---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 17 of 18
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, section 17. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 17. Book XLV · chapters 25–35

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/17/#p-N

[¶0] 25.3. Great aid to the cause of Rhodes was given by Marcus Porcius Cato, who, though of a harsh temperament, on this occasion played the part of a tolerant and mild senator.

> Latin: 25.3. non inseram simulacrum viri copiosi, quae dixerit, referendo; ipsius oratio scripta exstat Originum quinto libro inclusa.

[¶1] 25.4. I shall not include here a pale wraith of this eloquent man by reporting what he said; his own speech is preserved in written form, as part of the fifth book of his “Beginnings.”

> Latin: 25.4. Rhodiis responsum ita redditum est, ut nec hostes fierent nec socii permanerent.

[¶2] 25.5. The reply to the Rhodians was couched in such form that they were neither declared enemies nor continued to be allies. Philocrates and Astymedes were the leaders of this embassy.

> Latin: 25.5. Philocrates et Astymedes principes legationis erant. partim cum Philocrate renuntiare Rhodum legationem placuit, partim cum Astymede Romae subsistere, qui, quae agerentur, scirent certioresque suos facerent.

[¶3] 25.6. It was decided that some of them with Philocrates should report to Rhodes about the embassy, while some remained at Rome with Astymedes to keep track of what was being done and inform their people. For the time being orders were given that they should withdraw their governors from Lycia and Caria by a certain date.

> Latin: 25.6. in praesentia deducere ante certam diem ex Lycia Cariaque iusserunt praefectos. haec Rhodum nuntiata, quae per se tristia fuissent, quia maioris mali levatus erat timor, cum bellum timuissent, in gaudium verterunt.

[¶4] 25.7. These actions were reported at Rhodes; of themselves they would have been grievous, but were turned into a cause for rejoicing, because the Rhodians were relieved of fear of a greater evil, since they had feared war. So they immediately voted a crown of twenty thousand gold pieces. They sent Theodotus, the admiral of their fleet, on this embassy. They wanted to ask the Romans for an alliance in such fashion that no decree of the people concerning it should be passed or committed to dispatches, because if they did not obtain their request, the disgrace of an open repulse would be greater.

> Latin: 25.7. itaque extemplo coronam viginti milium aureorum decreverunt; Theaetetum, praefectum classis, in eam legationem miserunt. societatem ab Romanis ita volebant peti, ut nullum de ea re scitum populi fieret aut litteris mandaretur, quod, nisi impetrarent, maior a repulsa ignominia esset.

[¶5] 25.8. The admiral of the fleet alone had the right to negotiate for such a purpose without the passing of any enabling resolution.

> Latin: 25.8. praefecti classis id unius erat ius, ut agere de ea re sine rogatione ulla perlata posset.

[¶6] 25.9. For the Rhodians had for all these years maintained their friendship in such a way as not to bind themselves to the Romans by any treaty of alliance, precisely for the purpose of not cutting off hope on the part of the kings that they would come to their aid, if need arose, as well as their own hope of reaping a harvest from the good will and good fortune of the kings.

> Latin: 25.9. nam ita per tot annos in amicitia fuerant, ut sociali foedere se cum Romanis non inligarent, ob nullam aliam causam, quam ne spem regibus absciderent auxilii sui, si quid opus esset, neu sibi ipsis fructus ex benignitate et fortuna eorum percipiendi.

[¶7] 25.10. At this time they felt that they should by all means seek an alliance, not to protect themselves against other peoples, for they feared no one but the Romans, but to alleviate the Romans' suspicion of themselves.

> Latin: 25.10. tunc utique petenda societas videbatur, non quae tutiores eos ab aliis faceret — nec enim timebant quemquam praeter Romanos —, sed quae ipsis Romanis minus suspectos.

[¶8] 25.11. At about the same time the Caunians revolted from them, and Mylassa seized the towns of the Euromenses.

> Latin: 25.11. sub idem fere tempus et Caunii descivere ab iis, et Mylasenses Euromensium oppida occuparunt.

[¶9] 25.12. The spirit of Rhodes was not so broken that they did not perceive that if Lycia and Caria were taken away by the Romans, and the rest of their possessions either freed themselves by revolt or were seized by the neighbours, they would be hemmed in by the shores of a small island of infertile soil, which could by no means support the population of so large a city. Troops were therefore promptly sent and the Caunians compelled to accept their rule, even though forces of Cibyra were called in by the Caunians.

> Latin: 25.12. non ita fracti animi civitatis erant, ut non sentirent, si Lycia et Caria ademptae ab Romanis forent, cetera aut se ipsa per defectionem liberarent aut a finitumis occuparentur, includi se insulae parvae et sterilis agri litoribus, quae nequaquam alere tantae urbis populum posset.

[¶10] 25.13. Mylassa too and Alabanda, which had also come to join Mylassa in taking away the province of Euromus, were defeated in battle near Orthosia. While these events were occuring in Asia, and the previously-mentioned events in Macedonia and at Rome, in Illyricum meanwhile, after taking King Gentius into custody, as previously related, Lucius Anicius put Gabinius in charge of the garrison placed in Scodra, the capital, and Gaius. Licinius in charge of the strategic cities of Rhizon and Olcinium. After putting these men in charge of Illyricum, Anicius marched into Epirus with the rest of his army. In that region, Phanote the first city surrendered to him, all its population coming out with fillets to meet him. He placed a garrison here and passed on to Molossis, and on recovery of all of its cities except Passaron, Tecmon, Phylace, and Horreum, he led his force first against Passaron. Antinoüs and Theodotus were the leading-men of this city, distinguished both by their attachment to Perseus and their hatred of the Romans, and likewise responsible for the defection of the whole people from the Romans. Because of their feeling of personal guilt, since there was no hope of pardon for them, these men shut the gates, in order to be buried in the general downfall of their city, and urged the people to prefer death to slavery. No one dared open his mouth against such all-powerful men. At last a certain Theodotus, a youth of equal rank, spoke out, his dread of the Romans outweighing his timidity before the chief men of his city. “What is this madness,” said he, “which is goading you, that you make the state an accessory to the crime of two men?” “Certainly I have often heard tales of those who met death for the fatherland; but these are the first ever known to believe that the fatherland ought to die for them. Why do we not open our gates and accept the overlordship which the world has accepted?” When the crowd concurred with these remarks, Antinoüs and Theodotus charged into the first outpost of the enemy and, exposing themselves to wounds, were there killed; the city was surrendered to the Romans. By similar obstinacy on the part of Cephalus, the leading citizen, Tecmon was closed, but when he was killed, it was recovered by surrender.

> Latin: 25.13. missa igitur iuventute propere et Caunios, quamquam Cibyratarum asciverant auxilia, coegerunt imperio parere, et Mylasensis Alabandensisque, qui Euromensium provinciam ademptum et ipsi coniuncto exercitu venerant, circa Orthosiam acie vicerunt. dum haec ibi, alia in Macedonia, alia Romae geruntur, interim in Illyrico L. Anicius rege Gentio, sicut ante dictum est, in potestatem redacto Scodrae, quae regia fuerat, praesidio inposito Gabinium praefecit, Rhizoni et Olcinio, urbibus opportunis, C. Licinium. praepositis his Illyrico, reliquo exercitu in Epirum est profectus. ubi prima Phanota ei dedita est omni multitudine cum infulis obviam effusa. hinc praesidio inposito in Molossidem transgressus, cuius omnibus oppidis praeter Passaronem et Tecmonem et Phylacen et Horreum receptis primum ad Passaronem ducit. Antinous et Theodotus principes eius civitatis erant, insignes et favore Persei et odio adversus Romanos, iidem universae genti auctores desciscendi ab Romanis. hi conscientia privatae noxae, quia ipsis nulla spes veniae erat, ut communi ruina patriae opprimerentur, clauserunt portas multitudinem, ut mortem servituti praeponerent, hortantes. nemo adversus praepotentis viros hiscere audebat; tandem Theodotus quidam, nobilis et ipse adulescens, cum maior a Romanis metus timorem a principibus suis vicisset, ‘quae vos rabies’ inquit ‘agitat, qui duorum hominum noxae civitatem accessionem facitis? equidem pro patria qui letum oppetissent, saepe fando audivi; qui patriam pro se perire aecum censerent, hi primi inventi sunt. quin aperimus portas et imperium accipimus, quod orbis terrarum accepit? ’ haec dicentem cum multitudo sequeretur, Antinous et Theodotus in primam stationem hostium inruperunt atque ibi offerentes se ipsi volneribus interfecti; urbs dedita est Romanis. simili pertinacia Cephalonis principis clausum Tecmonem ipso interfecto per deditionem recepit. nec Phylace nec Horreum oppugnationem tulerunt. pacata Epiro divisisque in hiberna copiis per opportunas urbes, regressus ipse in Illyricum Scodrae, quo quinque legati ab Roma venerant, evocatis ex tota provincia principibus conventum habuit. ibi pro tribunali pronuntiavit de sententia consilii senatum populumque Romanum Illyrios esse liberos iubere: praesidia ex omnibus oppidis, arcibus et castellis sese deducturum. non solum liberos, sed etiam inmunes fore Issenses et Taulantios, Dassaretiorum Pirustas, Rhizonitas, Olciniatas, quod incolumi Gentio ad Romanos defecissent. Daorseis quoque immunitatem dare, quod relicto Caravantio cum armis ad Romanos transissent. Scodrensibus et Dassarensibus et Selepitanis ceterisque Illyriis vectigal dimidium inpositum eius, quod regi pependissent. inde in tres partes Illyricum divisit. unam eam fecit, quae supra dicta est, alteram Labeatas omnis, tertiam Agravonitas et Rhizonitas et Olciniatas accolasque eorum. hac formula dicta in Illyrico, ipse inde Epiri Passaronem in hiberna rediit. dum haec in Illyrico geruntur, Paulus ante adventum decem legatorum Q. Maximum filium, iam ab Roma regressum, ad Aeginium et Agassas diripiendas mittit, Agassas, quod, cum Marcio consuli tradidissent urbem petita ultro societate Romana, defecerant rursus ad Persea; Aeginiensium novum crimen erat: famae de victoria Romanorum fidem non habentes in quosdam militum urbem ingressos hostiliter saevierant. ad Aeniorum quoque urbem diripiendam L. Postumium misit, quod pertinacius quam finitumae civitates in armis fuerant.

[¶11] 27.5. Neither Phylace nor Horreum stood up against attack. When order had been established in Epirus, and the troops distributed in winter quarters among suitable cities, Anicius returned to Illyricum, summoned the chief men from all his theatre of operations, and held a conference at Scodra, where the five commissioners from Rome had arrived. There he announced as officer in charge, on the advice of his council, that the Roman senate and people gave the Illyrians their freedom; he would remove his garrisons from all towns, citadels, and forts. Not only freedom, but tax-exemption as well would be granted, he said, to the people of Issa and Taulantia, and to the Pirustae among the Dassaretii as well as to Rhizon and Olcinium, because they had gone over to the Romans while Gentius was still undefeated. The Daorsi would also be granted tax-exemption, because they had abandoned Caravantius and gone over with their arms to the Romans. On the people of Scodra, the Dassarenses, the Selepitani, and the rest of the Illyrians a tax was laid of half what they had paid to the king. Next, Anicius divided Illyricum into three parts. He made the first of these the region above Pista, the second all the Labeatae, and the third the Agravonitae, Rhizon and Olcinium and their neighbours. After announcing this charter for Illyricum, Anicius returned from there into Epirus to his winter-quarters at Passaron. XXVII. While these events were occurring in Illyricum, Paulus sent his son Quintus Maximus, who had by this time returned from Rome, to sack Aeginium and Agassae before the arrival of the ten commissioners. In the case of Agassae, the reason was that, although they had surrendered their city to the consul Marcius with a voluntary request for alliance with Rome, they had again gone over to Perseus. The fault of Aeginium was recent; because they did not believe the rumour about the Roman victory, they had cruelly treated as enemies certain soldiers who had entered their city. Paulus also sent Lucius Postumius to sack the city of Aenia, because they had maintained resistance more stubbornly than the neighbouring cities. It was about the season of autumn; Paulus decided to employ the beginning of this season travelling about Greece and seeing the sights which are made so famous by repute that they are greater by hearsay than by visual acquaintance. Putting Gaius Sulpicius Gallus in charge of the camp, he set out with no large escort, his son Scipio and Athenaeus, the brother of King Eumenes, serving as his personal aides. He went through Thessaly to Delphi, the famous oracular shrine. There he offered sacrifice to Apollo, and when he saw the columns which had been begun at the entrance, on which they were going to place statues of King Perseus, he reserved them for his own statues as conqueror. At Lebadia also he visited the shrine of Jupiter Trophonius; there he viewed the mouth of the cave through which those who use the oracle go down to make their inquiries of the gods, and offered sacrifice to Jupiter and Hercynna, whose temple is there. Paulus then went down to Chalcis to see the spectacle of the Euripus and of that great island Euboea which is joined by a bridge to the mainland. From Chalcis he crossed to Aulis, three miles away, with its harbour famous as the anchorage once upon a time for the thousand ships of Agamemnon's fleet, and its temple of Diana, where the renowned king of kings sought passage to Troy for his ships by bringing his daughter as a victim to the altar. Thence Paulus went to Oropus in Attica, where an ancient prophet is worshipped as a god, and there is an old temple made charming by springs and streams around it. Thence he went to Athens, which is also replete with ancient glory, but nevertheless has many notable sights, the Acropolis, the harbours, the walls joining Piraeus to the city, the shipyards, the monuments of great generals, and the statues of gods and men —statues notable for every sort of material and artistry.

> Latin: 27.5. auctumni fere tempus erat, cuius temporis initio ad circumeundam Graeciam visendaque, quae nobilitata fama maiora, auribus accepta, sunt, quam oculis noscuntur, uti statuit. praeposito castris C. Sulpicio Gallo profectus cum haud magno comitatu, tegentibus latera Scipione filio et Athenaeo, Eumenis regis fratre, per Thessaliam Delphos petiit, inclitum oraculum; ubi sacrificio Apollini facto inchoatas in vestibulo columnas, quibus imposituri statuas regis Persei fuerant, suis statuis victor destinavit. Lebadiae quoque templum Iovis Trophonii adiit, ibi cum vidisset os specus, per quod oraculo utentes sciscitatum deos descendunt, sacrificio Iovi Hercynnaeque facto, quorum ibi templum est, Chalcidem ad spectaculum Euripi Euboeaeque, tantae insulae, ponte continenti iunctae descendit. a Chalcide Aulidem traicit trium milium spatio distantem, portum inclitum statione quondam mille navium Agamemnoniae classis, Dianaeque templum, ubi navibus cursum ad Troiam filia victima aris admota rex ille regum petiit. inde Oropum Atticae ventum est, ubi pro deo vates anticus colitur, templumque vetustum est fontibus rivisque circa amoenum; Athenas inde, plenas quidem et ipsas vetustate famae, multa tamen visenda habentis, arcem, portus, muros Piraeeum urbi iungentis, navalia, monumenta magnorum imperatorum, simulacra deorum hominumque, omni genere et materiae et artium insignia.

[¶12] 28.1. After offering sacrifice to Minerva, the Guardian of the Citadel, in Athens, Paulus set out for Corinth and reached it on the second day.

> Latin: 28.1. sacrificio Minervae, praesidi arcis, in urbe facto profectus Corinthum altero die pervenit.

[¶13] 28.2. The city was then world-famous before its destruction; its citadel and the Isthmus were also sights to see; the citadel rising to a huge height, enclosed by the city wall and flowing with springs, while the Isthmus separated by its narrow passage two neighbouring seas lying toward the sunrise and sunset.

> Latin: 28.2. urbs erat tunc praeclara ante excidium; arx quoque et Isthmus praebuere spectaculum: arx intra moenia in immanem altitudinem edita, scatens fontibus, Isthmus duo maria ab occasu et ortu solis finitima artis faucibus dirimens.

[¶14] 28.3. Thence Paulus went to Sicyon and Argos, both famous cities; from there he visited Epidaurus, by no means as wealthy a town, but noted for the famous temple of Aesculapius which, at a distance of five miles from the city, is now rich in the traces of gifts of which it has been robbed, but then was rich in the gifts themselves which the sick had consecrated to the god as payment for health-giving remedies.

> Latin: 28.3. Sicyonem inde et Argos, nobiles urbes, adiit; inde haud parem opibus Epidaurum, sed inclitam Aesculapi nobili templo, quod quinque milibus passuum ab urbe distans nunc vestigiis revolsorum donorum, tum donis dives erat, quae remediorum salutarium aegri mercedem sacraverant deo.

[¶15] 28.4. Next he visited Lacedaemon, notable not for the splendour of its buildings, but for its discipline and institutions; from there he went up to Olympia via Megalopolis.

> Latin: 28.4. inde Lacedaemonem adit, non operum magnificentia, sed disciplina institutisque memorabilem, under per Megalopolim Olympiam escendit.

[¶16] 28.5. At Olympia he saw many sights which he considered worth seeing; but he was stirred to the quick as he gazed on what seemed Jupiter's very self.

> Latin: 28.5. ubi et alia quidem spectanda ei visa, et Iovem velut praesentem intuens motus animo est. itaque haud secus, quam si in Capitolio immolaturus esset, sacrificium amplius solito apparari iussit.

[¶17] 28.6. Therefore he ordered a sacrifice prepared larger than usual, just as if he had been going to sacrifice on the Capitol. In this way he travelled through Greece, raising no question as to how either any individual or any state had felt about the war with Perseus, so as not to trouble the minds of the allies by any fear.

> Latin: 28.6. ita peragrata Graecia, ut nihil eorum, quae quisque Persei bello privatim aut publice sensisset, inquireret, ne cuius metu sollicitaret animos sociorum, Demetriadem cum reverteretur, in itinere sordidata turba Aetolorum occurrit;

[¶18] 28.7. When he was returning to Demetrias, he met a crowd of Aetolians in mourning; on his asking in surprise what was the matter, it was reported to him that five hundred and fifty leading men had been killed by Lyciscus and Tisippus, while the senate was surrounded by Roman soldiers sent by Aulus Baebius, the commander of the garrison; others had been driven into exile, and the property of those killed and of the exiles had been seized.

> Latin: 28.7. mirantique et percunctanti, quid esset, defertur quingentos quinquaginta principes ab Lycisco et Tisippo, circumsesso senatu per milites Romanos, missos ab A. Baebio, praefecto praesidii, interfectos, alios in exilium actos esse, bonaque eorum, qui interfecti essent, et exulum possideri. iussis, qui arguebantur, Amphipoli adesse ipse convento Cn.

[¶19] 28.8. Ordering the accused men to meet him at Amphipolis, he joined Gnaeus Octavius in Demetrias. When a report arrived that the ten commissioners had by now crossed the sea, he gave up everything else and went to them at Apollonia.

> Latin: 28.8. Octavio Demetriade, postquam fama accidit traiecisse iam mare decem legatos, omnibus aliis omissis Apolloniam ad eos pergit.

[¶20] 28.9. There Perseus came to meet him from Amphipolis —a. day's journey —free of any guard. Paulus greeted him in kindly fashion but after he arrived in camp at Amphipolis, he is said to have rebuked Gaius Sulpicius severely, first because he had allowed Perseus to roam so far from him through the province, and secondly because he had allowed the soldiers the great liberty of stripping the city walls of tiles, in order to roof over their winter-quarters; Paulus ordered the tiles taken back and the uncovered areas repaired to their previous condition.

> Latin: 28.9. quo cum Perseus obviam Amphipoli nimis soluta custodia processisset — id diei iter est —, ipsum quidem benigne allocutus est; ceterum postquam in castra ad Amphipolim venit, graviter increpuisse traditur C. Sulpicium, primum quod Persea tam procul a se vagari per provinciam passus esset, deinde quod adeo indulsisset militibus, ut nudare tegulis muros urbis ad tegenda hibernacula sua pateretur; referrique tegulas et refici detecta, sicut fuerant, iussit.

[¶21] 28.11. Perseus and his elder son Philip he turned over to Aulus Postumius and put under guard; Perseus' daughter and his younger son he summoned to Amphipolis from Samothrace and maintained completely in the state of free persons.

> Latin: 28.11. et Persea quidem cum maiore filio Philippo, traditos A. Postumio, in custodiam misit; filiam cum minore filio, a Samothrace accitos Amphipolim, omni liberali cultu habuit.

[¶22] 29.1. When the day arrived on which he had ordered ten leading men from each city to be at Amphipolis, and all official despatches which had been filed anywhere and the royal money to be brought in, Paulus with the ten commissioners took his official seat surrounded by the whole crowd of Macedonians.

> Latin: 29.1. ipse, ubi dies venit, quo adesse Amphipoli denos principes civitatium iusserat litterasque omnis, quae ubique depositae essent, et pecuniam regiam conferri, cum decem legatis circumfusa omni multitudine Macedonum in tribunali consedit.

[¶23] 29.2. Although the latter were used to a royal court, yet the ceremonial of a new master was frightening as it met their eyes —the consul's bench, his entrance after the way had been cleared, the herald, and the orderly, all things novel to their eyes and ears, which might have inspired terror in allies, to say nothing of conquered enemies.

> Latin: 29.2. adsuetis regio imperio tamen novum formam terribilem praebuit, tribunal, summoto aditus, praeco, accensus, insueta omnia oculis auribusque, quae vel socios, nedum hostes victos terrere possent.

[¶24] 29.3. After the herald had commanded silence Paulus announced in Latin the decisions of the senate, as well as his own, made by the advice of his council.

> Latin: 29.3. silentio per praeconem facto Paulus Latine, quae senatui, quae sibi ex consilii sententia visa essent, pronuntiavit. ea Cn. Octavius praetor — nam et ipse aderat — interpretata sermone Graeco referebat:

[¶25] 29.4. This announcement was translated into Greek and repeated by Gnaeus Octavius the praetor —for he too was present. The terms were: first of all the Macedonians were given their freedom; they were to keep their own cities and lands, to use their own laws, and to elect annual magistrates; they were to pay to the Roman People half the tax which they had paid to their kings.

> Latin: 29.4. omnium primum liberos esse iubere Macedonas, habentis urbes easdem agrosque, utentes legibus suis, annuos creantis magistratus; tributum dimidium eius, quod pependissent regibus, pendere populo Romano.

[¶26] 29.5. Next, Macedonia was to be divided into four regions; one, the first section, would comprise the land between the Strymon and Nessus Rivers;

> Latin: 29.5. deinde in quattuor regiones dividi Macedoniam. unam fore et primam partem quod agri inter Strymonem et Nessum sit amnem;

[¶27] 29.6. to this region were to be added across the Nessus to the eastward the villages, forts, and towns which Perseus had held except Aenus, Maronea, and Abdera; on this side of the Strymon, too, toward the west there was included all the country of the Bisaltae, including Heraclea, called Sintice.

> Latin: 29.6. accessurum huic parti trans Nessum, ad orientem versum, qua Perseus tenuisset vicos, castella, oppida, praeter Aenum et Maroneam et Abdera; cis Strymonem autem vergentia ad occasum, Bisalticam omnem cum Heraclea, quam Sinticen appellant.

[¶28] 29.7. The second region was to be the region bounded on the east by the Strymon River, except for Heraclea Sintice, and the Bisaltae, while the western boundary would be the Axius River; this would also include the Paeonians who were settled near the Axius River in an easterly direction.

> Latin: 29.7. secundam fore regionem, quam ab ortu Strymo amplecteretur amnis, praeter Sinticen, Heracleam et Bisaltas, ab occasuque Axius terminaret fluvius, additis Paeonibus, qui prope Axium flumen ad regionem orientis colerent.

[¶29] 29.8. The third region was established as that bounded on the east by the Axius, and on the west by the Peneüs River; to the north Mount Bora forms a barrier; to this region was added that part of Paeonia which stretches along the west bank of the Axius River; Edessa and Beroea fell in the same part. The fourth region was across Mount Bora, part marching with Illyricum, the rest with Epirus.

> Latin: 29.8. tertia pars facta, quam Axius ab oriente, Peneus amnis ab occasu cingunt; ad septentrionem Bora mons obicitur. adiecta huic parti regio Paeoniae, qua ab occasu praeter Axium amnem porrigitur;

[¶30] 29.9. The capitals of the regions, where their assemblies were to meet, were established: for the first region, Amphipolis, for the second, Thessalonica, for the third, Pella, and for the fourth, Pelagonia. In those places Paulus ordered an assembly of each region to be appointed, money to be gathered, and magistrates elected.

> Latin: 29.9. Edessa quoque et Beroea eodem concesserunt. quarta regio trans Boram montem, una parte confinis Illyrico, altera Epiro. capita regionum, ubi concilia fierent, primae regionis Amphipolim, secundae Thessalonicen, tertiae Pellam, quartae Pelagoniam fecit.

[¶31] 29.10. Paulus then announced that it had been decided that no one should be allowed the right of marriage or of trading in land or buildings outside the bounds of his own region. Furthermore, the mines of gold and silver were not to be worked, but those of iron and copper were permitted.

> Latin: 29.10. eo concilia suae cuiusque regionis indici, pecuniam conferri, ibi magistratus creari iussit. pronuntiavit deinde neque conubium neque commercium agrorum aedificiorumque inter se placere cuiquam extra fines regionis suae esse.

[¶32] 29.11. The tax on those who worked the mines was set at half what they had paid to the king. The use of imported salt was banned.

> Latin: 29.11. metalla quoque auri atque argenti non exerceri, ferri et aeris permitti. vectigal exercentibus dimidium eius inpositum, quod pependissent regi.

[¶33] 29.12. When the Dardanians asked for the return of Paeonia, on the ground that it had been theirs and adjoined their boundaries, Paulus proclaimed that freedom was being given to all those who had been subjects of Perseus.

> Latin: 29.12. et sale invecto uti vetuit. Dardanis repetentibus Paeoniam, quod et sua fuisset et continens esset finibus suis, omnibus dare libertatem pronuntiavit, qui sub regno Persei fuissent.

[¶34] 29.13. After refusing them Paeonia, he granted them the right to import salt; he ordered the third region to carry salt to Stobi in Paeonia, and he set a price on it. He forbade the Macedonians to cut ship-timbers, or to permit others to do so.

> Latin: 29.13. post non impetratam Paeoniam salis commercium dedit; tertiae regioni imperavit, ut Stobos Paeoniae deveherent, pretiumque statuit.

[¶35] 29.14. The regions which bordered on barbarians —and this was true of all except the third —were allowed to have armed guards along their frontiers.

> Latin: 29.14. navalem materiam et ipsos caedere et alios pati vetuit. regionibus, quae adfines barbaris essent — excepta autem tertia omnes erant —, permisit, ut praesidia armata in finibus extremis haberent.

[¶36] 30.1. The announcement of these arrangements on the first day of the gathering aroused mixed emotions.

> Latin: 30.1. haec pronuntiata primo die conventus varie adfecerunt animos; libertas praeter spem data adrexit et levatum annuum vectigal;

[¶37] 30.2. The unexpected grant of freedom cheered men, as well as the lightening of the annual taxation; but to those who were cut off from trading between regions, their country seemed as mangled as an animal disjointed into parts, each of which needed the other; so unaware were the Macedonians themselves of the size of Macedonia, of how it lent itself to division, and of how self-sufficient each part was.

> Latin: 30.2. regionatim commercio interruptis ita videri lacerata … tamquam animali in artus alterum alterius indigentis distracto: adeo, quanta Macedonia esset, quam divisui facilis, quam se ipsa quaeque contenta pars esset, Macedones quoque ignorabant.

[¶38] 30.3. The assets of the first region are the Bisaltae, men of great courage (they live beyond the Nessus and around the Strymon), soil suitable for many different crops, mines, and the strategic position of Amphipolis, the interposition of which bars off every approach to Macedonia from the sunrise side.

> Latin: 30.3. pars prima Bisaltas habet, fortissimos viros — trans Nessum amnem incolunt et circa Strymonem —, et multas frugum proprietates et metalla et opportunitatem Amphipolis, quae obiecta claudit omnes ab oriente sole in Macedoniam aditus.

[¶39] 30.4. The second region has those highly flourishing cities Thessalonica and Cassandrea, and in addition, Pallene, a fertile and fruitful land; facilities for seafaring are also furnished it by the harbours at Torone, Mount Athos, Aenea, and Acanthus, some of which conveniently face Thessaly and the island of Euboea, and others the Hellespont.

> Latin: 30.4. secunda pars celeberrimas urbes Thessalonicen et Cassandream habet, ad hoc Pallenen, fertilem ac frugiferam terram; maritimas quoque opportunitates ei praebent portus ad Toronen ac montem Athon Aeneamque et Acanthum, alii ad Thessaliam insulamque Euboeam, alii ad Hellespontum opportune versi.

[¶40] 30.5. The third region has the famous cities of Edessa, Beroea, and Pella, and the warlike race of the Vettii, as well as a large population of Gauls and Illyrians, who are industrious farmers.

> Latin: 30.5. tertia regio nobilis urbes Edessam et Beroeam et Pellam habet et Vettiorum bellicosam gentem, incolas quoque permultos Gallos et Illyrios, inpigros cultores.

[¶41] 30.6. The fourth region is inhabited by the Eordaei, Lyncestae, and Pelagonians; added to these are Atintania, Tymphaeis, and Elimiotis.

> Latin: 30.6. quartam regionem Eordaei et Lyncestae et Pelagones incolunt;

[¶42] 30.7. This part of the world is as a whole cold, difficult to cultivate, and harsh; it has inhabitants of temperament like their land. These are also made fiercer by their barbarian neighbours, who now give them training in warfare, now intermingle their practices during peace.

> Latin: 30.7. iuncta his Atintania et Tymphaeis et Elimiotis. frigida haec omnis duraque cultu et aspera plaga est; cultorum quoque ingenia terrae similia habet. ferociores eos et accolae barbari faciunt nunc bello exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos.

[¶43] 30.8. The partition of Macedonia therefore showed, by separating the assets of the regions, how great the country is as a whole.

> Latin: 30.8. divisa itaque Macedoniae partium usibus separatis, quanta univers … ostendit.

[¶44] 31.1. After the proclamation of the charter for Macedonia, Paulus declared that he would also lay down a law-code, and then proceeded to summon the Aetolians.

> Latin: 31.1. Macedoniae formula dicta cum leges quoque se daturum ostendisset, Aetoli deinde citati. in qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est, quam utra fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset;

[¶45] 31.2. In this investigation, the question was more which side had favoured the king and which the Romans, than which had done wrong or had been wronged; the assassins were acquitted of guilt; the exile of the expelled was confirmed quite as definitely as the death of the slain; only Aulus Baebius was condemned for furnishing Roman soldiers to help carry out the slaughter.

> Latin: 31.2. noxa liberati interfectores; exilium pulsis aeque ratum fuit ac mors interfectis; A. Baebius unus est damnatus, quod milites Romanos praebuisset ad ministerium caedis.

[¶46] 31.3. This outcome of the case of the Aetolians raised to an unbearable pitch of pride the spirits of those in all the states and peoples of Greece who sided with the Romans, and crushed helplessly under their feet any who were in some respect tainted by suspicion of having favoured the king.

> Latin: 31.3. hic eventus Aetolorum causae in omnibus Graeciae gentibus populisque eorum, qui partis Romanorum fuerant, inflavit ad intolerabilem superbiam animos et obnoxios pedibus eorum subiecit, quos aliqua parte suspicio favoris in regem contigerat.

[¶47] 31.4. There were three sorts of leaders in the states, two groups who by fawning upon the Roman power and the friendship of kings respectively gained personal wealth for themselves by tyrannizing over their cities; the middle group alone, opposing both the others, strove to guard independence and constitutionality.

> Latin: 31.4. tria genera principum in civitatibus erant, duo, quae adulando aut Romanorum imperium aut amicitiam regum sibi privatim oppressis faciebant civitatibus; media una pars utrique generi adversa libertatem et leges tuebatur.

[¶48] 31.5. Their reward was greater affection from their own people, and less favour in foreign quarters. Carried along on the tide of Roman success, the members of the pro- Roman party were then alone occupying all magistracies and serving as envoys.

> Latin: 31.5. his ut maior apud suos caritas, ita minor ad externos gratia erat. secundis rebus elati Romanorum partis eius fautores soli tum in magistratibus, soli in legationibus erant.

[¶49] 31.6. These gathered in great numbers both from the Peloponnesus and Boeotia and the other leagues of Greece, and filled the ears of the ten commissioners, saying that not only those who out of vanity openly boasted themselves guests and friends of Perseus, but many more who kept under cover, had sided with the king, and under the guise of preserving independence they had turned the whole organization of the league meetings against the Roman interest; these peoples, said their representatives, would not maintain loyalty unless the spirit of the opposition was crushed and the prestige sustained and strengthened of those who had no object in view but the power of Rome.

> Latin: 31.6. hi cum frequentes et ex Peloponneso et ex Boeotia et ex aliis Graeciae conciliis adessent, implevere aures decem legatorum: non eos tantum, qui se propalam per vanitatem iactassent tamquam hospites et amicos Persei, sed multo plures alios ex occulto favisse regi, qui per speciem tuendae libertatis in conciliis adversus Romanos omnia instruxissent, nec aliter eas mansuras in fide gentes, nisi fractis animis partium aleretur confirmareturque auctoritas eorum, qui nihil praeter imperium Romanorum spectarent.

[¶50] 31.9. Names were furnished by these men, and their opponents from Aetolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Boeotia were summoned by dispatches from the general to follow him to Rome to stand trial. Two of the board of commissioners, Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius, set out for Achaia in order to summon men by proclamation on the spot.

> Latin: 31.9. ab his editis nominibus evocati litteris imperatoris ex Aetolia Acarnaniaque et Epiro et Boeotia, qui Romam ad causam dicendam sequerentur; in Achaiam ex decem legatorum numero profecti duo, C. Claudius et Cn. Domitius, ut ipsi edicto evocarent.

[¶51] 31.10. This they did for two reasons, first because they thought the Achaeans had more confidence and more pride to make them refuse obedience and perhaps also Callicrates and the other informers and purveyors of charges might be endangered;

> Latin: 31.10. id duabus de causis factum, una, quod fiduciae plus animorumque esse Achaeis ad non parendum credebant et forsitan etiam in periculo fore Callicraten et ceteros criminum auctores delatoresque;

[¶52] 31.11. the second reason for the personal summons was that from the other leagues they had letters of the leaders that had been seized in the royal archives, but no letters from the Achaeans had been found and the charge against them was blind. When the Aetolians had been dismissed, the Acarnanian League was called up. No changes were made concerning them, except that Leucas was removed from the Acarnanian federation.

> Latin: 31.11. altera, cur praesentes evocarent, causa erat, quod ex aliis gentibus principum litteras deprensas in commentariis regiis habebant, in Achaeis caecum erat crimen nullis eorum litteris inventis.

[¶53] 31.12. In the course of more sweeping inquiries as to support of the king, either individual or by political units, the investigation was extended to Asia, and Labeo was sent to destroy Antissa on the island of Lesbos and to move its inhabitants to Methymna, because when Antenor, the king's admiral, had been roaming about Lesbos with his scout-ships, the people of Antissa had received him into their harbour and aided him with provisions. Two men of distinction were beheaded by the consul, Andronicus, son of Andronicus, an Aetolian, because following his father he had borne arms against the Roman People, and Neon of Thebes, who had induced his people to make an alliance with Perseus.

> Latin: 31.12. Aetolis dimissis Acarnanum citata gens. in his nihil novatum, nisi quod Leucas exempta est Acarnanum concilio. quaerendo deinde latius, qui publice aut privatim partium regis fuissent, in Asiam quoque cognitionem extendere et ad Antissam in Lesbo insula diruendam, traducendos Methymnam Antissaeos Labeonem miserunt, quod Antenorem, regium praefectum, quo tempore cum lembis circa Lesbum est vagatus, portu receptum commeatibus iuvissent. duo securi percussi viri insignes, Andronicus, Andronici filius, Aetolus, quod patrem secutus arma contra populum Romanum tulisset, et Neo Thebanus, quo auctore societatem cum Perseo iunxerant.

[¶54] 32.1. After the interruption due to these investigations of other peoples, the assembly of the Macedonians was again convened.

> Latin: 32.1. his rerum externarum cognitionibus interpositis Macedonum rursus advocatum concilium;

[¶55] 32.2. Concerning the constitution of Macedonia it was announced that senators, whom they call synhedri, were to be chosen, by whose advice affairs of state were to be conducted.

> Latin: 32.2. pronuntiatum, quod ad statum Macedoniae pertinebat, senatores, quos synedros vocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio res publica administraretur. nomina deinde sunt recitata principum Macedonum, quos cum liberis maioribus quam quindecim annos natis praecedere in Italiam placeret.

[¶56] 32.4. The names were read of the Macedonian leaders who, it had been decided, were to precede the consul on the way to Italy with their sons of over fifteen years of age.

> Latin: 32.4. id, prima specie saevom, mox apparuit multitudini Macedonum pro libertate sua esse factum. nominati sunt enim regis amici purpuratique, duces exercituum, praefecti navium aut praesidiorum servire regi humiliter, aliis superbe imperare adsueti;

[¶57] 32.5. This ordinance, cruel at first glance, soon was seen by the commons of Macedonia to have been enacted in the interests of their freedom.

> Latin: 32.5. praedivites alii, alii, quos fortuna non aequarent, his sumptibus pares; regius omnibus victus vestitusque, nulli civilis animus, neque legum neque libertatis aequae patiens.

[¶58] 32.6. For the names were those of the king's friends and the wearers of the purple, of commanders of armies, of officers in command of ships and garrisons-men accustomed to being humble slaves of the king, but haughty tyrants toward others.

> Latin: 32.6. omnes igitur, qui in aliquis ministeriis regiis, etiam qui in legationibus fuerant, iussi Macedonia excedere atque in Italiam ire; qui non paruisset imperio, mors denuntiata.

[¶59] 32.7. Some were exceedingly rich, others equalled in expenditure those whose fortunes they could not match; all of them used the diet and garments of the court, none had the temperament of a citizen, or would endure the rule of law and the give-and-take of free men.

> Latin: 32.7. leges Macedoniae dedit cum tanta cura, ut non hostibus victis, sed sociis bene meritis dare videretur, et quas ne usus quidem longo tempore, qui unus est legum corrector, experiendo argueret. ab seriis rebus ludicrum, quod ex multo ante praeparato et in Asiae civitates et ad reges missis, qui denuntiarent, et cum circumiret ipse Graeciae civitates indixerat principibus, magno apparatu Amphipoli fecit.

[¶60] 32.9. All, therefore, who had held some office under the king, even those who had served as ambassadors, were ordered to leave Macedonia and travel to Italy; death was the penalty announced for disobedience to this order.

> Latin: 32.9. nam et artificum omnis generis, qui ludicram artem faciebant, ex toto orbe terrarum multitudo et athletarum et nobilium equorum convenit et legationes cum victimis et quidquid aliud deorum hominumque causa fieri magnis ludis in Graecia solet.

[¶61] 32.10. Paulus laid down laws for Macedonia with such care as to seem to be giving them not to conquered enemies, but to well-deserving allies —laws which not even experience over along period, the one best amender of legislation, could prove faulty in actual use. After the serious business, Paulus celebrated with great pomp at Amphipolis a festival which had been long under preparation, and to announce which he had sent men to the cities and the kings of Asia, while he himself had given notice to the leading men during his tour of the Greek cities. For a crowd of all sorts of professionals in the art of entertainment gathered from all over the world, as well as athletes and famous horses;

> Latin: 32.10. ita factum est, ut non magnificentiam tantum, sed prudentiam in dandis spectaculis, ad quae rudes tum Romani erant, admirarentur. epulae quoque legationibus paratae et opulentia et cura eadem. vulgo dictum ipsius ferebant, et convivium instruere et ludos parare eiusdem esse, qui vincere bello sciret. edito ludicro omnis generis clupeisque aereis in naves inpositis cetera omnis generis arma cumulata in ingentem acervum, precatus Martem, Minervam Luamque matrem et ceteros deos, quibus spolia hostium dicare ius fasque est, ipse imperator face subdita succendit; deinde circumstantes tribuni militum pro se quisque ignes coniecerunt.

[¶62] 33.3. moreover there were delegations with sacrifices, and whatever more is usually done at the great games of Greece for the sake of gods or men, was so carried out as to arouse admiration not only for lavishness but for skill in giving shows, at which Romans were then tyros. Banquets for the delegations were also prepared with equal sumptuousness and pains. From mouth to mouth went the saying of Paulus himself, that the man who knew how to conquer in war could also arrange a banquet and organize games. XXXIII. After the festival had been held and the bronze shields loaded into ships, the rest of the arms of all kinds were piled up into a great heap, and the general, after prayer to Mars, Minerva, Mother Lua, and the other gods to whom it is right and lawful to dedicate the spoils of the enemy, with his own hands put the torch to the pile; then each of the military tribunes as they stood round about tossed in fire.

> Latin: 33.3. notata est in illo conventu Europae Asiaeque, undique partim ad gratulationem, partim ad spectaculum contracta multitudine, tantis navalibus terrestribusque exercitibus, ea copia rerum, ea vilitas annonae, ut et privatis et civitatibus et gentibus dona data pleraque eius generis sint ab imperatore non in usum modo praesentem, sed etiam quod domos aveherent.

[¶63] 33.5. In that great gathering of Europe and Asia, when such a crowd had assembled partly to offer congratulations and partly for the display, and in the presence of such forces naval and military, a remarkable fact was that supplies were so abundant and grain so cheap that both to individuals and to cities and peoples abundant gifts of such supplies were made by the general, not only for immediate use, but to be taken home with them. The eyes of the crowd which came were no more drawn to the stage spectacle, the contests of men, or the racing of the horses, than to the collected loot of Macedonia, set out on exhibition, statues, paintings, rare stuffs, and vessels made of gold, silver, bronze and ivory, manufactured with great pains in the palace at Pella, so as to serve not only for immediate show, as did the objects with which the palace at Alexandria was crammed, but for continuous use.

> Latin: 33.5. spectaculo fuit ei, quae venerat, turbae non scaenicum magis ludicrum, non certamina hominum aut curricula equorum, quam praeda Macedonica omnis, ut viseretur, exposita, statuarum tabularumque et textilium et vasorum ex auro et argento et aere et ebore factorum ingenti cura in ea regia, ubi non in praesentem modo speciem, qualibus referta regia Alexandreae erat, sed in perpetuum usum fierent.

[¶64] 33.7. This booty was loaded on the fleet and given to Gnaeus Octavius to transport to Rome. After a courteous farewell to the delegates, Paulus crossed the Strymon and pitched camp a mile from Amphipolis; thence he set out for Pella and arrived on the fifth day. Passing by the city to what is called the Pellaeum, he halted for two days, and sent his son Quintus Maximus and Publius Nasica with a portion of the troops to ravage Illyrians who had helped Perseus in the war, ordering the expedition to meet him at Oricum; the consul himself made for Epirus and reached Passaron on the fifteenth day.

> Latin: 33.7. haec in classem inposita devehenda Romam Cn. Octavio data. Paulus benigne legatis dimissis transgressus Strymonem mille passuum ab Amphipoli castra posuit; inde profectus Pellam quinto die pervenit. praetergressus urbem, ad Spelaeum quod vocant biduum moratus P. Nasicam et Q. Maximum filium cum parte copiarum ad depopulandos Illyrios, qui Persea iuverant bello, misit iussos ad Oricum sibi occurrere; ipse Epirum petens quintis decimis castris Passaronem pervenit.

[¶65] 34.1. Not far from here was the camp of Anicius. Paulus sent him despatches, so that there should be no disturbance over what was about to take place, saying that the senate had granted to Paulus' army the booty from those cities of Epirus which had deserted to Perseus. The consul sent centurions to the several cities, who were to say that they had come to remove the garrisons so that the people of Epirus might be free like the Macedonians; ten leading men from each city were summoned to the consul.

> Latin: 34.1. haud procul inde Anici castra aberant. ad quem litteris missis, ne quid ad ea, quae fierent, moveretur: senatum praedam Epiri civitatium, quae ad Persea defecissent, exercitui dedisse suo, missis centurionibus in singulas urbes, qui se dicerent ad praesidia deducenda venisse, ut liberi Epirotae sicut Macedones essent, denos principes ex singulis evocavit civitatibus.

[¶66] 34.2. These men were instructed to have the gold and silver collected at the civic centre.

> Latin: 34.2. quibus cum denuntiasset, ut aurum atque argentum in publicum proferretur, per omnes civitates cohortes dimisit.

[¶67] 34.3. Then cohorts were sent to all the cities, those bound for the more distant leaving before those for the nearer, so that they would arrive at all the towns on the same day.

> Latin: 34.3. ante in ulteriores quam in propiores profecti, ut uno die in omnes perveniretur.

[¶68] 34.4. The tribunes and centurions had been instructed as to their mission. Early in the day all the gold and silver was collected; at the fourth hour the soldiers were given the signal to plunder the towns.

> Latin: 34.4. edita tribunis centurionibusque erant, quae agerentur. mane omne aurum argentumque conlatum; hora quarta signum ad diripiendas urbes datum est militibus;

[¶69] 34.5. So great was the booty that a distribution was made of four hundred denarii apiece to the cavalry, and two hundred apiece to the infantry, and one-hundred and fifty thousand persons were removed.

> Latin: 34.5. tantaque praeda fuit, ut in equitem quadringeni denarii, peditibus duceni dividerentur, centum quinquaginta milia capitum humanorum abducerentur.

[¶70] 34.6. The walls of the plundered cities were destroyed; the number of communities was about seventy. All the booty was sold, and from the proceeds the amounts given above were paid to the army.

> Latin: 34.6. muri deinde direptarum urbium diruti sunt; ea fuere oppida circa septuaginta. vendita praeda omnis; inde ea summa militi numerata est.

[¶71] 34.7. Paulus went down to the sea at Oricum, having by no means met the expectations of the soldiers, as he had supposed he would; the men were complaining that they had no share in the booty from the king, as if they had fought no campaign in Macedonia.

> Latin: 34.7. Paulus ad mare Oricum descendit nequaquam, ut ratus erat, expletis militum animis, qui, tamquam nullum in Macedonia gessissent bellum, expertis regiae praedae esse indignabantur.

[¶72] 34.8. On finding at Oricum the troops he had sent with Scipio Nasica and his son Maximus, Paulus embarked his army on ships and crossed to Italy.

> Latin: 34.8. Orici cum missas cum Scipione Nasica Maximoque filio copias invenisset, exercitu in naves inposito in Italiam traiecit.

[¶73] 34.9. A few days later Anicius, after waiting for the ships which the army of Macedonia had used, crossed to Italy, first holding an assembly of the remaining Epirotes and Acarnanians, and ordering the leaders, judgment about whom he had reserved for the senate, to follow him to Italy.

> Latin: 34.9. et post paucos dies Anicius conventu reliquorum Epirotarum Acarnanumque acto iussisque in Italiam sequi principibus, quorum cognitionem causae senatui reservarat, et ipse navibus expectatis, quibus usus Macedonicus exercitus erat, in Italiam traiecit.

[¶74] 34.10. While these events were occurring in Macedonia and Epirus, the commissioners who had been sent with Attalus to put an end to the war between the Galatians and King Eumenes, arrived in Asia.

> Latin: 34.10. cum haec in Macedonia Epiroque gesta sunt, legati, qui cum Attalo ad finiendum bellum inter Gallos et regem Eumenem missi erant, in Asiam pervenerunt.

[¶75] 34.11. A truce had been declared for the winter; the Galatians on their side had returned to their homes, and the king had gone into winter-quarters at Pergamum and was ill with a serious disease. Early spring called the Galatians into the field, and they had by this time reached Synnada; Eumenes had mustered an army from all sides at Sardis.

> Latin: 34.11. indutiis per hiemem factis et Galli domos abierant et rex in hiberna concesserat Pergamum gravique morbo aeger fuerat. ver primum ex domo Gallos exciverat; iamque Synnada pervenerant, cum Eumenes ad Sardis undique exercitum contraxerat.

[¶76] 34.12. At that city the Romans learned that Solovettius the Galatian leader was at Synnada, and decided to go there to confer with him; Attalus set out with them, but it was decided that he should not enter the camp of the Galatians, lest tempers be lost during an altercation.

> Latin: 34.12. ibi Romani cum et Solovettium ducem Gallorum Synnadis … adlocuturi. et Attalus cum eis profectus; sed castra Gallorum intrare eum non placuit, ne animi ex disceptatione inritarentur.

[¶77] 34.13. Publius Licinius, an ex-consul, talked with the prince of the Galatians and reported that he had been emboldened by the appeal to him, so that it was occasion for wonder that the words of Roman envoys had had such weight with those prosperous kings Antiochus and Ptolemy that they at once made peace, whereas with the Galatians Roman words were without effect.

> Latin: 34.13. P. Licinius cum regulo Gallorum est locutus rettulitque ferociorem eum deprecando factum, ut mirum videri possit inter tam opulentos reges Antiochum Ptolemaeumque tantum legatorum Romanorum verba valuisse, ut extemplo pacem facerent, apud Gallos nullius momenti fuisse.

[¶78] 35.1. In Rome first the captive kings, Perseus and Gentius, were placed in custody with their children, next the horde of other prisoners, and after them the Macedonians who had been ordered to come to Rome, and the leaders of Greece, for these men too had not only been summoned when at home, but if any of them were reported as being at the courts of the kings, they had also been sought out by letter.

> Latin: 35.1. Romam primum reges captivi Perseus et Gentius in custodiam cum liberis abducti, dein turba alia captivorum, tum quibus Macedonum denuntiatum erat, ut Romam venirent, principumque Graeciae; nam ii quoque non solum praesentes exciti erant, sed etiam, si qui apud reges esse dicebantur, litteris arcessiti sunt.

[¶79] 35.3. After a few days, Paulus himself sailed up the Tiber to the city in a royal galley of immense size, which was driven by sixteen banks of oars, and decorated with the spoils of Macedonia, not only splendid armour, but also royal fabrics. The banks were lined with the crowd which had poured out to welcome him. A few days later Anicius and Octavius arrived aboard their fleet.

> Latin: 35.3. Paulus ipse post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine.

[¶80] 35.4. A triumph was decreed to all three commanders by the senate, and Quintus Cassius the praetor was assigned the task of arranging with the tribunes of the commons that they should propose to the commons, on motion of the senate, a resolution that the commanders should keep their authority of office on the day on which they rode into the city in triumph.

> Latin: 35.4. paucos post dies Anicius et Octavius classe sua advecti. tribus iis omnibus decretus est ab senatu triumphus mandatumque Q. Cassio praetori, cum tribunis plebis ageret, ex auctoritate patrum rogationem ad plebem ferrent, ut iis, quo die in urbem triumphantes inveherentur, imperium esset.

[¶81] 35.5. Moderate circumstances are unassailed by envy; that passion always aims at the heights. There was no debate over the triumphs for Anicius and Octavius; but defamation attacked Paulus, to whom the others themselves would have blushed to compare themselves.

> Latin: 35.5. intacta invidia media sunt; ad summa ferme tendit. nec de Anici nec de Octavi triumpho dubitatum est; Paulum, cui ipsi quoque se conparare erubuissent, obtrectatio carpsit.

[¶82] 35.6. He had held the soldiers to old-fashioned discipline; he had given them less of the booty than they had hoped for from such lavish royal resources, though had he given rein to their greed, they would have left nothing to be deposited in the public treasury.

> Latin: 35.6. antiqua disciplina milites habuerat; de praeda parcius, quam speraverant ex tantis regiis opibus, dederat nihil relicturis, si aviditati indulgeretur, quod in aerarium deferret.

[¶83] 35.7. The whole army of Macedonia, angered at their general, were prepared to be slack in attending the assembly for passing the law.

> Latin: 35.7. totus Macedonicus exercitus imperatori iratus neglegenter erat adfuturus comitiis ferendae legis.

[¶84] 35.8. But Servius Sulpicius Galba, who had been military tribune of the second legion in Macedonia, and was personally hostile to the general, had egged on the men to appear for voting in full numbers, by buttonholing the men himself and urging them through the soldiers of his legion.

> Latin: 35.8. sed eos Ser. Sulpicius Galba, qui tribunus militum secundae legionis in Macedonia fuerat, privatim imperatori inimicus, prensando ipse et per suae legionis milites sollicitando stimulaverat, ut frequentes ad suffragium adessent;