---
title: "How to Write History · Πῶς δεῖ ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν"
author: "Lucian"
translator: "Kenneth Kilburn"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 2 of 2
url: https://scriptura.si/works/lucian-how-to-write-history/2/
cite: "Lucian, tr. Kenneth Kilburn, How to Write History · Πῶς δεῖ ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/lucian-how-to-write-history/2/"
---

# How to Write History · Πῶς δεῖ ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν

*Lucian, tr. Kenneth Kilburn*

Lucian mocks the hack historians of Rome’s Parthian war and describes the true historian: free, fearless and impartial.

> Greek: ed. Kenneth Kilburn, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0062.tlg053, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Kenneth Kilburn, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0062.tlg053.perseus-eng3). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 2. Sections 27–63

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/lucian-how-to-write-history/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/lucian-how-to-write-history/2/#p-N

[¶0] 27. I could count off many more writers like these, my friend, but I shall name just a few before turning to my other undertaking, my advice how to write history better. There are some who leave out or skate over the important and interesting events, and from lack of education, taste, and knowledge of what to mention and what to ignore dwell very fully and laboriously on the most insignificant happenings; this is like failing to observe and praise and describe for those who do not know it the entire grandeur and supreme quality of the Zeus at Olympia, and instead admiring the “good workmanship” and “good finish” of the footstool and the “good proportions” of the base, and developing all this with great concern.

> Greek: 27. Πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλους ὁμοίους τούτοις ἔχων σοι, ὦ ἑταῖρε, καταριθμήσασθαι, ὀλίγων ὅμως ἐπιμνησθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ὑπόσχεσιν ἤδη μετελεύσομαι, τὴν συμβουλὴν ὅπως ἂν ἄμεινον συγγράφοι τις. εἰσὶ γάρ τινες, οἳ τὰ μεγάλα μὲν τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ ἀξιομνημόνευτα παραλείπουσιν ἢ παραθέουσιν, ὑπὸ δὲ ἰδιωτείας καὶ ἀπειροκαλίας καὶ ἀγνοίας τῶν λεκτέων ἢ σιωπητέων τὰ μικρότατα πάνυ λιπαρῶς καὶ φιλοπόνως ἑρμηνεύουσιν ἐμβραδύνοντες, ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ τὸ μὲν ὅλον κάλλος τοσοῦτο καὶ τοιοῦτο ὂν μὴ βλέποι μηδὲ ἐπαινοίη μηδὲ τοῖς οὐκ εἰδόσιν ἐξηγοῖτο, τοῦ ὑποποδίου δὲ τό τε εὐθυεργὲς καὶ τὸ εὔξεστον θαυμάζοι καὶ τῆς κρηπῖδος τὸ εὔρυθμον, καὶ ταῦτα πάνυ μετὰ πολλῆς φροντίδος διεξιών.

[¶1] 28. For instance, I myself heard a man cover the Battle of Europus in less than seven complete lines, but he spent twenty or even more measures of the water-clock on a frigid description that was of no interest to us of how a Moorish horseman, Mausacas by name, was wandering over the mountains because he was thirsty and found some Syrian country-folk setting out their lunch; at first they were afraid of him, but then when they found he was one of their friends they welcomed him and gave him food; for one of them happened to have been abroad and visited Mauretania, as a brother of his was campaigning in that country. Long stories and digressions followed as to how he had gone hunting in Mauretania and how he had seen many elephants grazing together at one spot and how he was almost eaten by a lion and how big the fish were he bought in Caesarea. And our famous historian forgot the great killings, charges, imposed truces, guards, and counter-guards at Euro-pus, and until late evening stood watching Malchion the Syrian buying huge wrasses cheap in Caesarea. If night had not come down he might have dined with him when the wrasses were cooked. If this had not been painstakingly included in the history we should have missed some important details and it would have been an intolerable loss to the Romans if Mausacas, the Moor, had not found a drink when he was thirsty but returned to the camp supperless. Yet how much else far more essential am I willingly leaving out at this point! How a flute-girl came to them from the neighbouring village, how they exchanged gifts, the Moor giving to Malchion a spear and he giving Mausacas a buckle, and many other similar incidents, the high-spots of the Battle of Europus! To sum up, one might rightly say that such people do not look at the rose itself, but accurately observe its thorns that grow along the stem.

> Greek: 28. Ἐγὼ γοῦν ἤκουσά τινος τὴν μὲν ἐπ' Εὐρώπῳ μάχην ἐν οὐδ’ ὅλοις ἑπτὰ ἔπεσι παραδραμόντος, εἴκοσι δὲ μέτρα ἢ ἔτι πλείω ὕδατος ἀναλωκότος ἐς ψυχρὰν καὶ οὐδὲν ἡμῖν προσήκουσαν διήγησιν ὡς Μαῦρός τις ἱππεὺς Μαυσάκας τοὔνομα ὑπὸ δίψους πλανώμενος ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη καταλάβοι Σύρους τινὰς τῶν ἀγροίκων ἄριστον παρατιθεμένους καὶ ὅτι τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐκεῖνοι φοβηθεῖεν αὐτόν, εἶτα μέντοι μαθόντες ὡς τῶν φίλων εἴη κατεδέξαντο καὶ εἱστίασαν· καὶ γάρ τινα τυχεῖν αὐτῶν ἀποδεδημηκότα καὶ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν τῶν Μαύρων, ἀδελφοῦ αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ γῇ στρατευομένου. μῦθοι τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο μακροὶ καὶ διηγήσεις ὡς θηράσειεν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ Μαυρουσίᾳ καὶ ὡς ἴδοι τοὺς ἐλέφαντας πολλοὺς ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ συννεμομένους καὶ ὡς ὑπὸ λέοντος ὀλίγου δεῖν καταβρωθείη καὶ ἡλίκους ἰχθῦς ἐπρίατο ἐν Καισαρείᾳ. καὶ ὁ θαυμαστὸς συγγραφεὺς ἀφεὶς τὰς ἐν Εὐρώπῳ γιγνομένας σφαγὰς τοσαύτας καὶ ἐπελάσεις καὶ σπονδὰς ἀναγκαίας καὶ φυλακὰς καὶ ἀντιφυλακὰς ἄχρι βαθείας ἑσπέρας ἐφειστήκει ὁρῶν Μαλχίωνα τὸν Σύρον ἐν Καισαρείᾳ σκάρους παμμεγέθεις ἀξίους ὠνούμενον. εἰ δὲ μὴ νὺξ κατέλαβεν, τάχ' ἂν καὶ συνεδείπνει μετ' αὐτοῦ ἤδη τῶν σκάρων ἐσκευασμένων. ἅπερ εἰ μὴ ἐνεγέγραπτο ἐπιμελῶς τῇ ἱστορίᾳ, μεγάλα ἂν ἡμεῖς ἠγνοηκότες ἦμεν, καὶ ἡ ζημία Ῥωμαίοις ἀφόρητος εἰ Μαυσάκας ὁ Μαῦρος διψῶν μὴ εὗρεν πιεῖν ἀλλ’ ἄδειπνος ἐπανῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον. καίτοι πόσα ἄλλα μακρῷ ἀναγκαιότερα ἑκὼν ἐγὼ νῦν παρίημι. ὡς καὶ αὐλητρὶς ἧκεν ἐκ τῆς πλησίον κώμης αὐτοῖς καὶ ὡς δῶρα ἀλλήλοις ἀντέδοσαν, ὁ Μαῦρος μὲν τῷ Μαλχίωνι λόγχην, ὁ δὲ τῷ Μαυσάκᾳ πόρπην, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τῆς ἐπ' Εὐρώπῳ μάχης αὐτὰ δὴ τὰ κεφάλαια. τοιγάρτοι εἰκότως ἄν τις εἴποι τοὺς τοιούτους τὸ μὲν ῥόδον αὐτὸ μὴ βλέπειν, τὰς ἀκάνθας δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰς παρὰ τὴν ῥίζαν ἀκριβῶς ἐπισκοπεῖν.

[¶2] 29. Another man, my dear Philo, is also quite ridiculous: he had never set a foot outside Corinth nor even left home for Cenchreae; he had certainly not seen Syria or Armenia; yet he began as I recall as follows: “Ears are less trustworthy than eyes. I write then what I have seen, not what I have heard.” And he has seen everything so keenly that he said that the serpents of the Parthians (this is a banner they use to indicate number—a serpent precedes, I think, a thousand men), he said that they were alive and of enormous size; that they are born in Persia a little way beyond Iberia; that they are bound to long poles and, raised on high, create terror while the Parthians are coming on from a distance; that in the encounter itself at close quarters they are freed and sent against the enemy; that in fact they had swallowed many of our men in this way and coiled themselves around others and suffocated and crushed them. He himself had been an eyewitness of this, he said, making his observations, however, in safety from a tall tree. He was quite right in not meeting the beasts at close quarters: we should not now have such an excellent historian, who off-hand did great and glorious deeds in this war; for he faced many a battle and was wounded near Sura, obviously in a walk from Cornel Hill to Lerna. He read all this to an audience of Corinthians who knew for a fact that he had not even seen a battle painted on a wall. In fact he had no knowledge of what weapons or engines were like or of the words “regiments” or “muster-rolls.” A lot he cared if he spoke of a movement in column as a transverse battle-line and a frontal movement in line as a movement in column!

> Greek: 29. Ἄλλος, ὦ Φίλων, μάλα καὶ οὗτος γελοῖος, οὐδὲ τὸν ἕτερον πόδα ἐκ Κορίνθου πώποτε προβεβηκὼς οὐδ’ ἄχρι Κεγχρεῶν ἀποδημήσας, οὔτι γε Συρίαν ἢ Ἀρμενίαν ἰδών, ὧδε ἤρξατο—μέμνημαι γάρ—“Ὦτα ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπιστότερα. γράφω τοίνυν ἃ εἶδον, οὐχ ἃ ἤκουσα.” καὶ οὕτως ἀκριβῶς ἅπαντα ἑωράκει ὥστε τοὺς δράκοντας ἔφη τῶν Παρθυαίων (σημεῖον δὲ πλήθους τοῦτο αὐτοῖς—χιλίους γὰρ οἶμαι ὁ δράκων ἄγει) ζῶντας δράκοντας παμμεγέθεις εἶναι γεννωμένους ἐν τῇ Περσίδι μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, τούτους δὲ τέως μὲν ἐπὶ κοντῶν μεγάλων ἐκδεδεμένους ὑψηλοὺς αἰωρεῖσθαι καὶ πόρρωθεν ἐπελαυνόντων δέος ἐμποιεῖν, ἐν αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ ἔργῳ ἐπειδὰν ὁμοῦ ὦσι λύσαντες αὐτοὺς ἐπαφιᾶσι τοῖς πολεμίοις· ἀμέλει πολλοὺς τῶν ἡμετέρων οὕτω καταποθῆναι καὶ ἄλλους περισπειραθέντων αὐτοῖς ἀποπνιγῆναι καὶ συγκλασθῆναι· ταῦτα δὲ ἐφεστὼς ὁρᾶν αὐτός, ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ μέντοι ἀπὸ δένδρου ὑψηλοῦ ποιούμενος τὴν σκοπήν. καὶ εὖ γε ἐποίησε μὴ ὁμόσε χωρήσας τοῖς θηρίοις, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἂν ἡμεῖς οὕτω θαυμαστὸν συγγραφέα νῦν εἴχομεν καὶ ἀπὸ χειρὸς αὐτὸν μεγάλα καὶ λαμπρὰ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τούτῳ ἐργασάμενον· καὶ γὰρ ἐκινδύνευσε πολλὰ καὶ ἐτρώθη περὶ Σοῦραν, ἀπὸ τοῦ Κρανείου δῆλον ὅτι βαδίζων ἐπὶ τὴν Λέρναν. καὶ ταῦτα Κορινθίων ἀκουόντων ἀνεγίγνωσκεν τῶν ἀκριβῶς εἰδότων ὅτι μηδὲ κατὰ τοίχου γεγραμμένον πόλεμον ἑωράκει. ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ὅπλα ἐκεῖνός γε ᾔδει οὐδὲ μηχανήματα οἷά ἐστιν οὐδὲ τάξεων ἢ καταλοχισμῶν ὀνόματα. πάνυ γοῦν ἔμελεν αὐτῷ πλαγίαν μὲν φάλαγγα τὴν ἐπὶ κέρως, ἐπὶ κέρως δὲ λέγειν τὸ ἐπὶ μετώπου ἄγειν.

[¶3] 30. One fine historian compressed all that had happened from beginning to end in Armenia, Syria, Mesopotamia, by the Tigris, in Media into less than five hundred lines, incomplete at that, and after this says he has composed a history. Yet the title that he attached to it is almost longer than the book: “A description of recent exploits of Romans in Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Media, by Antiochianus the victor sacred to Apollo”—I suppose he has once been winner in the long foot race in the boys’ competition.

> Greek: 30. Εἷς δέ τις βέλτιστος ἅπαντα ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐς τέλος τὰ πεπραγμένα ὅσα ἐν Ἀρμενίᾳ, ὅσα ἐν Συρίᾳ, ὅσα ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ, τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ Τίγρητι, τὰ ἐν Μηδίᾳ, πεντακοσίοις οὐδ’ ὅλοις ἔπεσι περιλαβὼν συνέτριψε καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας ἱστορίαν συγγεγραφέναι φησί. τὴν μέντοι ἐπιγραφὴν ὀλίγου δεῖν μακροτέραν τοῦ βιβλίου ἐπέγραψεν, “Ἀντιοχιανοῦ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερονίκου”—δόλιχον γάρ που οἶμαι ἐν παισὶ νενίκηκεν—“τῶν ἐν Ἀρμενίᾳ καὶ Μεσοποταμίᾳ καὶ ἐν Μηδίᾳ νῦν Ῥωμαίοις πραχθέντων ἀφήγησις.”

[¶4] 31. I have heard of one who even included the future in his history: the capture of Vologesus, the killing of Osroes—how he was going to be thrown to the lions and, to cap everything, the triumph we have longed for so much—, in such a prophetic state was he as he hastened to the end of his composition. Why he even founded a city in Mesopotamia, outstanding in size, and of unsurpassed beauty. He is still considering and taking thought, however, whether he should call it Nicaea, after the victory, or Concord or Peacetown. It is still undecided and we have no name for that beautiful city full of copious nonsense and historical drivel. He has promised to write of future happenings in India and the circumnavigation of the outer sea—and this is not just a promise; the introduction to his “Indian History” is already done, and the Third Legion, the Celts, and a small detachment of Moors have all crossed the River Indus with Cassius. What they are going to do and how they will receive the charge of the elephants, our wonderful historian will tell us before very long by letter from Muziris or the Oxydraci.

> Greek: 31. Ἤδη δ’ ἐγώ τινος καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα συγγεγραφότος ἤκουσα, καὶ τὴν λῆψιν τὴν Οὐολογέσσου καὶ τὴν Ὀσρόου σφαγήν—ὡς παραβληθήσεται τῷ λέοντι, καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι τὸν τριπόθητον ἡμῖν θρίαμβον. οὕτω μαντικῶς ἅμα ἔχων ἔσπευδεν ἤδη πρὸς τὸ τέλος τῆς γραφῆς. ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλιν ἤδη ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ ᾤκισε μεγέθει τε μεγίστην καὶ κάλλει καλλίστην. ἔτι μέντοι ἐπισκοπεῖ καὶ διαβουλεύεται εἴτε Νίκαιαν αὐτὴν ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης χρὴ ὀνομάζεσθαι εἴτε Ὁμόνοιαν εἴτε Εἰρηνίαν. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἔτι ἄκριτον καὶ ἀνώνυμος ἡμῖν ἡ καλὴ πόλις ἐκείνη λήρου πολλοῦ καὶ κορύζης συγγραφικῆς γέμουσα. τὰ δ’ ἐν Ἰνδοῖς πραχθησόμενα ὑπέσχετο ἤδη γράψειν καὶ τὸν περίπλουν τῆς ἔξω θαλάττης—καὶ οὐχ ὑπόσχεσις ταῦτα μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ προοίμιον τῆς Ἰνδικῆς ἤδη συντέτακται, καὶ τὸ τρίτον τάγμα καὶ οἱ Κελτοὶ καὶ Μαύρων μοῖρα ὀλίγη σὺν Κασσίῳ πάντες οὗτοι ἐπεραιώθησαν τὸν Ἰνδὸν ποταμόν. ὅ τι δὲ καὶ πράξουσιν ἢ πῶς δέξονται τὴν τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἐπέλασιν, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἡμῖν ὁ θαυμαστὸς συγγραφεὺς ἀπὸ Μουζίριδος ἢ ἀπ' Ὀξυδρακῶν ἐπιστελεῖ.

[¶5] 32. This is the sort of nonsense they talk in floods through their lack of schooling. They neither see what is worth looking at nor, if they did see it, have they the ability to give it suitable expression. They invent and manufacture whatever “comes to the tip of an unlucky tongue,” as they say, and pride themselves in the number of their books and in particular on the titles, which again are completely ridiculous: “So-and-so’s Parthian victories in so many books”; and again: “Parthis I and II,” like “Atthis” of course. Someone else did it much more stylishly—I have read it myself—“The Parthonicica of Demetrius of Sagalassus”... not to make fun of them and pour scorn on histories so fine but with a practical end in view. For whoever avoids these faults and their like has already mastered a great part of what makes correct historical writing, or, rather, needs but little more, if logic is right when it says that to abolish one of two direct opposites is to establish the other instead.

> Greek: 32. Τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ὑπὸ ἀπαιδευσίας ληροῦσι, τὰ μὲν ἀξιόρατα οὔτε ὁρῶντες οὔτ' εἰ βλέποιεν κατ' ἀξίαν εἰπεῖν δυνάμενοι, ἐπινοοῦντες δὲ καὶ ἀναπλάττοντες ὅ τι κεν ἐπ' ἀκαιρίμαν γλῶσσαν, φασίν, ἔλθῃ, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ ἀριθμῷ τῶν βιβλίων ἔτι σεμνυνόμενοι καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐπιγραφαῖς, καὶ γὰρ αὖ καὶ αὗται παγγέλοιοι· “τοῦ δεῖνος Παρθικῶν νικῶν τοσάδε”· καὶ αὖ· “Παρθίδος πρῶτον, δεύτερον”, ὡς Ἀτθίδος δῆλον ὅτι. ἄλλος ἀστειότερον παρὰ πολύ—ἀνέγνων γάρ—“Δημητρίου Σαγαλασσέως Παρθονικικά” ** οὐδ’ ὡς ἐν γέλωτι ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἐπισκῶψαι τὰς ἱστορίας οὕτω καλὰς οὔσας, ἀλλὰ τοῦ χρησίμου ἕνεκα. ὡς ὅστις ἂν ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα φεύγῃ πολὺ μέρος ἤδη ἐς τὸ ὀρθῶς συγγράφειν οὗτος προείληφεν, μᾶλλον δὲ ὀλίγων ἔτι προσδεῖται, εἴ γε ἀληθὲς ἐκεῖνό φησιν ἡ διαλεκτική ὡς τῶν ἀμέσων ἡ θατέρου ἄρσις τὸ ἕτερον πάντως ἀντεισάγει.

[¶6] 33. Well now, someone will say, you have carefully cleared your ground and cut out all the thorns and brambles, and all the debris has been carried away and all the rough places are now smooth, so now build something yourself to show you are good not only at overturning other peoples’ edifices but at thinking out something clever yourself which no one, not even Momus, could censure.

> Greek: 33. Καὶ δὴ τὸ χωρίον σοι, φαίη τις ἄν, ἀκριβῶς ἀνακεκάθαρται καὶ αἵ τε ἄκανθαι ὁπόσαι ἦσαν καὶ βάτοι ἐκκεκομμέναι εἰσί, τὰ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἐρείπια ἤδη ἐκπεφόρηται, καὶ εἴ τι τραχύ, ἤδη καὶ τοῦτο λεῖόν ἐστιν, ὥστε οἰκοδόμει τι ἤδη καὶ αὐτός ὡς δείξῃς οὐκ ἀνατρέψαι μόνον τὸ τῶν ἄλλων γεννάδας ὢν ἀλλά τι καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπινοῆσαι δεξιὸν καὶ ὃ οὐδεὶς ἄν, ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὁ Μῶμος, μωμήσασθαι δύναιτο.

[¶7] 34. I maintain then that the best writer of history comes ready equipped with these two supreme qualities: political understanding and power of expression; the former is an unteachable gift of nature, while power of expression may come through a deal of practice, continual toil, and imitation of the ancients. These then need no guiding rules and I have no need to advise on them; my book does not promise to make people understanding and quick who are not so by nature. It would be worth a good deal—everything rather—if it could remodel and transform things to that extent, or make gold out of lead or silver from tin, or manufacture a Titormus from a Conon or a Milo from a Leotrophides.

> Greek: 34. Φημὶ τοίνυν τὸν ἄριστα ἱστορίαν συγγράφοντα δύο μὲν ταῦτα κορυφαιότατα οἴκοθεν ἔχοντα ἥκειν, σύνεσίν τε πολιτικὴν καὶ δύναμιν ἑρμηνευτικήν, τὴν μὲν ἀδίδακτόν τι τῆς φύσεως δῶρον, ἡ δύναμις δὲ πολλῇ τῇ ἀσκήσει καὶ συνεχεῖ τῷ πόνῳ καὶ ζήλῳ τῶν ἀρχαίων προσγεγενημένη ἔστω. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄτεχνα καὶ οὐδὲν ἐμοῦ συμβούλου δεόμενα· οὐ γὰρ συνετοὺς καὶ ὀξεῖς ἀποφαίνειν τοὺς μὴ παρὰ τῆς φύσεως τοιούτους φησὶ τοῦτο ἡμῖν τὸ βιβλίον. ἐπεὶ πολλοῦ, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ παντὸς ἂν ἦν ἄξιον, εἰ μεταπλάσαι καὶ μετακοσμῆσαι τὰ τηλικαῦτα ἠδύνατο ἢ ἐκ μολύβδου χρυσὸν ἀποφῆναι ἢ ἄργυρον ἐκ κασσιτέρου ἢ ἀπὸ Κόνωνος Τίτορμον ἢ ἀπὸ Λεωτροφίδου Μίλωνα ἐξεργάσασθαι.

[¶8] 35. Then where is technique and advice helpful? Not for the creation but for the appropriate employment of qualities. For instance, Iccus, Herodicus, Theon, and the other trainers would not promise you to take on Perdiccas—if indeed he and not Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, is the one who fell in love with his stepmother and wasted away because of it—and make him an Olympic victor, a rival to Theagenes the Thasian, or Polydamas of Scotussa, but only that if they were given a subject inclined by nature to receive athletic training they would by their technique make him much better. So let me too not suffer this reproach when I make my promise and say that I have discovered a technique in a matter so important and so difficult, for I do not promise to take on anyone you like and make him an historian; no, merely to demonstrate to a man who is intelligent by nature and well trained in expressing himself certain direct routes (if indeed that is what they appear to be) which if he will use them will help him more quickly and more easily to the attainment of his goal.

> Greek: 35. Ἀλλὰ ποῦ τὸ τῆς τέχνης καὶ τὸ τῆς συμβουλῆς χρήσιμον; οὐκ ἐς ποίησιν τῶν προσόντων, ἀλλ’ ἐς χρῆσιν αὐτῶν τὴν προσήκουσαν. οἷόν τι ἀμέλει καὶ Ἴκκος καὶ Ἡρόδικος καὶ Θέων καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος γυμναστής ὑπόσχοιντο ἄν σοι οὐ τὸν Περδίκκαν παραλαβόντες—εἰ δὴ οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τῆς μητρυιᾶς ἐρασθεὶς καὶ διὰ ταῦτα κατεσκληκώς, ἀλλὰ μὴ Ἀντίοχος ὁ τοῦ Σελεύκου —ἀποφαίνειν Ὀλυμπιονίκην καὶ Θεαγένει τῷ Θασίῳ ἢ Πολυδάμαντι τῷ Σκοτουσσαίῳ ἀντίπαλον, ἀλλὰ τὴν δοθεῖσαν ὑπόθεσιν εὐφυᾶ πρὸς ὑποδοχὴν τῆς γυμναστικῆς παρὰ πολὺ ἀμείνω ἀποφαίνειν μετὰ τῆς τέχνης. ὥστε ἀπέστω καὶ ἡμῶν τὸ ἐπίφθονον τοῦτο τῆς ὑποσχέσεως εἰ τέχνην φαμὲν ἐφ' οὕτω μεγάλῳ καὶ χαλεπῷ τῷ πράγματι εὑρηκέναι· οὐ γὰρ ὁντινοῦν παραλαβόντες ἀποφαίνειν συγγραφέα φαμέν, ἀλλὰ τῷ φύσει συνετῷ καὶ ἄριστα πρὸς λόγους ἠσκημένῳ ὑποδείξειν ὁδούς τινας ὀρθάς (εἰ δὴ τοιαῦται φαίνονται) αἷς χρώμενος θᾶττον ἂν καὶ εὐμαρέστερον τελέσειεν ἄχρι πρὸς τὸν σκοπόν.

[¶9] 36. You would not say that the intelligent man has no need of technique and instruction where he is ignorant—otherwise he would play the lyre, blow the pipe, and understand everything without learning. As it is, he could not do any of this without first learning, and with someone to guide him he will learn most easily and perform them well for himself.

> Greek: 36. καίτοι οὐ γὰρ ἂν φαίης ἀπροσδεῆ τὸν συνετὸν εἶναι τῆς τέχνης καὶ διδασκαλίας ὧν ἀγνοεῖ· ἐπεὶ κἂν ἐκιθάριζε μὴ μαθὼν καὶ ηὔλει καὶ πάντα ἂν ἠπίστατο. νῦν δὲ μὴ μαθὼν οὐκ ἄν τι αὐτῶν χειρουργήσειεν, ὑποδείξαντος δέ τινος ῥᾷστά τε ἂν μάθοι καὶ εὖ μεταχειρίσαιτο ἐφ' αὑτοῦ.

[¶10] 37. So give us now a student of this kind—not without ability to understand and express himself, keen-sighted, one who could handle affairs if they were turned over to him, a man with the mind of a soldier combined with that of a good citizen, and a knowledge of generalship; yes, and one who has at some time been in a camp and has seen soldiers exercising or drilling and knows of arms and engines; again, let him know what “in column,” what “in line” mean, how the companies of infantry, how the cavalry, are manoeuvred, the origin and meaning of “lead out” and “lead around”, in short not a stay-at-home or one who must rely on what people tell him.

> Greek: 37. Καὶ τοίνυν καὶ ἡμῖν τοιοῦτός τις ὁ μαθητὴς νῦν παραδεδόσθω—συνεῖναί τε καὶ εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἀγεννής, ἀλλ’ ὀξὺ δεδορκώς, οἷος καὶ πράγμασι χρήσασθαι ἂν εἰ ἐπιτραπείη, καὶ γνώμην στρατιωτικήν ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς πολιτικῆς καὶ ἐμπειρίαν στρατηγικὴν ἔχειν, καὶ νὴ Δία καὶ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ γεγονώς ποτε καὶ γυμναζομένους ἢ ταττομένους στρατιώτας ἑωρακὼς καὶ ὅπλα εἰδὼς καὶ μηχανήματα, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τί ἐπὶ κέρως καὶ τί ἐπὶ μετώπου, πῶς οἱ λόχοι, πῶς οἱ ἱππεῖς καὶ πόθεν καὶ τί ἐξελαύνειν ἢ περιελαύνειν, καὶ ὅλως οὐ τῶν κατοικιδίων τις οὐδ’ οἷος πιστεύειν μόνον τοῖς ἀπαγγέλλουσιν.

[¶11] 38. Above all and before everything else, let his mind be free, let him fear no one and expect nothing, or else he will be like a bad judge who sells his verdict to curry favour or gratify hatred. He must not be concerned that Philip has had his eye put out by Aster of Amphipolis, the archer at Olynthus—he must show him exactly as he was. Nor must he mind if Alexander is going to be angry when he gives a clear account of the cruel murder of Clitus at the banquet. Neither will Cleon with his great power in the assembly and his mastery of the platform frighten him from saying that he was murderous and lunatic: nor even the entire city of the Athenians if he records the disaster of Sicily, the capture of Demosthenes, and the death of Nicias, the thirst of the troops, the sort of water they drank, and how most of them were slain as they drank it. For he will think quite rightly that no man of sense will blame him if he gives an account of unlucky or stupid actions—he has not been responsible for them, he has merely told the tale. So that if they are ever defeated in a sea-fight it is not he who sank them and if they run away it is not he who drives them on, unless he neglected to say a prayer when he ought. Surely if by ignoring them or reversing them he could set them right, it would have been very easy for Thucydides with one insubstantial pen to overturn the counter-wall at Epipolae, and sink the trireme of Hermocrates, to transfix that cursed man Gylippus in the act of blocking the roads with walls and ditches, and finally to throw the Syracusans into the stone-quarries while the Athenians sailed round Sicily and Italy as Alcibiades had first hoped. No, when what is done is done I fancy that even Clotho could not un-spin their destiny or Atropus change their course.

> Greek: 38. Μάλιστα δὲ καὶ πρὸ τῶν πάντων ἐλεύθερος ἔστω τὴν γνώμην καὶ μήτε φοβείσθω μηδένα μήτε ἐλπιζέτω μηδέν, ἐπεὶ ὅμοιος ἔσται τοῖς φαύλοις δικασταῖς πρὸς χάριν ἢ πρὸς ἀπέχθειαν ἐπὶ μισθῷ δικάζουσιν. ἀλλὰ μὴ μελέτω αὐτῷ μήτε Φίλιππος ἐκκεκομμένος τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ὑπὸ Ἀστέρος τοῦ Ἀμφιπολίτου τοῦ τοξότου ἐν Ὀλύνθῳ, ἀλλὰ τοιοῦτος οἷος ἦν δειχθήσεται· μήτ' εἰ Ἀλέξανδρος ἀνιάσεται ἐπὶ τῇ Κλείτου σφαγῇ ὠμῶς ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ γενομένῃ, εἰ σαφῶς ἀναγράφοιτο· οὐδὲ Κλέων αὐτὸν φοβήσει μέγα ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ δυνάμενος καὶ κατέχων τὸ βῆμα, ὡς μὴ εἰπεῖν ὅτι ὀλέθριος καὶ μανικὸς ἄνθρωπος οὗτος ἦν· οὐδὲ ἡ σύμπασα πόλις τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἢν τὰ ἐν Σικελίᾳ κακὰ ἱστορῇ καὶ τὴν Δημοσθένους λῆψιν καὶ τὴν Νικίου τελευτὴν καὶ ὡς ἐδίψων καὶ οἷον τὸ ὕδωρ ἔπινον καὶ ὡς ἐφονεύοντο πίνοντες οἱ πολλοί. ἡγήσεται γάρ—ὅπερ δικαιότατον—ὑπ' οὐδενὸς τῶν νοῦν ἐχόντων αὐτὸς ἕξειν τὴν αἰτίαν ἢν τὰ δυστυχῶς ἢ ἀνοήτως γεγενημένα ὡς ἐπράχθη διηγῆται—οὐ γὰρ ποιητὴς αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ μηνυτὴς ἦν. ὥστε κἂν καταναυμαχῶνται τότε οὐκ ἐκεῖνος ὁ καταδύων ἐστὶ κἂν φεύγωσιν οὐκ ἐκεῖνος ὁ διώκων, ἐκτὸς εἰ μή εὔξασθαι δέον παρέλιπεν. ἐπεί τοί γε εἰ σιωπήσας αὐτὰ ἢ πρὸς τοὐναντίον εἰπὼν ἐπανορθώσασθαι ἐδύνατο, ῥᾷστον ἦν ἑνὶ καλάμῳ λεπτῷ τὸν Θουκυδίδην ἀνατρέψαι μὲν τὸ ἐν ταῖς Ἐπιπολαῖς παρατείχισμα, καταδῦσαι δὲ τὴν Ἑρμοκράτους τριήρη καὶ τὸν κατάρατον Γύλιππον διαπεῖραι μεταξὺ ἀποτειχίζοντα καὶ ἀποταφρεύοντα τὰς ὁδούς καὶ τέλος Συρακοσίους μὲν ἐς τὰς λιθοτομίας ἐμβαλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ Ἀθηναίους περιπλεῖν Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν μετὰ τῶν πρώτων τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἐλπίδων. ἀλλ’ οἶμαι τὰ μὲν πραχθέντα οὐδὲ Κλωθὼ ἂν ἔτι ἀνακλώσειεν οὐδὲ Ἄτροπος μετατρέψειε.

[¶12] 39. The historian’s sole task is to tell the tale as it happened. This he cannot do as long as he is afraid of Artaxerxes when he is his physician or hopes to get a purple cufta, a gold necklet, and a Nisaean horse as a reward for the eulogies in his work. No Xenophon (a just historian), no Thucydides will do that. On the contrary, even if he personally hates certain people he will think the public interest far more binding, and regard truth as worth more than enmity, and if he has a friend he will nevertheless not spare him if he errs.

> Greek: 39. Τοῦ δὴ συγγραφέως ἔργον ἕν—ὡς ἐπράχθη εἰπεῖν. τοῦτο δ’ οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο ἄχρι ἂν ἢ φοβῆται Ἀρταξέρξην ἰατρὸς αὐτοῦ ὢν ἢ ἐλπίζῃ κάνδυν πορφυροῦν καὶ στρεπτὸν χρυσοῦν καὶ ἵππον τῶν Νισαίων ληψεσθαι μισθὸν τῶν ἐν τῇ γραφῇ ἐπαίνων. ἀλλ’ οὐ Ξενοφῶν αὐτὸ ποιήσει, δίκαιος συγγραφεύς, οὐδὲ Θουκυδίδης. ἀλλὰ κἂν ἰδίᾳ μισῇ τινας πολὺ ἀναγκαιότερον ἡγήσεται τὸ κοινὸν καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν περὶ πλείονος ποιήσεται τῆς ἔχθρας, κἂν φιλῇ ὅμως οὐκ ἀφέξεται ἁμαρτάνοντος.

[¶13] 40. This, as I have said, is the one thing peculiar to history, and only to Truth must sacrifice be made. When a man is going to write history, everything else he must ignore. In short, the one standard, the one yardstick is to keep in view not your present audience but those who will meet your work hereafter. Whoever serves the present will rightly be counted a flatterer—a person on whom history long ago right from the beginning has turned its back, as much as has physical culture on the art of make-up. For example they record this remark of Alexander’s: “I should be glad, Onesicritus,” he said, “to come back to life for a little while after my death to discover how men read these present events then. If now they praise and welcome them do not be surprised: they think, every one of them, that this is a fine bait to catch my goodwill.” Homer indeed in general tended towards the mythical in his account of Achilles, yet some nowadays are inclined to believe him; they cite as important evidence of his truthfulness the single fact that he did not write about him during his lifetime: they cannot find any motive for lying.

> Greek: 40. Ἕν γάρ, ὡς ἔφην, τοῦτο ἴδιον ἱστορίας, καὶ μόνῃ θυτέον τῇ ἀληθείᾳ, εἴ τις ἱστορίαν γράψων ἴοι, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἀμελητέον αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅλως πῆχυς εἷς καὶ μέτρον ἀκριβές, ἀποβλέπειν μὴ εἰς τοὺς νῦν ἀκούοντας ἀλλ’ εἰς τοὺς μετὰ ταῦτα συνεσομένους τοῖς συγγράμμασιν. εἰ δὲ τὸ παραυτίκα τις θεραπεύοι, τῆς τῶν κολακευόντων μερίδος εἰκότως ἂν νομισθείη, οὓς πάλαι ἡ ἱστορία καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς εὐθὺς ἀπέστραπτο, οὐ μεῖον ἢ κομμωτικὴν ἡ γυμναστική. Ἀλεξάνδρου γοῦν καὶ τοῦτο ἀπομνημονεύουσιν ὅς Ἡδέως ἄν, ἔφη, πρὸς ὀλίγον ἀνεβίουν, ὦ Ὀνησίκριτε, ἀποθανὼν ὡς μάθοιμι ὅπως ταῦτα οἱ ἄνθρωποι τότε ἀναγιγνώσκουσιν. εἰ δὲ νῦν αὐτὰ ἐπαινοῦσι καὶ ἀσπάζονται, μὴ θαυμάσῃς· οἴονται γὰρ οὐ μικρῷ τινι τῷ δελέατι τούτῳ ἀνασπάσειν ἕκαστος τὴν παρ' ἡμῶν εὔνοιαν. Ὁμήρῳ γοῦν, καίτοι πρὸς τὸ μυθῶδες τὰ πλεῖστα συγγεγραφότι ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως, ἤδη καὶ πιστεύειν τινὲς ὑπάγονται, μόνον τοῦτο εἰς ἀπόδειξιν τῆς ἀληθείας μέγα τεκμήριον τιθέμενοι ὅτι μὴ περὶ ζῶντος ἔγραφεν· οὐ γὰρ εὑρίσκουσιν οὗτινος ἕνεκα ἐψεύδετ' ἄν.

[¶14] 41. That, then, is the sort of man the historian should be: fearless, incorruptible, free, a friend of free expression and the truth, intent, as the comic poet says, on calling a fig a fig and a trough a trough, giving nothing to hatred or to friendship, sparing no one, showing neither pity nor shame nor obsequiousness, an impartial judge, well disposed to all men up to the point of not giving one side more than its due, in his books a stranger and a man without a country, independent, subject to no sovereign, not reckoning what this or that man will think, but stating the facts.

> Greek: 41. Τοιοῦτος οὖν μοι ὁ συγγραφεὺς ἔστω—ἄφοβος, ἀδέκαστος, ἐλεύθερος, παρρησίας καὶ ἀληθείας φίλος, ὡς ὁ κωμικός φησι, τὰ σῦκα σῦκα, τὴν σκάφην δὲ σκάφην ὀνομάσων, οὐ μίσει οὐδὲ φιλίᾳ τι νέμων οὐδὲ φειδόμενος ἢ ἐλεῶν ἢ αἰσχυνόμενος ἢ δυσωπούμενος, ἴσος δικαστής, εὔνους ἅπασιν ἄχρι τοῦ μὴ θατέρῳ τι ἀπονεῖμαι πλεῖον τοῦ δέοντος, ξένος ἐν τοῖς βιβλίοις καὶ ἄπολις, αὐτόνομος, ἀβασίλευτος, οὐ τί τῷδε ἢ τῷδε δόξει λογιζόμενος, ἀλλὰ τί πέπρακται λέγων.

[¶15] 42. Thucydides laid down this law very well: he distinguished virtue and vice in historical writing, when he saw Herodotus greatly admired to the point where his books were named after the Muses. For Thucydides says that he is writing a possession for evermore rather than a prize-essay for the occasion, that he does not welcome fiction but is leaving to posterity the true account of what happened. He brings in, too, the question of usefulness and what is, surely, the purpose of sound history: that if ever again men find themselves in a like situation they may be able, he says, from a consideration of the records of the past to handle rightly what now confronts them.

> Greek: 42. Ὁ δ’ οὖν Θουκυδίδης εὖ μάλα τοῦτ' ἐνομοθέτησεν καὶ διέκρινεν ἀρετὴν καὶ κακίαν συγγραφικήν, ὁρῶν μάλιστα θαυμαζόμενον τὸν Ἡρόδοτον ἄχρι τοῦ καὶ Μούσας κληθῆναι αὐτοῦ τὰ βιβλία. κτῆμά τε γάρ φησι μᾶλλον ἐς ἀεὶ συγγράφειν ἤπερ ἐς τὸ παρὸν ἀγώνισμα, καὶ μὴ τὸ μυθῶδες ἀσπάζεσθαι ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν τῶν γεγενημένων ἀπολείπειν τοῖς ὕστερον. καὶ ἐπάγει τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ ὃ τέλος ἄν τις εὖ φρονῶν ὑπόθοιτο ἱστορίας, ὡς εἴ ποτε καὶ αὖθις τὰ ὅμοια καταλάβοι, ἔχοιεν, φησι, πρὸς τὰ προγεγραμμένα ἀποβλέποντες εὖ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐν ποσί.

[¶16] 43. That then is the sort of mind the historian should have, please, when he comes along. Now as to his language and power of expression, he need not at the beginning of his work sharpen his teeth to perfect proficiency in that vehement, sharp-fanged style that you know, packed with periods, and intricate with logical reasoning or other features of clever rhetoric. No, his tone should be more pacific, his thought coherent and well-knit, his language exact and statesmanlike, of a kind to set forth the subject with the utmost clarity and accuracy.

> Greek: 43. Καὶ τὴν μὲν γνώμην τοιαύτην ἔχων ὁ συγγραφεὺς ἡκέτω μοι, τὴν δὲ φωνὴν καὶ τὴν τῆς ἑρμηνείας ἰσχύν, τὴν μὲν σφοδρὰν ἐκείνην καὶ κάρχαρον καὶ συνεχῆ ταῖς περιόδοις καὶ ἀγκύλην ταῖς ἐπιχειρήσεσι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τῆς ῥητορείας δεινότητα μὴ κομιδῇ τεθηγμένος ἀρχέσθω τῆς γραφῆς, ἀλλ’ εἰρηνικώτερον διακείμενος. καὶ ὁ μὲν νοῦς σύστοιχος ἔστω καὶ πυκνός, ἡ λέξις δὲ σαφὴς καὶ πολιτική, οἵα ἐπισημότατα δηλοῦν τὸ ὑποκείμενον.

[¶17] 44. For just as we set free expression and truthfulness as the target for the historian’s mind, so for his language this should be the first aim: to set forth the matter exactly and to expound it as lucidly as possible, using neither unknown or out-of-the-way words nor that vulgar language of the market-place, but such as ordinary folk may understand and the educated commend. Then, let figures adorn the work that give no offence and in particular appear unlaboured; otherwise he makes language seem like highly-seasoned sauces.

> Greek: 44. Ὡς γὰρ τῇ γνώμῃ τοῦ συγγραφέως σκοποὺς ὑπεθέμεθα παρρησίαν καὶ ἀλήθειαν, οὕτω δὲ καὶ τῇ φωνῇ αὐτοῦ εἷς σκοπὸς ὁ πρῶτος, σαφῶς δηλῶσαι καὶ φανότατα ἐμφανίσαι τὸ πρᾶγμα, μήτε ἀπορρήτοις καὶ ἔξω πάτου ὀνόμασι μήτε τοῖς ἀγοραίοις τούτοις καὶ καπηλικοῖς, ἀλλ’ ὡς μὲν τοὺς πολλοὺς συνεῖναι, τοὺς δὲ πεπαιδευμένους ἐπαινέσαι. καὶ μὴν καὶ σχήμασι κεκοσμήσθω ἀνεπαχθέσι καὶ τὸ ἀνεπιτήδευτον μάλιστα ἔχουσιν, ἐπεὶ τοῖς κατηρτυμένοις τῶν ζωμῶν ἐοικότας ἀποφαίνει τοὺς λόγους.

[¶18] 45. Let his mind have a touch and share of poetry, since that too is lofty and sublime, especially when he has to do with battle arrays, with land and sea fights; for then he will have need of a wind of poetry to fill his sails and help carry his ship along, high on the crest of the waves. Let his diction nevertheless keep its feet on the ground, rising with the beauty and greatness of his subjects and as far as possible resembling them, but without becoming more unfamiliar or carried away than the occasion warrants. For then its greatest risk is that of going mad and being swept down into poetry’s wild enthusiasm, so that at such times above all he must obey the curb and show prudence, in the knowledge that a stallion’s pride in literature as in life is no trifling ailment. It is better, then, that when his mind is on horseback his exposition should go on foot, running alongside and holding the saddle-cloth, so as not to be left behind.

> Greek: 45. Καὶ ἡ μὲν γνώμη κοινωνείτω καὶ προσαπτέσθω τι καὶ ποιητικῆς παρ' ὅσον μεγαληγόρος καὶ διηρμένη καὶ ἐκείνη, καὶ μάλισθ' ὁπόταν παρατάξεσι καὶ μάχαις καὶ ναυμαχίαις συμπλέκηται· δεήσει γὰρ τότε ποιητικοῦ τινος ἀνέμου ἐπουριάσοντος τὰ ἀκάτια καὶ συνδιοίσοντος ὑψηλὴν καὶ ἐπ' ἄκρων τῶν κυμάτων τὴν ναῦν. ἡ λέξις δὲ ὅμως ἐπὶ γῆς βεβηκέτω, τῷ μὲν κάλλει καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῶν λεγομένων συνεπαιρομένη καὶ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ὁμοιουμένη, ξενίζουσα δὲ μηδ’ ὑπὲρ τὸν καιρὸν ἐνθουσιῶσα. κινδύνων γὰρ αὐτῇ τότε ὁ μέγιστος παρακινῆσαι καὶ κατενεχθῆναι ἐς τὸν τῆς ποιητικῆς κορύβαντα, ὥστε μάλιστα πειστέον τηνικαῦτα τῷ χαλινῷ καὶ σωφρονητέον, εἰδότας ὡς ἱπποτυφία τις καὶ ἐν λόγοις πάθος οὐ μικρὸν γίγνεται. ἄμεινον οὖν ἐφ' ἵππου ὀχουμένῃ τότε τῇ γνώμῃ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν πεζῇ συμπαραθεῖν, ἐχομένην τοῦ ἐφιππίου ὡς μὴ ἀπολείποιτο τῆς φορᾶς.

[¶19] 46. Again, in putting words together one should cultivate a well-tempered moderation, without excessive separation or detachment—for that is harsh—and not, as most people, almost link them by means of rhythm; the latter deserves our censure, the former is unpleasant to the audience.

> Greek: 46. Καὶ μὴν καὶ συνθήκῃ τῶν ὀνομάτων εὐκράτῳ καὶ μέσῃ χρηστέον, οὔτε ἄγαν ἀφιστάντα καὶ ἀπαρτῶντα—τραχὺ γάρ—οὔτε ῥυθμῷ παρ' ὀλίγον ὡς οἱ πολλοί συνάπτοντα· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐπαίτιον, τὸ δὲ ἀηδὲς τοῖς ἀκούουσι.

[¶20] 47. As to the facts themselves, he should not assemble them at random, but only after much laborious and painstaking investigation. He should for preference be an eyewitness, but, if not, listen to those who tell the more impartial story, those whom one would suppose least likely to subtract from the facts or add to them out of favour or malice. When this happens let him show shrewdness and skill in putting together the more credible story.

> Greek: 47. Τὰ δὲ πράγματα αὐτὰ οὐχ ὡς ἔτυχε συνακτέον, ἀλλὰ φιλοπόνως καὶ ταλαιπώρως πολλάκις περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀνακρίναντα, καὶ μάλιστα μὲν παρόντα καὶ ἐφορῶντα, εἰ δὲ μή, τοῖς ἀδεκαστότερον ἐξηγουμένοις προσέχοντα καὶ οὓς εἰκάσειεν ἄν τις ἥκιστα πρὸς χάριν ἢ ἀπέχθειαν ἀφαιρήσειν ἢ προσθήσειν τοῖς γεγονόσιν. κἀνταῦθα ἤδη καὶ στοχαστικός τις καὶ συνθετικὸς τοῦ πιθανωτέρου ἔστω.

[¶21] 48. When he has collected all or most of the facts let him first make them into a series of notes, a body of material as yet with no beauty or continuity. Then, after arranging them into order, let him give it beauty and enhance it with the charms of expression, figure, and rhythm.

> Greek: 48. καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἀθροίσῃ ἅπαντα ἢ τὰ πλεῖστα, πρῶτα μὲν ὑπόμνημά τι συνυφαινέτω αὐτῶν καὶ σῶμα ποιείτω ἀκαλλὲς ἔτι καὶ ἀδιάρθρωτον· εἶτα ἐπιθεὶς τὴν τάξιν ἐπαγέτω τὸ κάλλος καὶ χρωννύτω τῇ λέξει καὶ σχηματιζέτω καὶ ῥυθμιζέτω.

[¶22] 49. In brief let him be then like Homer’s Zeus, looking now at the land of the horse-rearing Thracians, now at the Mysians’ country —in the same way let him look now at the Roman side in his own way and tell us how he saw it from on high, now at the Persian side, then at both sides, if the battle is joined. In the engagement itself let him not look at a single part or a single cavalryman or foot soldier—unless it be a Brasidas leaping forward or a Demosthenes beating off his attempt to land; but first, the generals (and he should have listened to any exhortations of theirs), the plan, method, and purpose of their battle array. When the battle is joined he should look at both sides and weigh the events as it were in a balance, joining in both pursuit and flight. All this should be in moderation, avoiding excess, bad taste, and impetuosity; he should preserve an easy detachment: let him call a halt here and move over there if necessary, then free himself and return if events there summon him; let him hurry everywhere, follow a chronological arrangement as far as he can, and fly from Armenia to Media, from there with a single scurry of wings to Iberia, then to Italy, to avoid missing any critical situation.

> Greek: 49. Καὶ ὅλως ἐοικέτω τότε τῷ τοῦ Ὁμήρου Διὶ ἄρτι μὲν τὴν τῶν ἱπποπόλων Θρῃκῶν γῆν ὁρῶντι, ἄρτι δὲ τὴν Μυσῶν—κατὰ ταὐτὰ γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρτι μὲν τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἴδιᾳ ὁράτω καὶ δηλούτω ἡμῖν οἷα ἐφαίνετο αὐτῷ ἀφ' ὑψηλοῦ ὁρῶντι, ἄρτι δὲ τὰ Περσῶν, εἶτ' ἀμφότερα εἰ μάχοιντο. καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ παρατάξει μὴ πρὸς ἓν μέρος ὁράτω μηδὲ ἐς ἕνα ἱππέα ἢ πεζόν—εἰ μὴ Βρασίδας τις εἴη προπηδῶν ἤ Δημοσθένης ἀνακόπτων τὴν ἐπίβασιν· ἀλλὰ ἐς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς μὲν τὰ πρῶτα, καὶ εἴ τι παρεκελεύσαντο, κἀκεῖνο ἀκηκούσθω, καὶ ὅπως καὶ ᾗτινι γνώμῃ καὶ ἐπινοίᾳ ἔταξαν. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀναμιχθῶσι, κοινὴ ἔστω ἡ θέα, καὶ ζυγοστατείτω τότε ὥσπερ ἐν τρυτάνῃ τὰ γιγνόμενα καὶ συνδιωκέτω καὶ συμφευγέτω. καὶ πᾶσι τούτοις μέτρον ἐπέστω, μὴ ἐς κόρον μηδὲ ἀπειροκάλως μηδὲ νεαρῶς, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳδίως ἀπολυέσθω· καὶ στήσας ἐνταῦθά που ταῦτα ἐπ' ἐκεῖνα μεταβαινέτω, ἢν κατεπείγῃ· εἶτα ἐπανίτω λυθείς, ὁπόταν ἐκεῖνα καλῇ· καὶ πρὸς πάντα σπευδέτω καὶ ὡς δυνατὸν ὁμοχρονείτω καὶ μεταπετέσθω ἀπ' Ἀρμενίας μὲν εἰς Μηδίαν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ῥοιζήματι ἑνὶ εἰς Ἰβηρίαν, εἶτα εἰς Ἰταλίαν, ὡς μηδενὸς καιροῦ ἀπολείποιτο.

[¶23] 50. Above all, let him bring a mind like a mirror, clear, gleaming-bright, accurately centred, displaying the shape of things just as he receives them, free from distortion, false colouring, and misrepresentation. His concern is different from that of the orators—what historians have to relate is fact and will speak for itself, for it has already happened: what is required is arrangement and exposition. So they must look not for what to say but how to say it. In brief, we must consider that the writer of history should be like Phidias or Praxiteles or Alcamenes or one of the other sculptors—they certainly never manufactured their own gold or silver or ivory or their other material; no, their material was before them, put into their hands by Eleans or Athenians or Argives, and they confined themselves to fashioning it, sawing the ivory, polishing, glueing, aligning it, setting it off with the gold, and their art lay in handling their material properly.

> Greek: 50. Μάλιστα δὲ κατόπτρῳ ἐοικυῖαν παρασχέσθω τὴν γνώμην ἀθόλῳ καὶ στιλπνῷ καὶ ἀκριβεῖ τὸ κέντρον καὶ ὁποίας ἂν δέξηται τὰς μορφὰς τῶν ἔργων τοιαῦτα καὶ δεικνύτω αὐτά, διάστροφον δὲ ἢ παράχρουν ἢ ἑτερόσχημον μηδέν. οὐ γὰρ ὥσπερ οἱ ῥήτορες γράφουσιν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν λεχθησόμενα ἔστιν καὶ εἰρήσεται· πέπρακται γὰρ ἤδη· δεῖ δὲ τάξαι καὶ εἰπεῖν αὐτά. ὥστε οὐ τί εἴπωσι ζητητέον αὐτοῖς ἀλλ’ ὅπως εἴπωσιν. ὅλως δὲ, νομιστέον τὸν ἱστορίαν συγγράφοντα Φειδίᾳ χρῆναι ἢ Πραξιτέλει ἐοικέναι ἢ Ἀλκαμένει ἤ τῳ ἄλλῳ ἐκείνων—οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’ ἐκεῖνοι χρυσὸν ἢ ἄργυρον ἢ ἐλέφαντα ἢ τὴν ἄλλην ὕλην ἐποίουν, ἀλλ’ ἡ μὲν ὑπῆρχε καὶ προϋπεβέβλητο Ἠλείων ἢ Ἀθηναίων ἢ Ἀργείων πεπορισμένων, οἱ δὲ ἔπλαττον μόνον καὶ ἔπριον τὸν ἐλέφαντα καὶ ἔξεον καὶ ἐκόλλων καὶ ἐρρύθμιζον καὶ ἐπήνθιζον τῷ χρυσῷ, καὶ τοῦτο ἦν ἡ τέχνη αὐτοῖς ἐς δέον οἰκονομήσασθαι τὴν ὕλην.

[¶24] 51. The task of the historian is similar: to give a fine arrangement to events and illuminate them as vividly as possible. And when a man who has heard him thinks thereafter that he is actually seeing what is being described and then praises him—then it is that the work of our Phidias of history is perfect and has received its proper praise.

> Greek: 51. Τοιοῦτο δή τι καὶ τὸ τοῦ συγγραφέως ἔργον—εἰς καλὸν διαθέσθαι τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ εἰς δύναμιν ἐναργέστατα ἐπιδεῖξαι αὐτά. καὶ ὅταν τις ἀκροώμενος οἴηται μετὰ ταῦτα ὁρᾶν τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐπαινῇ, τότε δὴ τότε ἀπηκρίβωται καὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον ἔπαινον ἀπείληφε τὸ ἔργον τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας Φειδίᾳ.

[¶25] 52. After all his preparations are made he will sometimes begin without a preface, when the subject matter requires no preliminary exposition. But even then he will use a virtual preface to clarify what he is going to say.

> Greek: 52. Πάντων δὲ ἤδη παρεσκευασμένων καὶ ἀπροοιμίαστον μέν ποτε ποιήσεται τὴν ἀρχήν, ὁπόταν μὴ πάνυ κατεπείγῃ τὸ πρᾶγμα προδιοικήσασθαί τι ἐν τῷ προοιμίῳ· δυνάμει δὲ καὶ τότε φροιμίῳ χρήσεται τῷ ἀποσαφοῦντι περὶ τῶν λεκτέων.

[¶26] 53. Whenever he does use a preface, he will make two points only, not three like the orators. He will omit the appeal for a favourable hearing and give his audience what will interest and instruct them. For they will give him their attention if he shows that what he is going to say will be important, essential, personal, or useful. He will make what is to come easy to understand and quite clear, if he sets forth the causes and outlines the main events.

> Greek: 53. Ὁπόταν δὲ καὶ φροιμιάζηται, ἀπὸ δυοῖν μόνον ἄρξεται, οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ ῥήτορες ἀπὸ τριῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸ τῆς εὐνοίας παρεὶς προσοχὴν καὶ εὐμάθειαν εὐπορήσει τοῖς ἀκούουσι. προσέξουσι μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ ἢν δείξῃ ὡς περὶ μεγάλων ἢ ἀναγκαίων ἢ οἰκείων ἢ χρησίμων ἐρεῖ. εὐμαθῆ δὲ καὶ σαφῆ τὰ ὕστερα ποιήσει τὰς αἰτίας προεκτιθέμενος καὶ περιορίζων τὰ κεφάλαια τῶν γεγενημένων.

[¶27] 54. The best historians have written prefaces of this sort: Herodotus, writing history to preserve events from time’s decay, great and glorious as they were, telling of Greek victories and barbarian defeat; Thucydides too, with his expectation that the war would be great, more memorable, and more important than any that had gone before; and in fact the sufferings in that war were considerable.

> Greek: 54. τοιούτοις προοιμίοις οἱ ἄριστοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἐχρήσαντο· Ἡρόδοτος μέν, ὡς μὴ τὰ γενόμενα ἐξίτηλα τῷ χρόνῳ γένηται, μεγάλα καὶ θαυμαστὰ ὄντα καὶ ταῦτα νίκας Ἑλληνικὰς δηλοῦντα καὶ ἥττας βαρβαρικάς· Θουκυδίδης δέ, μέγαν τε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐλπίσας ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἀξιολογώτατον καὶ μείζω τῶν προγεγενημένων ἐκεῖνον τὸν πόλεμον· καὶ γὰρ παθήματα ἐν αὐτῷ μεγάλα ξυνέβη γενέσθαι.

[¶28] 55. After the preface, long or short in proportion to its subject matter, let the transition to the narrative be gentle and easy. For all the body of the history is simply a long narrative. So let it be adorned with the virtues proper to narrative, progressing smoothly, evenly and consistently, free from humps and hollows. Then let its clarity be limpid, achieved, as I have said, both by diction and the interweaving of the matter. For he will make everything distinct and complete, and when he has finished the first topic he will introduce the second, fastened to it and linked with it like a chain, to avoid breaks and a multiplicity of disjointed narratives; no, always the first and second topics must not merely be neighbours but have common matter and overlap.

> Greek: 55. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ προοίμιον, ἀνάλογον τοῖς πράγμασιν ἢ μηκυνόμενον ἢ βραχυνόμενον, εὐαφὴς τε καὶ εὐάγωγος ἔστω ἡ ἐπὶ τὴν διήγησιν μετάβασις. ἅπαν γὰρ ἀτεχνῶς τὸ λοιπὸν σῶμα τῆς ἱστορίας διήγησις μακρά ἐστιν. ὥστε ταῖς τῆς διηγήσεως ἀρεταῖς κατακεκοσμήσθω, λείως τε καὶ ὁμαλῶς προϊοῦσα καὶ αὐτὴ ὁμοίως ὥστε μὴ προὔχειν μηδὲ κοιλαίνεσθαι· ἔπειτα τὸ σαφὲς ἐπανθείτω, τῇ τε λέξει, ὡς ἔφην, μεμηχανημένον καὶ τῇ συμπεριπλοκῇ τῶν πραγμάτων. ἀπόλυτα γὰρ καὶ ἐντελῆ πάντα ποιήσει, καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐξεργασάμενος ἐπάξει τὸ δεύτερον ἐχόμενον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἁλύσεως τρόπον συνηρμοσμένον ὡς μὴ διακεκόφθαι μηδὲ διηγήσεις πολλὰς εἶναι ἀλλήλαις παρακειμένας, ἀλλ’ ἀεὶ τῷ πρώτῳ τὸ δεύτερον μὴ γειτνιᾶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ κοινωνεῖν καὶ ἀνακεκρᾶσθαι κατὰ τὰ ἄκρα.

[¶29] 56. Rapidity is everywhere useful, especially if there is no lack of material; and one must look to the subject matter to provide this rather than to the words and phrases—I mean, if you run quickly over small and less essential things, while giving adequate treatment to matters of importance; indeed, a great deal should even be omitted. When you feast your friends and all is ready you do not for that reason in the middle of all your pastries, fowl, oysters, wild boars, hare, and choice fish cutlets, serve up salt fish and peaseporridge because, that, too, is at hand—you will ignore the humbler fare.

> Greek: 56. Τάχος ἐπὶ πᾶσι χρήσιμον, καὶ μάλιστα εἰ μὴ ἀπορία τῶν λεκτέων εἴη· καὶ τοῦτο πορίζεσθαι χρὴ μὴ τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἢ ῥημάτων ὅσον ἀπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων—λέγω δέ, εἰ παραθέοις μὲν τὰ μικρὰ καὶ ἧττον ἀναγκαῖα, λέγοις δὲ ἱκανῶς τὰ μεγάλα· μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ παραλειπτέον πολλά. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἢν ἑστιᾷς τοὺς φίλους καὶ πάντα ᾖ παρεσκευασμένα, διὰ τοῦτο ἐν μέσοις τοῖς πέμμασιν καὶ τοῖς ὀρνέοις καὶ λοπάσι τοσαύταις καὶ συσὶν ἀγρίοις καὶ λαγῳοῖς καὶ ὑπογαστρίοις καὶ σαπέρδην ἐνθήσεις καὶ ἔτνος ὅτι κἀκεῖνο παρεσκεύαστο, ἀμελήσεις δὲ τῶν εὐτελεστέρων.

[¶30] 57. You need especial discretion in descriptions of mountains, fortifications, and rivers, to avoid the appearance of a tasteless display of your word-power and of indulging your own interests at the expense of the history; you will touch on them lightly for the sake of expediency or clarity, then change the subject, avoiding the limed twig set there and all temptation of this sort, as you see Homer doing in his greatness of mind: poet though he is he runs by Tantalus, and Ixion and Tityus and the rest. But if Parthenius or Euphorion or Callimachus were the narrator, think how many words he could have used to carry the water to Tantalus’ lips! How many to set Ixion whirling! Take Thucydides himself: he makes little use of this sort of writing, and see how quickly he gets away when he has been describing an engine or explaining a necessary and useful plan of investment, or the plan of Epipolae, or the harbour of Syracuse. When he appears long-winded in his account of the plague just think of the facts and you will realise his rapidity and how the pressure of events holds him as he tries to get away.

> Greek: 57. Μάλιστα δὲ σωφρονητέον ἐν ταῖς τῶν ὀρῶν ἢ τειχῶν ἢ ποταμῶν ἑρμηνείαις ὡς μὴ δύναμιν λόγων ἀπειροκάλως παρεπιδείκνυσθαι δοκοίης καὶ τὸ σαυτοῦ δρᾶν παρεὶς τὴν ἱστορίαν, ἀλλ’ ὀλίγον προσαψάμενος τοῦ χρησίμου καὶ σαφοῦς ἕνεκα μεταβήσῃ ἐκφυγὼν τὸν ἰξὸν τὸν ἐν τῷ πράγματι καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην ἅπασαν λιχνείαν, οἷον ὁρᾷς καὶ Ὅμηρος ὁ μεγαλόφρων ποιεῖ· καίτοι ποιητὴς ὢν παραθεῖ τὸν Τάνταλον καὶ τὸν Ἰξίονα καὶ τὸν Τιτυὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους. εἰ δὲ Παρθένιος ἢ Εὐφορίων ἢ Καλλίμαχος ἔλεγεν, πόσοις ἂν οἴει ἔπεσι τὸ ὕδωρ ἄχρι πρὸς τὸ χεῖλος τοῦ Ταντάλου ἤγαγεν· εἶτα πόσοις ἂν Ἰξίονα ἐκύλισε. μᾶλλον δὲ ὁ Θουκυδίδης αὐτὸς ὀλίγα τῷ τοιούτῳ εἴδει τοῦ λόγου χρησάμενος σκέψαι ὅπως εὐθὺς ἀφίσταται ἢ μηχάνημα ἑρμηνεύσας ἢ πολιορκίας σχῆμα δηλώσας ἀναγκαῖον καὶ χρειῶδες ὂν ἢ Ἐπιπολῶν σχῆμα ἢ Συρακοσίων λιμένα. ὅταν μὲν γὰρ τὸν λοιμὸν διηγῆται καὶ μακρὸς εἶναι δοκῇ, σὺ τὰ πράγματα ἐννόησον· εἴσῃ γὰρ οὕτω τὸ τάχος καὶ ὡς φεύγοντος ὅμως ἐπιλαμβάνεται αὐτοῦ τὰ γεγενημένα πολλὰ ὄντα.

[¶31] 58. If a person has to be introduced to make a speech, above all let his language suit his person and his subject, and next let these also be as clear as possible. It is then, however, that you can play the orator and show your eloquence.

> Greek: 58. Ἢν δέ ποτε καὶ λόγους ἐροῦντά τινα δεήσῃ εἰσάγειν, μάλιστα μὲν ἐοικότα τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ τῷ πράγματι οἰκεῖα λεγέσθω, ἔπειτα ὡς σαφέστατα καὶ ταῦτα. πλὴν ἐφεῖταί σοι τότε καὶ ῥητορεῦσαι καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι τὴν τῶν λόγων δεινότητα.

[¶32] 59. Eulogy and censure will be careful and considered, free from slander, supported by evidence, cursory, and not inopportune, for those involved are not in court, and you will receive the same censure as Theopompus, who impeached nearly everybody in a quarrelsome spirit and made a business of it, to the extent that he was a prosecutor rather than a recorder of events.

> Greek: 59. Ἔπαινοι μὲν γὰρ ἢ ψόγοι πάνυ πεφεισμένοι καὶ περιεσκεμμένοι καὶ ἀσυκοφάντητοι καὶ μετὰ ἀποδείξεων καὶ ταχεῖς καὶ μὴ ἄκαιροι, ἐπεὶ ἔξω τοῦ δικαστηρίου ἐκεῖνοί εἰσιν, καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν Θεοπόμπῳ αἰτίαν ἕξεις φιλαπεχθημόνως κατηγοροῦντι τῶν πλείστων καὶ διατριβὴν ποιουμένῳ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὡς κατηγορεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ ἱστορεῖν τὰ πεπραγμένα.

[¶33] 60. Again, if a myth comes along you must tell it but not believe it entirely; no, make it known for your audience to make of it what they will—you run no risk and lean to neither side.

> Greek: 60. Καὶ μὴν καὶ μῦθος εἴ τις παρεμπέσοι, λεκτέος μέν, οὐ μὴν πιστωτέος πάντως, ἀλλ’ ἐν μέσῳ θετέος τοῖς ὅπως ἂν ἐθέλωσιν εἰκάσουσι περὶ αὐτοῦ· σὺ δ’ ἀκίνδυνος καὶ πρὸς οὐδέτερον ἐπιρρεπέστερος.

[¶34] 61. In general please remember this—I shall repeat it time and again—: do not write with your eye just on the present, to win praise and honour from your contemporaries; aim at eternity and prefer to write for posterity: present your bill for your book to them, so that it may be said of you: “He was a free man, full of frankness, with no adulation or servility anywhere, but everywhere truthfulness.” That, if a man were sensible, he would value above all present hopes, ephemeral as they are.

> Greek: 61. Τὸ δ’ ὅλον ἐκείνου μοι μέμνησο—πολλάκις γὰρ τοῦτο ἐρῶ—καὶ μὴ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν μόνον ὁρῶν γράφε ὡς οἱ νῦν ἐπαινέσονταί σε καὶ τιμήσουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ σύμπαντος αἰῶνος ἐστοχασμένος πρὸς τοὺς ἔπειτα μᾶλλον σύγγραφε καὶ παρ' ἐκείνων ἀπαίτει τὸν μισθὸν τῆς γραφῆς, ὡς λέγηται περὶ σοῦ, “ἐκεῖνος μέντοι ἐλεύθερος ἀνὴρ ἦν καὶ παρρησίας μεστός, οὐδὲν οὔτε κολακευτικὸν οὔτε δουλοπρεπές ἀλλ’ ἀλήθεια ἐπὶ πᾶσι.” τοῦτ', εἰ σωφρονοίη τις, ὑπὲρ πάσας τὰς νῦν ἐλπίδας θεῖτο ἄν, οὕτως ὀλιγοχρονίους οὔσας.

[¶35] 62. Do you know what the Cnidian architect did? He built the tower on Pharos, the mightiest and most beautiful work of all, that a beacon-light might shine from it for sailors far over the sea and that they might not be driven on to Paraetonia, said to be a very difficult coast with no escape if you hit the reefs. After he had built the work he wrote his name on the masonry inside, covered it with gypsum, and having hidden it inscribed the name of the reigning king. He knew, as actually happened, that in a very short time the letters would fall away with the plaster and there would be revealed: “Sostratus of Cnidos, the son of Dexiphanes, to the Divine Saviours, for the sake of them that sail at sea.” Thus, not even he had regard for the immediate moment or his own brief life-time: he looked to our day and eternity, as long as the tower shall stand and his skill abide.

> Greek: 62. Ὁρᾷς τὸν Κνίδιον ἐκεῖνον ἀρχιτέκτονα οἷον ἐποίησεν; οἰκοδομήσας γὰρ τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ Φάρῳ πύργον, μέγιστον καὶ κάλλιστον ἔργων ἁπάντων, ὡς πυρσεύοιτο ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τοῖς ναυτιλλομένοις ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς θαλάττης καὶ μὴ καταφέροιντο ἐς τὴν Παραιτονίαν, παγχάλεπον, ὥς φασιν, οὖσαν καὶ ἄφυκτον εἴ τις ἐμπέσοι ἐς τὰ ἕρματα. οἰκοδομήσας οὖν τὸ ἔργον ἔνδοθεν μὲν κατὰ τῶν λίθων τὸ αὑτοῦ ὄνομα ἐπέγραψεν, ἐπιχρίσας δὲ τιτάνῳ καὶ ἐπικαλύψας ἐπέγραψε τοὔνομα τοῦ τότε βασιλεύοντος, εἰδώς, ὅπερ καὶ ἐγένετο, πάνυ ὀλίγου χρόνου συνεκπεσούμενα μὲν τῷ χρίσματι τὰ γράμματα ἐκφανησόμενον δέ, “Σώστρατος Δεξιφάνους Κνίδιος θεοῖς σωτῆρσιν ὑπὲρ τῶν πλωϊζομένων.” οὕτως οὐδ’ ἐκεῖνος ἐς τὸν τότε καιρὸν οὐδὲ τὸν αὐτοῦ βίον τὸν ὀλίγον ἑώρα, ἀλλ’ εἰς τὸν νῦν καὶ τὸν ἀεί, ἄχρι ἂν ἑστήκῃ ὁ πύργος καὶ μένῃ αὐτοῦ ἡ τέχνη.

[¶36] 63. History then should be written in that spirit, with truthfulness and an eye to future expectations rather than with adulation and a view to the pleasure of present praise. There is your rule and standard for impartial history. If there will be some to use this standard it will be well and I have written to some purpose. If not, well I have rolled my crock on Cornel Hill!

> Greek: 63. Χρὴ τοίνυν καὶ τὴν ἱστορίαν οὕτω γράφεσθαι σὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ μᾶλλον πρὸς τὴν μέλλουσαν ἐλπίδα ἤπερ σὺν κολακείᾳ πρὸς τὸ ἡδὺ τοῖς νῦν ἐπαινουμένοις. οὗτός σοι κανὼν καὶ στάθμη ἱστορίας δικαίας. καὶ εἰ μὲν σταθμήσονταί τινες αὐτῇ, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι καὶ εἰς δέον ἡμῖν γέγραπται· εἰ δὲ μή, κεκύλισται ὁ πίθος ἐν Κρανείῳ.