35.9. Let them, said Sulpicius, avenge themselves on their domineering and stingy leader by voting down the proposal concerning his triumph; the city commons would follow the opinion of the soldiers. Paulus had been unable to give them money; but the rank and file were able to award honours. Let him not look for a harvest of gratitude where he had not earned it.
35.9. imperiosum ducem et malignum antiquando rogationem, quae de triumpho eius ferretur, ulciscerentur. plebem urbanam secuturam esse militum iudicia. pecuniam illum dare non potuisse, militem honorem dare posse. ne speraret ibi fructum gratiae, ubi non meruisset.
36.1. Such was the urging of Sulpicius. When Tiberius Sempronius, tribune of the commons, proposed this resolution on the Capitol, and opportunity was given to citizens to speak concerning the law, hardly anyone came forward to urge passage, since the case seemed quite clear.
36.1. his incitatis cum in Capitolio rogationem eam Ti. Sempronius tribunus plebis ferret et privatis de lege dicendi locus esset, ad suadendum, ut in re minime dubia, haud quisquam procederet, Ser.
36.2. Suddenly Servius Galba came forward and asked of the tribunes, inasmuch as it was now the eighth hour of the day, and time would not serve for him to show cause why they should not allow Lucius Aemilius to celebrate a triumph, that they should adjourn to the following day, and bring the matter up early, because he needed a full day to present his arguments.
36.2. Galba repente processit et a tribunis postulavit, ut, quoniam hora iam octava diei esset, nec satis temporis ad demonstrandum haberet, cur L. Aemilium non iuberent triumphare, in posterum diem differrent et mane eam rem agerent:
36.3. When the tribunes ordered him to say what he wished on that day, he prolonged the meeting till nightfall with his speaking, recalling and reminding them of the harsh enforcement of military duties; more toil and more danger had been imposed, he said, than the situation demanded; on the other hand, rewards and honours had been without exception restricted; and military service, if success attended this sort of leadership, would be more dreadful and full of hardships in wartime, and after victory would moreover be left without funds or honours.
36.3. integro sibi die ad causam eam orandam opus esse. cum tribuni dicere eo die, si quid vellet, iuberent, in noctem rem dicendo extraxit referendo admonendoque exacta acerbe munia militiae; plus laboris, plus periculi, quam desiderasset res, iniunctum;
36.4. The fate of the Macedonians was preferable, said Galba, to that of the Roman soldiers. If they turned out in large numbers on the next day to reject the law, men with authority would be made aware that not everything was under the control of the leader, but something also under that of the soldiers.
36.4. contra in praemiis, in honoribus omnia artata; militiamque, si talibus succedat ducibus, horridiorem asperioremque bellantibus eandem victoribus inopem atque inhonoratam futuram. Macedonas in meliore fortuna quam milites Romanos esse. si frequentes postero die ad legem antiquandam adessent, intellecturos potentis viros non omnia in ducis, aliquid et in militum manu esse.
36.6. Roused by these utterances, the soldiers next day filled the Capitol with such a crowd that no one else could approach to cast his vote.
36.6. his vocibus incitati postero die milites tanta frequentia Capitolium conpleverunt, ut aditus nulli praeterea ad suffragium ferendum esset.
36.7. When the first tribes called within the enclosure voted against the law, the leaders of the state hastened to gather on the Capitol, crying out that it was an unworthy action to rob Lucius Paulus of his triumph when he had won so great a war; the generals were being helplessly subjected to the insubordination and greed of their men.
36.7. intro vocatae primae tribus cum antiquarent, concursus in Capitolium principum civitatis factus est indignum facinus esse clamitantium, L. Paulum tanti belli victorem despoliari triumpho:
36.8. Even now wrong action was all too often taken for the sake of currying favour; what would happen if soldiers were made the masters of their generals? Each man hurled reproaches on his own score against Galba.
36.8. obnoxios imperatores tradi licentiae atque avaritiae militari. iam nunc nimis saepe per ambitionem peccari; quid, si domini milites imperatoribus imponatur? in Galbam pro se quisque probra ingerere.
36.9. When this uproar had at last been calmed, Marcus Servilius, who had been consul and master of the horse, requested of the tribunes that they should conduct this balloting anew, and give him an opportunity to speak to the people.
36.9. tandem hoc tumultu sedato M. Servilius, qui consul et magister equitum fuerat, ut de integro eam rem agerent ab tribunis petere dicendique sibi ad populum potestatem facerent.
36.10. After the tribunes had retired to consider the proposal, overborne by the influence of the leading men, they began to repeat the proceedings, and announced that they would call the same tribes again, once Marcus Servilius and other citizens who wished to speak, had had their say.
36.10. tribuni, cum ad deliberandum secessissent, victi auctoritatibus principum de integro agere coeperunt revocaturosque se easdem tribus pronuntiarunt, si M. Servilius aliique privati, qui dicere vellent, dixissent.
37.1. Then Servilius said: "If it were impossible, fellow-citizens, to determine from anything else how great a general Lucius Aemilius has shown himself to be this one criterion would have sufficed -that although he had in camp such mutinous and unreliable soldiers, as well as a personal enemy of such high rank, so rash, and so eloquent a rabble-rouser, yet Paulus had no breach of discipline in his army.
37.1. tum Servilius: ‘quantus imperator L. Aemilius fuerit, Quirites, si ex alia re nulla aestimari possit, vel hoc satis erat, quod, cum tam seditiosos et leves milites, tam nobilem, tam temerarium, tam eloquentem ad instigandam multitudinem inimicum in castris haberet, nullam in exercitu seditionem habuit.
37.2. The same strictness of command which now they hate at that time restrained them. Consequently, being kept under old-fashioned discipline, they neither said nor did anything mutinous.
37.2. eadem severitas imperii, quam nunc oderunt, tum eos continuit. itaque antiqua disciplina habiti neque dixerunt seditiose quicquam neque fecerunt.
37.3. "As for Servius Galba, if he wished by accusing Lucius Paulus to put his apprenticeship behind him and offer proof of his skill as an orator, he should not have interfered with the triumph, which the senate had adjudged to be proper, to say nothing of other considerations.
37.3. Servius quidem Galba, si in L. Paulo accusando tirocinium ponere et documentum eloquentiae dare voluit, non triumphum inpedire debuit, quem, si nihil aliud, senatus iustum esse iudicaverat, sed postero die quam triumphatum esset, privatum cum visurus esset, nomen deferret et legibus interrogaret;
37.4. Rather on the day after the triumph was celebrated, when he would see Paulus a private citizen, he should bring accusation and question him according to law, or a little later, when Galba entered upon his first public office, he should summon his enemy to trial and accuse him before the people.
37.4. aut serius paulo, cum primum magistratus ipse cepisset, diem diceret inimico et eum ad populum accusaret.
37.5. Thus there would accrue to Lucius Paulus not only the triumph which is the due reward for his success in gloriously conducting the war, but also punishment, if he had done anything unworthy of his laurels, both new and old. "But, if you please, Galba wished to tarnish the praises of the man to whom he could ascribe no crime, no guilt.
37.5. ita et pretium recte facti triumphum haberet L. Paulus pro egregie bello gesto et poenam, si quid et vetere gloria sua et nova indignum fecisset.
37.6. Yesterday he asked for a full day in which to accuse Lucius Paulus; actually he squandered in speaking four hours, all that was left of the day.
37.6. sed videlicet, cui crimen nullum, nullum probrum dicere poterat, eius obtrectare laudes voluit. diem integrum hesterno die ad accusandum L. Paulum petiit: quattuor horas, quantum supererat diei, dicendo absumpsit.
37.7. What defendant was ever so guilty that the faults in his life could not be expounded in all those hours? What did Galba say in this time which Lucius Paulus would want to deny, if he were on trial? Let someone, pray, call two meetings for a moment, one of the army of Macedonia, the other unprejudiced and of judgment less impaired by partisanship or hate, a meeting of the whole Roman people.
37.7. quis umquam tam nocens reus fuit, cuius vitia vitae tot horis expromi non possent? quid interim obiecit, quod L. Paulus, si causam dicat, negatum velit?
37.8. "Let the defendant be brought first before the meeting in mufti —the civilians. What would you say before the citizen-body of Rome, Servius Galba?
37.8. duas mihi aliquis contiones parumper faciat, unam militum Macedonicorum, puram alteram, integrioris iudicii et a favore et odio universi populi Romani. apud contionem togatam et urbanam prius reus agatur.
37.9. For all your speech of yesterday would be cut short: 'You were posted on guard too strictly and watchfully; the sentries were inspected too severely and too frequently; you got more work done than formerly, because the general himself was going the rounds to see that it was done; on the same day you made a march and went from the march out to battle; even when you had won the battle he did not let you rest —he led you at once in pursuit of the enemy.
37.9. quid apud Quirites Romanos, Ser. Galba, diceres? illa enim tibi tota abscisa oratio esset ‘in statione severius et intentius institisti; vigiliae acerbius et diligentius circumitae sunt; operis plus quam antea fecisti, cum ipse imperator ut exactor circumiret;
37.10. Although he might have made you rich by dividing the spoil, he is planning to carry the royal treasure in his triumph and deposit it in the treasury.' These statements, though they have a certain sting to provoke the temper of the soldiers, who think that Paulus has catered too little to their lack of discipline and their greed, would just as surely have had no power to move the Roman people; for even though the people should not recall the old stories which they heard from their fathers of disasters suffered because generals courted popularity, and of victories won by strictness of command, yet the people surely remember the late Punic War, and what a difference there was between Marcus Minucius the master of horse, and Quintus Fabius Maximus the dictator.
37.10. eodem die et iter fecisti et in aciem ex itinere isti, ne victorem quidem te adquiescere passus est; statim ad persequendos hostes duxit. cum te praeda partienda locupletem facere posset, pecuniam regiam translaturus in triumpho est et in aerarium laturus.’ haec sicut ad militum animos stimulandos aliquem aculeum habent, qui parum licentiae, parum avaritiae suae inservitum censent, ita apud populum Romanum nihil valuissent, qui, ut vetera atque audita a parentibus suis non repetat, quae ambitione imperatorum clades acceptae sint, quae severitate imperii victoriae partae, proxumo certe Punico bello, quid inter M.
37.12. And so it would have been clear that the accuser could not open his mouth, and that a defence of Paulus was superfluous.
37.12. Minucium magistrum equitum et Q. Fabium Maximum dictatorem interfuerit, meminit.
37.13. "Let us pass over to the other meeting; and I think I will not address you as 'Citizens,' but as 'Soldiers,' in case this title may at least bring a blush to your cheeks, and instill some scruple against maltreating your general.
37.13. itaque accusatorem … hiscere potuisse et supervacaneam defensionem Pauli fuisse. transeatur ad alteram contionem; nec Quirites vos, sed milites videor appellaturus, si nomen hoc saltem ruborem incutere et verecundiam aliquam imperatoris violandi adferre possit.
38.1. "Indeed the state of my own feelings is different, when I picture myself speaking before the army, than it was previously, when my speech was directed toward the people of the city.
38.1. equidem ipse aliter adfectus animo sum, qui apud exercitum mihi loqui videar, quam paulo ante eram, cum ad plebem urbanam spectabat oratio. quid enim dicitis, milites?
38.2. For what do you mean, soldiers? Is there anyone in Rome except Perseus who does not want the triumph over Macedonia to be celebrated? And are you not ready to tear such an objector to pieces with the same hands with which you conquered the Macedonians? He who prevents you from entering the city in triumph would have prevented you from winning the victory, had he been able.
38.2. aliquis est Romae praeter Persea, qui triumphari de Macedonibus nolit; et eum non iisdem manibus discerpitis, quibus Macedonas vicistis? vincere vos prohibuisset, si potuisset, qui triumphantis urbem inire prohibet.
38.3. You are wrong, soldiers, if you suppose that a triumph is an honour only to the general, and not also to the soldiers and to the Roman People as a whole.
38.3. erratis, milites, si triumphum imperatoris tantum et non militum quoque et universi populi Romani esse decus censetis.
38.4. It is not the glory of Paulus alone which is at stake in this matter. "Furthermore, many who did not secure a triumph from the senate celebrated their triumph on the Alban Mount. No one can deprive Lucius Paulus of the glory of bringing the Macedonian war to an end any more than he can deprive Gaius Lutatius of credit for the First Punic War, or Publius Cornelius of that for the Second, or the others who have more recently celebrated triumphs.
38.4. non unius in hoc Pauli — multi, etiam qui ab senatu non inpetrarunt triumphum, in monte Albano triumpharunt; nemo L. Paulo magis eripere decus perfecti belli Macedonici potest quam C. Lutatio primi Punici belli, quam P. Cornelio secundi; … quam illi, qui triumphaverant;
38.5. A triumph will make Lucius Paulus neither greater nor less as a general; rather it is the reputation of the soldiers and that of the Roman People as a whole which is at stake in this matter, in the first place that Rome may not gain a reputation for a jealous and ungrateful spirit toward her most distinguished citizens, and seem in this respect to be imitating the people of Athens who in their envy buffet their leading men.
38.5. nec L. Paulum minorem aut maiorem imperatorem triumphus faciet —, militum magis in hoc universique populi Romani fama agitur, primum ne invidiae et ingrati animi adversus clarissimum quemque civem opinionem habeat et imitari in hoc populum Atheniensem lacerantem invidia principes suos videatur.
38.7. Enough of a crime was committed by your ancestors against Camillus —though they wronged him before his recovery of the city from the Gauls; enough was done by yourselves against Publius Africanus. Let us blush that the home and abode of the conqueror of Africa was at Liternum, and that it is at Liternum that his tomb is displayed.
38.7. satis peccatum in Camillo a maioribus vestris est, quem tamen ante receptam per eum a Gallis urbem violarunt; satis nuper a vobis in P. Africano. Literni domicilium et sedem fuisse domitoris Africae, Literni sepulcrum ostendi erubescamus.
38.8. Let Lucius Paulus rival these men in glory, but let him not be their equal in suffering injustice at your hands.
38.8. gloria sit par illis viris L. Paulus, iniuria vestra ne exaequetur. haec igitur primum infamia deleatur foeda apud alias gentes, damnosa apud nostros.
38.9. "Let therefore this disgrace be in the first place blotted out —a disgrace odious before other peoples, and harmful to ourselves. For who would want to emulate either Africanus or Paulus in a city so ungrateful and so hostile to excellence?
38.9. quis enim aut Africani aut Pauli similis esse in ingrata et inimica bonis civitate velit?
38.10. If there were no question of disgrace, and only glory were at stake, what possible triumph does not embody the glory of the Roman name which we all share?
38.10. si infamia nulla esset et de gloria tantum ageretur, qui tandem triumphus non communem nominis Romani gloriam habet?
38.11. Are the many triumphs which have been celebrated over the Gauls, over the Spaniards, over the Carthaginians spoken of as pertaining merely to the generals themselves, or to the Roman People? Just as triumphs are celebrated, not merely over Pyrrhus or Hannibal, but over the people of Epirus or Carthage, so not Manius Curius or Publius Cornelius alone, but the Romans celebrated the triumph.
38.11. tot de Gallis triumphi, tot de Hispanis, tot de Poenis ipsorum tantum imperatorum an populi Romani dicuntur? quem ad modum non de Pyrrho modo nec de Hannibale, sed de Epirotis Carthaginiensibusque [et Macedonibus] triumphi acti sunt, sic non M'. Curius tantum nec P. Cornelius, sed Romani triumpharunt.
38.12. Soldiers indeed are directly interested in the matter, for they too are crowned with laurel, while each man is adorned with the decorations he has been given; they parade through the city invoking the spirit of Triumph by name and singing their own praises and those of their general.
38.12. militum quidem propria est causa, qui et ipsi laureati et quisque donis, quibus donati sunt, insignes triumphum nomine cient suasque et imperatoris laudes canentes per urbem incedunt.
38.13. If on some occasion the soldiers are not brought back from the field for the triumph, they grumble; and yet even on such an occasion they believe that they are included in the triumph, though absent, because the victory has been won by their hands.
38.13. si quando non deportati ex provincia milites ad triumphum sunt, fremunt; et tamen tum quoque se absentis, quod suis manibus parta victoria sit, triumphare credunt.
38.14. If someone should ask you, soldiers, for what purpose you were transported to Italy, and were not dismissed at once when your mission had been completed, if he should ask why you had come to Rome in complete military units, why you were lingering here and were not dispersing, each to his own home, what would you answer but that you wished to be seen celebrating your triumph? Certainly you yourselves ought to have wanted to make a public appearance as conquerors.
38.14. si quis vos interroget, milites, ad quam rem in Italiam deportati et non statim confecta provincia dimissi sitis, quid Romam frequentes sub signis veneritis, quid moremini hic et non diversi domos quisque abeatis vestras, quid aliud respondeatis, quam vos triumphantis videri velle? vos certe victores conspici velle debebatis.
39.1. "Triumphs have been celebrated in recent years over Philip, the father of this king, and over Antiochus; both were still on the throne when the triumph was celebrated. Shall no triumph be celebrated over Perseus, who was taken prisoner and brought with his children to Rome?
39.1. triumphatum nuper de Philippo, patre huius, et de Antiocho est; ambo regnabant, cum de iis triumphatum est. de Perseo capto, in urbem cum liberis abducto non triumphabitur?
39.2. Nay, if while the other commanders were mounting the Capitol in the chariot, arrayed in their gold and purple, from below them Lucius Paulus, a lone citizen in the crowd of civilians, should ask them, ' Lucius Anicius, Gnaeus Octavius, do you consider yourselves more worthy of a triumph, or me? ' they would, I believe, yield him their place in the chariot and for very shame hand their regalia over to him.
39.2. quodsi in curru scandentis Capitolium, auratos purpuratosque, ex inferiore loco L. Paulus in turba togatorum unus privatus interroget ‘L. Anici, Cn. Octavi, utrum vos digniores triumpho esse an me censetis?’, curru descensuri et prae pudore videntur insignia ipsi sua tradituri.
39.3. Do you prefer, fellow-citizens, to have Gentius rather than Perseus led in a triumph, and the celebration to be made for an appendage to the war rather than for the war itself?
39.3. et vos Gentium quam Persea duci in triumpho mavoltis, Quirites, et de accessione potius belli quam de bello triumphari?
39.4. The legions from Illyricum will also enter the city crowned with laurel, and so will the sailors; shall the legions of Macedonia witness the triumphs of others after their own has been cancelled? What then shall become of so kingly a booty, of the spoils of so rich a victory?
39.4. et legiones ex Illyrico laureatae urbem inibunt et navales socii; Macedonicae legiones suo abrogato triumpho alienos spectabunt? quid deinde tam opimae praedae, tam opulentae victoriae spoliis fiet?
39.5. What, pray, shall be the hiding-place for all those thousand sets of arms stripped from the bodies of the enemy? Shall they be sent back to Macedonia? What of the golden statues, the marbles, the ivories, the paintings, the rare stuffs, all the embossed silver, all the gold, all the royal money?
39.5. quonam abdentur illa tot milia armorum detracta corporibus hostium? an in Macedoniam remittentur? quo signa aurea, marmorea, eburnea, tabulae pictae, textilia, tantum argenti caelati, tantum auri, tanta pecunia regia?
39.6. Shall they be carried to the treasury by night as if stolen? And what is more —that greatest of shows, royal prisoner of highest birth and greatest riches —where shall he be displayed to the people who have gained the victory?
39.6. an noctu tamquam furtiva in aerarium deportabuntur? quid? illud spectaculum maximum, nobilissimus opulentissimusque rex captus, ubi victori populo ostendetur?
39.7. Many of us can recall what crowds were drawn by the sight of King Syphax as prisoner, an appendage to the war with Carthage. Shall our prisoner King Perseus, shall the king's sons, Philip and Alexander, names of such potency, —shall they be removed from the sight of the commonwealth?
39.7. quos Syphax rex captus, accessio Punici belli, concursus fecerit, plerique meminimus. Perseus rex captus, Philippus et Alexander, filii regis, tanta nomina, subtrahentur civitatis oculis?
39.8. Lucius Paulus himself, twice consul, conqueror of Greece —all eyes are eager to behold him entering the city in his chariot; to this end we made him consul, that he might bring to an end the war which to nothing less than our great shame had dragged on through four years.
39.8. ipsum L. Paulum, bis consulem, domitorem Graeciae, omnium oculi conspicere urbem curru ingredientem avent; ad hoc fecimus consulem, ut bellum per quadriennium ingenti etiam pudore nostro tractum perficeret.
39.9. When he was allotted this field of operations, when he left home, we marked him for victory and triumph with minds that read the future; and shall we deny him a triumph when he has won his victory?
39.9. cui sortito provinciam, cui proficiscenti praesagientibus animis victoriam triumphumque destinavimus, ei victori triumphum negaturi sumus? et quidem non tantum eum sed deos etiam suo honore fraudaturi?
39.10. Nay more —shall we rob not only Paulus, but even the gods, of the honour that belongs to them? For it is to the gods too, not only to men, that we owe a triumph. Your ancestors made the gods their starting-point in every important enterprise, and likewise resorted to them at the conclusion.
39.10. dis quoque enim, non solum hominibus, debetur triumphus. maiores vestri omnium magnarum rerum et principia exorsi ab dis sunt et finem eum statuerunt.
39.11. When consul or praetor, his lictors in their military dress, sets out for his field of action and to war, he proclaims his vows upon the Capitol; when war has ended in victory, he returns in triumph to the same gods on the same Capitol, and brings them the well-earned gifts, as he promised them in his vows.
39.11. consul proficiscens praetorve paludatis lictoribus in provinciam et ad bellum vota in Capitolio nuncupat; victor perpetrato bello eodem in Capitolium triumphans ad eosdem deos, quibus vota nuncupavit, merita dona portans redit.
39.12. No small part of a triumphal procession is formed by the sacrificial animals going ahead, which make it clear that the general is returning with thanksgiving to the gods for success on behalf of the commonwealth.
39.12. pars non minima triumphi est victimae praecedentes, ut appareat dis grates agentem imperatorem ob rem publicam bene gestam redire. omnis illas victimas, quas traducendas in triumpho dicavit, alias alio caedente mactate.
39.13. Away with all those sacrificial victims which he has assigned to be led in the triumphal procession, and offer them up, some here, some there! I ask you! What of the banquet of the senate, which is not held on private property, nor on the unconsecrated land of the state, but on the Capitol-is this ceremony held for the pleasure of men, or in honour of the gods?
39.13. quid? illae epulae senatus, quae nec privato loco nec publico profano, sed in Capitolio eduntur, utrum hominum voluptatis causa an deorum honoris … auctore Ser.
39.14. “Will you play havoc with all these rites at the instigation of Servius Galba? Will the gates be closed to the triumph of Lucius Paulus? Will King Perseus of Macedonia, together with his sons, the throng of other prisoners, and the spoils of Macedonia, be left behind in the Flaminian Circus?”
39.14. Galba turbaturi estis? L. Pauli triumpho portae claudentur? rex Macedonum Perseus cum liberis et turba alia captivorum, spolia Macedonum, in circo Flaminio relinquentur? L. Paulus privatus tamquam rure rediens a porta domum ibit?
39.15. “Will Lucius Paulus go home from the gate as a private citizen, as if he were returning from his country house? You, centurion, and you, private, harken to what the senate decrees about General Paulus rather than what Servius Galba babbles, and harken too to my speech rather than his.”
39.15. et tu, centurio, miles, quibus ab imperatore Paulo donatus … senatus decrevit potius quam quid Ser. Galba fabuletur, audi. et hoc dicere me potius quam illum audi.
39.16. “He has learned nothing except talk, and that of a slanderous and malicious sort; I have on twenty-three occasions challenged and fought an enemy; I brought back the spoils of every man with whom I duelled; I possess a body adorned with honourable scars, every one of them received in front.” He then stripped, it is said, and told in which war he had received each wound.
39.16. ille nihil praeterquam loqui, et ipsum id maledice ac maligne, didicit; ego ter et viciens cum hoste per provocationem pugnavi; ex omnibus, cum quibus manum conserui, spolia rettuli; insigne corpus honestis cicatricibus, omnibus adverso corpore exceptis, habeo.
39.17. While displaying these, he by chance uncovered what should have remained concealed, and the swelling of his groin raised a laugh among those nearby.
39.17. ’ nudasse deinde se dicitur et, quo quaeque bello volnera accepta essent, rettulisse. quae dum ostentat, adapertis forte, quae velanda erant, tumor inguinum proximis risum movit.
39.18. “This too,” he then said, "at which you are laughing I got by sitting my horse through whole days and nights; and I feel no more shame or regret for this than for these wounds of mine, since it never hindered me from successfully conducting affairs of state at home or in the field. As a veteran soldier before young soldiers, I have displayed this body of mine which has often been marred by the sword; let Galba uncover his sleek and untouched person.
39.18. tum ‘hoc quoque, quod ridetis’ inquit, ‘in equo dies noctesque persedendo habeo, nec magis me eius quam cicatricum harum pudet paenitetque, quando numquam mihi impedimento ad rem publicam bene gerendam domi militiaeque fuit.
39.19. Tribunes, call back the tribes, if you please, to the voting; I [will join] you, soldiers... The total of all the captured gold and silver which was carried in the procession was one hundred and twenty million sesterces, according to the account of Valerius Antias; no doubt a somewhat larger total than this is made up from the number of wagons and the weights of gold and silver in various forms which are mentioned by this same author.
39.19. ego hoc ferro saepe vexatum corpus vetus miles adulescentibus militibus ostendi; Galba nitens et integrum denudet. revocate, si videtur, tribuni, ad suffragium tribus; ego ad vos milites, ….’ … summam omnis captivi auri argentique translati sestertium milliens ducenties fuisse Valerius Antias tradit; qua haud dubie maior aliquanto summa ex numero plaustrorum ponderibusque auri, argenti generatim ab ipso scriptis efficitur.
40.2. As much again was either expended in the late war, or scattered during the flight, when Perseus was making for Samothrace, according to the historians; and this fact is the more marvellous, because this huge sum of money was accumulated within thirty years after Philip's war with the Romans, partly from the output of the mines, and partly from other revenues.
40.2. alterum tantum aut in bellum proxumum absumptum aut in fuga, cum Samothracen peteret, dissipatum tradunt; eoque id mirabilius erat, quod tantum pecuniae intra triginta annos post bellum Philippi cum Romanis partim ex fructu metallorum, partim ex vectigalibus aliis coacervatum fuerat.
40.3. Philip therefore began his war against Rome when he was rather ill-supplied with funds, but Perseus, when he was very rich.
40.3. itaque admodum inops pecuniae Philippus, Perseus contra praedives bellare cum Romanis coepit.
40.4. Paulus himself came last in his chariot, showing a magnificent presence not only because of the general dignity of his bearing, but because of his advanced age as well. After the chariot came his two sons, Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio, among other distinguished men; then came the cavalry by troops, and the units of infantry, rank by rank.
40.4. ipse postremo Paulus in curru magnam cum dignitate alia corporis, tum senecta ipsa maiestatem prae se ferens; post currum inter alios illustres viros filii duo, Q. Maximus et P. Scipio; deinde equites turmatim et cohortes peditum suis quaeque ordinibus.
40.5. Each infantryman received one hundred denarii, each centurion, twice the amount, and each cavalryman, three times as much. It is thought that double the amount would have been given to the infantry, and proportionately to the rest, if they had supported Paulus' triumph in the voting, or had cheerfully applauded the announcement of the gift as actually given.
40.5. pediti in singulos dati denarii centeni, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. alterum tantum pediti daturum fuisse credunt et pro rata aliis, si aut non refragati honori eius fuissent aut benigne hac ipsa summa pronuntiata acclamassent.
40.6. But Perseus was not the only testimony at this time to the state of human fortunes, as he was led in chains before the chariot of his conqueror through the city of his enemies; the conqueror Paulus, in the splendour of his gold and purple, was no less a witness.
40.6. sed non Perseus tantum per illos dies documentum humanorum casuum fuit, in catenis ante currum victoris ducis per urbem hostium ductus, sed etiam victor Paulus auro purpuraque fulgens.
40.7. For of the two sons whom he kept at home as the only heirs of his name, his family rites, and his household, after he had given two other sons to be adopted, the younger boy, aged about twelve, died five days before the triumph, and the elder, fourteen years old, died three days after the festivity.
40.7. nam duobus e filiis, quos duobus datis in adoptionem solos nominis, sacrorum familiaeque heredes retinuerat domi, minor, ferme duodecim annos natus, quinque diebus ante triumphum, maior, quattuordecim annorum, triduo post triumphum decessit;
40.8. These were the minor boys who should have ridden with their father in the chariot, secretly planning like triumphs for themselves.
40.8. quos praetextatos curru vehi cum patre, sibi ipsos similis praedestinantis triumphos, oportuerat.
40.9. When a few days later an assembly of the commons was called by Marcus Antonius the tribune, and Paulus discoursed, as was customary for commanders, on his exploits, his speech was noteworthy and well-suited to a leading Roman:
40.9. paucis post diebus, data a M. Antonio tribuno plebis contione, cum de suis rebus gestis more ceterorum imperatorum dissereret, memorabilis eius oratio et digna Romano principe fuit.
41.1. "Although you, my fellow-citizens, are not unaware, I believe, of the good fortune with which I have conducted the affairs of the state, and of the two thunderbolts which have recently struck my house —for you were eyewitnesses first of my triumph, and then of the funerals of my sons —yet I beg you to permit me in a few words to compare, in the proper spirit, my personal fortune with the good fortune of the state.
41.1. ‘quamquam, et qua felicitate rem publicam administraverim, et quae duo fulmina domum meam per hos dies perculerint, non ignorare vos, Quirites, arbitror, cum spectaculo vobis nunc triumphus meus, nunc funera liberorum meorum fuerint, tamen paucis, quaeso, sinatis me cum publica felicitate conparare eo, quo debeo, animo privatam meam fortunam.
41.3. “When I left Italy, I set sail from Brundisium at sunrise; at the ninth hour of the day I reached Corcyra with all my ships. Five days later at Delphi I offered sacrifice to Apollo on my own behalf, and on that of your armies and fleets.”
41.3. profectus ex Italia classem a Brundisio sole orto solvi; nona diei hora cum omnibus meis navibus Corcyram tenui. inde quinto die Delphis Apollini pro me exercitibusque et classibus vestris sacrificavi.
41.4. “From Delphi I arrived five days later in camp. I took command of the army, removed certain great obstacles to victory, and advanced. Because the camp of the enemy was impregnable, and the king could not be compelled to fight, I slipped between his garrisons through the pass at Petra, and at Pydna I conquered the king in battle.”
41.4. a Delphis quinto die in castra perveni; ubi exercitu accepto, mutatis quibusdam, quae magna impedimenta victoriae erant, progressus, quia inexpugnabilia castra hostium erant neque cogi pugnare poterat rex, inter praesidia eius saltum ad Petram evasi et ad pugnam rege coacto acie vici;
41.5. “I brought Macedonia under the control of the Roman People, and in fifteen days I finished a war which three consuls before me had waged over a period of four years, each in such a way as always to leave a worse situation for his successor.”
41.5. Macedoniam in potestatem populi Romani redegi et, quod bellum per quadriennium quattuor ante me consules ita gesserunt, ut semper successori traderent gravius, id ego quindecim diebus perfeci.
41.6. “A harvest, as it were, of further successes followed; all the cities of Macedonia surrendered, the royal treasures were secured, the king was taken prisoner along with his children in the temple of Samothrace, almost as if the gods themselves delivered him into our hands. Even to me this good fortune seemed excessive, and therefore I viewed it askance. I began to fear the dangers.”
41.6. aliarum deinde secundarum rerum velut proventus secutus: civitates omnes Macedoniae se dediderunt, gaza regia in potestatem venit, rex ipse tradentibus prope ipsis dis in templo Samothracum cum liberis est captus.
41.7. “of the sea during the carrying of the great royal treasure to Italy, and the transfer of the victorious army.”
41.7. mihi quoque ipsi nimia iam fortuna videri eoque suspecta esse. maris pericula timere coepi in tanta pecunia regia in Italiam traicienda et victore exercitu transportando.
41.8. “After everything had been brought to Italy in a successful voyage, and I had nothing left to pray for, my hope was that, since fortune is wont to plunge downward from its high point, the brunt of this change should fall not upon the state, but upon my household.”
41.8. postquam omnia secundo navium cursu in Italiam pervenerunt, neque erat, quod ultra precarer, illud optavi, ut, cum ex summo retro volvi fortuna consuesset, mutationem eius domus mea potius quam res publica sentiret.
41.9. “And so I hope that the fortune of Rome has completed its course in so extraordinary a disaster as mine, since my triumph, as if in mockery of human vicissitudes, was interposed between the two funerals of my sons. Both Perseus and I are now on view as especially conspicuous samples of man's lot.”
41.9. itaque defunctam esse fortunam publicam mea tam insigni calamitate spero, quod triumphus meus, velut ad ludibrium casuum humanorum, duobus funeribus liberorum meorum est interpositus.
41.10. “Yet he, who as a prisoner saw his children led as prisoners before him, yet has those children unharmed;”
41.10. et cum ego et Perseus nunc nobilia maxime sortis mortalium exempla spectemur, ille, qui ante se captivos captivus ipse duci liberos vidit, incolumes tamen eos habet;
41.11. “whereas I who celebrated the triumph over him mounted my chariot after the funeral of one son, and when I returned from the Capitol found the other almost on the point of death, nor is there one left of so splendid a generation of sons to carry on the name of Lucius Aemilius Paulus. For two sons were given in adoption, as if from a great stock of children, and they belong to the Cornelian and Fabian clans.”
41.11. ego, qui de illo triumphavi, ab alterius funere filii currum … ex Capitolio prope iam expirantem veni; neque ex tanta stirpe liberum superest, qui L. Aemilii Pauli nomen ferat.
41.12. “Not a Paulus is left in my house, save one old man. But I am consoled in this disaster to my house by your happiness and the good fortune of the state.”
41.12. duos enim tamquam ex magna progenie liberorum in adoptionem datos Cornelia et Fabia gens habent; Paulus in domo praeter me nemo superest. sed hanc cladem domus meae vestra felicitas et secunda fortuna publica consolatur’ .
42.1. These words, spoken with such magnificent spirit, caused more turmoil of soul to the hearers than if his speech had been a pitiable lamentation for his bereavement.
42.1. haec tanto dicta animo magis confudere audientium animos, quam si miserabiliter orbitatem suam deflendo locutus esset.
42.2. On the first of December, Gnaeus Octavius held a naval triumph over King Perseus. This triumph was unadorned with prisoners or spoils.
42.2. Cn. Octavius kal. Dec. de rege Perseo navalem triumphum egit.
42.3. Octavius presented to each of the sailors seventy-five denarii, to the pilots of the ships twice as much, and to the captains, four times the amount.
42.3. is triumphus sine captivis fuit, sine spoliis. dedit sociis navalibus in singulos denarios septuagenos quinos, gubernatoribus, qui in navibus fuerant, duplex, magistris navium quadruplex.
42.4. The senate then met. The Fathers voted that Quintus Cassius should conduct King Perseus with his son Alexander to Alba for safe-keeping; he was to permit the king to keep intact the staff, money, silver, and furnishings which he had.
42.4. senatus deinde habitus est. patres censuerunt, ut Q. Cassius Persea regem cum Alexandro filio Albam in custodiam duceret; comites, pecuniam, argentum, instrumentum, quod haberet, nihil …. Bithys, filius Cotyis, regis Thracum, cum obsidibus in custodiam Carseolos est missus.
42.5. Bithys, the son of Cotys, King of Thrace, was sent with the hostages to Carseoli for safe-keeping. It was voted to place in the prison the other prisoners who were led in the triumph.
42.5. ceteros captivos, qui in triumpho ducti erant, in carcerem condi placuit.
42.6. A few days after these transactions, envoys came from Cotys, King of Thrace, bringing money to ransom his son and the other hostages. When these envoys were brought before the senate, they used the fact itself as the theme of their apology, saying that Cotys had not voluntarily aided Perseus in the war, because he had been compelled to give hostages; the envoys pleaded that they should be permitted to ransom them for whatever amount the Fathers themselves might determine.
42.6. paucos post dies, quam haec acta erant, legati ab Cotye, rege Thracum, venerunt pecuniam ad redimendum filium aliosque obsides adportantes. eis in senatum introductis et id ipsum argumenti praetendentibus orationi, non sua voluntate Cotyn bello iuvisse Persea, quod obsides dare coactus esset, orantibusque, ut eos pretio, quantum ipsi statuissent patres,
42.8. The answer authorized by the senate was that the Roman People were mindful of the friendship which had existed between them and Cotys, his ancestors, and the people of Thrace;
42.8. redimi paterentur, responsum ex auctoritate senatus est, populum Romanum meminisse amicitiae, quae cum Cotye maioribusque eius et gente Thracum fuisset.
42.9. but the giving of hostages constituted an accusation, not a defence against accusation, since the Thracian people had no reason to fear Perseus even when he was at peace, to say nothing of his being involved in a war against Rome.
42.9. obsides datos crimen, non criminis defensionem esse, cum Thracum genti ne quietus quidem Perseus, nedum bello Romano occupatus timendus fuerit.
42.10. However, although Cotys had preferred the favour of Perseus to the friendship of the Roman People, the latter would reckon rather what was worthy of themselves than what action would answer to his deserts, and would send him back his son and his hostages.
42.10. ceterum, etsi Cotys Persei gratiam praetulisset amicitiae populi Romani, magis, quid se dignum esset, quam quid merito eius fieri posset, aestimaturum, filium atque obsides ei remissurum.
42.11. Benefits conferred by the Roman People, said the senate, are without charge; the Romans prefer to leave the price on deposit in the hearts of the recipients rather than to demand cash down. Three envoys, Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius Licinius Nerva, and Marcus Caninius Rebilus, were appointed to escort the hostages back to Thrace. Gifts of two thousand asses apiece were given to the Thracians.
42.11. beneficia gratuita esse populi Romani; pretium eorum malle relinquere in accipientium animis quam praesens exigere. legati tres nominati, T. Quinctius Flamininus, C. Licinius Nerva, M. Caninius Rebilus, qui obsides in Thraciam reducerent, et Thracibus munera data in singulos binum milium aeris.
42.12. Bithys was summoned, along with the other hostages, from Carseoli, and was sent off to his father with the envoys. The king's ships captured from the Macedonians, of a size never previously seen, were beached by the Campus Martius.
42.12. Bithys cum ceteris obsidibus a Carseolis accersitus ad patrem cum legatis missus. naves regiae captae de Macedonibus invisitatae ante magnitudinis in campo Martio subductae sunt.
43.1. While recollections of the Macedonian triumph remained not only in people's minds, but almost before their eyes, Lucius Anicius celebrated his triumph over King Gentius and the Illyrians on the festival of Quirinus.
43.1. haerente adhuc non in animis modo sed paene in oculis memoria Macedonici triumphi L. Anicius Quirinalibus triumphavit de rege Gentio Illyriisque.
43.2. Men saw in each detail a resemblance, but no equality. The commander himself was the lesser, both in public esteem, as an Anicius compared with an Aemilius, and in rank of office, a praetor rather than a consul. Gentius could not be compared to Perseus, the Illyrians to the Macedonians, nor the spoils of the one to those of the other, nor the moneys, nor the gifts to the soldiers.
43.2. similia omnia magis visa hominibus quam paria: minor ipse imperator, et nobilitate Anicius cum Aemilio et iure imperii praetor cum consule conlatus; non Gentius Perseo, non Illyrii Macedonibus, non spolia spoliis, non pecunia pecuniae, non dona donis conparari poterant.
43.3. But though accordingly the previous triumph outshone this one, yet it was also clear to those who contemplated this one on its merits that it was by no means to be scorned.
43.3. itaque sicut praefulgebat huic triumphus recens, ita apparebat ipsum per se intuentibus nequaquam esse contemnendum.
43.4. Within a few days Anicius had overcome the Illyrian people, bold on both land and sea, and confident in their terrain and their fortifications; he had captured the king and all the royal family. In his triumph he bore through the city many military standards and other booty, as well as the royal furniture, twenty-seven pounds of gold, nineteen pounds of silver, thirteen thousand denarii, and one hundred and twenty thousand Illyrian silver-pieces.
43.4. perdomuerat intra paucos dies terra marique ferocem, locis munimentisque fretam gentem Illyriorum, regem regiaeque omnes stirpis ceperat. transtulit in triumpho multa militaria signa spoliaque alia et supellectilem regiam, auri pondo viginti et septem, argenti decem et novem pondo, denarium decem tria milia et centum viginti milia Illyrici argenti.
43.6. Before the chariot were led King Gentius with his wife and children, Caravantius the king's brother, and several prominent Illyrians.
43.6. ante currum ducti Gentius rex cum coniuge et liberis et Caravantius, frater regis, et aliquot nobiles Illyrii.
43.7. Anicius gave from the booty to each soldier forty-five denarii, double the amount to each centurion, and three times as much to the cavalry; the allies of the Latin Name received as much as the Romans, and the sailors as much as the soldiers. The soldiery followed this triumph in better spirits, and the leader was the subject of many songs.
43.7. de praeda militibus in singulos quadragenos quinos denarios, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti, sociis nominis Latini quantum civibus et sociis navalibus dedit quantum militibus.
43.8. Twenty million sesterces was realized from this booty, according to Antias, besides the gold and silver delivered to the treasury; since it was not clear to me from what source this amount could be derived, I have quoted an historian instead of stating a fact. King Gentius with his wife, his children, and his brother, was taken to Spoletium for safe-keeping, in accordance with a decree of the senate.
43.8. laetior hunc triumphum est secutus miles, multisque dux ipse carminibus celebratus. sestertium ducentiens ex ea praeda redactum esse auctor est Antias praeter aurum argentumque, quod in aerarium sit latum; quod quia unde redigi potuerit non apparebat, auctorem pro re posui.
43.9. The other prisoners were thrown into the prison at Rome. When the people of Spoletium refused to take custody, the royal family was transferred to Iguvium.
43.9. rex Gentius cum liberis et coniuge et fratre Spoletium in custodiam ex senatus consulto ductus, ceteri captivi Romae in carcerem coniecti; recusantibusque custodiam Spoletinis Iguvium reges traducti.
43.10. There remained from the Illyrian booty two hundred and twenty scout-ships; as prizes taken from King Gentius they were presented to the people of Corcyra, Apollonia, and Dyrrhachium by Quintus Cassius, in accordance with a decree of the senate.
43.10. relicum ex Illyrico praedae ducenti viginti lembi erant; de Gentio rege captos eos Corcyraeis et Apolloniatibus et Dyrrhachinis Q. Cassius ex senatus consulto tribuit.
44.1. In that year the consuls merely ravaged the fields of the Ligurians, since the enemy never led out their forces. Without accomplishing anything worthy of note, the consuls returned to Rome to attend to the election of their successors, and on the first day of the elections, declared Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus elected as consuls. On the next day there were elected as praetors Lucius Julius, Lucius Apuleius Saturninus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, Publius Rutilius Calvus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, and Marcus Fonteius.
44.1. consules eo anno agro tantum Ligurum populato, cum hostes exercitus numquam eduxissent, nulla re memorabili gesta Romam ad magistratus subrogandos redierunt et primo comitiali die consules crearunt M. Claudium Marcellum, C.
44.2. The provinces appointed for these praetors were the two city magistracies, the two Spains, Sicily, and Sardinia. There was an intercalation in this year; the day after the Terminalia was the first day of the intercalary month. An augur died this year, Gaius Claudius; in his place, the augurs chose Titus Quinctius Flamininus. The flamen of Quirinus, Quintus Fabius Pictor, also died. In this year King Prusias came to Rome with his son Nicomedes.
44.2. Sulpicium Gallum, deinde praetores postero die L. Iulium, L. Apuleium Saturninum, A. Licinium Nervam, P. Rutilium Calvum, P. Quinctilium Varum, M. Fonteium. his praetoribus duae urbanae provinciae sunt decretae, duae Hispaniae, Sicilia ac Sardinia. intercalatum eo anno; postridie Terminalia kalendae intercalariae fuerunt. augur eo anno mortuus est C. Claudius; in eius locum augures legerunt T. Quinctium Flamininum. et flamen Quirinalis mortuus Q. Fabius Pictor.
44.4. Entering the city with a large train, he proceeded from the gate to the Forum and the judgment-seat of Quintus Cassius the praetor. A crowd gathered from all sides; Prusias announced that he had come to bring greetings to the gods who inhabited the city of Rome, and to the senate and the Roman People, and to congratulate them on their victory over King Perseus and King Gentius, and on the extension of their empire by placing the Macedonians and Illyrians under their sway.
44.4. eo anno rex Prusia venit Romam cum filio Nicomede. is magno comitatu urbem ingressus ad forum a porta tribunalque Q. Cassi praetoris perrexit concursuque undique facto deos, qui urbem Romam incolerent, senatumque et populum Romanum salutatum se dixit venisse et gratulatum, quod Persea Gentiumque reges vicissent Macedonibusque et Illyriis in dicionem redactis auxissent imperium.
44.6. When the praetor offered to call a session of the senate for him on that very day, if he pleased, Prusias asked for a two-day interval, during which he might visit the temples of the gods, the city, and his friends and guest-friends.
44.6. cum praetor senatum ei, si velit, eo die daturum dixisset, biduum petiit, quo templa deum urbemque et hospites amicosque viseret.
44.7. There was assigned to him as escort Lucius Cornelius Scipio the quaestor, who had also been sent to Capua to meet him; and a house was rented for him, where he and his suite might be well entertained.
44.7. datus, qui circumduceret eum, L. Cornelius Scipio quaestor, qui et Capuam ei obviam missus fuerat, et aedes, quae ipsum comitesque eius benigne reciperent, conductae.
44.8. On the third day following, he approached the senate; he offered congratulations on the victory; he recited his services in the war; and he requested permission to fulfill a vow of ten full-grown victims at Rome in the Capitol and one at Praeneste to Fortune. This vow, he said, was for the victory of Rome; and he asked that the alliance with him should be renewed, and that the land taken from King Antiochus, which had been assigned to no one by the Roman People and was being held by Galatians, should be given to him.
44.8. tertio post die senatum adiit; gratulatus victoriam est; merita sua in eo bello commemoravit; petiit, ut votum sibi solvere, Romae in Capitolio decem maiores hostias et Praeneste unam Fortunae, liceret — ea vota pro victoria populi Romani esse —, et ut societas secum renovaretur agerque sibi de rege Antiocho captus, quem nulli datum a populo Romano Galli possiderent, daretur.
44.9. Last of all, he placed his son Nicomedes under the protection of the senate. He was aided by the good-will of all those who had been commanders in Macedonia.
44.9. filium postremo Nicomedem senatui commendavit. omnium, qui in Macedonia imperatores fuerant, favore est adiutus.
44.10. Consequently all but one of his requests were granted; as to the land, the answer was that envoys would be sent to look the matter over; if this land belonged to the Roman People and had been assigned to no one, they would consider Prusias most worthy of receiving it as a gift; if, on the other hand, it was shown not to have belonged to Antiochus, and therefore not to have come into the possession of the Roman People, or that it had been presented to the Galatians, then Prusias must pardon the Roman People, if they were unwilling to wrong anyone in the process of making him a
44.10. itaque cetera, quae petebat, concessa; de agro responsum est, legatos ad rem inspiciendam missuros; si is ager populi Romani fuisset nec cuiquam datus esset, dignissimum eo dono Prusiam habituros esse, si autem Antiochi non fuisse et eo ne populi quidem Romani factum appareret aut datum Gallis esse, ignoscere Prusiam debere, si ex nullius iniuria quicquam ei datum vellet populus Romanus.
44.12. present. A gift, said the senate, could not be pleasing even to the recipient, if he knew that the giver would take it away again whenever he pleased.
44.12. ne cui detur quidem, gratum esse donum posse, quod eum, qui det, ubi vellet, ablaturum esse sciat.
44.13. The senate accepted the commission to protect his son Nicomedes. How great was the care with which the Roman People guarded the sons of kings was shown, said the senate, by the case of Ptolemy, King of Egypt.
44.13. filii Nicomedis commendationem accipere. quanta cura regum amicorum liberos tueatur populus Romanus, documento Ptolemaeum, Aegypti regem, esse.
44.14. With this answer, Prusias was dismissed. Gifts were ordered given him of a value of... sesterces, and silver vessels of fifty pounds' weight.
44.14. cum hoc responso Prusia est dimissus. munera ei ex … sestertiis iussa dari et vasorum argenteorum pondo quinquaginta.
44.15. It was also voted to give to Prince Nicomedes gifts to the same amount as had been given to Masgaba, the son of King Masinissa. It was further voted that the victims and other requisites for sacrifice should be furnished at public expense to the king, just as to Roman magistrates, whether he wished to sacrifice at Rome or Praeneste.
44.15. et filio regis Nicomedi ex ea summa munera dari censuerunt, ex qua Masgabae, filio regis Masinissae, data essent; et ut victimae aliaque, quae ad sacrificium pertinerent, seu Romae seu Praeneste immolare vellet, regi ex publico sicut magistratibus Romanis praeberentur, et ut ex classe, quae Brundisi esset, naves longae viginti adsignarentur, quibus uteretur.
44.16. Also twenty war-vessels from the fleet at Brundisium were to be assigned to his use; until the king should reach the fleet presented to him, Lucius Cornelius Scipio was to escort him uninterruptedly, and to provide for the expenses of the king and his suite, until he boarded ship. They say that the king was wonderfully pleased with this expression of good-will toward himself on the part of the Roman People.
44.16. donec ad classem dono datam ei rex pervenisset, L. Cornelius Scipio ne ab eo abscederet sumptumque ipsi et comitibus praeberet, donec navem conscendisset.
44.18. He refused to have gifts bought for himself, but instructed his son to accept the gift of the Roman People. Such is the account of Prusias given by Roman writers.
44.18. mire laetum ea benignitate in se populi Romani regem fuisse ferunt; munera sibi ipsi emi non sisse, filium iussisse donum populi Romani accipere.
44.19. Polybius reports that this king was unworthy of the dignity of so high a title; that he was accustomed to meet envoys with his head shaved, while he wore a freedman's cap and called himself the freedman of the Roman People, giving this as his reason for wearing the emblem of this class.
44.19. haec de Prusia nostri scriptores. Polybius eum regem indignum maiestate nominis tanti tradit; pilleatum, capite raso, obviam ire legatis solitum libertumque se populi Romani ferre:
44.20. Polybius further says that when Prusias entered the senate-house at Rome, he fell down and kissed the threshold of the senatehouse, hailed the senate as his saviour-gods, and indulged in further speech which conveyed more disgrace to himself than honour to his hearers.
44.20. ideo insignia ordinis eius gerere; Romae quoque, cum veniret in curiam, summisisse se et osculo limen curiae contigisse et deos servatores suos senatum appellasse aliamque orationem non tam honorificam audientibus quam sibi deformem habuisse. moratus circa urbem triginta haud amplius dies in regnum est profectus.
44.21. After remaining in the vicinity of Rome no more than thirty days, he set out for his kingdom, and... the war under way between Eumenes and the Galatians.
44.21. actumque in Asia bellum …