---
title: "History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 9 of 18
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9/
cite: "Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, section 9. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV

*Livy, tr. Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger*

The last surviving books: the war with Perseus, the end of the Macedonian kingdom at Pydna and the triumph of Aemilius Paulus.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XLI–XLV, ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann Johannes Müller, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat5, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 9. Book XLIII · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-4/9/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. During the same summer in which this campaign was fought in Thessaly, the staff-officer..., sent by the consul into Illyricum, besieged two rich cities.

> Latin: 1.1. eadem aestate, qua in Thessalia haec gesta sunt, … legatus in Illyricum a consule missus opulenta duo oppida oppugnavit;

[¶1] 1.2. Ceremia he compelled by force of arms to surrender; and he left to its inhabitants all their possessions, in order by his reputation for clemency to entice the dwellers in the walled city of Carnuns. After he had been unable either to induce them to surrender or to capture them by blockade, in order that his soldiery might not be worn out by two sieges and gain nothing, he plundered the city which he had previously left untouched.

> Latin: 1.2. Ceremiam vi atque armis coegit in deditionem omniaque iis sua concessit, ut opinione clementiae eos, qui Carnuntem, munitam urbem, incolebant, adliceret. postquam nec, ut dederent se, conpellere neque capere obsidendo poterat, ne duabus oppugnationibus nequiquam fatigatus miles esset, quam prius intactam urbem reliquerat, diripuit.

[¶2] 1.4. Gaius Cassius the second consul failed to accomplish anything of note in Gaul, which had fallen to his lot, and made a vain attempt to lead his legions through Illyricum into Macedonia.

> Latin: 1.4. alter consul C. Cassius nec in Gallia, quam sortitus erat, memorabile quicquam gessit et per Illyricum ducere legiones in Macedoniam vano incepto est conatus.

[¶3] 1.5. The consul's venture on this journey became known to the senate through an embassy from Aquileia, which complained that their colony was new and weak and had been as yet insufficiently fortified against the surrounding hostile tribes of Histrians and Illyrians;

> Latin: 1.5. ingressum hoc iter consulem senatus ex Aquileiensium legatis cognovit, qui querentes coloniam suam novam et infirmam necdum satis munitam inter infestas nationes Histrorum et Illyriorum esse, cum peterent, ut senatus curae haberet, quomodo ea colonia muniretur, interrogati, vellentne eam rem C.

[¶4] 1.6. on their requesting that the senate should concern itself with means for fortifying this colony, they were asked if they wished this matter to be entrusted to Gaius Cassius the consul, but replied that Cassius, having mustered his army at Aquileia, had set out through Illyricum for Macedonia.

> Latin: 1.6. Cassio consuli mandari, responderunt Cassium Aquileiam indicto exercitu profectum per Illyricum in Macedoniam esse.

[¶5] 1.7. This report seemed unbelievable at first, and the senators each thought to himself that perhaps a campaign against the Carnians or Histrians had been begun.

> Latin: 1.7. ea res primo incredibilis visa, et pro se quisque credere Carnis forsitan aut Histris bellum inlatum.

[¶6] 1.8. Then the envoys from Aquileia said that they knew and dared assert nothing more than that thirty days' grain had been issued to the soldiery, and that guides who knew the roads from Italy into Macedonia had been sought out and taken along.

> Latin: 1.8. tum Aquileienses: nihil se ultra scire nec audere adfirmare, quam triginta dierum frumentum militi datum et duces, qui ex Italia itinera in Macedoniam nossent, conquisitos abductosque.

[¶7] 1.9. Then indeed the senate was incensed that the consul had such effrontery as to leave his own district, trespass upon his colleague's, lead his army by a dangerous, untried route among foreign peoples, and leave open to so many tribes the way into Italy.

> Latin: 1.9. enimvero senatus indignari tantum consulem ausum, ut suam provinciam relinqueret, in alienam transiret, exercitum novo periculoso itinere inter exteras gentes duceret, viam tot nationibus in Italiam aperiret.

[¶8] 1.10. A full senate decreed that the praetor Gaius Sulpicius should name three envoys from among the senators, who should that very day set out from the city and with all possible speed overtake the consul Cassius, wherever he might be;

> Latin: 1.10. decernunt frequentes, ut C. Sulpicius praetor tris ex senatu nominet legatos, qui eo die proficiscantur ex urbe et, quantum adcelerare possint, Cassium consulem, ubicumque sit, persequantur;

[¶9] 1.11. they were to declare to him that he must not engage in war with any people unless the senate had determined on war against them.

> Latin: 1.11. nuntient, ne bellum cum ulla gente moveat, nisi cum qua senatus gerendum censuerit.

[¶10] 1.12. The following envoys set out: Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Marcus Fulvius, Publius Marcius Rex. Fear for the consul and his army displaced for the present any consideration of fortifying Aquileia.

> Latin: 1.12. legati hi profecti: M. Cornelius Cethegus, M. Fulvius, P. Marcius Rex. metus de consule atque exercitu distulit eo tempore muniendae Aquileiae curam.

[¶11] 2.1. Next, envoys of several peoples from each of the Spains were presented to the senate.

> Latin: 2.1. Hispaniae deinde utriusque legati aliquot populorum in senatum introducti.

[¶12] 2.2. After complaining of the greed and arrogance of Roman officials, they begged of the senate on bended knees that it would not permit them, its allies, to be more wretchedly despoiled and harassed than its enemies.

> Latin: 2.2. ii de magistratuum Romanorum avaritia superbiaque conquesti, nixi genibus ab senatu petierunt, ne se socios foedius spoliari vexarique quam hostis patiantur.

[¶13] 2.3. Since they complained of other acts of injustice also and it was in fact obvious that money had been extorted, the task was assigned to the praetor Lucius Canuleius, to whom Spain had been allotted, to assign for each man, from whom the Spaniards were seeking to recover money, five judges of senatorial rank and to permit the Spaniards to choose any advocates they might wish.

> Latin: 2.3. cum et alia indigna quererentur, manifestum autem esset pecunias captas, L. Canuleio praetori, qui Hispaniam sortitus erat, negotium datum est, ut in singulos, a quibus Hispani pecunias repeterent, quinos recuperatores ex ordine senatorio daret patronosque, quos vellent, sumendi potestatem faceret.

[¶14] 2.4. The decree of the senate was read to the envoys, who had been summoned to the senate-house, and they were ordered to name their advocates.

> Latin: 2.4. vocatis in curiam legatis recitatum est senatus consultum, iussique nominare patronos.

[¶15] 2.5. They named four, Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius Scipio son of Gnaeus, Lucius Aemilius Paulus son of Lucius, and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus.

> Latin: 2.5. quattuor nominaverunt, M. Porcium Catonem, P. Cornelium Cn. f. Scipionem, L. Aemilium L. f. Paulum, C. Sulpicium Gallum.

[¶16] 2.6. The case of Marcus Titinius, who had been praetor in Nearer Spain during the consulship of Aulus Manlius and Marcus Junius, was first taken up by a board of judges. The trial was twice adjourned, and at the third session the defendant was acquitted.

> Latin: 2.6. cum M. Titinio primum, qui praetor A. Manlio M. Iunio consulibus in citeriore Hispania fuerat, recuperatores sumpserunt. bis ampliatus, tertio absolutus est reus.

[¶17] 2.7. A dispute arose between the envoys of the two provinces; the peoples of Nearer Spain chose as advocates Marcus Cato and Publius Scipio, those of Farther Spain took Lucius Paulus and Sulpicius Gallus.

> Latin: 2.7. dissensio inter duarum provinciarum legatos est orta; citerioris Hispaniae populi M. Catonem et Scipionem, ulterioris L. Paulum et Gallum Sulpicium patronos sumpserunt.

[¶18] 2.8. There were brought before judges by the peoples of the nearer province Publius Furius Philus, by those of the farther province Marcus Matienus; the former had been praetor three years before, in the consulship of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Mucius, the latter had served two years before, when Lucius Postumius and Marcus Popilius were consuls.

> Latin: 2.8. ad recuperatores adducti a citerioribus populis P. Furius Philus, ab ulterioribus M. Matienus; ille Sp. Postumio Q. Mucio consulibus triennio ante, hic biennio prius L. Postumio M. Popilio consulibus praetor fuerat.

[¶19] 2.10. Both were accused on most serious charges and the cases were adjourned; when the time came for a fresh trial, the defence reported that they had left Roman territory to go into exile. Furius went for his exile to Praeneste, Matienus to Tibur.

> Latin: 2.10. gravissimis criminibus accusati ambo ampliatique; cum dicenda de integro causa esset, excusati exilii causa solum vertisse. Furius Praeneste, Matienus Tibur exulatum abierunt.

[¶20] 2.11. There was a rumour that the advocates would not allow accusations against men of rank and influence; this suspicion was increased by Canuleius the praetor, who gave up this investigation, began to hold a levy, and then suddenly left for his province, so that no more men should be assailed by the Spaniards.

> Latin: 2.11. fama erat prohiberi a patronis nobilis ac potentes conpellare, auxitque eam suspicionem Canuleius praetor, quod omissa ea re dilectum habere instituit, dein repente in provinciam abiit, ne plures ab Hispanis vexarentur.

[¶21] 2.12. Though bygones were thus shrouded in silence, the senate voted for the future what the Spaniards had requested —that a Roman official should not set the price for grain, nor compel the Spaniards to sell their five-per-cent quotas at the price he wished, and that no officers should be placed over their towns to collect money.

> Latin: 2.12. ita praeteritis silentio oblitteratis in futurum tamen consultum ab senatu Hispanis, quod impetrarunt, ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet neve cogeret vicensumas vendere Hispanos, quanti ipse vellet, et ne praefecti in oppida sua ad pecunias cogendas imponerentur.

[¶22] 3.1. Another embassy, also from Spain, of a novel class of people, arrived. Stating that they were the children of Roman soldiers and of Spanish women, between whom legal marriage could not exist, and that they numbered over four thousand souls, they asked that a town be given them in which to live.

> Latin: 3.1. et alia novi generis hominum ex Hispania legatio venit. ex militibus Romanis et ex Hispanis mulieribus, cum quibus conubium non esset, natos se memorantes, supra quattuor milia hominum, orabant, ut sibi oppidum, in quo habitarent, daretur.

[¶23] 3.3. The senate decreed that they should declare before Lucius Canuleius the praetor their own names and the names of any slaves they might have set free, and that it was the pleasure of the senate that these people should be settled at Carteia near the Ocean;

> Latin: 3.3. senatus decrevit, uti nomina sua apud L. Canuleium profiterentur eorumque, si quos manumisissent; eos Carteiam ad Oceanum deduci placere;

[¶24] 3.4. any present inhabitants of Carteia who wished to remain at home would have the opportunity to be members of the colony, but on assigned land. This colony was to have Latin rights and to be called the freedmen's colony.

> Latin: 3.4. qui Carteiensium domi manere vellent, potestatem fieri, uti numero colonorum essent, agro adsignato; Latinam eam coloniam esse libertinorumque appellari.

[¶25] 3.5. At the same time there came from Africa both Prince Gulussa, the son of Masinissa, as ambassador for his father, and Carthaginian envoys.

> Latin: 3.5. eodem tempore ex Africa et Gulussa regulus, Masinissae filius, legatus patris, et Carthaginienses venerunt.

[¶26] 3.6. Gulussa was presented to the senate first, and set forth what supplies had been sent by his father for the Macedonian campaign; he also promised that if they wished to order anything further, his father would furnish it, as due return to the Roman people, and he warned the senators to beware of treachery from the Carthaginians; they had adopted the plan, he added, of preparing a large fleet, ostensibly for the Romans and against the Macedonians;

> Latin: 3.6. Gulussa prior in senatum introductus et, quae missa erant ad bellum Macedonicum a patre suo, exposuit et, si qua praeterea vellent imperare, praestaturum merito populi Romani est pollicitus et monuit patres conscriptos, ut a fraude Carthaginiensium caverent:

[¶27] 3.7. when this fleet should be ready and equipped, the Carthaginians would be free to decide for themselves who should be considered an enemy or who an ally. The instilling of this [suspicion caused the senate].... .. they thereafter caused such terror as they entered the camp, displaying the heads, that if the army had been brought up at once, the camp might have been taken.

> Latin: 3.7. classis eos magnae parandae consilium cepisse specie pro Romanis et adversus Macedonas; ubi ea parata instructaque esset, ipsorum fore potestatis, quem hostem aut socium habeant. hanc iniec … … tis tantum extitit … pavorem ingressi castra, ostentantes capita, fecerunt, ut, si admotus extemplo exercitus foret, capi castra potuerint.

[¶28] 4.2. Even as it was, a great panic took place, and there were those who advised sending envoys to beg for peace; many cities, too, on hearing this news, offered themselves in surrender.

> Latin: 4.2. tum quoque fuga ingens facta est; et erant, qui legatos mittendos ad pacem precibus petendam censerent, civitatesque conplures eo nuntio audito in deditionem venerunt.

[¶29] 4.3. These cities cleared themselves and placed the blame on the folly of two men who had of their own accord gone to meet their punishment, and the praetor, having accepted these excuses, set out at once for the other cities and, since everybody obeyed his commands, passed without using his army through a region, now peaceful, which shortly before had been aflame with a huge uprising.

> Latin: 4.3. quibus purgantibus sese culpamque in duorum amentiam conferentibus, qui se ultro ad poenam ipsi obtulissent, cum veniam dedisset praetor, profectus extemplo ad alias civitates omnibus imperata facientibus quieto exercitu pacatum agrum, qui paulo ante ingenti tumultu arserat, peragravit.

[¶30] 4.5. This clemency of the praetor, whereby without bloodshed he had tamed a very war-like people, was the more pleasing to the Roman commons and the Fathers because the campaign in Greece had been conducted with too much cruelty and greed by both the consul Licinius and Lucretius the praetor.

> Latin: 4.5. haec lenitas praetoris, qua sine sanguine ferocissimam gentem domuerat, eo gratior plebi patribusque fuit, quo crudelius avariusque in Graecia bellatum et ab consule Licinio et ab Lucretio praetore erat.

[¶31] 4.6. Lucretius was assailed in his absence by the tribunes of the people in meeting after meeting, although it was stated in his behalf that he was absent in the service of the state; but in that day even the neighbourhood of the city was such unknown territory that he was at that time on his estate at Antium and was engaged in bringing water to Antium from the River Loracina at the cost of his spoils.

> Latin: 4.6. Lucretium tribuni plebis absentem contionibus adsiduis lacerabant, cum rei publicae causa abesse excusaretur; sed tum adeo vicina etiam inexplorata erant, ut is eo tempore in agro suo Antiati esset aquamque ex manubiis Antium ex flumine Loracinae duceret.

[¶32] 4.7. He is said to have let the contract for this work at one hundred and thirty thousand asses; he also decorated with paintings from the booty the temple of Aesculapius.

> Latin: 4.7. id opus centum triginta milibus aeris locasse dicitur. tabulis quoque pictis ex praeda fanum Aesculapi exornavit.

[¶33] 4.8. Disapprobation and disgrace were diverted from Lucretius to Hortensius, his successor, by envoys from Abdera, who wept before the senate-house and complained that their city had been stormed and plundered by Hortensius;

> Latin: 4.8. invidiam infamiamque ab Lucretio averterunt in Hortensium successorem eius Abderitae legati flentes ante curiam querentesque oppidum suum ab Hortensio expugnatum ac direptum esse:

[¶34] 4.9. the reason for the destruction of the city had been, they said, that when the praetor had ordered a hundred thousand denarii and fifty thousand peeks of wheat, they had asked for a stay, during which they might send envoys about the matter to the consul Hostilius and to Rome. Hardly had they come to the consul when they heard that their town had been stormed, their leading men beheaded with the axe, and the rest sold at auction.

> Latin: 4.9. causam excidii fuisse urbi, quod, cum centum milia denarium et tritici quinquaginta milia modium imperaret, spatium petierint, quo de ea re et ad Hostilium consulem et Romam mitterent legatos.

[¶35] 4.10. This seemed to the senate a disgraceful occurrence, and they issued the same decree about the people of Abdera which they had issued the preceding year about the people of Coronea, and instructed Quintus Maenius the praetor to make a similar proclamation before an assembly.

> Latin: 4.10. vixdum ad consulem se pervenisse et audisse oppidum expugnatum, principes securi percussos, sub corona ceteros venisse.

[¶36] 4.11. Furthermore, two envoys, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Sextus Julius Caesar, were sent to restore the people of Abdera to freedom.

> Latin: 4.11. indigna res senatui visa decreveruntque eadem de Abderitis, quae de Coronaeis decreverant priore anno, eademque pro contione edicere Q. Maenium praetorem iusserunt.

[¶37] 4.12. To these same envoys instructions were given to inform both Hostilius the consul and Hortensius the praetor that the senate had resolved that an improper war had been undertaken against the people of Abdera, and that it was just that all who were enslaved should be sought out and restored to freedom.

> Latin: 4.12. et legati duo, C. Sempronius Blaesus Sex. Iulius Caesar, ad restituendos in libertatem Abderitas missi. iisdem mandatum, ut et Hostilio consuli et Hortensio praetori nuntiarent senatum Abderitis iniustum bellum inlatum conquirique omnes, qui in servitute sint, et restitui in libertatem aecum censere.

[¶38] 5.1. At this same time complaints were made to the senate about Gaius Cassius, who had been consul the year before and was then a tribune of the soldiers in Macedonia with Aulus Hostilius, and envoys of Cincibilus, a king of the Gauls, arrived.

> Latin: 5.1. eodem tempore de C. Cassio, qui consul priore anno fuerat, tum tribunus militum in Macedonia cum A. Hostilio erat, querellae ad senatum delatae sunt, et legati regis Gallorum Cincibili venerunt.

[¶39] 5.2. The king's brother spoke before the senate, complaining that Gaius Cassius had ravaged the land of the Alpine tribes, their allies, and had dragged thence into slavery many thousand persons.

> Latin: 5.2. frater eius verba in senatu fecit questus Alpinorum populorum agros, sociorum suorum, depopulatum C. Cassium esse et inde multa milia hominum in servitutem abripuisse.

[¶40] 5.3. About the same time envoys of the Carnians, Histrians, and Iapydes arrived; they said, first, that guides had been demanded of them by the consul Cassius, to show him the way as he was leading his army to Macedonia; he had left them peaceably as if to wage a war elsewhere.

> Latin: 5.3. sub idem tempus Carnorum Histrorumque et Iapydum legati venerunt: duces sibi ab consule Cassio primum imperatos, qui in Macedoniam ducenti exercitum iter monstrarent;

[¶41] 5.4. Next, that returning from the middle of his journey, he had traversed their territory as an enemy; slaughter, pillage and burning had taken place everywhere; nor did they know to that very minute why they had been treated as enemies by the consul.

> Latin: 5.4. pacatum ab se tamquam ad aliud bellum gerendum abisse; inde ex medio regressum itinere hostiliter peragrasse fines suos; caedes passim rapinasque et incendia facta; nec se ad id locorum scire, propter quam causam consuli pro hostibus fuerint.

[¶42] 5.5. Both to the absent prince of the Gauls and to these peoples the answer was given that the senate neither had known that these occurrences of which they complained would take place nor, if they had taken place, did the senate approve. But to condemn an ex-consul in his absence without a trial would be an injustice, since he was absent in the service of the state;

> Latin: 5.5. et regulo Gallorum absenti et his populis responsum est senatum ea, quae facta querantur, neque scisse futura neque, si sint facta, probare; sed indicta causa damnari absentem consularem virum iniurium esse, cum is rei publicae causa absit.

[¶43] 5.6. when Gaius Cassius should have returned from Macedonia, then, if they wished to accuse him to his face, on hearing the case the senate would see to it that amends were made.

> Latin: 5.6. ubi ex Macedonia redisset C. Cassius, tum, si coram eum arguere vellent, cognita re senatum daturum operam, uti satisfiat.

[¶44] 5.7. It was voted not only to make a reply to these peoples, but to send envoys, two to the prince beyond the Alps and three to the several other peoples; the envoys were to announce what the opinion pronounced by the Fathers was.

> Latin: 5.7. nec responderi tantum iis gentibus, sed legatos mitti duos ad regulum trans Alpis, tres circa eos populos placuit, qui indicarent, quae patrum sententia esset.

[¶45] 5.8. They determined to send to the envoys gifts of two thousand asses apiece and to the two princely brothers the following special gifts, two twisted necklaces made of five pounds of gold and five silver vessels of twenty pounds, and two horses with trappings for head and chest, along with their grooms, and cavalry weapons and military cloaks, and to the princes' attendants, both free and slave, garments.

> Latin: 5.8. munera mitti legatis ex binis milibus aeris censuerunt; duobus fratribus regulis haec praecipua, torques duo ex quinque pondo auri facti et vasa argentea quinque ex viginti pondo et duo equi phalerati cum agasonibus et equestria arma ac sagula, et comitibus eorum vestimenta, liberis servisque.

[¶46] 5.9. These things were sent; the following was granted at their request-that they should have the privilege of buying ten horses apiece and of exporting them from Italy.

> Latin: 5.9. haec missa; illa petentibus data, ut denorum equorum iis commercium esset educendique ex Italia potestas fieret.

[¶47] 5.10. As envoys there were sent with the Gauls across the Alps Gaius Laelius and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and to the other peoples, Gaius Sicinius, Publius Cornelius Blasio, and Titus Memmius.

> Latin: 5.10. legati cum Gallis missi trans Alpis C. Laelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus, ad ceteros populos C. Sicinius, P. Cornelius Blasio, T. Memmius.

[¶48] 6.1. At the same time envoys from a large number of the states of Greece and Asia gathered in Rome.

> Latin: 6.1. multarum simul Graeciae Asiaeque civitatium legati Romam convenerunt.

[¶49] 6.2. The Athenians were presented first; they pointed out that they had sent their whole fleet and army to Publius Licinius the consul and Gaius Lucretius the praetor; these officers had not employed their forces, but had ordered a hundred thousand pecks of grain; although they tilled a barren soil and supported even their farmers on imported grain, yet they had gathered this amount so as not to fail in their duty; and they were ready to furnish other things too which might be ordered.

> Latin: 6.2. primi Athenienses introducti. ii se, quod navium habuerint militumque, P. Licinio consuli et C. Lucretio praetori misisse exposuerunt; quibus eos non usos frumenti sibi centum milia imperasse, quod, quamquam sterilem terram ararent ipsosque etiam agrestis peregrino frumento alerent, tamen, ne deessent officio, confecisse et alia, quae imperarentur, praestare paratos esse.

[¶50] 6.4. The Milesians, without mentioning anything which they had furnished, promised that if the senate wished to order anything for the war they were ready to furnish it.

> Latin: 6.4. Milesii nihil … praestitissent memorantes, si quid imperare ad bellum senatus vellet, praestare se paratos esse polliciti sunt.

[¶51] 6.5. The envoys of Alabanda announced that they had built a temple to the City of Rome, and had established annual games in honour of that divinity; they had also brought with them a golden crown of fifty pounds' weight to place in the Capitol as a gift to Jupiter Greatest and Best, besides three hundred cavalry shields; these they would deliver to whomever the senate ordered. They asked permission to place their gift in the Capitol and to offer sacrifice.

> Latin: 6.5. Alabandenses templum Urbis Romae se fecisse commemoraverunt ludosque anniversarios ei divae instituisse et coronam auream quinquaginta pondo, quam in Capitolio ponerent donum Iovi optimo maximo, attulisse et scuta equestria trecenta: ea, cui iussissent, tradituros. donum ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret, petebant.

[¶52] 6.7. The same request was also made by the people of Lampsacus, who brought a crown of eighty pounds' weight, and called to mind that they had abandoned Perseus, after a Roman army had come into Macedonia, although they had been subject to Perseus and previously to Philip.

> Latin: 6.7. hoc et Lampsaceni octoginta pondo coronam adferentes petebant commemorantes discessisse se a Perseo, postquam Romanus exercitus in Macedoniam venisset, cum sub dicione Persei et ante Philippi fuissent.

[¶53] 6.9. In return for this and for their action in furnishing the Roman generals with everything, they asked only that they might be admitted to friendship with the Roman people, and that if peace should be made with Perseus, provision should be made for them, to prevent their reverting to the control of the king.

> Latin: 6.9. pro eo et quod imperatoribus Romanis omnia praestitissent, id se tantum orare, ut in amicitiam populi Romani reciperentur et, si pax cum Perseo fieret, exciperentur, ne in regiam potestatem reciderent.

[¶54] 6.10. A kindly answer was given the other envoys; as for the Lampsacenes, the praetor Quintus Maenius was ordered to enroll them as allies. Gifts of two thousand asses apiece were given to all the envoys. Those from Alabanda were ordered to carry the shields back to Aulus Hostilius, the consul in Macedonia.

> Latin: 6.10. ceteris legatis comiter responsum; Lampsacenos in sociorum formulam referre Q. Maenius praetor iussus. munera omnibus in singulos binum milium aeris data. Alabandenses scuta reportare ad A. Hostilium consulem in Macedoniam iussi.

[¶55] 6.11. Envoys from Africa also arrived, both Carthaginians and those of Masinissa together. The Carthaginian envoys reported that they had conveyed to the sea a million pecks of wheat and five hundred thousand of barley, in order that they might deliver it wherever the senate should determine;

> Latin: 6.11. et ex Africa legati simul Carthaginiensium et Masinissae venerunt: Carthaginiensium tritici deciens centum milia et hordei quingenta indicantes se ad mare devecta habere, ut, quo senatus censuisset, deportarent.

[¶56] 6.12. they said that this gift and act of duty of theirs was, they knew, less than a return for the favours of the Roman people and less than they would wish; but they had often, on other occasions when both peoples had been prospering, fulfilled the duties of grateful and faithful allies.

> Latin: 6.12. id munus officiumque suum scire minus esse quam pro meritis populi Romani et voluntate sua; sed saepe alias bonis in rebus utriusque populi se gratorum fideliumque socium muneribus functos esse.

[¶57] 6.13. Likewise the envoys of Masinissa promised the same total of wheat as well as twelve hundred cavalry and twelve elephants; they requested the senate to order anything else which might be needed, for the king would furnish such things with as good a will as he gave what he, of his own accord, had promised.

> Latin: 6.13. item Masinissae legati tritici eandem summam polliciti et mille et ducentos equites, duodecim elephantos; et si quid aliud opus esset, uti inperaret senatus: aeque propenso animo ea et quae ipse ultro pollicitus sit, praestaturum esse.

[¶58] 6.14. Thanks both to the Carthaginians and to the king were expressed and they were asked to deliver what they had promised to Hostilius the consul in Macedonia. To each of the envoys a gift of two thousand asses was sent.

> Latin: 6.14. gratiae et Carthaginiensibus et regi actae, rogatique, ut ea, quae pollicerentur, ad Hostilium consulem in Macedoniam deportarent. legatis in singulos binum milium aeris munera missa.

[¶59] 7.1. The Cretan envoys reported that they had sent to Macedonia as large a force of archers as the consul Publius Licinius had stipulated, but when they did not deny, on being questioned, that a larger number of their archers were serving with Perseus than with the Romans, they were told in reply that if

> Latin: 7.1. Cretensium legatis commemorantibus se, quantum sibi imperatum a P. Licinio consule esset sagittariorum, in Macedoniam misisse, cum interrogati non infitiarentur apud Persea maiorem numerum sagittariorum quam apud Romanos militare,

[¶60] 7.3. the people of Crete intended truly and zealously to prize the friendship of the Roman People above that of King Perseus, the Roman senate would also respond to them as it did to indubitable allies.

> Latin: 7.3. responsum est, si Cretenses bene ac naviter destinarent potiorem populi Romani quam regis Persei amicitiam habere, senatum quoque Romanum iis tamquam certis sociis responsum daturum esse.

[¶61] 7.4. Meanwhile, let them report to their people that it was the pleasure of the senate that the people of Crete should make a point of recalling home at the first possible moment those soldiers whom they might have within the lines of King Perseus.

> Latin: 7.4. interea nuntiarent suis placere senatui dare operam Cretenses, ut, quos milites intra praesidia regis Persei haberent, eos primo quoque tempore domum revocarent.

[¶62] 7.5. After the Cretans had been dismissed with this reply, the envoys of Chalcis were summoned; their embassy stirred sympathy by its very entrance, because Micythion, their chief, having an affliction of the feet, was borne in on a litter;

> Latin: 7.5. Cretensibus cum hoc responso dimissis Chalcidenses vocati, quorum legatio ipso introitu omnes movit, quod Micion, princeps eorum, pedibus captus lectica est introlatus.

[¶63] 7.6. at once the occasion seemed one of direst necessity, in which an excuse on grounds of health for one so afflicted either had seemed to the victim himself something for which he should not ask, or had not been granted at his request.

> Latin: 7.6. ultimae necessitatis extemplo visa res, in qua ita adfecto excusatio valetudinis aut ne ipsi quidem petenda visa foret aut data petenti non esset.

[¶64] 7.7. After he had begun by saying that no part of him was still living except the tongue wherewith to bewail the disasters of his fatherland, he set forth, first, the good services of his state, both in earlier times and those which, during the war with Perseus, they had performed for the Roman commanders and armies, and next the acts of arrogance, greed, and cruelty which in the first instance had been committed against Micythion's fellow-countrymen by Gaius Lucretius the Roman praetor, and, furthermore, were being committed more than ever at that time by Lucius Hortensius.

> Latin: 7.7. cum sibi nihil vivi relicum praeterquam linguam ad deplorandas patriae suae calamitates praefatus esset, exposuit civitatis primum suae bene facta et vetera et ea, quae Persei bello praestitissent ducibus exercitibusque Romanis; tum quae primo C. Lucretius in populares suos praetor Romanus superbe, avare, crudeliter fecisset; deinde quae tum cum maxime L. Hortensius faceret.

[¶65] 7.9. Just as they considered that, rather than depart from their loyalty, they should suffer everything, even more grievous injuries than those which they were now suffering, so also, as far as Lucretius and Hortensius were concerned, they were aware that it would have been safer to bar their gates than to receive those Romans into their city.

> Latin: 7.9. quem ad modum omnia sibi, etiam iis, quae patiantur, tristiora patienda esse ducant potius, quam fide decedant, sic, quod ad Lucretium Hortensiumque attineret, scire tutius fuisse claudere portas quam in urbem eos accipere.

[¶66] 7.10. Those cities which had shut them out —Emathia, Amphipolis, Maronea, Aenus —were unharmed. In Chalcis, temples had been stripped of all their adornments and the loot of these profanations Gaius Lucretius had transported in his ships to Antium; free persons had been rushed away to slavery; the possessions of allies of the Roman people had been plundered and daily were being plundered.

> Latin: 7.10. qui exclusissent eos, Emathiam, Amphipolim, Maroneam, Aenum, incolumes esse; apud se templa omnibus ornamentis spoliata; conpilataque sacrilegiis C. Lucretium navibus Antium devexisse; libera corpora in servitutem abrepta; fortunas sociorum populi Romani direptas esse et cotidie diripi.

[¶67] 7.11. For, according to the precedent set by Gaius Lucretius, Hortensius too was quartering his sailors, in summer no less than in winter, in private houses, and the homes of Chalcis were full of the mob from the fleet; at large among the Chalcideans and their wives and their children there were men utterly reckless in word and deed.

> Latin: 7.11. nam ex instituto C. Lucreti Hortensium quoque in tectis hieme pariter atque aestate navalis socios habere, et domos suas plenas turba nautica esse; versari inter se, coniuges liberosque suos, quibus nihil neque dicere pensi sit neque facere.

[¶68] 8.1. It was voted to summon Lucretius before the senate in order that he might plead in person and attempt to clear himself.

> Latin: 8.1. accersere in senatum Lucretium placuit, ut disceptaret coram purgaretque sese.

[¶69] 8.2. However, when he appeared he heard many more reproaches than had been hurled at him in his absence; and more influential and powerful accusers joined in, namely, two tribunes of the people, Manius Iuventius Talna and Gnaeus Aufidius.

> Latin: 8.2. ceterum multo plura praesens audivit, quam in absentem iacta erant, et graviores potentioresque accessere accusatores duo tribuni plebis, M'. Iuventius Thalna et Cn. Aufidius.

[¶70] 8.3. These not only assailed him in the senate, but also dragged him before an assembly, and after casting many reproaches at him, then set a day for his trial.

> Latin: 8.3. ii non in senatu modo eum lacerarunt, sed in contionem etiam pertracto multis obiectis probris diem dixerunt.

[¶71] 8.4. By order of the senate Quintus Maenius the praetor replied to the envoys of Chalcis that, as to the services to the Roman People, both previously and in the war now being waged, which the envoys mentioned, the senate knew that they had spoken truly and, also, these services were appreciated exactly as they should be.

> Latin: 8.4. senatus iussu Chalcidensibus Q. Maenius praetor respondit, quae bene meritos sese et ante et in eo bello, quod geratur, de populo Romano dicant, ea et scire vera eos referre senatum et perinde ac debeant grata esse.

[¶72] 8.5. As to their complaints about what the Roman praetor Gaius Lucretius had done, and what Lucius Hortensius the Roman praetor was doing, no one could be unaware that these things had been done and were being done without the consent of the senate, —no one, that is, who knew that the Roman People had declared war on Perseus and previously on Philip, his father, to preserve the freedom of Greece, and not to inflict on allies and friends such injuries from Roman officers.

> Latin: 8.5. quae facta a C. Lucretio fierique ab L. Hortensio praetoribus Romanis querantur, ea neque facta neque fieri voluntate senatus quem non posse existimare, qui sciat bellum Persei et ante Philippo, patri eius, intulisse populum Romanum pro libertate Graeciae, non ut ea a magistratibus suis socii atque amici paterentur?

[¶73] 8.7. His fellow-senators, said Maenius, would send a letter to the praetor Lucius Hortensius, saying that the senate was displeased with those actions of which the people of Chalcis complained; that if any free persons had been sold into slavery, he should take steps at the first possible moment to search them out and restore them to freedom; that the senate deemed it just that none of the sailors, except the captains, should be quartered in private houses.

> Latin: 8.7. litteras se ad L. Hortensium praetorem daturos esse, quae Chalcidenses querantur acta, ea senatui non placere; si qui in servitutem liberi venissent, ut eos con quirendos primo quoque tempore restituendosque in libertatem curaret; sociorum navalium neminem praeter magistros in hospitia deduci aequum censere.

[¶74] 8.8. These instructions were by order of the senate written to Hortensius. Gifts of two thousand asses apiece were sent to the envoys, and carriages were hired at public expense for Micythion, to convey him comfortably to Brundisium.

> Latin: 8.8. haec Hortensio iussu senatus scripta. munera binum milium aeris legatis missa et vehicula Micioni publice locata, quae eum Brundisium commode perveherent.

[¶75] 8.9. As for Gaius Lucretius, on the day set for his trial, the tribunes accused him before the people and proposed a fine of one million asses.

> Latin: 8.9. C. Lucretium, ubi dies, quae dicta erat, venit, tribuni ad populum accusarunt multamque decies centum milium aeris dixerunt.

[¶76] 8.10. When the vote was taken, all the thirty-five tribes approved his condemnation.

> Latin: 8.10. comitiis habitis omnes quinque et triginta tribus eum condemnarunt.

[¶77] 9.1. Among the Ligurians nothing noteworthy was accomplished that year. For neither did the enemy take up arms, nor did the consul lead his legions into enemy territory; and having sufficiently assured himself of peace for that year, he sent home the soldiers of the two Roman legions within sixty days after arriving in his province.

> Latin: 9.1. in Liguribus eo anno nihil memorabile gestum; nam nec hostes moverunt arma, neque consul in agrum eorum legiones induxit, et satis explorata pace eius anni milites duarum legionum Romanarum intra dies sexaginta, quam in provinciam venit, dimisit.

[¶78] 9.3. After having at an early time led the force of allies of the Latin Name into winter-quarters at Luna and Pisa, he himself visited with the cavalry several towns of the province of Gaul.

> Latin: 9.3. sociorum nominis Latini exercitu mature in hiberna Lunam et Pisas deducto ipse cum equitibus Galliae provinciae pleraque oppida adiit.

[¶79] 9.4. Nowhere else was there war except in Macedonia. However, they still regarded Gentius, the king of the Illyrians, with suspicion.

> Latin: 9.4. nusquam alibi quam in Macedonia bellum erat; suspectum tamen et Gentium, Illyriorum regem, habebant.

[¶80] 9.5. And so, on the one hand, the senate decided that eight fully-equipped ships should be sent from Brundisium to Gaius Furius, the staff-officer at Issa, who was in charge of the island with a force of two Issaean ships-two thousand soldiers were put aboard the eight ships, a force raised, in accordance with a decree of the senate, by Marcus Raecius the praetor, in that part of Italy which faced Illyricum-and, on the other hand, the consul Hostilius sent Appius Claudius into Illyricum with four thousand infantry, to protect the peoples bordering on Illyricum.

> Latin: 9.5. itaque et octo navis ornatas a Brundisio senatus censuit mittendas ad C. Furium legatum Issam, qui cum praesidio duarum Issensium navium insulae praeerat— duo milia militum in eas naves sunt inposita, quae M. Raecius praetor ex senatus consulto in ea parte Italiae; quae obiecta Illyrico est, conscripsit—, et consul Hostilius Ap. Claudium in Illyricum cum quattuor milibus peditum misit, ut accolas Illyrici tutaretur.

[¶81] 9.7. Claudius, being unsatisfied with the force that he had brought, by collecting auxiliaries from the allies brought under arms about eight thousand men of various sorts, and after traversing all that region took up his position at Lychnidus of the Dassaretii.

> Latin: 9.7. qui non contentus iis, quas adduxerat, copiis auxilia ab sociis conrogando ad octo milia hominum ex vario genere armavit peragrataque omni ea regione ad Lychnidum Dassaretiorum consedit.

[¶82] 10.1. Not far from there lay Uscana, a town belonging to the lands and realm of Perseus. It had ten thousand inhabitants and a moderate garrison of Cretans to protect it.

> Latin: 10.1. haud procul inde Uscana oppidum finium plerumque Persei erat. decem milia civium habebat et modicum custodiae causa Cretensium praesidium.

[¶83] 10.2. From there, secret messengers kept coming to Claudius, declaring that if he would bring his troops up closer, there were those who were ready to betray the city. And it would be worth his while, they added, for he would not only satisfy himself and his friends, but also his soldiers with the booty.

> Latin: 10.2. inde nuntii ad Claudium occulti veniebant, si propius copia admovisset, paratos fore, qui proderent urbem. et operae pretium esse: non se amicosque tantum, sed etiam milites praeda expleturum.

[¶84] 10.3. Hope joined to greed so blinded his mind that neither did he keep with him any of the messengers who had come, nor did he demand hostages as security that there would be no treachery in the carrying out of the plan, nor did he send men to reconnoitre, nor did he receive any solemn promise. Having merely agreed upon a day, he set out from Lychnidus and pitched camp twelve miles from the city to which he was marching.

> Latin: 10.3. spes cupiditati admota ita occaecavit animum, ut nec ex iis, qui venerant, quemquam retineret nec obsides, pignus futuros afore fraudem agendae rei, posceret nec mitteret exploratum nec fidem acciperet. die tantum statuta profectus a Lychnido duodecim milia ab urbe, ad quam tendebat, posuit castra.

[¶85] 10.4. Thence in the fourth watch he began to advance, leaving about a thousand to garrison the camp. The soldiers arrived near the city in disorder, scattered in along column, and straggling, since wandering by night had dispersed them.

> Latin: 10.4. quarta inde vigilia signa movit mille ferme ad praesidium castrorum relictis. inconpositi, longo agmine effusi, infrequentes, cum nocturnus error dissiparet, ad urbem pervenerunt.

[¶86] 10.5. Their carelessness increased after they saw no armed man on the walls. However, as soon as they were within range of missiles, a sally was made from two gates at once; and together with the battle-cry of the sallying parties, there arose from the walls a great uproar of women howling and of bronze clashing everywhere, while an unorganized crowd, with disorderly bands of slaves amongst them, clamoured with various outcries.

> Latin: 10.5. crevit neclegentia, postquam neminem armatum in muris viderunt. ceterum ubi primum sub ictu teli fuerunt, duabus simul portis erumpitur. et ad clamorem erumpentium ingens strepitus e muris ortus ululantium mulierum cum crepitu undique aeris et incondita multitudo turba inmixta servili variis vocibus personabat.

[¶87] 10.6. This appalling surprise, presented from all directions in so many forms, brought it about that the Romans could not withstand the first storm-blast of the sally. And so more were slaughtered in the flight than in the combat; hardly two thousand men, together with the commander himself, escaped to the camp.

> Latin: 10.6. hic tam multiplex undique obiectus terror effecit, ne sustinere primam procellam eruptionis Romani possent. itaque fugientes plures quam pugnantes interempti sunt; vix duo milia hominum cum ipso legato in castra perfugerunt.

[¶88] 10.7. Since the way to the camp was long, the enemy had the opportunity to overtake more of the weary men.

> Latin: 10.7. quo longius iter in castra erat, eo pluris fessos consectandi hostibus copia fuit.

[¶89] 10.8. Appius, not even lingering in camp to gather his men scattered in flight-an action which would have been the means of saving those who were wandering through the countryside-at once led back to Lychnidus the remnants of the disaster.

> Latin: 10.8. ne moratus quidem in castris Appius, ut suos dissipatos fuga colligeret, quae res palatis per agros saluti fuisset, ad Lychnidum protinus reliquias cladis reduxit.

[¶90] 11.1. This and other affairs in Macedonia conducted with no success were reported by Sextus Digitius, a tribune of the soldiers, who had come to Rome to offer a sacrifice.

> Latin: 11.1. haec et alia haud prospere in Macedonia gesta ex Sex. Digitio tribuno militum, qui sacrificii causa Romam venerat, sunt audita.

[¶91] 11.2. The result was that the Fathers, solicitous lest some greater disgrace might befall, sent as commissioners to Macedonia Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Marcus Caninius Rebilus, who were to report after investigation on what was taking place;

> Latin: 11.2. propter quae veriti patres, ne qua maior ignominia acciperetur, legatos in Macedoniam M. Fulvium Flaccum et M. Caninium Rebilum miserunt, qui conperta, quae agerentur, referrent;

[¶92] 11.3. the Fathers also decided that Aulus Atilius the consul should proclaim the assembly for the election of consuls for such a time that it might be completed during the month of January, and that he should return to the city at the first possible moment.

> Latin: 11.3. et ut A. Atilius consul comitia consulibus rogandis ita ediceret, uti mense Ianuario comitia haberi possent, et ut primo quoque tempore in urbem rediret.

[¶93] 11.4. Meanwhile Marcus Raecius the praetor was charged with recalling to Rome by proclamation all senators from the whole of Italy, except those who were absent on public business, while those who were in Rome were not to go more than a mile away from Rome.

> Latin: 11.4. interim M. Raecio praetori mandatum, ut edicto senatores omnes ex tota Italia, nisi qui rei publicae causa abessent, Romam revocaret:

[¶94] 11.5. These matters were carried out as the senate voted. The consular elections were held on the twenty-sixth of January. The consuls elected were Quintus Marcius Philippus for the second time and Gnaeus Servilius Caepio. Two days later there were elected as praetors Gaius Decimius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus.

> Latin: 11.5. qui Romae essent, ne quis ultra mille passuum ab Roma abesset. ea, uti senatus censuit, sunt facta. comitia consularia ante diem quintum kal. Februarias fuere. creati consules sunt Q. Marcius Philippus iterum et Cn. Servilius Caepio.

[¶95] 11.7. Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, Gaius Marcius Figulus, Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Fonteius Capito. For the praetors-elect four assign ments besides the two in the city were decreed: Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the fleet.

> Latin: 11.7. post diem tertium praetores sunt facti C. Decimius, M. Claudius Marcellus, C. Sulpicius Gallus, C. Marcius Figulus, Ser.

[¶96] 11.8. The commissioners from Macedonia returned when the month of February was just ended. These reported the successes achieved by King Perseus during that summer, and how great a panic had seized the allies of the Roman people when so many cities were brought under the control of the king.

> Latin: 11.8. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Fonteius Capito. designatis praetoribus praeter duas urbanas quattuor provinciae sunt decretae: Hispania et Sardinia et Sicilia et classis. legati ex Macedonia exacto admodum mense Februario redierunt. hi, quas res ea aestate prospere gessisset rex Perseus, referebant, quantusque timor socios populi Romani cepisset tot urbibus in potestatem regis redactis.

[¶97] 11.10. The army of the consul, said the commissioners, was reduced in numbers because leaves of absence had been lavishly granted as a means of currying political favour; blame for this situation was placed by the consul on the tribunes of the soldiers, but by them, on the other hand, on the consul.

> Latin: 11.10. exercitum consulis infrequentem commeatibus vulgo datis per ambitionem esse; culpam eius rei consulem in tribunos militum, contra illos in consulem conferre.

[¶98] 11.11. The Fathers took it that the commissioners were minimizing the disgrace inflicted by the rashness of Claudius, since they reported that very few soldiers of Italian stock, but chiefly those enrolled on the spot in an irregular levy, had been lost.

> Latin: 11.11. ignominiam Claudi temeritate acceptam elevare eos … patres acceperunt; quippe paucos Italici generis et magna ex parte tumultuario dilectu conscriptos ibi milites amissos referebant.

[¶99] 11.12. The consuls-elect were ordered to present to the senate, as soon as they entered upon their office, the problem of Macedonia; and Italy and Macedonia were designated as their provinces.

> Latin: 11.12. consules designati ubi primum magistratum inissent, de Macedonia referre ad senatum iussi; destinataeque provinciae iis sunt Italia et Macedonia.

[¶100] 11.13. In this year there was an intercalation; the additional month began on the third day after the Terminalia. There died of the priests in that year Lucius Flamininus... two pontiffs passed away, Lucius Furius Philus and Gaius Livius Salinator. In place of Furius the pontiffs chose Titus Manlius Torquatus, in place of Livius, Marcus Servilius.

> Latin: 11.13. hoc anno intercalatum est; tertio die post Terminalia kalendae intercalariae fuere. sacerdotes intra eum annum mortui sunt L. Flamininus … pontifices duo decesserunt L. Furius Philus et C. Livius Salinator. in locum Furii T. Manlium Torquatum, in Livi M. Servilium pontifices legerunt.

[¶101] 12.1. At the beginning of the following year, when the new consuls Quintus Marcius and Gnaeus Servilius put the question of provinces, it was voted that at the first possible moment they should either arrange with each other or draw lots for Italy and Macedonia;

> Latin: 12.1. principio insequentis anni cum consules novi Q. Marcius et Cn. Servilius de provinciis rettulissent, primo quoque tempore aut conparare eos inter se Italiam et Macedoniam aut sortiri placuit;

[¶102] 12.2. before the lot should decide this question, while it was still in doubt, so that favouritism should have no weight, it was voted to decree for each province the reinforcements called for by the situation —for Macedonia, of infantry, six thousand Romans, and six thousand allies of the Latin Name, of cavalry, two hundred and fifty Romans and three hundred allies —also

> Latin: 12.2. priusquam id sors cerneret, in incertum, ne quid gratia momenti, faceret, in utramque provinciam, quod res desideraret supplementi, decerni ( decernunt in Macedoniam peditum Romanorum sex milia, sociorum nominis Latini sex milia, equites Romanos ducentos quinquaginta,

[¶103] 12.4. to discharge old soldiers so that there should be in each Roman legion not more than six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.4. socios trecentos); veteres milites dimitti, ita ut in singulas Romanas legiones ne plus sena milia peditum, treceni equites essent.

[¶104] 12.5. For the other consul no fixed number of Roman citizens whom he might select as reinforcements was defined. This only was fixed that he should enroll two legions, each of which was to have five thousand and two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.5. alteri consuli nullus certus finitus numerus civium Romanorum, quem in supplementum legeret; id modo finitum, ut duas legiones scriberet, quae quina milia peditum et ducenos haberent, equites trecenos.

[¶105] 12.6. Of the Latins, a larger number was assigned than to his colleague, ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry. Four additional legions were ordered enrolled, to be led out if needed anywhere. For these, the consuls were not allowed to appoint tribunes; the people elected them.

> Latin: 12.6. Latinorum maior quam collegae decretus numerus, peditum decem milia et sescenti equites. quattuor praeterea legiones scribi iussae, quae, si quo opus esset, educerentur.