half be prolonged in order that they might, as was customary, see to repairs to buildings and inspect the public works for which they had contracted, the request was vetoed by the tribune Gnaeus Tremellius, because he had not been chosen for the senate.

> Latin: 15.9. petentibus, ut ex instituto ad sarta tecta exigenda et ad opera, quae locassent, probanda anni et sex mensum tempus prorogaretur, Cn. Tremellius tribunus, quia lectus non erat in senatum, intercessit.

[¶19] 15.10. In this same year Gaius Cicereius dedicated a temple to Moneta on the Alban Mount five years after he vowed it. In this year Lucius Postumius Albinus was consecrated as flamen of Mars.

> Latin: 15.10. eodem anno C. Cicereius aedem Monetae in monte Albano dedicavit quinquennio post, quam vovit. flamen Martialis inauguratus est eo anno L. Postumius Albinus.

[¶20] 16.1. When the new consuls Quintus Aelius and Marcus Junius put to the senate the question of provinces, the Fathers voted that Spain should again be made two provinces, after having been one during the Macedonian War;

> Latin: 16.1. Q. Aelio M. Iunio consulibus de provinciis referentibus censuere patres duas provincias Hispaniam rursus fieri, quae una per bellum Macedonicum fuerat, et Macedoniam Illyricumque eosdem, L.

[¶21] 16.2. also that the same officers, Lucius Paulus and Lucius Anicius, should command in Macedonia and Illyricum until on the advice of senatorial envoys they had made a settlement for these states which had been upset by war, and which were to be given a constitution other than monarchical.

> Latin: 16.2. Paulum et L. Anicium, obtinere, donec de sententia legatorum res et bello turbatas et in statum alium ex regno formandas conposuissent.

[¶22] 16.3. To the consuls Pisa and Gaul were assigned with two legions apiece, each legion to be composed of five thousand two hundred infantry and four hundred cavalry. The assignments for the praetors were: to Quintus Cassius, the City Praetorship; to Manius Juventius Thalna, the jurisdiction over aliens; to Tiberius Claudius Nero, Sicily; to Gnaeus Fulvius, Hither Spain; to Gaius Licinius Nerva, Farther Spain.

> Latin: 16.3. consulibus Pisae et Gallia decretae cum binis legionibus … peditum et equitum quadringenorum. praetorum sortes fuere, Q. Cassi urbana, M'. Iuventi Thalnae inter peregrinos, Ti. Claudi Neronis Sicilia, Cn. Fulvi Hispania citerior, ulterior C. Licini Nervae.

[¶23] 16.4. Aulus Manlius Torquatus was assigned Sardinia, but was unable to go to his province, since he was held by vote of the senate to preside over trials for capital crimes.

> Latin: 16.4. A. Manlio Torquato Sardinia obvenerat; nequiit ire in provinciam, ad res capitalis quaerendas ex senatus consulto retentus.

[¶24] 16.5. The question of the prodigies which had been reported was next put to the senate. The temple of the Household Gods on the Velia had been struck by lightning, as well as two gates and a section of wall in the town of Minervium. At Anagnia there had been a rain of earth and at- Lanuvium a meteor had been seen in the sky; and at Calatia on state-owned land Marcus Valerius, a Roman citizen, reported that blood had trickled from his hearth for three days and two nights.

> Latin: 16.5. de prodigiis deinde nuntiatis senatus est consultus. aedes deum Penatium in Velia de caelo tacta erat et in oppido Minervio duae portae et muri aliquantum. Anagniae terra pluerat et Lanuvi fax in caelo visa erat et Calatiae in publico agro M. Valerius civis Romanus nuntiabat ex foco suo sanguinem per triduum et duas noctes manasse.

[¶25] 16.6. Especially for this last the Board of Ten was ordered to consult the books; they proclaimed to the people a single day of prayer and offered a sacrifice of fifty goats in the forum. Because of the other prodigies, another day of prayer was observed at all the banquet-tables of the gods, sacrifice with greater victims was offered, and the city purified.

> Latin: 16.6. ob id maxime decemviri libros adire iussi supplicationem in diem unum populo edixerunt et quinquaginta capris in foro sacrificarunt. et aliorum prodigiorum causa diem alterum supplicatio circa omnia pulvinaria fuit et hostiis maioribus sacrificatum est et urbs lustrata.

[¶26] 16.7. Another matter concerning the paying of respects to the immortal gods was the senate's decree that, whereas the enemy had been conquered and the kings Perseus and Gentius along with Macedonia and Illyricum were under the sway of the Roman People, therefore the praetors Quintus Cassius and Manius Juventius should see to the presentation at all the banquet-tables of the gods of gifts as great as those given in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius because of the victory over King Antiochus.

> Latin: 16.7. item, quod ad honorem deum inmortalium pertineret, decrevit senatus, ut, quoniam perduelles superati, Perseus et Gentius reges cum Macedonia atque Illyrico in potestate populi Romani essent, ut, quanta dona Ap. Claudio M. Sempronio consulibus ob devictum Antiochum regem data ad omnia pulvinaria essent, tanta Q. Cassius et M'. Iuventius praetores curarent danda.

[¶27] 17.1. Ten commissioners for Macedonia and five for Illyricum were then appointed, on whose advice Lucius Paulus and Lucius Anicius might arrange the settlements.

> Latin: 17.1. legatos deinde, quorum de sententia imperatores L. Paulus, L. Anicius conponerent res, decreverunt decem in Macedoniam, quinque in Illyricum.

[¶28] 17.2. First those for Macedonia were named: Aulus Postumius Luscus and Gaius Claudius, both ex-censors, Quintus Fabius Labeo, Quintus Marcius Philippus, and Gaius Licinius Crassus, who was Paulus' colleague in the consulship and at that time was in charge of Gaul, his term of command having been extended.

> Latin: 17.2. in Macedoniam sunt primi nominati A. Postumius Luscus, C. Claudius, ambo illi censorii, Q. Fabius Labeo … C. Licinius Crassus, collega in consulatu Pauli, tum prorogato imperio provinciam Galliam habebat.

[¶29] 17.3. To these ex-consuls were added Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Servius Cornelius Sulla, Lucius Junius, Titus Numisius Tarquiniensis, and Aulus Terentius Varro.

> Latin: 17.3. his consularibus addidere Cn. Domitium Ahenobarbum, Ser. Cornelium Sullam, L. Iunium, T. Numisium Tarquiniensem, A. Terentium Varronem.

[¶30] 17.4. For Illyricum the following were named: Publius Aelius Ligus, an exconsul, Gaius Cicereius and Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus (the latter had been praetor the previous year, the former many years before ), Publius Terentius Tuscivicanus, and Publius Manilius.

> Latin: 17.4. in Illyricum autem hi nominati, P. Aelius Ligus consularis, C. Cicereius et Cn. Baebius Tamphilus — hic priore anno, Cicereius multis ante annis praetor fuerat —, P. Terentius Tuscivicanus, P. Manilius.

[¶31] 17.5. Next the consuls were instructed by the Fathers that, since one of them should relieve Gaius Licinius, who had been appointed commissioner, in Gaul, they ought as early as possible either to agree on their provinces or to draw lots. They accordingly drew lots. Pisa fell to Marcus Junius, Gaul to Quintus Aelius.

> Latin: 17.5. moniti deinde consules a patribus, ut, quoniam alterum ex his succedere C. Licinio, qui legatus nominatus erat, in Galliam oporteret, primo quoque tempore provincias aut conpararent inter se aut sortirentur, sortiti sunt.

[¶32] 17.6. The senate voted that before Junius went to his field of activity, he should present to the senate the embassies which had assembled in Rome from all quarters to offer congratulations. Moreover, although men were being sent of sufficient calibre to justify the hope that by their advice the generals would establish nothing unworthy of either the mercy or the high position of the Roman People, yet discussions went on in the senate too as to general considerations, so that the commissioners might carry from home to the generals a full outline of policy.

> Latin: 17.6. M. Iunio Pisae obvenerunt, quem, priusquam in provinciam iret, legationes, quae undique Romam gratulatum convenerant, introducere in senatum placuit, Q. Aelio Gallia. ceterum quamquam tales viri mitterentur, quorum de consilio sperari posset imperatores nihil indignum nec clementia nec gravitate populi Romani decreturos esse, tamen in senatu quoque agitata sunt summa consiliorum, ut inchoata omnia legati ab domo ferre ad imperatores possent.

[¶33] 18.1. First of all it was voted that the Macedonians and Illyrians should be given their independence, so that it should be clear to all nations that the forces of the Roman People brought not slavery to free peoples, but on the contrary, freedom to the enslaved. The senate wished nations which were free to consider that their freedom was assured and lasting under the protection of the Roman People, and that those who lived under kings should feel for the time being that their rulers were milder and more just under the eye of the Roman People, and, if at any time their kings should make war on the Roman People, that the outcome of the war would bring victory to the Romans, but freedom to themselves. It was also voted to discontinue the leasing of the Macedonian mines, a source of immense revenue, and of rural estates, for these could not be farmed without a contractor, and where there was a contractor, there either the ownership by the state lapsed, or no freedom was left to the allied people.

> Latin: 18.1. omnium primum liberos esse placebat Macedonas atque Illyrios, ut omnibus gentibus appareret, arma populi Romani non liberis servitutem, sed contra servientibus libertatem adferre, ut et, in libertate gentes quae essent, tutam eam sibi perpetuaque sub tutela esse, et, quae sub regibus viverent, et in praesens tempus mitiores eos iustioresque respectu populi Romani habere se crederent et, si quando bellum cum populo Romano regibus fuisset suis, exitum eius victoriam Romanis adlaturum, sibi libertatem. metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationes praediorumque rusticorum tolli placebat; nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut ius publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse.

[¶34] 18.5. It was impossible, the senate thought, for even the Macedonians to farm these resources; for where there was booty as a prize for administrators, in that state there would never be a lack of reasons for conspiracies and strife.

> Latin: 18.5. ne ipsos quidem Macedonas id exercere posse; ubi in medio praeda administrantibus esset, ibi numquam causas seditionum et certaminis defore.

[¶35] 18.6. Finally, fearing that if there were a common legislature for the nation, some relentless demagogue would turn the freedom given in healthy moderation into the licence which brings ruin, the senate voted to divide Macedonia into four sections, so that each might have its own legislature.

> Latin: 18.6. commune concilium gentis esse …, ne inprobus vulgi adsentator aliquando libertatem salubri moderatione datam ad licentiam pestilentem traheret.

[¶36] 18.7. It was further resolved that Macedonia should pay to the Roman People half the taxes which they had been accustomed to pay to their kings. Like instructions were given for Illyricum.

> Latin: 18.7. in quattuor regiones discribi Macedoniam, ut suum quaeque concilium haberet, placuit et dimidium tributi, quam quod regibus ferre soliti erant, populo Romano pendere.

[¶37] 18.8. The details were left to the generals and the commissioners themselves, for which the present discussion would lay a surer foundation of planning.

> Latin: 18.8. similia his et in Illyricum mandata. cetera ipsis imperatoribus legatisque relicta, in quibus praesens tractatio rerum certiora subiectura erat consilia.

[¶38] 19.1. Among the many embassies from kings, nations, and peoples Attalus, the brother of King Eumenes, especially drew to himself the eyes and minds of everyone.

> Latin: 19.1. inter multas regum gentiumque et populorum legationes Attalus, frater regis Eumenis, maxime convertit in se omnium oculos animosque.

[¶39] 19.2. For he was received by those who had served with him in this war in much more cordial fashion than if King Eumenes himself had come.

> Latin: 19.2. exceptus enim est ab iis, qui simul eo bello militaverant, haud paulo benignius, quam si ipse rex Eumenes venisset.

[¶40] 19.3. Two reasons honourable in outward view brought him to Rome, first the congratulations suitable to the recent victory in which he himself had aided, and second, complaint about the uprising of the Galatians and the disaster suffered thereby, which threatened destruction to the kingdom itself.

> Latin: 19.3. adduxerant eum duae in speciem honestae res, una gratulatio conveniens in ea victoria, quam ipse adiuvisset, altera querimonia Gallici tumultus acceptaeque cladis, qua regnum in dubium adductum esset.

[¶41] 19.4. Underneath he cherished a secret hope of honours and rewards from the senate which he could hardly accept without disloyalty to his brother. For there were also certain untrustworthy Roman advisers to stimulate his self-seeking with hope;

> Latin: 19.4. suberat et secreta spes honorum praemiorumque ab senatu, quae vix salva pietate ei contingere poterant. erant enim quidam Romanorum quoque non boni auctores, qui spe cupiditatem eius elicerent:

[¶42] 19.5. the view, they said, held in Rome about Attalus and Eumenes was that the former was a sure friend to the Romans, while the latter was a faithful ally neither to the Romans nor to Perseus; accordingly it could hardly be determined whether the senate would be more disposed to grant his requests for himself or those against his brother —to such an extent did one and all make every concession to the one, but withhold any from the other.

> Latin: 19.5. eam opinionem de Attalo et Eumene Romae esse, tamquam de altero Romanis certo amico, altero nec Romanis nec Persei fido socio. itaque vix statui posse, utrum, quae pro se, an, quae contra fratrem petiturus esset, ab senatu magis inpetrabilia forent; adeo universos omnia et huic tribuere et illi vero negare.

[¶43] 19.7. Attalus was, as the facts showed, one of those men who would desire whatever hope might promise; but the wise advice of one friend tightened the reins, as it were, on his spirit elated by success. Stratius, a physician, was with him, sent to Rome by the uneasy Eumenes precisely to keep an eye on the actions of his brother and to give loyal advice, if he saw any failure in loyalty.

> Latin: 19.7. eorum hominum, ut res docuit, Attalus erat, qui, quantum spes spopondisset, cuperent, ni unius amici prudens monitio velut frenos animo eius, gestienti secundis rebus, inposuisset.

[¶44] 19.8. This Stratius made his approach to ears already filled and a mind already tempted, and by offering well-timed remarks won an almost lost cause; his argument was that different kingdoms had thrived on different things;

> Latin: 19.8. Stratius cum eo fuit medicus, ad id ipsum a non securo Eumene Romam missus speculator rerum, quae a fratre agerentur, monitorque fidus, si decedi fide vidisset.

[¶45] 19.9. the kingdom of Pergamum, being new and not bolstered by any longstanding wealth, was founded on brotherly harmony, because one brother wore the name of king and the distinguishing emblem on his head, but all the brothers ruled.

> Latin: 19.9. is ad occupatas iam aures sollicitatumque iam animum cum venisset, adgressus tempestivis sermonibus rem prope prolapsam restituit, aliis alia regna crevisse rebus dicendo;

[¶46] 19.10. As for Attalus, who was second in age, who did not consider him as a king? And not only because one could see that his present powers were so great, but because it was beyond doubt that he would reign before many days had passed, for the weakness and age of Eumenes pointed in that direction, since he was at that time without issue (for Eumenes had not at that time acknowledged the son who reigned after him ).

> Latin: 19.10. regnum eorum novum, nullis vetustis fundatum opibus, fraterna stare concordia, quod unus nomen regium et praecipuum capitis insigne gerat, omnes fratres regnent.

[¶47] 19.11. What use was there, said Stratius,. in seeking by violence a prize which would automatically fall to him shortly? Furthermore, the kingdom had been assailed by the fresh tempest of the Galatian uprising, which could hardly be withstood by agreement and harmony in the royal family; but if civil strife were added to the foreign war, no halt could be called. What he was considering was simply preventing his brother from dying as king in order to rob himself of his imminent expectation of the throne.

> Latin: 19.11. Attalum vero, qui aetate proximus sit, quis non pro rege habeat? neque eo solum, quia tantas praesentes eius opes cernat, sed quod haud ambiguum sit prope diem regnaturum; eam infirmitatem aetatemque Eumenis esse nullam stirpem liberum habentis; necdum enim agnoverat eum, qui postea regnavit. quid adtinere vim adferre rei sua sponte ad eum mox venturae? accessisse etiam novam tempestatem regno tumultus Gallici, cui vix consensu et concordia regum resisti queat;

[¶48] 19.13. Even if it were true that either action would bring fame, whether he preserved the kingdom for his brother, or snatched it from him, nevertheless praise for preserving the kingdom, coupled as it was with family loyalty, would still be the better choice.

> Latin: 19.13. si vero ad externum bellum domestica seditio adiciatur, sisti non posse; nec aliud eum quam, ne frater in regno moriatur, sibi ipsi spem propinquam regni erepturum.

[¶49] 19.14. But in as much as one alternative was in fact despicable and verging on the murder of kin, what remained in doubt to keep judgment in suspense? Was he in doubt whether to seek for part of the kingdom, or to seize it all?

> Latin: 19.14. si utraque gloriosa res esset, et servasse fratri regnum et eripuisse, servati tamen regni, quae iuncta pietati sit, potiorem laudem fuisse. sed enim vero cum detestabilis altera res et proxima parricidio sit, quid ad deliberationem dubii superesse?

[¶50] 19.15. If he took part, both parts would be weakened by disruption of forces and without a doubt exposed to every kind of injury; if he took all, would his elder brother become a private citizen, or an exile at his age and with his weakness of body, or would Attalus in the end order his brother's death?

> Latin: 19.15. utrum enim partem regni petiturum esse, an totum erepturum? si partem, ambo infirmos distractis viribus et omnibus iniuriis probrisque obnoxios fore; si totum, privatumne ergo maiorem fratrem an exulem illa aetate, illa corporis infirmitate … an ad ultimum mori iussurum?

[¶51] 19.16. To say nothing of the end of disloyal brothers as told in legend, the fate of Perseus seemed to be a notable example, for as he bowed himself down at the feet of a conquering enemy, he had laid aside in the temple of Samothrace, as if the gods had been there exacting his punishment, that crown which he had seized by means of a brother's murder.

> Latin: 19.16. egregium enim, ut fabulis traditus impiorum fratrum eventus taceatur, Persei exitum videri, qui ex fraterna caede raptum diadema in templo Samothracum, velut praesentibus dis exigentibus poenas, ad pedes victoris hostis prostratus posuerit.

[¶52] 19.17. The very men, said Stratius, who were egging him on, no friends to him, but foes to Eumenes, would praise his loyalty and steadfastness, if he kept faith with his brother to the end.

> Latin: 19.17. eos ipsos, qui non illi amici, sed Eumeni infesti stimulent eum, pietatem constantiamque laudaturos, si fidem ad ultimum fratri praestitisset.

[¶53] 20.1. This reasoning prevailed on the mind of Attalus. On being presented to the senate, therefore, he offered congratulations on the victory; he explained his services during this war, and those of his brother, such as they were, as well as the revolt of the Galatians which had recently taken place with great disturbance; he requested that the senate should send envoys to the Galatians, to induce them to lay aside their arms.

> Latin: 20.1. haec plus valuere in Attali animo. itaque introductus in senatum gratulatus victoriam est et sua merita eo bello fratrisque, si qua erant, et Gallorum defectionem, quae nuper ingenti motu facta erat, exposuit;

[¶54] 20.2. Having delivered these messages in the interest of his state, he asked for Aenus and Maronea for himself.

> Latin: 20.2. petiit, ut legatos mitteret ad eos, quorum auctoritate ab armis avocarentur. his pro regni utilitate editis mandatis Aenum sibi et Maroneam petiit.

[¶55] 20.3. Thus, after disappointing the hopes of those who had supposed that he would accuse his brother and seek a division of the kingdom, he left the senate-house. Seldom has anyone else, king or citizen, been heard with as much good will and as much general approval; Attalus was honoured with every mark of attention and gift while he was there, and on his departure he was attended with equal ceremony.

> Latin: 20.3. ita destituta eorum spe, qui fratre accusato partitionem regni petiturum crediderant, curia excessit. [ut] raro alias quisquam rex aut privatus tanto favore tantoque omnium adsensu est auditus; omnibus honoribus muneribusque et praesens est cultus et proficiscentem prosecuti sunt.

[¶56] 20.4. Among the many embassies from Asia and Greece, the envoys of the Rhodians especially drew the city's attention.

> Latin: 20.4. inter multas Asiae Graeciaeque legationes Rhodiorum maxime legati civitatem converterunt.

[¶57] 20.5. For they first appeared in white clothes, as was suitable for those offering congratulations —and had they worn soiled clothes, they might have offered the appearance of men mourning for the fall of Perseus.

> Latin: 20.5. nam cum primo in veste candida visi essent, quod et gratulantis decebat, et, si sordidam vestem habuissent, lugentium Persei casum praebere speciem poterant, postquam consulti ab M.

[¶58] 20.6. However, after the senate was consulted by Marcus Junius the consul, while the envoys stood in the assembly-ground, whether lodgings, entertainment, and reception before the senate should be provided, and the Fathers had advised that none of the rights of hospitality should be granted in their case, the consul came forth from the senate-house, and in reply to the Rhodians, who said they had come to offer congratulations on the victory and to clear their city of the charges against it, and asked that a session of the senate be held for them, the consul announced that for allies and friends the Romans were accustomed to perform various acts of courtesy and hospitality, one of which was to grant a hearing before the

> Latin: 20.6. Iunio consule patres stantibus in comitio legatis, an locum, lautia senatumque darent, nullum hospitale ius in iis esse servandum censuerunt, egressusque e curia consul, cum Rhodii gratulatum se de victoria purgatumque civitatis crimina dicentes venisse petissent, ut senatus sibi daretur,

[¶59] 20.8. senate, but the Rhodians during this war had not earned the right to be considered in the category of friends and allies. On hearing this, the Rhodians threw themselves on the ground and begged the consul and all who were present not to adopt the principle that new and false charges against the Rhodians should outweigh the good services of long standing of which they themselves were witnesses.

> Latin: 20.8. pronuntiavit sociis et amicis et alia comiter atque hospitaliter praestare Romanos et senatum dare consuesse, Rhodios non ita meritos eo bello, ut amicorum sociorumque numero habendi sint, his auditis prostraverunt se omnes humi consulemque et cunctos, qui aderant, orantes, ne nova falsaque crimina plus obesse Rhodiis aecum censerent quam antiqua merita, quorum ipsi testes essent.

[¶60] 20.10. Forthwith the Rhodians put on mourning and went the rounds of the houses of the chief men begging with tears and entreaties that they would hear the case before passing sentence.

> Latin: 20.10. extemplo veste sordida sumpta domos principum cum precibus ac lacrimis circumibant orantes, ut prius cognoscerent causam quam condemnarent.

[¶61] 21.1. Manius Juventius Thalna, the praetor with jurisdiction over suits between citizens and aliens, was stirring up the people against the Rhodians and had announced a motion to declare war against Rhodes and to choose from the magistrates of this year one to be sent to this war with a fleet (Juventius hoped that he would be the one designated). Such action was opposed by Marcus Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, tribunes of the people.

> Latin: 21.1. M'. Iuventius Thalna praetor, cuius inter cives et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, populum adversus Rhodios incitabat rogationemque promulgaverat, ut Rhodiis bellum indiceretur, et ex magistratibus eius anni deligerent, qui ad id bellum cum classe mitteretur, se eum sperans futurum esse.

[¶62] 21.3. But not only had the praetor in the first place undertaken the matter in a novel and dangerous fashion, because he was proposing entirely on his own initiative, without previously consulting the senate or notifying the consuls, to put to the people the question, whether it was their will and command that war should be declared against the Rhodians, whereas previously the senate had always been consulted first about war, and then the question brought before the people on the authority of the senate, but the tribunes also were in the same position, since the custom was that no one should veto a law until opportunity was given to private citizens to argue for and against the law;

> Latin: 21.3. huic actioni M. Antonius et M. Pomponius tribuni plebis adversabantur. sed et praetor novo maloque exemplo rem ingressus erat, quod non ante consulto senatu, non consulibus certioribus factis de sua unius sententia rogationem ferret, vellent iuberentne Rhodiis bellum indici, cum antea semper prius senatus de bello consultus esset, deinde ex auctoritate patrum ad populum latum,

[¶63] 21.6. in this way it had often turned out either that those who had not announced that they would exercise the veto did so when the faults of the law had been called to their attention by the speeches of those who opposed the law, or that those who had come intending to veto were overborne by the prestige of those who argued for the law.

> Latin: 21.6. et tribuni plebis, cum ita traditum esset, ne quis prius intercederet legi, quam privatis suadendi dissuadendique legem potestas facta esset, eoque persaepe evenisset, ut et, qui non professi essent se intercessuros, animadversis vitiis legis ex oratione dissuadentium intercederent, et, qui ad intercedendum venissent, desisterent victi auctoritatibus suadentium legem.

[¶64] 21.7. On this occasion the praetor and the tribunes vied with each other in doing everything in the wrong order; the tribunes by their premature veto... the haste of the praetor...

> Latin: 21.7. tum inter praetorem tribunosque omnia intempestive agendi certamen erat:

[¶65] 21.8. till the arrival of the general.. "... is. Whether we have done wrong is so far unproved, but we are already suffering all the penalties and disgrace. In former times, after the defeat of Carthage, when Philip or Antiochus had been subdued, on our arrival in Rome we came from public entertainment to the senate-house to offer you our congratulations, gentlemen of the senate, and from the senate-house we mounted to the Capitol, bearing gifts to your gods. Today from a mean inn, having hardly found shelter for pay and all but ordered like enemies to remain outside the city, we Rhodians in this mourning garb enter the senate-house of Rome —we to whom you lately presented the provinces of Lycia and Caria, who received from you the most unstinted rewards and honours. "You are bidding the Macedonians and Illyrians be independent, we hear, though they were slaves before they waged war against you-nor are we jealous of anyone's good fortune, nay rather we recognize the mercy of the Roman People; and will you transform us Rhodians from allies into enemies — us, who have been no worse than inactive in this war?

> Latin: 21.8. tribuni festinationem praetoris ante tempus intercedendo … in adventum imperatoris … ‘ … est. peccaverimusne adhuc dubium est; poenas, ignominias omnes iam patimur. antea, Carthaginiensibus victis, Philippo, Antiocho superatis cum Romam venissemus, ex publico hospitio in curiam gratulatum vobis, patres conscripti, ex curia in Capitolium ad deos vestros dona ferentes …; nunc ex sordido deversorio, vix mercede recepti ac prope hostium more extra urbem manere iussi in hoc squalore venimus in curiam Romanam Rhodii, quos provinciis nuper Lycia atque Caria, quos praemiis atque honoribus amplissumis donastis. et Macedonas Illyriosque liberos esse, ut audimus, iubetis, cum servierint, antequam vobiscum bellarent — nec cuiusquam fortunae invidemus, immo agnoscimus clementiam populi Romani —, Rhodios, qui nihil aliud quam quieverunt, hoc bello hostes ex sociis facturi estis?

[¶66] 22.5. Surely you are the same Romans who boast that your wars are favoured of Fortune because they are just, nor do you exult as much in the outcome, because you conquer, as in the beginning, because you never undertake war without good cause.

> Latin: 22.5. certe eidem vos estis Romani, qui ideo felicia bella vestra esse, quia iusta sint, prae vobis fertis, nec tam exitu eorum, quod vincatis, quam principiis, quod non sine causa suscipiatis, gloriamini.

[¶67] 22.6. The siege of Messana in Sicily made the Carthaginians your enemies, the siege of Athens, the attempted enslavement of Greece and the aid given Hannibal in money and troops made Philip your foe.

> Latin: 22.6. Messana in Sicilia oppugnata Carthaginienses, Athenae oppugnatae et Graecia in servitutem petita et adiutus Hannibal pecunia auxiliis Philippum hostem fecerunt.

[¶68] 22.7. Antiochus was summoned at the initiative of the Aetolians, your enemies; he crossed in person with his fleet to Greece; he seized Demetrias, Chalcis, and the pass of Thermopylae, and sought to cast you out of the tenure of your empire.

> Latin: 22.7. Antiochus ipse ultro, ab Aetolis, hostibus vestris, accersitus, ex Asia classe in Graeciam traiecit; Demetriade et Chalcide et saltu Thermopylarum occupato de possessione imperii vos deicere conatus.

[¶69] 22.8. With Perseus, your reason for war was the assault upon your allies, or the murder of princes and chiefs of nations or peoples.

> Latin: 22.8. cum Perseo socii vestri oppugnati, aut interfecti reguli principesque gentium aut populorum causa belli vobis fuere.

[¶70] 22.9. Under what heading, pray, shall our downfall be placed, if we are to perish? For the present I am not separating the case for the city from Polyaratus and Dinon, our fellow-citizens, and from those whom we brought to hand over to you. If all we Rhodians were equally guilty, what would be the charge against us in this war?

> Latin: 22.9. quem tandem titulum nostra calamitas habitura est, si perituri sumus? nondum segrego civitatis causam a Polyarato et Dinone, civibus nostris, et iis, quos ut traderemus vobis adduximus, si omnes Rhodii aeque noxii essemus, quod nostrum in hoc bello crimen esset?

[¶71] 22.10. It would be that we took the side of Perseus and as we took a stand for you in the wars with Antiochus and with Philip against those kings, so now we sided with the king against you.

> Latin: 22.10. Persei partibus favimus et quem ad modum Antiochi Philippique bello pro vobis adversus reges, sic nunc pro rege adversus vos stetimus.

[¶72] 22.11. How we are accustomed to help our allies, and how vigorously we enter into a war, you may ask Gaius Livius, or Lucius Aemilius Regillus, who commanded your fleets in Asia.

> Latin: 22.11. quem ad modum soleamus socios iuvare et quam inpigre capessere bella, C. Livium, L. Aemilium Regillum interrogate, qui classibus vestris in Asia praefuerunt. numquam vestrae naves pugnavere sine nobis;

[¶73] 22.12. Never did your ships enter battle without ours. We fought independently first at Samos, and again off Pamphylia against the command of Hannibal;

> Latin: 22.12. nostra classe pugnavimus semel ad Samum, iterum in Pamphylia adversus Hannibalem inperatorem;

[¶74] 22.13. this victory gives us the more pride because, undismayed by the terrible catastrophe by which we had lost in the defeat at Samos a large part of our fleet and a splendid group of young men, we dared to go out again to meet the king's fleet as it approached from Syria.

> Latin: 22.13. quae victoria nobis eo gloriosior est, quod, cum ad Samum magnam partem navium adversa pugna et egregiam iuventutem amisissemus, ne tanta quidem clade territi iterum ausi sumus regiae classi ex Syria venienti obviam ire.

[¶75] 22.14. These matters I have mentioned not for the sake of boasting, for indeed our present fortune does not permit that, but to make it clear how the Rhodians are accustomed to aid their allies.

> Latin: 22.14. haec non gloriandi causa rettuli — neque enim ea nunc nostra est fortuna —, sed ut admonerem, quem ad modum adiuvare socios solerent Rhodii.

[¶76] 23.1. "The rewards which we received from you after the conquest of Philip and of Antiochus were most abundant. If the good fortune which is now yours by the grace of the gods and because of your valour had fallen to Perseus, and we had come to Macedonia to seek a reward from the victorious king, what pray would we say?

> Latin: 23.1. praemia et Philippo et Antiocho devictis amplissima accepimus a vobis. si, quae vestra nunc est fortuna deum benignitate et virtute vestra, ea Persei fuisset et praemia petitum ad victorem regem venissemus in Macedoniam, quid tandem diceremus?

[¶77] 23.2. That we had aided him with money or with grain, with forces on land or on sea? What fortress had we held? Where had we fought either under his commanders or by ourselves?

> Latin: 23.2. pecuniane a nobis adiutum an frumento? auxiliis terrestribus an navalibus? quod praesidium tenuisse nos? ubi pugnasse aut sub illius ducibus aut per nos ipsos?

[¶78] 23.3. If he asked where there had been a soldier of ours, or where a ship, within his lines, what in the world would be our answer?

> Latin: 23.3. si quaereret, ubi miles noster, ubi navis intra praesidia sua fuisset, quid responderemus? causam fortasse diceremus apud victorem, quem ad modum apud vos dicimus.

[¶79] 23.4. Perhaps we should be defending ourselves before the conqueror, as now we are before you. For the result we obtained by sending envoys to both parties concerning peace was that we won no favour from either side, but incurred even accusation and danger from one of them.

> Latin: 23.4. hoc enim legatos utroque de pace mittendo consecuti sumus, ut ab neutra parte gratiam iniremus, ab altera etiam crimen et periculum esset.

[¶80] 23.5. Yet Perseus might truly reproach us, as you cannot, gentlemen of the senate, because we sent to you at the beginning of the war envoys to promise you whatever was needed for the war; we would be ready, we said, as in the former wars, with ships, arms, and young men for every demand.

> Latin: 23.5. quamquam Perseus vere obiceret, id quod vos non potestis, patres conscripti, nos principio belli misisse ad vos legatos, qui pollicerentur vobis, quae ad bellum opus essent; navalibus copiis, armis, iuventute nostra, sicut prioribus bellis, ad omnia paratos fore.

[¶81] 23.6. The obstacle to our furnishing these things was of your making, since you for whatever reason spurned our aid at that time. Neither therefore have we in any way acted as enemies, nor have we failed in the duty of good allies, but we were prevented from performing that duty by you. 'What then?

> Latin: 23.6. ne praestaremus, per vos stetit, qui de quacumque causa tum aspernati nostra auxilia estis. neque fecimus igitur quicquam tamquam hostes, neque bonorum sociorum defuimus officio, sed a vobis prohibiti praestare non potuimus.

[¶82] 23.7. Has nothing been said or done in your city, Rhodians, which you would wish undone, at which the Roman People might justly take offence? ' From this point I do not propose to defend what has happened —I am not so mad —but I propose to separate the defence of the state from the guilt of private citizens.

> Latin: 23.7. ‘quid igitur? nihilne factum neque dictum est in civitate vestra, Rhodii, quod nolletis, quo merito offenderetur populus Romanus?’ hic iam non, quod factum est, defensurus sum — non adeo insanio —, sed publicam causam a privatorum culpa segregaturus.

[¶83] 23.8. There is no state which will not have not only wicked citizens at certain times but an inexperienced commonalty always.:

> Latin: 23.8. nulla est civitas, quae non et improbos cives aliquando et imperitam multitudinem semper habeat.

[¶84] 23.9. Even in your city I hear that there have been those who pursued ill-gotten gain by toadying to the mob, and that at certain times the commons seceded from you and you lost control of the commonwealth.

> Latin: 23.9. etiam apud vos fuisse audivi, qui adsentando multitudini grassarentur, et secessisse aliquando a vobis plebem nec in potestate vestra rem publicam fuisse.

[¶85] 23.10. If this could happen in a state-with -so well disciplined a character, can any one marvel that there were some among us who in grasping after the king's friendship led our commons astray with their counsel? However, these people wrought no harm beyond slackness in our loyalty as friends.

> Latin: 23.10. si hoc in hac tam bene morata civitate accidere potuit, mirari quisquam potest aliquos fuisse apud nos, qui regis amicitiam petentes plebem nostram consiliis depravarent? qui tamen nihil ultra valuerunt, quam ut in officio cessaremus.

[¶86] 23.11. I shall not pass over the most serious charge against our city in this war: we sent envoys at the same time both to you and to Perseus on the subject of peace;

> Latin: 23.11. non praeteribo id, quod gravissimum est in hoc bello crimen civitatis nostrae: legatos eodem tempore et ad vos et ad Persea de pace misimus, quod infelix consilium furiosus, ut postea audivimus, orator stultissimum fecit, quem sic locutum constat, tamquam C.

[¶87] 23.12. this unhappy plan, through a madman, as we heard later, who was spokesman, became something extremely stupid, for he spoke, it is well known, as the Roman envoy Gaius Popilius might have spoken, whom you sent to turn back from war Kings Antiochus and Ptolemy. But nevertheless this error, whether it should be called arrogance or folly, was no different before you from what it was before Perseus. The character of states is like that of individual men; some nations are hot-tempered, some bold, some diffident, some over-indulgent in wine, others in sex.

> Latin: 23.12. Popilius legatus Romanus, quem ad summovendos a bello Antiochum et Ptolemaeum reges misistis, loqueretur. sed tamen ea sive superbia, sive stultitia appellanda est, eadem, quae apud vos, et apud Persea fuit.

[¶88] 23.14. The people of Athens, report has it, is quick and bold beyond its strength in adventure, the Spartan hesitant and hardly undertaking matters of which it is sure.

> Latin: 23.14. tam civitatium quam singulorum hominum mores sunt; gentes quoque aliae iracundae, aliae audaces, quaedam timidae, in vinum, in Venerem proniores aliae sunt.

[¶89] 23.15. I would not deny that all the region of Asia breeds somewhat flighty temperaments, and that our rhetoric is rather inflated because we might seem to be outstanding among the states in our area-a position due precisely not to our own powers but to your favours and your choice of us.

> Latin: 23.15. Atheniensium populum fama est celerem et supra vires audacem esse ad conandum, Lacedaemoniorum cunctatorem et vix in ea, quibus fidit, ingredientem.

[¶90] 23.16. Enough punishment was meted out to that embassy on the spot and to their faces, when they were sent away with so grim an answer from you.

> Latin: 23.16. non negaverim et totam Asiae regionem inaniora parere ingenia et nostrorum tumidiorem sermonem esse, quod excellere inter finitimas civitates videamur, et id ipsum non tam viribus nostris quam vestris honoribus ac iudiciis.

[¶91] 23.17. But if at that time they paid too small a penalty of disgrace, certainly the present embassy, so pitiable and so humble, would be atonement great enough for an even more arrogant embassy than that other one was. Arrogance, especially of speech, is hated by the hot-tempered, but laughed at by the wise, especially if directed by an inferior against his superior; no one has ever thought it worthy of the death-penalty.

> Latin: 23.17. satis quidem et tunc in praesentia castigata illa legatio erat, cum tam tristi responso vestro dimissa. si tum parum ignominiae pensum est, haec certe tam miserabilis ac supplex legatio etiam insolentioris, quam illa fuit, legationis satis magnum piaculum esset.

[¶92] 23.18. There was danger, to be sure, that the Rhodians should despise the Romans! Even the gods are assailed by some with overbold language, but we have never heard that any one has on that account been struck by a thunderbolt.

> Latin: 23.18. superbiam, verborum praesertim, iracundi oderunt, prudentes inrident, utique si inferioris adversus superiorem est; capitali poena nemo umquam dignam iudicavit. id enim vero periculum erat, ne Romanos Rhodii contemnerent. etiam deos aliqui verbis ferocioribus increpant, nec ob id quemquam fulmine ictum audimus.

[¶93] 24.1. “What then remains, of which we must clear ourselves, if there was never a hostile action on our part, and if the overweening words of an envoy should produce a disgust of the ear, not the ruin of a city?”

> Latin: 24.1. quid igitur superat, quod purgemus, si nec factum hostile ullum nostrum est, et verba tumidiora legati offensionem aurium, non perniciem civitatis meruerunt?

[¶94] 24.2. “I hear that in conversations among yourselves an appraisal of damages, so as to speak, is being made for our unexpressed desire;”

> Latin: 24.2. voluntatis nostrae tacitae velut litem aestimari vestris inter vos sermonibus audio, patres conscripti: favisse nos regi et illum vincere maluisse, ideo bello persequendos esse credunt alii vestrum;

[¶95] 24.3. “some believe, gentlemen of the senate, that we favoured the king and preferred that he should win, and that therefore we should be punished by armed force; others of you feel that we did, to be sure, have this desire, but that we should not on that account be punished by armed force, for, they say, there is no provision in the law, written or unwritten, of any state that he who desires the death of his enemy, but does nothing to bring it about, shall incur capital punishment.”

> Latin: 24.3. alii voluisse quidem nos hoc, non tamen ob id bello persequendos esse: neque moribus neque legibus ullius civitatis ita conparatum esse, ut, si qui velit inimicum perire, si nihil fecerit, quo id fiat, capitis damnetur.

[¶96] 24.4. “To these men who free us of the penalty, but not of the guilt, we are indeed grateful; but these are the terms which we ourselves set for ourselves:”

> Latin: 24.4. his, qui nos poena, non crimine liberant, gratiam quidem habemus; ipsi nobis hanc dicimus legem: si omnes voluimus, quod arguimur, non distinguimus voluntatem a facto;

[¶97] 24.5. “if we all have willed that of which we are accused —we do not separate the will from the deed —let us all suffer the penalty; but if some of our leaders favoured you, and others the king, I do not ask that because of us who sided with you the partizans of the king should be untouched; I merely beg that we may not perish because of them.”

> Latin: 24.5. omnes plectamur; si alii principum nostrorum vobis, alii regi faverunt, non postulo, ut propter nos, qui partium vestrarum fuimus, regis fautores salvi sint: illud deprecor, ne nos propter illos pereamus.

[¶98] 24.6. “You are no more hostile to them than is our state itself, and because they knew this, many of them have either fled or committed suicide; others who have been found guilty by us will be placed in your hands, gentlemen of the senate.”

> Latin: 24.6. non estis vos illis infestiores, quam civitas est ipsa; et hoc quia sciebant, plerique eorum aut profugerunt aut mortem sibi consciverunt, alii damnati a nobis in potestate vestra erunt, patres conscripti.

[¶99] 24.7. “The rest of us at Rhodes have no more deserved punishment during this war than we have deserved gratitude, either. Let the store of our previous helpful acts make good the present omission of service.”

> Latin: 24.7. ceteri Rhodii sicut gratiam nullam meriti hoc bello, ita ne poenam quidem sumus. priorum nostrorum bene factorum cumulus hoc, quod nunc cessatum in officio est, expleat.

[¶100] 24.8. “You have waged wars against three kings during these years; let not our slackness in one war be, to our hurt, of more importance than the fact that we fought on your side in two wars.”

> Latin: 24.8. cum tribus regibus gessistis bella per hos annos; ne plus obsit nobis, quod uno bello cessavimus, quam quod duobus bellis pro vobis pugnavimus.

[¶101] 24.9. “Take account of Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus as if of the vote of three judges; two acquit us, the third is undecided; suppose that it is for our condemnation; even so, if the Kings were judging us, we should indeed lose our case, but your judgment, gentlemen of the senate, determines whether Rhodes shall exist on earth or shall be destroyed root and branch.”

> Latin: 24.9. Philippum, Antiochum, Persea tamquam tris sententias ponite; duae nos absolvunt, una dubia est; ut gravior sit, illi de nobis si iudicarent, damnati essemus: vos iudicatis, patres conscripti, sit Rhodus in terris an funditus deleatur.

[¶102] 24.10. “For you are not deliberating about war, gentlemen of the senate; you can declare it, but you cannot wage it, for not a man of Rhodes will bear arms against you.”

> Latin: 24.10. non enim de bello deliberatis, patres conscripti, quod inferre potestis, gerere non potestis, cum nemo Rhodiorum arma adversus vos laturus sit. si perseverabitis in ira, tempus a vobis petemus, quo hanc funestam legationem domum referamus.

[¶103] 24.11. “If you will not abate your wrath, we shall ask of you time in which to report home on this fatal mission; every free person, every man and every woman of us in Rhodes will embark on ships with all our money and, abandoning our homes and our altars, will come to Rome;” “we will heap up in the assembly-ground and in the entry of your senate-house all our gold and our silver, whether owned by the state or its citizens, and will put our persons and those of our wives and children in your power, that we may suffer here whatever we must suffer; far from our sight be the plundering and burning of our city.”

> Latin: 24.11. omnia libera capita, quidquid Rhodiorum virorum feminarum est, cum omni pecunia nostra naves conscendemus ac relictis penatibus publicis privatisque Romam veniemus et omni auro et argento, quidquid publici, quidquid privati est, in comitio, in vestibulo curiae vestrae cumulato, corpora nostra coniugumque ac liberorum vestrae potestati permittemus hic passuri, quodcumque patiendum erit;

[¶104] 24.13. “The Romans may judge that the Rhodians are enemies, but they cannot make them so.”

> Latin: 24.13. procul ab oculis nostris urbs nostra diripiatur, incendatur.

[¶105] 24.14. “For we have also in us the power of passing judgmenton ourselves, and we shall never adjudge ourselves your enemies, nor commit any act of hostility, though we suffer the utmost disaster.”

> Latin: 24.14. hostis Rhodios esse Romani iudicare possunt …; est enim et nostrum aliquod de nobis iudicium, quo numquam iudicabimus nos vestros hostis, nec quicquam hostile, etiam si omnia patiemur, faciemus.’

[¶106] 25.1. Following a speech to this effect all the envoys again cast themselves down in the posture of suppliants, waving their olive-branches; after some time they were made to rise and left the senate-house.

> Latin: 25.1. secundum talem orationem universi rursus prociderunt ramosque oleae supplices iactantes tandem excitati curia excesserunt.

[¶107] 25.2. Then the roll-call of opinions began. The chief enemies of the Rhodians were those who had been conducting the war in Macedonia as consuls, praetors, or staff-officers.

> Latin: 25.2. tunc sententiae interrogari coeptae. infestissimi Rhodiis erant, qui consules praetoresve aut legati gesserant in Macedonia bellum. plurimum causam eorum adiuvit M. Porcius Cato, qui, asper ingenio, tum lenem mitemque senatorem egit.