---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 7 of 18
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, section 7. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 7. Book XLII · chapters 43–55

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/7/#p-N

[¶0] 43.1. When applause had followed this speech, Marcius proposed his sending envoys to Rome; since the king believed that every recourse should be tried to the very last and no hope be overlooked, the rest of the conference was on means of safety for the envoys' journey.

> Latin: 43.1. haec dicentem et cum adsensu Marcius audivit et auctor fuit mittendi Romam legatos. … cum experienda omnia ad ultimum nec praetermittendam spem ullam censuissent, reliqua consultatio erat, quonam modo tutum iter legatis esset.

[¶1] 43.2. Although for this a request for a truce was clearly essential and Marcius was eager for it and was seeking for nothing else at the conference, he granted it grudgingly and as a great favour to the petitioner.

> Latin: 43.2. ad id cum necessaria petitio indutiarum videretur, cuperetque Marcius neque aliud conloquio petisset, gravate et in magnam gratiam petentis concessit.

[¶2] 43.3. For the Romans had nothing thoroughly ready for war at this time, neither army nor leader, while Perseus, had not an idle hope of peace blinded his counsels, would have had everything ready and on hand and could have begun the war at a time most favourable to himself and inopportune for the enemy.

> Latin: 43.3. nihil enim satis paratum ad bellum in praesentia habebant Romani, non exercitum, non ducem, cum Perseus, ni spes vana pacis occaecasset consilia, omnia praeparata atque instructa haberet et suo maxime tempore atque alieno hostibus incipere bellum posset.

[¶3] 43.4. From this conference the Roman envoys, relying on the truce as security, at once set out for Boeotia.

> Latin: 43.4. ab hoc conloquio fide indutiarum interposita legati Romani in Boeotiam conparati sunt.

[¶4] 43.5. In that region there already had begun to be disturbance as certain peoples departed from association in the common council of the Boeotians, after the report had come that the envoys had answered that it would become evident which peoples for their own part disliked the forming of an alliance with the king.

> Latin: 43.5. ibi iam motus coeperat esse discedentibus a societate communis concilii Boeotorum quibusdam populis, ex quo renuntiatum erat respondisse legatos, appariturum, quibus populis proprie societatem cum rege iungi displicuisset.

[¶5] 43.6. First envoys from Chaeronia, then from Thebes, met the Romans while still on the way, asserting that they had not been present in the council in which this alliance had been voted; the Roman envoys, giving them no answer for the time being, ordered them to follow them to Chalcis. At Thebes a great dispute arose from a different rivalry.

> Latin: 43.6. primi a Chaeronia legati, deinde a Thebis in ipso itinere occurrerunt, adfirmantes non interfuisse se quo societas ea decreta esset concilio; quos legati nullo in praesentia responso dato Chalcidem se sequi iusserunt.

[¶6] 43.7. The party beaten in the election for general and the Governors of Boeotia, by way of avenging their rebuff, gathered a mob and passed a vote at Thebes that the Governors be not received in the cities.

> Latin: 43.7. Thebis magna contentio orta erat ex alio certamine. comitiis praetoriis Boeotorum victa pars iniuriam persequens coacta multitudine decretum Thebis fecit, ne Boeotarchae urbibus reciperentur.

[¶7] 43.8. The exiles all departed to Thespiae; from there — for they had been received without hesitation —they were recalled, by a change of sentiment, to Thebes and passed a decree that twelve men who though private citizens had held an assembly and council should be punished by exile.

> Latin: 43.8. exules Thespias universi concesserunt; inde — recepti enim sine cunctatione erant — Thebas iam mutatis animis revocati decretum faciunt, ut duodecim, qui privati coetum et concilium habuissent, exilio multarentur.

[¶8] 43.9. Next, the new general —he was Ismenias, a man of rank and power —by decree in their absence condemned these men to death. They fled to Chalcis; thence they set out to the Romans at Larisa and brought a charge of alliance with Perseus against Ismenias; from this dispute, they said, the contest had arisen.

> Latin: 43.9. novus deinde praetor — Ismenias is erat, vir nobilis ac potens — capitalis poenae absentis eos decreto damnat. Chalcidem fugerant; inde ad Romanos Larisam profecti causam cum Perseo societatis in Ismeniam contulerant:

[¶9] 43.10. Envoys of both factions came at that time to the Romans, both the exiles and accusers of Ismenias, and Ismenias himself.

> Latin: 43.10. ex contentione ortum certamen. utriusque tamen partis legati ad Romanos venerunt, et exules accusatoresque Ismeniae et Ismenias ipse.

[¶10] 44.1. When the party arrived at Chalcis, a thing very pleasing to the Romans occurred, for the chief men of the other states each by their own particular decree rejected the alliance with the king and associated themselves with the Romans; Ismenias thought it proper to put the Boeotian League in the care of the Romans.

> Latin: 44.1. Chalcidem ut ventum est, aliarum civitatium principes, id quod maxume gratum erat Romanis, suo quisque proprio decreto, regiam societatem aspernati, Romanis se adiungebant, Ismenias gentem Boeotorum in fidem Romanorum permitti aecum censebat.

[¶11] 44.2. Thereupon a dispute arose, and save that he escaped to the headquarters of the Roman envoys, Ismenias lacked little of meeting his death at the hands of the exiles and their partisans.

> Latin: 44.2. inde certamine orto, nisi in tribunal legatorum perfugisset, haud multum afuit, quin ab exulibus fautoribusque eorum interficeretur.

[¶12] 44.3. Thebes itself, the capital of Boeotia, was also in a great uproar, as some urged the city toward the king, others toward the Romans; and a mob from Coronea and Haliartus had assembled to defend the vote of alliance with the king.

> Latin: 44.3. Thebae quoque ipsae, quod Boeotiae caput est, in magno motu erant, aliis ad regem trahentibus civitatem, aliis ad Romanos.

[¶13] 44.4. But due to the steadfastness of the chief men in demonstrating by the disasters which had befallen Philip and Antiochus how great was the might and good fortune of the Roman State, the commons were at length overcome and voted to cancel the alliance with the king, besides sending to Chalcis those who had been sponsors of sanctioning the friendly relations to make amends to the envoys, and ordering that the city be recommended to the care of the envoys.

> Latin: 44.4. et turba Coronaeorum Haliartiorumque eo convenerat ad defendendum decretum regiae societatis. sed constantia principum docentium cladibus Philippi Antiochique, quanta esset vis et fortuna imperii Romani, victa tandem multitudo et ut tolleretur regia societas decrevit et eos, qui auctores paciscendae amicitiae fuerant, ad satisfaciendum legatis Chalcidem misit fideique legatorum commendari civitatem iussit.

[¶14] 44.5. Marcius and Atilius heard the Thebans with joy and recommended both to these and severally to the various others that they send envoys to Rome to renew friendly relations.

> Latin: 44.5. Thebanos Marcius et Atilius laeti audierunt auctoresque et his et separatim singulis fuerunt ad renovandam amicitiam mittendi Romam legatos.

[¶15] 44.6. First of all they ordered that the exiles be restored, and condemned by their own decree the sponsors of alliance with the king. Thus having obtained their fondest desire, the disruption of the Boeotian League, they set out for the Peloponnese after summoning Servius Cornelius to Chalcis.

> Latin: 44.6. ante omnia exules restitui iusserunt et auctores regiae societatis decreto suo damnarunt. ita, quod maxume volebant, discusso Boeotico concilio Peloponnesum proficiscuntur Ser. Cornelio Chalcidem accersito.

[¶16] 44.7. An assembly was called for them at Argos; there they asked nothing of the Achaean League but the contribution of one thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 44.7. Argis praebitum est iis concilium; ubi res … nihil aliud a gente Achaeorum petierunt, quam ut mille milites darent.

[¶17] 44.8. This garrison was sent to guard Chalcis until the Roman army could be brought over to Greece. Marcius and Atilius, having accomplished their mission in Greece, as winter came on returned to Rome.

> Latin: 44.8. id praesidium ad Chalcidem tuendam, dum Romanus exercitus in Graeciam traiceretur, missum est. Marcius et Atilius peractis, quae agenda in Graecia erant, principio hiemis Romam redierunt.

[¶18] 45.1. Thence an embassy had been sent during this time to Asia and among the islands.

> Latin: 45.1. inde legatio sub idem tempus in Asiam ac circum insulas missa.

[¶19] 45.2. There were three envoys, Tiberius Claudius, Spurius Postumius and Marcus Junius. These went about exhorting the allies to undertake war against Perseus on the side of the Romans; and the richer any given city was the more painstakingly they negotiated there, because the lesser cities would follow the leadership of the greater.

> Latin: 45.2. tres erant legati, Ti. Claudius Sp. Postumius M. Iunius. ii circumeuntes hortabantur socios ad suscipiendum adversus Persea pro Romanis bellum, et quo quaeque opulentior civitas erat, eo accuratius agebant, quia minores secuturae maiorum auctoritatem erant.

[¶20] 45.3. The Rhodians were considered of the greatest importance in everything, because they could not only embrace the war, but assist in it, too, with their forces, since forty ships had been made ready, on motion of Hegesilochus; this man, who held the chief magistracy —their own title is prytanis —had by numerous speeches won over the Rhodians to give up the hope, which they had repeatedly discovered to be idle, of currying favour with kings, and to keep the alliance with Rome, the only alliance in the world at that time which was secure whether through power or trustworthiness.

> Latin: 45.3. Rhodii maxumi ad omnia momenti habebantur, quia non fovere tantum, sed adiuvare viribus suis bellum poterant, quadraginta navibus auctore Hegesilocho praeparatis. qui cum in summo magistratu esset — prytanin ipsi vocant — multis orationibus perpulerat Rhodios, ut omissa, quam saepe vanam experti essent, regum fovendorum spe Romanam societatem, unam tum in terris vel viribus vel fide stabilem, retinerent.

[¶21] 45.5. War with Perseus, said Hegesilochus, was imminent; the Romans would call for the same naval force which they had recently seen in the war with Antiochus, and previously in that with Philip.

> Latin: 45.5. bellum imminere cum Perseo; desideraturos Romanos eundem navalem apparatum, quem nuper Antiochi, quem Philippi ante bello vidissent.

[¶22] 45.6. The Rhodians would be in a panic over the sudden need to prepare a fleet at the time it should be sent, if they did not begin to refit their ships and equip them with sailors. This they must do with the greater vigour in order to refute by the proof of actions the accusations brought by Eumenes.

> Latin: 45.6. trepidaturos tum repente paranda classe, cum mittenda esset, nisi reficere naves, nisi instruere navalibus sociis coepissent. id eo magis enixe faciundum esse, ut crimina delata ab Eumene fide rerum refellerent.

[¶23] 45.7. Aroused by these arguments, they displayed to the Roman envoys on their arrival, so that it might be evident that they had not waited to be urged, a fleet of forty ships prepared and equipped.

> Latin: 45.7. his incitati quadraginta navium classem instructam ornatamque legatis Romanis advenientibus, ut non expectatam adhortationem esse appareret, ostenderunt.

[¶24] 45.8. This embassy, moreover, had great weight in winning the allegiance of the states of Asia. Decimius alone returned to Rome without accomplishing anything, and disgraced by the suspicion of having even solicited bribes from the Illyrian kings.

> Latin: 45.8. et haec legatio magnum ad conciliandos animos civitatium Asiae momentum fuit. Decimius unus sine ullo effectu, captarum etiam pecuniarum ab regibus Illyriorum suspicione infamis, Romam rediit.

[¶25] 46.1. When Perseus had returned to Macedonia from his conference with the Romans, he sent to Rome envoys about the terms of peace outlined with Marcius; also to Byzantium and Rhodes... he gave the envoys [letters] to present.

> Latin: 46.1. Perseus cum ab conloquio Romanorum in Macedoniam recepisset sese, legatos Romam de incohatis cum Marcio condicionibus pacis misit, et Byzantium et Rhodum … et legatis ferendas dedit.

[¶26] 46.2. In the letters the same sentiments were expressed to all, namely, that he had conferred with envoys from Rome; what he had heard and what he had said had turned out to be such that he might seem to have had the better of the discussion.

> Latin: 46.2. in litteris eadem sententia ad omnis erat, conlocutum se cum Romanorum legatis; quae audisset quaeque dixisset, ita disposita, ut superior fuisse in disceptatione videri posset.

[¶27] 46.3. Before the Rhodians the envoys added that the king was sure there would be peace; for at the suggestion of Marcius and Atilius envoys had been sent to Rome. If the Romans continued to stir up war contrary to the treaty, then the Rhodians must strive with all their resources of friendly influence to bring peace again; if they did not succeed with their entreaties, they must act to prevent authority and power over everything coming into the hands of a single people.

> Latin: 46.3. apud Rhodios legati addiderunt, confidere pacem futuram, auctoribus enim Marcio atque Atilio missos Romam legatos. si pergerent Romani contra foedus movere bellum, tum omni gratia, omni ope enitendum fore Rhodiis, ut reconcilient pacem:

[¶28] 46.4. This was to the interest both of all states and especially of the Rhodians, in proportion as they were outstanding among other states in position and resources; these blessings would be enslaved and in bondage, if there were no recourse to anyone but the Romans.

> Latin: 46.4. si nihil deprecando proficiant, id agendum, ne omnium rerum ius ac potestas ad unum populum perveniat. cum ceterorum id interesse, tum praecipue Rhodiorum, quo plus inter alias civitates dignitate atque opibus excellant; quae serva atque obnoxia fore, si nullus alio sit quam ad Romanos respectus.

[¶29] 46.5. The friendly hearing given to the letter and the words of the envoys was greater than the weight they had in changing the Rhodians' minds; the influence of the better party began to be the stronger.

> Latin: 46.5. magis et litterae et verba legatorum benigne sunt audita quam momentum ad mutandos animos habuerunt; potentior esse partis melioris auctoritas coeperat.

[¶30] 46.6. The reply as voted was that the Rhodians hoped for peace; if there were war, the king must not expect or ask anything of the Rhodians which would destroy between them and the Romans the ancient friendship, cemented by many great services in peace and war.

> Latin: 46.6. responsum ex decreto est optare pacem Rhodios; si bellum esset, ne quid ab Rhodiis speraret aut peteret rex, quod veterem amicitiam, multis magnisque meritis pace belloque partam, diiungeret sibi ac Romanis.

[¶31] 46.7. On the way back from Rhodes, the envoys also approached the cities of Boeotia, not only Thebes but also Coronea and Haliartus, for it was believed that their desertion of the alliance with the king and adhesion to the Romans had been forced upon them against their will.

> Latin: 46.7. ab Rhodo redeuntes Boeotiae quoque civitates, [et] Thebas et Coroneam et Haliartum, adierunt, quibus expressum invitis existimabatur, ut relicta regia societate Romanis adiungerentur.

[¶32] 46.8. The Thebans were not at all moved, although, both for the condemnation of the chief men and the restoration of the exiles, they were angry with the Romans.

> Latin: 46.8. Thebani nihil moti sunt, quamquam nonnihil et damnatis principibus et restitutis exulibus succensebant Romanis.

[¶33] 46.9. The peoples of Coronea and Haliartus, through some inborn prejudice in favour of kings, sent envoys to Macedonia asking for a garrison, by which they might protect themselves against the reckless insolence of the Thebans.

> Latin: 46.9. Coronaei et Haliartii favore quodam insito in reges legatos in Macedoniam miserunt praesidium petentes, quo se adversus inpotentem superbiam Thebanorum tueri possint.

[¶34] 46.10. To this embassy the king's reply was, that because of the truce made with the Romans he could not send them a garrison; however, he advised them to protect themselves as best they might against the injustice of the Thebans in such a way as not to offer the Romans an excuse for harshness against them.

> Latin: 46.10. cui legationi responsum ab rege est, praesidium se propter indutias cum Romanis factas mittere non posse: tamen ita suadere ab Thebanorum iniuriis, qua possent, ut se vindicarent, ne Romanis praeberent causam in se saeviendi.

[¶35] 47.1. When Marcius and Atilius had arrived in Rome, in the Capitol they reported about their embassy, emphasizing nothing as a greater achievement than the deception of the king by the truce and the hope of peace.

> Latin: 47.1. Marcius et Atilius Romam cum venissent, legationem in Capitolio ita renuntiarunt, ut nulla re magis gloriarentur quam decepto per indutias et spem pacis rege.

[¶36] 47.2. For he had been, they said, so equipped with apparatus for war, while the Romans had made no preparations, that all the commanding places might have been seized by him before an army could be sent over to Greece.

> Latin: 47.2. adeo enim apparatibus belli fuisse instructum, ipsis nulla parata re, ut omnia opportuna loca praeoccupari ante ab eo potuerint, quam exercitus in Graeciam traiceretur.

[¶37] 47.3. However, with the time consumed by the truce, the war would be waged on even terms; he would be in no way better prepared, and the Romans would start the war better equipped in everything. Also they had subtly disrupted the Boeotian League, they said, so that the Boeotians could no longer be joined by any common action to the Macedonians.

> Latin: 47.3. spatio autem indutiarum sumpto aecum … venturum; illum nihilo paratiorem, Romanos omnibus instructiores rebus coepturos bellum. Boeotorum quoque se concilium arte distraxisse, ne coniungi amplius ullo consensu Macedonibus possent.

[¶38] 47.4. These actions a large part of the senate approved as having been done with great wisdom; the older men and those mindful of ancient custom said they did not recognize in this embassy the ways of Rome.

> Latin: 47.4. haec ut summa ratione acta magna pars senatus adprobabat; veteres et moris antiqui memores negabant se in ea legatione Romanas agnoscere artes:

[¶39] 47.5. “Not by ambushes and battles by night,” they thought, "nor by pretended flight and unexpected return to an enemy off his guard, nor in such a way as to boast of cunning rather than real bravery, did our ancestors wage war; they were accustomed to declare war before they waged it, and even at times to announce a battle and specify the place in which they were going to fight.

> Latin: 47.5. non per insidias et nocturna proelia nec simulatam fugam inprovisosque ad incautum hostem reditus nec ut astu magis quam vera virtute gloriarentur, bella maiores gessisse; indicere prius quam gerere solitos bella, denuntiare etiam interdum … finire, in quo dimicaturi essent.

[¶40] 47.6. With the same straightforwardness the information was given to King Pyrrhus that his physician was plotting against his life;

> Latin: 47.6. eadem fide indicatum Pyrrho regi medicum vitae eius insidiantem, eadem Faliscis vinctum traditum proditorem liberorum.

[¶41] 47.7. in the same way the betrayer of their children was delivered bound to the Faliscans; these are the acts of Roman scrupulousness, not of Carthaginian artfulness nor of Greek slyness, since among these peoples it has been more praiseworthy to deceive an enemy than to conquer by force.

> Latin: 47.7. vere haec Romana esse, non versutiarum Punicarum neque calliditatis Graecae, apud quos fallere hostem quam vi superare gloriosius fuerit.

[¶42] 47.8. Occasionally a greater advantage is gained for the time being by trickery than by courage, but final and lasting conquest of the spirit overtakes one from whom the admission has been extorted that he has been conquered, not by craft or accident, but by the hand-tohand clash of force in a proper and righteous war."

> Latin: 47.8. interdum in praesens tempus plus profici dolo quam virtute; sed eius demum animum in perpetuum vinci, cui confessio expressa sit se neque arte neque casu, sed conlatis comminus viribus, iusto ac pio esse bello superatum.

[¶43] 47.9. Thus the older men, who were less well pleased by the new and over-sly wisdom; however, that part of the senate to whom the pursuit of advantage was more important than that of honour, prevailed to the effect that the previous embassy of Marcius should be approved, and he should be sent back again to Greece with... quinqueremes and instructed to conduct further affairs as might seem best to serve the state.

> Latin: 47.9. haec seniores, quibus nova haec minus placebat sapientia; vicit tamen ea pars senatus, cui potior utilis quam honesti cura erat, ut conprobaretur prior legatio Marci et eodem rursus in Graeciam cum … quinqueremibus remitteretur iubereturque cetera, uti e re publica maxime visum esset, agere.

[¶44] 47.10. Aulus Atilius, too, they sent to hold Larisa in Thessaly, fearing that if the time of the truce should expire, Perseus might send a garrison there and have in his power the capital of Thessaly.

> Latin: 47.10. A. quoque Atilium miserunt ad occupandam Larisam in Thessalia timentes, ne, si indutiarum dies exisset, Perseus praesidio eo misso caput Thessaliae in potestate haberet.

[¶45] 47.11. Atilius was instructed to call on Gnaeus Sicinius for two thousand soldiers to accomplish this mission. Publius Lentulus too —he had returned from Achaea —was given three hundred soldiers of Italian stock in order that he should do what he could at Thebes to keep Boeotia under Roman control.

> Latin: 47.11. duo milia peditum Atilius ab Cn. Sicinio accersere ad eam rem agendam iussus. et P. Lentulo, qui ex Achaia redierat, trecenti milites Italici generis dati, ut Thebis daret operam, ut in potestate Boeotia esset.

[¶46] 48.1. With these preparations made, although plans for making war had been determined upon, yet it was decided to receive the envoys before the senate.

> Latin: 48.1. his praeparatis, quamquam ad bellum consilia erant destinata, senatum tamen praeberi legatis placuit.

[¶47] 48.2. Nearly the same statements as had been made at the conference by the king were presented by his envoys. The charge of setting an ambush for Eumenes was both their chief concern and at the same time —for the situation was obvious —the least plausibly refuted; the rest of what they had to say was mollification.

> Latin: 48.2. eadem fere, quae in conloquio ab rege dicta erant, relata ab legatis. insidiarum Eumeni factarum crimen et maxima cura et minime tamen probabiliter — manifesta enim res erat — defensum;

[¶48] 48.3. But the envoys were not heard by spirits which could be either enlightened or moved. The stern order was given them to depart from the walls of Rome at once, and within thirty days from Italy.

> Latin: 48.3. cetera deprecatio erat. sed non eis animis audiebantur, qui aut doceri aut flecti possent. denuntiatum, extemplo moenibus urbis Romae, Italia intra tricesimum diem excederent.

[¶49] 48.4. Then to the consul Publius Licinius, to whom Macedonia had fallen as province, the order was given that he should appoint the first possible day for the army to assemble.

> Latin: 48.4. P. Lincinio deinde consuli, cui Macedonia provincia obvenerat, denuntiatum, ut exercitui diem primam quamque diceret ad conveniendum.

[¶50] 48.5. Gaius Lucretius the praetor, whose duty was the command of the fleet, left the city with forty quinqueremes; for it had been decided to keep at the city several of the refitted ships for various purposes.

> Latin: 48.5. C. Lucretius praetor, cui classis provincia erat, cum quadraginta quinqueremibus ab urbe profectus: nam ex refectis navibus alias in alium usum retineri ad urbem placuit.

[¶51] 48.6. The praetor sent his brother Marcus Lucretius on in advance with one quinquereme, with orders to meet the fleet at Cephallania with the ships received from the allies according to treaty.

> Latin: 48.6. praemissus a praetore est frater M. Lucretius cum quinquereme una, iussusque ab sociis ex foedere acceptis navibus ad Cephallaniam classi occurrere, ab Reginis triremi una, ab Locris duabus, ab Uritibus quattuor.

[¶52] 48.7. After taking on one trireme from Rhegium, two from Locri, four from the district of Uria, he coasted along Italy past the farthest cape of Calabria and crossed the Ionian sea to Dyrrhachium.

> Latin: 48.7. praeter oram supervectus [Italiae] Calabriae extremum promunturium [in] Ionio mari Dyrrhachium traicit.

[¶53] 48.8. There he came upon ten cutters of the Dyrrhachians themselves, twelve of the Issaeans, and fifty-four of King Gentius, and pretending that he believed they had been collected for the use of the Romans, took them all with him on the third day to Corcyra and thence crossed at once to Cephallania. Gaius Lucretius the praetor set out from Naples, passed through the straits and made the crossing to Cephallania in five days.

> Latin: 48.8. ibi decem ipsorum Dyrrhachinorum, duodecim Issaeorum, quinquaginta quattuor Genti regis lembos nanctus, simulans se credere eos in usum Romanorum conparatos esse, omnibus abductis die tertio Corcyram, inde protinus in Cephallaniam traicit.

[¶54] 48.9. There the fleet halted, not only to wait till the land forces were brought over, but also so that the supply-ships, scattered over the deep off their course, might catch up with it.

> Latin: 48.9. C. Lucretius praetor ab Neapoli profectus superato freto die quinto in Cephallaniam transmisit. ibi stetit classis, simul opperiens, ut terrestris copiae traicerentur, simul ut onerariae ex agmine suo per altum dissipatae consequerentur.

[¶55] 49.1. During these days, as it happened, the consul Publius Licinius, after announcing his vows on the Capitol, set out from the city in military dress.

> Latin: 49.1. per hos forte dies P. Licinius consul votis in Capitolio nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe profectus est.

[¶56] 49.2. Such a departure is always indeed conducted with great solemnity and pomp; it particularly draws the eyes and minds of men when they escort a consul going against an enemy great and famous either for bravery or for good fortune.

> Latin: 49.2. semper quidem ea res cum magna dignitate ac maiestate geritur; praecipue tamen convertit oculos animosque, cum ad magnum nobilemque aut virtute aut fortuna hostem euntem consulem prosecuntur.

[¶57] 49.3. For not only care in paying their respects, but also eagerness for the spectacle brings crowds to see their leader, to whose command and wisdom they have entrusted the whole welfare of the state.

> Latin: 49.3. contrahit enim non officii mode cura, sed etiam studium spectaculi, ut videant ducem suum, cuius imperio consilioque summam rem publicam tuendam permiserunt.

[¶58] 49.4. Thereupon there steals over their minds a thought of the calamities of war, and how uncertain is the outcome of fortune and how impartial the god of war —a thought of reverses and successes, of what disasters have often occurred through the ignorance and rashness of leaders, of what gains, on the other hand, prudence and courage have produced.

> Latin: 49.4. subit deinde cogitatio animum, qui belli casus, quam incertus fortunae eventus communisque Mars belli sit; adversa secundaque, quae inscitia et temeritate ducum cladis saepe acciderint, quae contra bona prudentia et virtus attulerit.

[¶59] 49.6. What mortal knows, men think, which kind of mind and fortune belongs to this consul whom we are sending to war? Shall it be in swift triumph, as he climbs the Capitol with a conquering army toward those gods from whom he now takes his leave, that we shall see him, or are we to give that joy to the enemy? To King Perseus in particular, against whom the consul was going, fame had come from the brilliance of the Macedonian nation in war and from Philip, the king's father, whose reputation sprang from many successful achievements and, besides, even from the war with Rome.

> Latin: 49.6. quem scire mortalium utrius mentis, utrius fortunae consulem ad bellum mittant? triumphantemne mox cum exercitu victore scandentem in Capitolium ad eosdem deos, a quibus proficiscatur, visuri, an hostibus eam praebituri laetitiam sint?

[¶60] 49.7. Then, too, Perseus' own name, because of the expectation of war with him, never from the time he mounted the throne had ceased to be on men's lips. With such thoughts, men of all classes escorted the departing consul.

> Latin: 49.7. Persei autem regi, adversus quem ibatur, famam et bello clara Macedonum gens et Philippus pater, inter multa prospere gesta Romano etiam nobilitatus bello, praebebat; tum ipsius Persei numquam, ex quo regnum accepisset, desitum belli expectatione celebrari nomen. cum his cogitationibus omnium ordinum homines proficiscentem consulem prosecuti sunt.

[¶61] 49.9. Two ex-consuls were sent with him as military tribunes, Gaius Claudius and Quintus Mucius and three noted young men, Publius Lentulus and two named Manlius Acidinus —one was the son of Marcus Manlius, the other of Lucius Manlius.

> Latin: 49.9. duo consulares tribuni militum cum eo missi, C. Claudius Q. Mucius, et tres inlustres iuvenes, P. Lentulus et duo Manli Acidini; alter M. Manli, alter L. Manli filius erat.

[¶62] 49.10. With these the consul left for the army at Brundisium and crossing thence with all his forces, pitched camp near the Place of the Nymphs in the territory of Apollonia.

> Latin: 49.10. cum is consul Brundisium ad exercitum atque inde cum omnibus copiis transvectus ad Nymphaeum in Apolloniatium agro posuit castra.

[¶63] 50.1. A few days before, after the envoys returning from Rome had cut off hope of peace, Perseus held a council. There a contest of opposing views took place for a time.

> Latin: 50.1. paucos ante dies Perseus, postquam legati ab Roma regressi praeciderant spem pacis, consilium habuit. ibi aliquamdiu diversis sententiis certatum est.

[¶64] 50.2. There were those who thought that either a tribute should be paid, if it were imposed, or part of their territory yielded, if this form of fine were inflicted —or, finally, that anything else which must be endured for the sake of peace should not be rejected, nor should the king risk staking himself and his kingdom on a cast with so great a forfeit.

> Latin: 50.2. erant, quibus vel stipendium pendendum, si iniungeretur, vel agri parte cedendum, si multarent, quidquid denique aliud pacis causa patiendum esset, non recusandum videretur, nec committendum, ut in aleam tanti casus se regnumque daret:

[¶65] 50.3. If his hold on the kingdom remained quite undisputed, the passage of time might bring, they thought, many means not only of recouping his losses but of making him positively an object of fear to those whom he now feared.

> Latin: 50.3. si possessio haud ambigua regni maneret, multa diem tempusque adferre posse, quibus non amissa modo reciperare, sed timendus ultro is esse, quos nunc timeret, posset, ceterum multo maior pars ferocioris sententiae erat.

[¶66] 50.4. However, by far the majority held a bolder opinion. No matter what he should have yielded, they declared, along with it he would immediately have to yield his kingdom.

> Latin: 50.4. quidquid cessisset, cum eo simul regno protinus cedendum esse adfirmabant:

[¶67] 50.5. For the Romans were not in want of money or territory, but understood that not only all human affairs, but in particular the greatest of kingdoms and empires, were subject to many vicissitudes.

> Latin: 50.5. neque enim Romanos pecunia aut agro egere, sed hoc scire, cum omnia humana, tum maxima quaeque et regna et imperia sub casibus multis esse;

[¶68] 50.6. The Romans, said these advisers, knew that they had shattered the power of the Carthaginians and had set upon their necks a very powerful royal neighbour; Antiochus and his line had been driven beyond the range of Taurus;

> Latin: 50.6. Carthaginiensium opes fregisse sese et cervicibus eorum praepotentem finitimum regem inposuisse; Antiochum progeniemque eius ultra iuga Tauri emotum;

[¶69] 50.7. only the kingdom of Macedonia remained, both near in situation, and such that, when in any way its good fortune began to fail the Roman people, it might seem able to inspire its kings with the spirit of their ancestors.

> Latin: 50.7. unum esse Macedoniae regnum, et regione propincum et quod, [quia] sicubi populo Romano sua fortuna labet, antiquos animos regibus suis videatur posse facere.

[¶70] 50.8. While his strength was intact, Perseus ought to make up his mind whether, after being stripped, by concession after concession, of his resources, and thrust from his kingdom, he would prefer finally to beg of the Romans Samothrace or some other island, where as an untitled survivor of his own kingdom he might grow old amid scorn and poverty, or whether, armed in defense of his power and high position, he would either, in a fashion worthy of a brave man, endure whatever the fortune of war might bring, or as conqueror free the world from Roman domination. It would be no more astounding for the Romans to be driven from Greece than for Hannibal to have been driven from Italy.

> Latin: 50.8. dum integrae res sint, statuere apud animum suum Persea debere, utrum singula concedendo nudatus ad extremum opibus extorrisque regno Samothraciam aliamve quam insulam petere ab Romanis, ubi privatus superstes regno suo in contemptu atque inopia consenescat, malit, an armatus vindex fortunae dignitatisque suae, aut, ut viro forti dignum sit, patiatur, quodcumque casus belli tulerit, aut victor liberet orbem terrarum ab imperio Romano.

[¶71] 50.10. Nor in truth could they see how it was consistent to resist with the utmost vehemence a brother who was wrongly laying claim to the kingdom, and then, when the kingdom had been securely won, to yield it to aliens.

> Latin: 50.10. non esse admirabilius Romanos Graecia pelli quam Hannibalem Italia pulsum esse. neque hercule videre, qui conveniat fratri, adfectanti per iniuriam regnum, summa vi restitisse, alienigenis bene parto eo cedere.

[¶72] 50.11. Finally this discussion about peace and war was based on the universally accepted view that nothing is more disgraceful than to have yielded a kingdom without a struggle, nor anything more glorious than to have made trial of fortune to the utmost in defense of rank and crown.

> Latin: 50.11. postremo ita de bello et pace quaeri, ut inter omnes conveniat, nec turpius quicquam esse quam sine certamine cessisse regno, nec praeclarius quicquam quam pro dignitate ac maiestate omnem fortunam expertum esse.

[¶73] 51.1. This conference was held at Pella, in the ancient palace of the Macedonians. “Let us, then,” said Perseus, “wage war, since this seems best, with the kindly help of the gods,” and sending dispatches to his officers he drew all his forces together at Citium, a city of Macedonia.

> Latin: 51.1. Pellae, in vetere regia Macedonum, hoc consilium erat. “geramus ergo” inquit, “dis bene iuvantibus, quando ita videtur, bellum;” litterisque circa praefectos dimissis Citium — Macedoniae oppidum est — copias omnis contrahit.

[¶74] 51.2. He himself offered a sacrifice of one hundred victims in regal style to Minerva whom they call “Defender of the Folk,” and set out for Citium with a band of wearers of the purple and attendants.

> Latin: 51.2. ipse centum hostiis sacrificio regaliter Minervae, quam vocant Alcidemon, facto cum purpuratorum et satellitum manu profectus Citium est. eo iam omnes Macedonum et externorum auxiliorum convenerant copiae.

[¶75] 51.3. There all the forces of Macedonians and foreign auxiliaries had already assembled. He pitched camp before the city and drew up all the soldiers on the plain; the total of all was forty-three thousand under arms; about half of these were phalanx-men; Hippias of Beroea was their commander.

> Latin: 51.3. castra ante urbem ponit omnisque armatos in campo struxit. summa omnium quadraginta tria milia armata fuere, quorum pars ferme dimidia phalangitae erant; Hippias Beroeaeus praeerat.

[¶76] 51.4. Then there were two thousand chosen from all the force of light infantry for their strength and the vigour of their youth; this unit the Macedonians called the Guard; its commanders were Leonnatus and Thrasippus, Eulyestans.

> Latin: 51.4. delecta deinde et viribus et robore aetatis ex omni cetratorum numero duo milia erant; agema hanc ipsi legionem vocabant; praefectos habebat Leonnatum et Thrasippum Eulyestas.

[¶77] 51.5. The leader of the other light infantry, about three thousand men, was Antiphilus of Edessa. The Paeonians from the districts both of the Mountainside and of the Strymon Valley —these places march with Thrace — and the Agrianes, with an admixture, besides, of Thracian settlers, also supplied a contingent of nearly three thousand.

> Latin: 51.5. ceterorum cetratorum, trium ferme milium hominum, dux erat Antiphilus Edessaeus. Paeones et ex Paroria et Parstrymonia — sunt autem ea loca subiecta Thraciae — et Agrianes, admixtis etiam Threcibus incolis, trium milium ferme et ipsi expleverunt numerum.

[¶78] 51.6. Didas the Paeonian, who had killed young Demetrius, had armed and mustered them.

> Latin: 51.6. armaverat contraxeratque eos Didas Paeon, qui adulescentem Demetrium occiderat.

[¶79] 51.7. There were also two thousand Gauls under arms; their commander was Asclepiodotus from Heraclea of the Sintians; three thousand free Thracians were under their own commander. About an equal number of Cretans followed native leaders, Susus of Phalasarnae and Syllus of Knossus.

> Latin: 51.7. et armatorum duo milia Gallorum erant, praefecto Asclepiodoto ab Heraclea ex Sintis. tria milia Threcum liberorum suum ducem habebant. Cretensium par paene numerus suos duces sequebatur, Susum Phalasarneum et Syllum Gnosium.

[¶80] 51.8. Leonides too, the Lacedaemonian, commanded five hundred from Greece, a mixed group of men. He was said to be of the royal blood, an exile, condemned by a full council of the Achaeans because of dispatches to Perseus which had been intercepted.

> Latin: 51.8. et Leonides Lacedaemonius quingentis ex Graecia, mixto generi hominum, praeerat. regii is generis ferebatur, exul damnatus frequenti concilio Achaeorum, litteris ad Persea deprensis.

[¶81] 51.9. Lycon the Achaean was commander of the Aetolians and Boeotians, who amounted in all to not more than five hundred. Of these auxiliaries, made up of so many peoples and tribes, the total under arms came to about twelve thousand. Of cavalry, the king had assembled three thousand from all Macedonia.

> Latin: 51.9. Aetolorum et Boeotorum, qui non explebant plus quam quingentorum omnes numerum, Lyco Achaeus praefectus erat. ex his mixtis tot populorum, tot gentium auxiliis duodecim milia armatorum ferme efficiebantur. equitum ex tota Macedonia contraxerat tria milia.

[¶82] 51.10. To Citium had come Cotys, son of Seuthes, king of the tribe of the Odrysae, with one thousand picked cavalry and about an equal number of infantry.

> Latin: 51.10. venerat eodem Cotys, Seuthis filius, rex gentis Odrysarum, cum mille dilectis equitibus, pari ferme peditum numero.

[¶83] 51.11. Thus the total of the whole army was thirty-nine thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry. It was generally agreed that, except for the army which Alexander the Great took over to Asia, never had the forces of any Macedonian king been so great.

> Latin: 51.11. ita summa totius exercitus undequadraginta milia peditum erant, quattuor equitum. satis constabat, secundum eum exercitum, quem magnus Alexander in Asiam traiecit, numquam ullius Macedonum regis copias tantas fuisse.

[¶84] 52.1. The twenty-sixth year was passing, since peace had been granted to Philip at his request;

> Latin: 52.1. sextus et vicesimus annus agebatur, ex quo petenti Philippo data pax erat;

[¶85] 52.2. throughout all that time unmolested Macedonia had both produced offspring, a large number of whom were of military age, and yet, in minor wars with her Thracian neighbours, of a sort to give training rather than to produce weariness, had been unremittingly in arms.

> Latin: 52.2. per id omne tempus quieta Macedonia et progeniem ediderat, cuius magna pars matura militiae esset, et levibus bellis Thracum accolarum, quae exercerent magis quam fatigarent, sub adsidua tamen militia fuerat;

[¶86] 52.3. Also the long planning for war with Rome, first by Philip, then by Perseus, had brought it about that everything was ready and at hand.

> Latin: 52.3. et diu meditatum Philippo primo, deinde et Persei Romanum bellum, omnia ut instructa parataque essent, effecerat.

[¶87] 52.4. The array of the review was set briefly in motion (not however in a regular manoeuvre ), so that they might not seem to have merely stood under arms; the king summoned them, in arms as they were, to an assembly.

> Latin: 52.4. mota parumper acies, non iusto decursu tamen, ne stetisse tantum in armis viderentur; armatosque, sicut erant, ad contionem vocavit.

[¶88] 52.5. He himself stood on a platform, having about him his two sons, the elder of whom, Philip, was by birth his brother, by adoption his son, while the younger, whom they called Alexander, was his own.

> Latin: 52.5. ipse constitit in tribunali, circa se habens filios duos, quorum maior Philippus natura frater, adoptione filius, minor, quem Alexandrum vocabant, naturalis erat.

[¶89] 52.6. He cheered the soldiers on to the war; he recited the wrongs done by the Roman people to his father and himself; the former had been driven by all sorts of outrages to fight back, but had been overtaken by fate during preparations for the war;

> Latin: 52.6. cohortatus est milites ad bellum, iniurias populi Romani in patrem seque conmemoravit:

[¶90] 52.7. to Perseus himself envoys had been sent at the same moment as soldiers for the seizing of the cities of Greece.

> Latin: 52.7. illum omnibus indignitatibus conpulsum ad rebellandum, inter apparatum belli fato oppressum; ad se simul legatos, simul milites ad occupandas Graeciae urbes missos.

[¶91] 52.8. Then through a treacherous conference, by means of a pretence of reorganizing peace, the winter had been wasted, so that the Romans might have time for preparation; now the consul was coming with two Roman legions, each of which contained six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, and about the same number of allied infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 52.8. fallaci deinde conloquio per speciem reconciliandae pacis extractam hiemem, ut tempus ad conparandum haberent; consulem nunc venire cum duabus legionibus Romanis, quae …, trecenos equites habeant, et pari ferme numero sociorum peditum equitumque;

[¶92] 52.9. Supposing that there were added to this force auxiliaries from the kings, Eumenes and Masinissa, there would be not more than thirty-seven thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 52.9. eo ut accedant regum auxilia, Eumenis et Masinissae, non plus … septem milia peditum, duo equitum futura.

[¶93] 52.10. Now that they had heard the numbers of the enemy let them consider their own army, how much it excelled in numbers and in type of soldiers, how much they, trained in the arts of warfare from boyhood, disciplined and hardened in so many wars, excelled these recruits hastily enrolled for this war. The auxiliaries of the Romans were Lydians, Phrygians, and Numidians; their own, Thracians and Gauls, the most warlike of all nations.

> Latin: 52.10. auditis hostium copiis respicerent suum ipsi exercitum, quantum numero, quantum genere militum praestarent tironibus raptim ad id bellum conscriptis ipsi a pueris eruditi artibus militiae, tot subacti atque durati bellis.

[¶94] 52.11. Their enemies had such arms as each poverty-stricken soldier might have acquired for himself, the Macedonians had arms taken from the royal arsenals, laid up through so many years by his father's care and expenditure. Provisions for the enemy would come not only from a long distance, but subject to all the accidents of seafaring; he himself had stored up both money and grain, not counting the revenue from the mines, for a ten years' war.

> Latin: 52.11. auxilia Romanis Lydos et Phrygas et Numidas esse, sibi Thracas Gallosque, ferocissimas gentium. arma illos habere ea, quae sibi quisque paraverit pauper miles, Macedonas prompta ex regio apparatu, per tot annos patris sui cura et inpensa facta.

[¶95] 52.12. Everything which, by the beneficence of the gods and by the prudence of the king, was to be made ready the Macedonians had in abundant plenty;

> Latin: 52.12. commeatum illis cum procul, tum omnibus sub casibus maritimis fore; se et pecuniam et frumentum, praeter reditus metallorum, in decem annos seposuisse.

[¶96] 52.13. they must have, too, the spirit which their ancestors had possessed, who, having subdued all Europe, had crossed to Asia and opened up with their arms a whole world unknown even to rumour, and had not ceased their conquests, until, within the barrier of the Indian Ocean, there was nothing left for them to conquer. But now, by Hercules, fortune had proclaimed a contest, not for the farthermost shores of India, but for the possession of Macedonia itself.

> Latin: 52.13. omnia, quae deorum indulgentia, quae regia cura praeparanda fuerint, plena cumulataque habere Macedonas. animum habendum esse, quem habuerint maiores eorum, qui Europa omni domita transgressi in Asiam incognitum famae aperuerint armis orbem terrarum nec ante vincere desierint, quam rubro mari inclusis quod vincerent defuerit.

[¶97] 52.15. When the Romans had been waging war with his father, they had held out the plausible pretext of the freedom of Greece; now openly they sought to enslave Macedonia, that there might be no king neighbouring the Roman empire, that no people famed in war might keep its arms.

> Latin: 52.15. at hercule nunc non de ultimis Indiae oris, sed de ipsius Macedoniae possessione certamen fortunam indixisse. cum patre suo gerentis bellum Romanos speciosum Graeciae liberandae prae tulisse titulum;

[¶98] 52.16. All these things they must surrender to haughty masters, along with their king and kingdom, if they wished to cease waging war and do the bidding of others.

> Latin: 52.16. nunc propalam Macedoniam in servitutem petere, ne rex vicinus imperio sit Romano, ne gens bello nobilis arma habeat. haec enim tradenda superbis dominis esse cum rege regnoque, si absistere bello et facere imperata velint.

[¶99] 53.1. Although throughout all the speech there had been often enough outbursts of applause, at that moment indeed such an outcry arose from those who were at once enraged and threatening, while some of them bade the king be of good cheer, that he put an end to his speech, merely ordering them to prepare for a march, for it was reported that the Romans had already moved camp from the Place of the Nymphs.

> Latin: 53.1. cum per omnem orationem satis frequenti adsensu succlamatum esset, tum vero ea vociferatio simul indignantium minitantiumque, partim iubentium bonum animum habere regem, exorta est, ut finem dicendi faceret, tantum iussis ad iter parare:

[¶100] 53.2. After dismissing the assembly he turned to hearing embassies from the cities of Macedonia.

> Latin: 53.2. iam enim dici movere castra ab Nymphaeo Romanos. contione dimissa, ad audiendas legationes civitatium Macedoniae se contulit.

[¶101] 53.3. These groups had come in order to promise funds for the war, each according to its ability, and grain.

> Latin: 53.3. venerant autem ad pecunias pro facultatibus quaeque suis et frumentum pollicendum ad bellum.

[¶102] 53.4. To all thanks were expressed and the offers refused; they were informed that the royal stores were sufficient for these purposes. Only wagons were ordered, to carry the catapults and a huge supply of missile weapons which was ready and other martial equipment.

> Latin: 53.4. omnibus gratiae actae, remissum omnibus; satis regios apparatus ad ea dictum sufficere. vehicula tantum imperata, ut tormenta telorumque missilium ingentem vim praeparatam bellicumque aliud instrumentum veherent.

[¶103] 53.5. Then setting out by way of Eordaea with the whole army, after camping at the lake called Begorritis, the king advanced on the next day into Elimea to the Haliacmon river.

> Latin: 53.5. profectus inde toto exercitu, Eordaeam petens, ad Begorritim quem vocant lacum positis castris, postero die in Elimeam ad Haliacmona fluvium processit.

[¶104] 53.6. Then crossing the mountains which they call Cambunian by a narrow pass, he came down to Azorus, Pythoüs and Dolichê; the inhabitants call them Tripolis.

> Latin: 53.6. deinde saltu angusto superatis montibus, quos Cambunios vocant, descendit ad Azorum, Pythoum et Dolichen;

[¶105] 53.7. These three towns, after brief hesitation because they had given hostages to the people of Larisa, nevertheless, overcome by immediate fear, yielded in surrender.

> Latin: 53.7. Tripolim vocant incolentes. haec tria oppida paulisper cunctata, quia obsides Larisaeis dederant, victa tamen praesenti metu in deditionem concesserunt.

[¶106] 53.8. After reassuring speeches to these, Perseus, not doubting that the Perrhaebians also would do the same... at once on his arrival received the surrender of the city with no delay on the part of the inhabitants.

> Latin: 53.8. benigne his appellatis haud dubius Perrhaebos quoque idem facturos, … urbem nihil cunctatis, qui incolebant, primo adventu recipit.

[¶107] 53.9. Forced to besiege Cyretiae, he was repulsed the first day by a sharp rally of fighters at the gates; on the next day, by attacking with all his forces, he received before nightfall the surrender of everyone.

> Latin: 53.9. Cyretias oppugnare coactus primo etiam die acri concursu ad portas armatorum est repulsus; postero die omnibus copiis adortus in deditionem omnes ante noctem accepit.

[¶108] 54.1. Mylae, the next town, being so fortified that their hope that the defences were impregnable made the inhabitants overbold, considered it insufficient to shut its gates to the king, but also assailed him and the Macedonians with saucy insults.

> Latin: 54.1. Mylae, proximum oppidum, ita munitum, ut inexsuperabilis munimenti spes incolas ferociores faceret, non portas claudere regi satis habuerunt, sed probris quoque in ipsum Macedonasque procacibus iaculati sunt.

[¶109] 54.2. This impertinence both made the enemy more vehement in the attack and fired the citizens, through despair of obtaining pardon, to defend themselves more vigorously.

> Latin: 54.2. quae res cum infestiorem hostem ad oppugnandum fecisset, ipsos desperatione veniae ad tuendos sese acrius accendit.

[¶110] 54.3. Therefore for three days with great spirit on both sides the city was attacked and defended. The numbers of the Macedonians were easily sufficient to undertake the battle in relays; the townspeople, guarding the walls day and night without relief, were worn out not only by wounds but also by wakefulness and unbroken toil.

> Latin: 54.3. itaque per triduum ingentibus utrimque animis et oppugnata est urbs et defensa. multitudo Macedonum ad subeundum in vicem proelium haud difficulter sufficiebat; oppidanos diem noctem eosdem tuentis moenia non vulnera modo, sed etiam vigiliae et continens labor conficiebat.

[¶111] 54.4. When on the fourth day ladders were lifted against the walls on all sides and also the gate was attacked with greater violence, the townspeople, after thrusting back the assault on the walls, rallied to guard the gate and made a sudden sally against the enemy;

> Latin: 54.4. quarto die cum et scalae undique ad muros erigerentur, et porta vi maiore oppugnaretur, oppidani depulso … muris ad portam tuendam concurrunt eruptionemque repentinam in hostis faciunt;

[¶112] 54.5. this being more the result of heedless rage than of genuine confidence in their strength, the small number of weary men, routed by fresh opponents, turned tail and in their flight let the enemy in through the open gate.

> Latin: 54.5. quae cum irae magis inconsultae quam verae fiduciae virium esset, pauci et fessi ab integris pulsi terga dederunt fugientesque per patentem portam hostes acceperunt.

[¶113] 54.6. Thus the city was captured and sacked; even the free persons who survived the slaughter were sold. After the town had been in large part torn down and burned, Perseus, departing, moved his camp to Phalanna and thence on the next day arrived at Gyrton.

> Latin: 54.6. ita capta urbs ac direpta est; libera quoque corpora, quae caedibus superfuerunt, venum data. diruto magna ex parte et incenso oppido profectus ad Phalannam castra movit, inde postero die Gyrtonem pervenit.

[¶114] 54.7. When he heard that Titus Minucius Rufus and Hippias, general of the Thessalians, had entered that town with a garrison, he passed by without even trying an attack and received the submission of Elatia and Gonnus because the inhabitants were frightened by his unexpected arrival.

> Latin: 54.7. quo cum T. Minucium Rufum et Hippiam, Thessalorum praetorem, cum praesidio intrasse accepisset, ne temptata quidem oppugnatione praetergressus, Elatiam et Gonnum perculsis inopinato adventu oppidanis recepit.

[¶115] 54.8. Both towns are in the narrows by which Tempê is approached, especially Gonnus. Therefore he left this town both protected by a stronger garrison of cavalry and infantry and fortified in addition by a triple ditch and a rampart.

> Latin: 54.8. utraque oppida in faucibus sunt, qua Tempe adeunt, magis Gonnus. itaque et firmiore id praesidio tutum equitum peditumque, ad hoc fossa triplici ac vallo munitum reliquit.

[¶116] 54.9. He himself having advanced to Sycurium decided to await there the approach of the enemy; at the same time he ordered his army to gather grain everywhere in the adjoining hostile territory. For Sycurium is in the foothills of Mount Ossa.

> Latin: 54.9. ipse ad Sycurium progressus opperiri ibi hostium adventum statuit, simul et frumentari passim exercitum iubet in subiecto hostium agro.

[¶117] 54.10. This mountain by its southern slope commands the plains of Thessaly, and to the rear, Macedonia and Magnesia.

> Latin: 54.10. namque Sycurium est sub radicibus Ossae montis: qua in meridiem vergit, subiectos habet Thessaliae campos, ab tergo Macedoniam atque Magnesiam.

[¶118] 54.11. To these advantages of position are added the greatest healthfulness and an abundance of unfailing water, since numerous springs surround it.

> Latin: 54.11. ad has opportunitates accedit summa salubritas et copia pluribus circumiectis fontibus perennium aquarum.

[¶119] 55.1. The Roman consul, being on his way to Thessaly with his army during these same days, first made a rapid march through Epirus;

> Latin: 55.1. consul Romanus per eosdem dies Thessaliam cum exercitu petens iter expeditum primo per Epirum habuit;

[¶120] 55.2. then, after he crossed into Athamania, a land of rough and almost pathless terrain, with great difficulty by small roads he barely got through to Gomphi;

> Latin: 55.2. deinde postquam in Athamaniam est transgressus asperi ac prope invii soli, cum ingenti difficultate parvis itineribus aegre Gomphos pervenit;

[¶121] 55.3. while his men and horses were in trouble, and since he commanded a novice army, if the king had opposed him with a force advantageously arrayed as to time and place, even the Romans do not deny that they would have fought with great loss to themselves.

> Latin: 55.3. cui si vexatis hominibus equisque tironem exercitum ducenti acie instructa et loco suo et tempore obstitisset rex, ne Romani quidem abnuunt magna sua cum clade fuisse pugnaturos.

[¶122] 55.4. After their arrival at Gomphi without opposition, besides the joy of having negotiated a dangerous pass, scorn of enemies who were so ignorant of their own advantages also came to them.

> Latin: 55.4. postquam Gomphos sine certamine ventum est, praeter gaudium periculosi saltus superati contemptus quoque hostium adeo ignorantium opportunitates suas accessit.

[¶123] 55.5. After sacrifice duly performed and a distribution of grain to the soldiers, the consul, delaying a few days to rest beasts and men, on hearing that the Macedonians were wandering scattered through Thessaly and that the territory of the allies was being plundered, led his now sufficiently refreshed soldiery to Larisa.

> Latin: 55.5. sacrificio rite perfecto consul et frumento dato militibus paucos ad requiem iumentorum hominumque moratus dies, cum audiret vagari Macedonas effusos per Thessaliam vastarique sociorum agros, satis iam refectum militem ad Larisam ducit.

[¶124] 55.6. When about three miles distant from there, at Tripolis —they call it Scaea —above the Peneüs river he pitched camp.

> Latin: 55.6. inde cum tria milia ferme abesset, ad Tripolim — Scaeam vocant — super Peneum amnem posuit castra.

[¶125] 55.7. During this same time Eumenes arrived at Chalcis with a fleet, accompanied by his brothers Attalus and Athenaeus, his brother Philetaerus having been left at Pergamum for the protection of the kingdom. From Chalcis he came with Attalus and four thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry to the consul; at Chalcis two thousand infantry were left under the command of Athenaeus.

> Latin: 55.7. per idem tempus Eumenes ad Chalcidem navibus accessit cum Attalo atque Athenaeo fratribus, Philetaero fratre relicto Pergami ad tutelam regni. Chalcide cum Attalo et quattuor milibus peditum, mille equitum ad consulem venit;

[¶126] 55.8. Also the other auxiliaries of the Romans assembled at Tripolis from all the peoples of Greece everywhere, many of whom — so small were they —have come to oblivion. The people of Apollonia sent three hundred cavalry and one hundred infantry.

> Latin: 55.8. Chalcide relicta duo milia peditum, quibus Athenaeus praepositus. et alia eodem auxilia Romanis ex omnibus undique Graeciae populis convenerunt, quorum pleraque — adeo parva erant — in oblivionem adducta.

[¶127] 55.9. From the Aetolians there came the equivalent of one squadron, the total force of cavalry of the whole league, and of the Thessalians, whose entire cavalry force had been hoped for, not more than three hundred horsemen were in the Roman camp.

> Latin: 55.9. Apolloniatae trecentos equites, centum pedites miserunt. Aetolorum alae unius instar, quantum ab tota gente equitum [erat] venerat, et Thessalorum, quorum omnis equitatus speratus erat, non plus quam trecenti erant equites in castris Romanis.

[¶128] 55.10. The Achaeans contributed of their young men, mostly with Cretan armament, about fifteen hundred.

> Latin: 55.10. Achaei iuventutis suae Cretico maxime armatu ad mille quingentos dederunt.