7.5. As the two forces were about to engage, the ravine which divided them prevented the heavy-armed from coming to close quarters, though they approached one another eagerly and with a recklessness born of hate. The cavalry and light-armed engaged above the ravine, but as they were equally matched in numbers and skill, for this reason the fight was indecisive.
7.5. ὡς δὲ συνῄει τὰ στρατόπεδα, τοῖς μὲν ὁπλίταις καὶ ἀφειδῶς ὅμως καὶ ἀκρατέστερον ὑπὸ τοῦ μίσους φερομένοις ἐπὶ ἀλλήλους οὐ παρέσχεν ἐλθεῖν ἐς χεῖρας ἡ χαράδρα διείργουσα· τὸ δʼ ἱππικὸν καὶ οἱ ψιλοὶ συμμίσγουσι μὲν κατὰ τὸ ὑπὲρ τὴν χαράδραν, ἦσαν δὲ οὔτε πλῆθος οὔτε ἐμπειρίᾳ διαφέροντες οὐδέτεροι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἰσόρροπος ἡ μάχη σφίσιν ἐγένετο.
7.6. While they were involved, Euphaes ordered the slaves to fortify with a palisade first the rear of his force and afterwards both flanks, and when the battle had been broken off at nightfall, they fortified his front also on the ravine. So at daybreak the Lacedaemonians realized the forethought of Euphaes. They had no means of fighting the Messenians unless they came out from the stockade, and despaired of forming a siege, for which they were unprepared in all things alike.
7.6. ⟨ἐν⟩ ὅσῳ δὲ οὗτοι συνεστήκασιν, ἐν τοσούτῳ τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐκέλευεν ὁ Εὐφαὴς πρῶτα μὲν τὰ κατὰ νῶτον τοῦ στρατοπέδου φράξασθαι τοῖς σταυροῖς, μετὰ δὲ τὰ πλευρὰ ἀμφότερα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἥ τε νύξ ἐπέλαβε καὶ ἡ μάχη διελέλυτο, τότε ἤδη καὶ τὰ πρὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κατὰ τὴν χαράδραν ἐφράξαντο, ὥστε ἐπισχούσης ἡμέρας τῆς τε προνοίας τοῦ Εὐφαοῦς τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπιπίπτει λογισμὸς εἶχόν τε οὔτε ὅπως μάχεσθαι χρὴ πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους μὴ προϊόντας ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος προσκαθῆσθαί τε ἀπεγίνωσκον ἀπαράσκευοι τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμοίως ὄντες.
7.7. They then returned home; but a year later, when the older men reviled them and taunted them both with cowardice and disregard of their oath, they made a second expedition openly against the Messenians. Both kings were in command, Theopompus the son of Nicander and Polydorus the son of Alcamenes, Alcamenes being no longer alive. The Messenians encamped opposite them, and when the Spartans endeavored to join battle, went out to meet them.
7.7. καὶ τότε μὲν ἀποχωροῦσιν οἴκαδε, ἐνιαυτῷ δὲ ὕστερον κακιζόντων σφᾶς τῶν γεγηρακότων καὶ δειλίαν τε ὁμοῦ προφερόντων καὶ τοῦ ὅρκου τὴν ὑπεροψίαν, οὕτω δευτέραν ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς ἐπὶ Μεσσηνίους στρατείαν ἐποιοῦντο. ἡγοῦντο δὲ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἀμφότεροι, Θεόπομπός τε ὁ Νικάνδρου καὶ Πολύδωρος ὁ Ἀλκαμένους· Ἀλκαμένης δὲ οὐκέτι περιῆν. ἀντεστρατοπεδεύοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ πειρωμένων μάχης τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν ἄρχειν ἀντεπεξῄεσαν.
7.8. The Lacedaemonian commander on the left wing was Polydorus, and Theopompus on the right. The center was held by Euryleon, now a Lacedaemonian, but of Theban origin of the house of Cadmus, fourth in descent from Aegeus the son of Oeolycus, son of Theras, son of Autesion. On the side of the Messenians Antander and Euphaes were posted opposite the Lacedaemonian right; the other wing, opposite Polydorus, was held by Pytharatus, with Cleonnis in the center.
7.8. Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ ἡγεῖτο Πολύδωρος μὲν κατὰ τὸ κέρας τὸ ἀριστερόν, Θεόπομπος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ, τὸ μέσον δὲ εἶχεν Εὐρυλέων, τὰ μὲν παρόντα Λακεδαιμόνιος, τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δὲ ἀπὸ Κάδμου καὶ ἐκ Θηβῶν, Αἰγέως τοῦ Οἰολύκου τοῦ Θήρα τοῦ Αὐτεσίωνος ἀπόγονος πέμπτος. τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις κατὰ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀντετάσσοντο Ἄντανδρός τε καὶ Εὐφαής, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον κέρας τὸ κατὰ τὸν Πολύδωρον Πυθάρατος εἶχε, Κλέοννις δὲ τὸ μέσον.
7.9. As they were about to engage, the kings came forward to encourage their men. The words of encouragement addressed by Theopompus to the Lacedaemonians were few, according to their native custom. He reminded them of their oath against the Messenians, and said how noble was their ambition, to prove themselves to have done a deed more glorious than their fathers, who subdued the neighboring peoples, and to have won a more fortunate land. Euphaes spoke at greater length than the Spartan, but no more than he saw the occasion admitted.
7.9. συνιέναι δὲ ἤδη μελλόντων, ἐπεὶ παριόντες οἱ βασιλεῖς προέτρεπον τοὺς αὑτῶν, πρὸς μὲν δὴ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους βραχεῖαν κατὰ τὸ ἐπιχώριον τὴν παράκλησιν ἐποιεῖτο ὁ Θεόπομπος, τοῦ τε ὅρκου τοῦ κατὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἀναμιμνήσκων καὶ ὡς καλόν σφισι τὸ φιλοτίμημα, τῶν πατέρων οἳ τοὺς περιοίκους κατεδουλώσαντο φανῆναι λαμπρότερα εἰργασμένους καὶ χώραν εὐδαιμονεστέραν προσκεκτημένους· Εὐφαὴς δὲ μακρότερα μὲν εἶπεν ἢ ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, οὐ πλείω δὲ οὐδʼ οὗτος ἢ ἐφιέντα ἑώρα τὸν καιρόν.
7.10. He declared that the contest would be not only for land and possessions, but he knew well what would overtake them if defeated. Their wives and children would be carried off as slaves, and death unaccompanied by outrage would be the mildest fate for their grown men their sanctuaries would be despoiled and their ancestral homes burnt. His words were not supposition, the fate of the men captured at Ampheia was evidence that all could see.
7.10. οὐ γὰρ περὶ γῆς μόνον οὐδὲ κτημάτων τὸν ἀγῶνα ἀπέφαινε γενησόμενον, εἰδέναι δὲ ἔφη σαφῶς ἃ νικωμένους ἐπιλήψεται· γυναῖκας μὲν γὰρ ἀχθήσεσθαι καὶ τέκνα ἐν ἀνδραπόδων μέρει, τοῖς δὲ ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τὸ ἐλαφρότατον ἔσεσθαι. θάνατον, ἢν μετʼ αἰκίας μὴ γένηται, συλήσεσθαι δέ σφισι καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰς πατρίδας ἐμπρήσεσθαι· λέγειν δὲ οὐκ εἰκάζων, μάρτυρα δὲ ἐναργῆ πᾶσιν εἶναι τῶν ἐγκαταληφθέντων ἐν Ἀμφείᾳ τὰ πάθη.
7.11. Better a noble death than such evils; it was far easier for them, while still undefeated and equally matched in courage, to outdo their adversaries in zeal than to repair their losses when once they had lost heart.
7.11. πρό τε δὴ τηλικούτων κακῶν κέρδος εἶναι καλῶς τινα ἀποθανεῖν, πολὺ δὲ εἶναι ῥᾷον ἀηττήτοις οὖσιν ἔτι καὶ τὰς τόλμας καθεστηκόσιν ἐξ ἴσου προθυμίᾳ τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους ὑπερβαλεῖν ἢ προαποβαλόντας τὸ φρόνημα ἐπανορθοῦσθαι τὰ ἐπταισμένα.
8.1. Such were the words of Euphaes. When the leaders on either side gave the signal, the Messenians charged the Lacedaemonians recklessly like men eager for death in their wrath, each one of them eager to be the first to join battle. The Lacedaemonians also advanced to meet them eagerly, but were careful not to break their ranks.
8.1. τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Εὐφαὴς εἶπεν· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑκατέροις ἐσήμηναν οἱ ἡγεμόνες, Μεσσήνιοι μὲν δρόμῳ τε ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἀφειδῶς αὑτῶν εἶχον ἅτε ἄνθρωποι θανατῶντες ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ, καὶ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πρῶτος ἔσπευδεν ἄρξαι μάχης· ἀντεπῄεσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι σπουδῇ καὶ οὗτοι, πρόνοιαν δὲ ὅμως ἐποιοῦντο μὴ διαλυθῆναί σφισι τὴν τάξιν.
8.2. When they were about to come to close quarters, they threatened one another by brandishing their arms and with fierce looks, and fell to recriminations, these calling the Messenians already their slaves, no freer than the Helots; the others answering that they were impious in their undertaking, who for the sake of gain attacked their kinsmen and outraged all the ancestral gods of the Dorians, and Heracles above all. And now with their taunts they come to deeds, mass thrusting against mass, especially on the Lacedaemonian side, and man attacking man.
8.2. ὡς δὲ πλησίον ἐγίνοντο, ἀπειλαῖς ἐχρῶντο τῶν τε ὅπλων τῇ κινήσει καὶ ἐνορῶντες ἐς ἀλλήλους δεινόν· ἔς τε λοιδορίας προήγοντο οἱ μὲν οἰκέτας αὑτῶν ἤδη τοὺς Μεσσηνίους καὶ οὐδὲν ἐλευθερωτέρους ἀποκαλοῦντες τῶν εἱλώτων, οἱ δὲ ἐκείνους τῷ τε ἐγχειρήματι ἀνοσίους, ἐπεὶ πλεονεξίας ἕνεκα ἐπὶ ἄνδρας συγγενεῖς ἐπίασι, καὶ θεῶν ἀσεβεῖς ὅσοι Δωριεῦσι πατρῷοι, τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ μάλιστα Ἡρακλέους. ἤδη τε ὁμοῦ τοῖς ὀνείδεσι καὶ ἔργων ἥπτοντο, ἀθρόοι τε πρὸς ἀθρόους ὠθισμῷ χρώμενοι μάλιστα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ ἐπιόντες.
8.3. The Lacedaemonians were far superior both in tactics and training, and also in numbers, for they had with them the neighboring peoples already reduced and serving in their ranks, and the Dryopes of Asine, who a generation earlier had been driven out of their own country by the Argives and had come as suppliants to Lacedaemon, were forced to serve in the army. Against the Messenian light-armed they employed Cretan archers as mercenaries.
8.3. τέχνῃ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ ὁμοῦ καὶ μελέτῃ πολὺ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προέσχον, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τῷ πλήθει· τούς τε γὰρ περιοίκους ὑπηκόους ἤδη καὶ συνακολουθοῦντας εἶχον Ἀσιναῖοί τε [καὶ] οἱ Δρύοπες γενεᾷ πρότερον ὑπὸ Ἀργείων ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας ἀνεστηκότες καὶ ἥκοντες ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἱκέται κατʼ ἀνάγκην συνεστρατεύοντο· πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ψιλοὺς τῶν Μεσσηνίων τοξότας Κρῆτας ἐπήγοντο μισθωτούς.
8.4. The Messenians were inspired alike by desperation and readiness to face death, regarding all their sufferings as necessary rather than terrible to men who honored their country, and exaggerating their achievements and the consequences to the Lacedaemonians. Some of them leapt forth from the ranks, displaying glorious deeds of valor, in others fatally wounded and scarce breathing the frenzy of despair still reigned.
8.4. Μεσσηνίοις δὲ †ἐς ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἴσον ἥ τε ἀπόνοια καὶ τὸ ἐς τὸν θάνατον εὔθυμον· καὶ ὁπόσα μὲν πάσχοιεν, ἀναγκαῖα μᾶλλον τοῖς πατρίδα σεμνύνουσιν ἢ δεινὰ ἐνόμιζον, ἃ δὲ ἔδρων, αὐτοί τε ἡγοῦντο εἰργάσθαι μειζόνως καὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις συμβαίνειν χαλεπώτερα. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν προεκπηδῶντες τῆς τάξεως τολμήματα λαμπρὰ ἀπεδείκνυντο, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἐπικαίρως τετρωμένοις καὶ ἐμπνέουσιν ὀλίγον ὅμως ἡ ἀπόνοια ἤκμαζε.
8.5. They encouraged one another, the living and unwounded urging the stricken before their last moment came to sell their lives as dearly as they could and accept their fate with joy. And the wounded, when they felt their strength ebbing and breath failing, urged the unwounded to prove themselves no less valorous than they and not to render their death of no avail to their fatherland.
8.5. παρακλήσεις τε ἐγίνοντο, καὶ οἱ μὲν ζῶντες καὶ ἔτι ἄτρωτοι τοὺς τραυματίας παρώξυνον, πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἐσχάτην τινὶ ἐφεστηκέναι μοῖραν, ἀντιδράσαντα ὅ τι καὶ δύναιτο σὺν ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι τὸ πεπρωμένον· οἱ δὲ ὁπότε αἴσθοιντο οἱ τραυματίαι τὴν ἰσχὺν σφᾶς ὑπολείπουσαν καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα οὐ παραμένον, διεκελεύοντο τοῖς ἀτρῶσι μὴ χείρονας ἢ αὐτοὶ γίνεσθαι μηδὲ ἐς ἀνωφελὲς τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων τελευτὴν καταστῆσαι.
8.6. The Lacedaemonians refrained from exhorting one another, and were less inclined than the Messenians to engage in striking deeds of valor. As they were versed in warfare from boyhood, they employed a deeper formation and hoped that the Messenians would not endure the contest for so long as they, or sustain the toil of battle or wounds.
8.6. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ προτροπῇ μὲν ἐς ἀλλήλους [τῇ δεήσει] οὐκ ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἐς τὰ παράδοξα τῶν τολμημάτων οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἑτοίμως τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις εἶχον· ἅτε δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων τὰ πολεμικὰ ἐπιστάμενοι, βαθυτέρᾳ τε τῇ φάλαγγι ἐχρῶντο καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἤλπιζον οὔτε χρόνον τὸν ἴσον καρτερήσειν ἀντιτεταγμένους οὔτε πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κάματον ἢ τὰ τραύματα ἀνθέξειν.
8.7. These were the differences in both sets of combatants in action and in feeling; but on both sides alike the conquered made no appeals or promises of ransom, perhaps in their enmity despairing of getting quarter, but mainly because they scorned to disgrace their previous achievements. The victorious refrained alike from boasting and from taunts, neither side having yet sure hopes of victory. The most remarkable was the death of those who tried to strip any of the fallen. For if they exposed any part of their bodies, they were struck with javelins or were struck down while intent on their present occupation, or were killed by those whom they were plundering who still lived.
8.7. ἴδια μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐν ἑκατέρῳ τῷ στρατεύματι ἔς τε τὰ ἔργα ἦν καὶ ἐς τὰς γνώμας τῶν μαχομένων, κοινὰ δὲ ἀπʼ ἀμφοτέρων· οὔτε γὰρ ἱκεσίαις οἱ φονευόμενοι καὶ χρημάτων ὑποσχέσεσιν ἐχρῶντο, τάχα μέν που μὴ πείσειν διὰ τὸ ἔχθος ἀπεγνωκότες, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἀπαξιοῦντες ὡς οὐ τὰ πρότερά γε κακιοῦσιν· οἵ τε ἀποκτείνοντες ἀπείχοντο καὶ αὐχήματος ὁμοίως καὶ ὀνειδῶν, οὐκ ἔχοντές πω βεβαίαν οὐδέτεροι τὴν ἐλπίδα εἰ κρατήσουσι. παραδοξότατα δὲ ἀπέθνησκον οἱ τῶν κειμένων σκυλεύειν τινὰ ἐπιχειροῦντες· ἢ γὰρ τοῦ σώματος γυμνόν τι ὑποφήναντες ἠκοντίζοντο καὶ ἐτύπτοντο οὐ προορώμενοι διὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀσχολίαν, ἢ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν σκυλευομένων ἔτι ἐμπνεόντων διεφθείροντο.
8.8. The kings fought in a manner that deserves mention. Theopompus rushed wildly forward to slay Euphaes himself. Euphaes, seeing him advancing, said to Antander that the action of Theopompus was no different from the attempt of his ancestor Polyneices; for Polyneices led an army from Argos against his fatherland, and slaying his brother with his own hand was slain by him. Theopompus was ready to involve the race of the Heracleidae in pollution as great as that of the house of Laius and Oedipus, but he would not leave the field unscathed. With these words he too advanced.
8.8. ἐμάχοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἀξίως λόγου, Θεόπομπος δὲ καὶ ἀκρατέστερον ὥρμητο ὡς αὐτὸν ἀποκτενῶν Εὐφαῆ. Εὐφαὴς δὲ ὁρῶν ἐπιόντα εἶπεν ἄρα πρὸς τὸν Ἄντανδρον οὐδὲν εἶναι τὰ Θεοπόμπου διάφορα ἢ ⟨ὅσα⟩ ὁ πρόγονος αὐτοῦ Πολυνείκης ἐτόλμησε· Πολυνείκην τε γὰρ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἀγαγόντα ἐξ Ἄργους ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοχειρὶ καὶ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ ἐκείνου, Θεόπομπόν τε ἐθέλειν ἐς τὸ ἴσον καταστῆσαι μιάσματος τοῖς ἀπὸ Λαΐου καὶ Οἰδίποδος τὸ Ἡρακλειδῶν γένος· οὐ μέντοι χαίροντά γε ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης διακριθήσεσθαι. τοιαῦτα ἐπιλέγων ἀντεπῄει καὶ οὗτος.
8.9. Thereupon the battle, though the combatants had wearied, everywhere broke out again in full force. Their strength was renewed and recklessness of death heightened on both sides, so that it might have been thought that they were engaging for the first time. Finally Euphaes and his men in a frenzy of despair that was near to madness (for picked Messenian troops formed the whole of the king's bodyguard), overpowering the enemy by their valor, drove back Theopompus himself and routed the Lacedaemonian troops opposed to them.
8.9. ἐνταῦθα ἥ τε πᾶσα μάχη κεκμηκότων ὅμως ἐς τὸ ἀκμαιότατον αὖθις ἤρθη, καὶ τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἀνερρώννυντο καὶ τὸ ἀφειδὲς ἐς τὸν θάνατον παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ηὐξάνετο, ὥστε εἰκάσαι ἄν τις τοῦ ἔργου τότε σφᾶς πρῶτον ἅπτεσθαι. τέλος δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐφαῆ τῆς τε ἀπονοίας τῷ ὑπερβάλλοντι μανίας ὄντες ἐγγύτατα καὶ ὑπʼ ἀνδραγαθίας—πᾶν γὰρ δὴ τὸ περὶ τὸν βασιλέα οἱ λογάδες τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἦσαν—βιάζονται τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους· καὶ αὐτόν τε Θεόπομπον ἀπώσαντο καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τοὺς καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐτρέψαντο.
8.10. But the other Messenian wing was in difficulties, for the general Pytharatus had been killed, and the men, without a commander, were fighting in a disorganized and confused manner, though not without heart. Polydorus did not pursue the Messenians when they gave way, nor Euphaes' men the Lacedaemonians. It seemed better to him and his men to support the defeated wing; they did not, however, engage with Polydorus' force, for darkness had already descended on the field;
8.10. τὸ δὲ ἕτερον κέρας τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐταλαιπώρει. Πυθάρατός τε γὰρ ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐτεθνήκει καὶ αὐτοὶ διὰ τὴν ἀναρχίαν ἀτακτότερον καὶ ⟨θορυβωδέστερον ἐμάχοντο, οὐ μέντοι⟩ ἀθύμως εἶχον οὐδʼ οὗτοι. φεύγουσι δὲ οὔτε τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ὁ Πολύδωρος οὔτε οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐφαῆ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἠκολούθησαν· Εὐφαεῖ γὰρ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν αἱρετώτερα ἐφαίνετο ἀμύνειν τοῖς ἡττωμένοις—οὐ μέντοι Πολυδώρῳ γὲ οὐδὲ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν συμμίσγουσιν, ἐν σκότῳ γὰρ ἤδη τὰ γινόμενα ἦν— καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἅμα εἶργε μὴ πρόσω τοῖς ἀποχωροῦσιν ἐπακολουθεῖν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ ἡ ἀπειρία τῶν τόπων.
8.11. moreover, the Lacedaemonians were prevented from following the retiring force further not least by their ignorance of the country. Also it was an ancient practice with them not to carry out a pursuit too quickly, as they were more careful about maintaining their formation than about slaying the flying. In the center, where Euryleon was commanding the Lacedaemonians, and Cleonnis on the Messenian side, the contest was undecided; the coming of night separated them here also.
8.11. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄλλως πάτριον σχολαιοτέρας τὰς διώξεις ποιεῖσθαι, μὴ διαλῦσαι τὴν τάξιν πλείονα ἔχοντας πρόνοιαν ἤ τινα ἀποκτεῖναι φεύγοντα. τὰ δὲ μέσα ἀμφοτέροις, ᾗ Λακεδαιμονίων ὁ Εὐρυλέων, Μεσσηνίοις δὲ Κλέοννις ἡγεῖτο, ἰσοπαλῶς μὲν ἠγωνίζοντο, διέλυσε δὲ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων καὶ τούτους ἐπελθοῦσα ἡ νύξ.
8.12. This battle was fought principally or entirely by the heavy-armed troops on both sides. The mounted men were few and achieved nothing worth mention; for the Peloponnesians were not good horsemen then. The Messenian light-armed and the Cretans on the Lacedaemonian side did not engage at all; for on both sides according to the ancient practice they were posted in reserve to their own infantry.
8.12. ταύτην τὴν μάχην παρὰ ἀμφοτέρων ἢ μόνα ἢ μάλιστα ἐμαχέσαντο τὰ ὁπλιτικά. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ὀλίγοι τε ἦσαν καὶ οὐδὲν ὥστε καὶ μνημονευθῆναι διεπράξαντο· οὐ γάρ τοι ἀγαθοὶ τότε ἱππεύειν ἦσαν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι. τῶν δὲ Μεσσηνίων οἱ ψιλοὶ καὶ οἱ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις Κρῆτες οὐδὲ συνέμιξαν ἀρχήν· τῷ γὰρ πεζῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ κατὰ τρόπον ἔτι ἑκάτεροι τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐπετάχθησαν.
8.13. The following day neither side was minded to begin battle or to be the first to set up a trophy, but as the day advanced they made proposals for taking up the dead; when this was agreed on both sides, they proceeded to bury them.
8.13. ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν μάχης μὲν οὐδέτεροι διενοοῦντο ἄρχειν οὐδὲ ἱστάναι πρότεροι τρόπαιον, προϊούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ὑπὲρ ἀναιρέσεως τῶν νεκρῶν ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, καὶ ἐπειδὴ παρὰ ἀμφοτέρων συνεχωρήθη, θάψειν ἔμελλον ἤδη τὸ ἐντεῦθεν.
9.1. But after the battle the affairs of the Messenians began to get serious. They were exhausted by the expenditure of money devoted to the garrisoning of the towns, and their slaves were deserting to the Lacedaemonians. They were visited also by disease, which caused alarm, as resembling plague, although it did not attack all. In these circumstances they resolved to desert all their numerous towns inland and to settle on Mount Ithome.
9.1. τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις μετὰ τὴν μάχην πονηρὰ γίνεσθαι τὰ πράγματα ἤρχετο· δαπάνῃ τε γὰρ χρημάτων ἀπειρήκεσαν, ἃ τῶν πόλεων ἀνήλισκον ἐς τὰς φρουράς, καὶ οἱ δοῦλοι παρὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ηὐτομόλουν, τοῖς δὲ καὶ νόσος ἐνέπεσε καὶ ταραχὰς μὲν παρέσχεν ὡς εἴη λοιμώδης, οὐ μὴν ἐς ἅπαντάς γε ἐχώρησεν. βουλευομένοις δὲ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα ἐδόκει τὰ μὲν πολλὰ πολίσματα τὰ ἐς μεσόγαιαν πάντα ἐκλείπειν, ἐς δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἀνοικίζεσθαι τὴν Ἰθώμην.
9.2. A small town existed here, which they say Homer mentions in the Catalogue:Stepped Ithome.To this town they withdrew, extending the old circuit to form a sufficient protection for them all. The place was strong in other respects, for Ithome falls short of none of the mountains within the Isthmus in height and at this point was most difficult to climb.
9.2. ἦν δὲ καὶ πόλισμα αὐτόθι οὐ μέγα, ὃ καὶ Ὅμηρόν φασιν ἔχειν ἐν καταλόγῳ·καὶ Ἰθώμην κλιμακόεσσαν.ἐς τοῦτο τὸ πόλισμα ἀνῳκίζοντο, ἐπεκτείνοντες τὸν ἀρχαῖον περίβολον ἔρυμα εἶναι πᾶσιν αὔταρκες. ἦν δὲ τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἄλλως ἐχυρόν· ἡ γὰρ Ἰθώμη μεγέθει τε οὐδενὸς ἀποδεῖ τῶν ὀρῶν ὁπόσα ἐντός ἐστιν ἰσθμοῦ καὶ δύσβατος κατὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἦν.
9.3. They also resolved to send an envoy to Delphi, and despatched Tisis the son of Alcis, a man of the highest reputation, considered to be fully versed in divination. While he was returning from Delphi men from the Lacedaemonian garrison at Ampheia laid an ambush for him. Though trapped, he did not submit to be made a prisoner, but stood his ground to resist in spite of the wounds he received, until a voice was heard from an unseen quarter, “Let the bearer of the oracle go free.”
9.3. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ θεωρὸν πέμψαι σφίσιν ἐς Δελφούς. ἀποστέλλουσιν οὖν Τῖσιν τὸν Ἄλκιδος, καὶ ἀξιώματι οὐδενὸς ὕστερον καὶ ὅτι προσκεῖσθαι μαντικῇ μάλιστα ἐνομίζετο. τοῦτον τὸν Τῖσιν ἐπανιόντα ἐκ Δελφῶν λοχῶσιν ἄνδρες Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Ἀμφείᾳ φρουρᾶς· λοχήσαντες δὲ—οὐ γὰρ ὑπεῖκεν αἰχμάλωτος γενέσθαι— περιμένοντα οὖν ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ ἀνθεστηκότα ἐτίτρωσκον, ἐς ὃ γίνεται βοή σφισιν ἐξ ἀφανοῦς “τὸν χρησμοφόρον μέθες.”
9.4. Tisis, reaching Ithome with all speed, delivered the oracle to the king, and soon afterwards died of his wounds. Euphaes assembled the Messenians and made known the oracle:Ye shall sacrifice a pure maiden to the gods below, appointed by lot of the blood of the sons of Aepytus, and slay her by night. But if that ye cannot do, offer a maiden from another house, if the father gives her freely for the slaughter.
9.4. καὶ Τῖσις μὲν ὡς ἀπεσώθη τάχιστα ἐς Ἰθώμην καὶ τὴν μαντείαν παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα ἀνήνεγκε, μετʼ οὐ πολὺ ὑπὸ τῶν τραυμάτων τελευτᾷ· τοὺς δὲ Μεσσηνίους συναθροίσας ὁ Εὐφαὴς ἐπεδείκνυ τὸν χρησμόν·κόρην ἄχραντον νερτέροισι δαίμοσι,κλήρῳ λαχοῦσαν Αἰπυτιδῶν ἀφʼ αἵματος,θυηπολεῖτε νυκτέροισιν ἐν σφαγαῖς.ἢν δὲ σφαλῆτε, καὶ παρʼ ἀλλοίου τότεθύειν, διδόντος ἐς σφαγὴν ἑκουσίως.
9.5. When the god declared this, all the maidens of the house of the Aepytidae forthwith cast lots, and the lot fell on the daughter of Lyciscus. But Epebolus the seer forbade them to offer her, for she was not the daughter of Lyciscus, but the woman who was married to Lyciscus being unable to bear a child had palmed off the girl as hers. While Epebolus was making this declaration, Lyciscus took the girl away and deserted to Sparta.
9.5. ταῦτα τοῦ θεοῦ δηλώσαντος αὐτίκα ἐκληροῦντο ὅσαι παρθένοι τοῦ Αἰπυτιδῶν γένους ἦσαν· καὶ ἐπελάμβανε γὰρ Λυκίσκου θυγατέρα ὁ κλῆρος, ταύτην Ἐπήβολος ὁ μάντις ἀπηγόρευεν ὡς οὐ δέοι θύειν, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι Λυκίσκου· τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα ἣ Λυκίσκῳ συνῴκησεν, ὡς τεκεῖν οὔκουν οἵα τε ἦν, [ἐν τούτῳ] τὴν παῖδα ὑποβαλέσθαι. ἐν ὅσῳ δὲ οὗτος ἀνεδίδασκε τὰ ἐς αὐτήν, ἐν τοσῷδε ὁ Λυκίσκος ἀπαγόμενος ἅμα καὶ τὴν παρθένον ηὐτομόλησεν ἐς Σπάρτην.
9.6. The Messenians were in despair when they saw that Lyciscus had fled; thereupon Aristodemus, a son of the house of the Aepytidae, of higher standing than Lyciscus both in reputation and in war, freely offered his daughter for the sacrifice. But human affairs and human purpose above all are obscured by fate, just as the mud of a river hides a pebble; for when Aristodemus was striving his utmost to save Messene, fate set this obstacle in his path.
9.6. ἐχόντων δὲ ἀθύμως τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὡς Λυκίσκον ἀποδράντα ᾔσθοντο, ἐνταῦθά σφισιν Ἀριστόδημος ἀνὴρ καὶ γένους τοῦ Αἰπυτιδῶν καὶ Λυκίσκου τῇ τε ἄλλῃ δόξῃ καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἐπιφανέστερος ἐδίδου τὴν θυγατέρα ἑκὼν θῦσαι. τὰ δὲ ἀνθρώπων καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τὸ πρόθυμον ἡ πεπρωμένη κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐπικρύπτει καὶ εἰ ψηφῖδα ἐπιλαβοῦσα ἰλὺς ποταμοῦ, ὅπου καὶ τότε Ἀριστοδήμῳ διασώσασθαι Μεσσήνην ἀγώνισμα ποιουμένῳ [τὸ] ἐμπόδιον ἐπήγαγε τοιόνδε.
9.7. A Messenian, whose name is not recorded, was in love with the daughter of' Aristodemus, and was already about to make her his wife. He at first disputed the rights of Aristodemus over the girl for Aristodemus, since he had betrothed her to himself had no further rights over the girl, but he to whom she was betrothed had greater rights than the father. Next, when he saw that this was of no avail, he had recourse to a shameless plea, that the girl was with child by him.
9.7. ἀνὴρ τῶν Μεσσηνίων—τὸ δὲ ὄνομα οὐ λέγουσιν—ἐρῶν ἔτυχε τοῦ Ἀριστοδήμου τῆς θυγατρός, τότε δὲ ἤδη ἔμελλε καὶ γυναῖκα ἄξεσθαι. οὗτος κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν Ἀριστοδήμῳ προῆλθεν, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἐγγυήσαντά οἱ μηκέτι εἶναι κύριον τῆς παιδός, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐγγυησάμενος κυριώτερος ἐκείνου γίνεσθαι. δεύτερα δὲ ὡς τοῦτο οὐχ ἑώρα οἱ κατορθούμενον, ἐπʼ ἀναίσχυντον τρέπεται λόγον·
9.8. At last he drove Aristodemus to such a fury of passion that lie killed his daughter; then cutting her open he showed that she was not pregnant. Epebolus, who was present, ordered another man to come forward and offer his daughter, for the daughter of Aristodemus was of no avail to them dead; for the father had murdered her, not offered her to the gods whom the Pythia ordained.
9.8. ξυγγενέσθαι τε τῇ παιδὶ καὶ κύειν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. τέλος δὲ ἐς τοσοῦτον Ἀριστόδημον προήγαγεν ὡς ἐκμανέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα ἀποκτεῖναι· μετὰ δὲ ἀνέτεμνε καὶ ἐπεδείκνυεν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔχουσαν ἐν γαστρί. παρὼν δὲ Ἐπήβολος ἐκέλευεν ἄλλον τινὰ τὸν θυγατέρα ἐπιδώσοντα γενέσθαι· τῆς γὰρ τοῦ Ἀριστοδήμου πλέον εἶναί σφισιν ἀποθανούσης οὐδέν· φονεῦσαι γὰρ τὸν πατέρα αὐτήν, θεοῖς δὲ οἷς ἡ Πυθία προσέταξεν οὐ θῦσαι.
9.9. When the seer said this, the multitude of the Messenians rushed on the girl's lover to kill him, since he had fixed the guilt of bloodshed on Aristodemus to no purpose, and had made their hopes of safety doubtful. But as he was a close friend of Euphaes, Euphaes persuaded the Messenians that the oracle was fulfilled by the death of the girl and that the deed done by Aristodemus sufficed for them.
9.9. τοιαῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ μάντεως τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὥρμησεν ἀποκτενοῦντες τὸν μνηστῆρα τῆς παιδός, ὡς Ἀριστοδήμῳ τε μίασμα εἰκαῖον προσάψαντα καὶ σφίσι τῆς σωτηρίας τὴν ἐλπίδα ἀμφίβολον πεποιηκότα. ἢν δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα τῷ Εὐφαεῖ φίλος· πείθει ⟨οὖν⟩ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους Εὐφαὴς τόν τε χρησμὸν ἔχειν τέλος ἀποθανούσης τῆς παιδὸς καὶ σφίσιν ἀποχρᾶν τὰ ὑπὸ Ἀριστοδήμου πεποιημένα.
9.10. When he said this, all the members of the house of the Aepytidae said that he spoke truth, for each was eager to be rid of the terror threatening his daughter. The people took the advice of' the king and broke up the assembly and thereupon turned to sacrifices to the gods and feasting.
9.10. λέγοντος δὲ ταῦτα ἔφασαν τὰ ὄντα λέγειν ὅσοι τοῦ Αἰπυτιδῶν γένους ἦσαν· ἀπεῖναι γάρ σφισι τὸ δέος τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἕκαστος ἔσπευδε. καὶ οἱ μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως τῇ παραινέσει πειθόμενοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν διαλύουσι καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς πρός τε θυσίας θεῶν καὶ ἑορτὴν τρέπονται·
10.1. But the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the oracle given to the Messenians, were in despair, both they and their kings, and for the future shrank from offering battle. But five years after the escape of Lyciscus from Ithome, the victims being auspicious, the Lacedaemonians marched against Ithome. The Cretans were no longer with them. The allies of the Messenians also were late, for the Spartans had now incurred the suspicion of others of the Peloponnesians, especially of the Arcadians and Argives. The Argives intended to come without the knowledge of the Lacedaemonians, and by private enterprise rather than by public declaration. The expedition was openly proclaimed among the Arcadians, but they did not arrive either. For the Messenians were induced by the credit placed in the oracle to face the risk without allies.
10.1. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἀκούσαντες τὸν γενόμενον Μεσσηνίοις χρησμὸν ἀθύμως διέκειντο καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἔς τε τὰ λοιπὰ καὶ ἄρχειν ὀκνοῦντες μάχης. ἔτει δὲ ἕκτῳ μετὰ τὸν ἐξ Ἰθώμης Λυκίσκου δρασμὸν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι—τὰ γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐγίνετο αὐτοῖς αἴσια —στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰθώμην· οἱ δὲ Κρῆτες οὐκέτι παρόντες σφίσιν ἔτυχον. ὑστέρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν Μεσσηνίων σύμμαχοι—διʼ ὑποψίας γὰρ οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται καὶ ἄλλοις ἤδη Πελοποννησίων καὶ Ἀρκάσιν ἦσαν καὶ Ἀργείοις μάλιστα—καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι κρύφα ἔμελλον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀφίξεσθαι καὶ ἰδίᾳ δὴ μᾶλλον ⟨ἢ⟩ μετὰ δόγματος κοινοῦ, τοῖς δὲ Ἀρκάσιν ἡ στρατεία μὲν ἀνείρητο ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ, παρέτυχον δὲ οὐδʼ οὗτοι. τοὺς γὰρ Μεσσηνίους καὶ ἄνευ συμμάχων κινδυνεῦσαι προήγαγεν ἡ δόξα τοῦ χρησμοῦ.
10.2. This engagement did not differ in most points from the first, as on this occasion too daylight failed the combatants, but they record that on neither side was a wing or division broken, as they did not maintain the formation in which they were originally posted, champions on either side meeting in the middle, and there supporting the whole combat.
10.2. τὰ μὲν οὖν πολλὰ οὐδέν τι ἐγένετο διάφορα ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς προτέρας μάχης, ἥ τε ἡμέρα καὶ τότε μαχομένους προαπέλιπεν· οὐ μέντοι βιασθῆναί γε οὐδέτερον κέρας ἢ καὶ λόχον μνημονεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ τὴν τάξιν, ὡς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἐτάχθησαν, συμμεῖναί φασιν, ἀλλʼ ἀφʼ ἑκατέρων τοὺς ἀρίστους συνελθόντας ἐς τὸ μεσαίτατον ἐνταῦθα τὸν πάντα ἔχειν πόνον.
10.3. Euphaes, who showed more eagerness than a king should and recklessly attacked Theopompus' bodyguard, received a number of mortal wounds. When he swooned and fell, the Lacedaemonians did their utmost to drag him into their own ranks, as he still breathed. But the Messenians were roused by the affection which they felt for their king and by the reproach which would be theirs. It seemed better to die for their kings and sacrifice their lives than that he should be abandoned while one of them escaped.
10.3. ὁ γὰρ Εὐφαὴς πλέον τι ἢ βασιλέα εἰκὸς ἦν προθυμούμενος καὶ ἀφειδῶς τοῖς περὶ τὸν Θεόπομπον ἐγκείμενος τραύματα [τε] πολλά τε καὶ οὐκ ἰάσιμα λαμβάνει· λιποψυχήσαντα δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ πεσόντα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὀλίγον ὅμως ἐμπνέοντα ἐποιοῦντο παρʼ αὑτοὺς ἑλκύσαι σπουδήν. ἐπήγειρε δὲ καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἥ τε ἐς τὸν Εὐφαῆ προϋπάρχουσα εὔνοια καὶ τὰ ὀνείδη τὰ μέλλοντα· φονευομένοις τε ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄμεινόν σφισιν ἐφαίνετο προΐεσθαι τὰς ψυχὰς ἢ ἐκεῖνον προεμένων ἀποσωθῆναί τινα.
10.4. So the fall of Euphaes prolonged the battle and called forth further deeds of daring on both sides. He came to himself later and saw that his men had not had the worst of the fight, but he died in a few days, having reigned thirteen years over the Messenians, and having been at war with the Lacedaemonians for the whole of his reign.
10.4. τότε μὲν δὴ πεσὼν ὁ Εὐφαὴς τήν τε μάχην ἐπεμήκυνε καὶ προήγαγεν ἐς πλέον παρὰ ἑκατέρων τὰ τολμήματα· ὕστερον δὲ ἀνήνεγκε μὲν καὶ ᾔσθετο ὅτι οὐκ ἔλαττον ἐσχήκασιν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ, ἡμέραις δὲ οὐ πολλαῖς ἀποθνήσκει, βασιλεύσας Μεσσηνίων τρία ἔτη καὶ δέκα καὶ πολεμήσας Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸν πάντα τῆς βασιλείας χρόνον.
10.5. Euphaes, having no children, left his kingdom to the man chosen by the people. Cleonnis and Damis came forward to dispute it with Aristodemus, as they were considered superior to him in war and all else. Antander had been killed by the enemy, risking his life for Euphaes in the battle. The views of both the seers, Epebolus and Ophioneus, were identical, that they should not give the honors of Aepytus and his descendants to a man who was accursed and polluted by the murder of his daughter. Nevertheless Aristodemus was chosen and became king.
10.5. Εὐφαεῖ δὲ οὐκ ὄντων παίδων τὸν αἱρεθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου κατελείπετο ἔχειν τὴν ἀρχήν, Κλέοννίς τε καὶ Δᾶμις ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν Ἀριστοδήμῳ προῆλθον, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον διαφέρειν νομιζόμενοι· τὸν δὲ Ἄντανδρον οἱ πολέμιοι κατειργάσαντο ἐν τῇ μάχῃ προκινδυνεύοντα Εὐφαοῦς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τῶν μάντεων αἱ γνῶμαι κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἀμφοτέρων, Ἐπηβόλου καὶ Ὀφιονέως, μὴ σφᾶς ἀνδρὶ ἐναγεῖ καὶ θυγατρὸς μίασμα ἐπικειμένῳ δοῦναι τὴν Αἰπύτου καὶ τῶν ἀπογόνων τιμήν·
10.6. This Ophioneus, the Messenian seer, was blind from birth and practised the following method of divination. By learning the facts relevant to each case, both private and public, he thus foretold the future. This then was the way he practised his art. Aristodemus, becoming king, constantly was ready to show all reasonable favour to the people, and held all the nobles in honor, especially Cleonnis and Damis. He maintained good relations with the allies, sending gifts to the Arcadian leaders and to Argos and Sicyon.
10.6. ᾑρέθη δὲ ὅμως καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀριστόδημος. ὁ δὲ Ὀφιονεὺς οὗτος ὁ τῶν Μεσσηνίων μάντις τυφλὸς ὢν εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετῆς μαντικήν τινα εἶχε τοιαύτην· πυνθανόμενος τὰ γινόμενα ἑκάστοις ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ ἐν κοινῷ προέλεγεν οὕτω τὰ μέλλοντα. οὗτος μὲν τρόπον ἐμαντεύετο τὸν εἰρημένον, Ἀριστόδημος δὲ βασιλεύσας τῷ τε δήμῳ διέμεινε τὰ εἰκότα χαρίζεσθαι προθυμούμενος καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει τούς τε ἄλλους καὶ μάλιστα Κλέοννιν καὶ Δᾶμιν ἦγεν ἐν τιμῇ· διὰ θεραπείας δὲ εἶχε καὶ τὰ τῶν συμμάχων, Ἀρκάδων τε τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἐς Ἄργος καὶ Σικυῶνα ἀποστέλλων δῶρα.
10.7. They carried on the war during his reign by means of constant forays with small parties, and made incursions into one another's country at harvest time, the Messenians being supported by the Arcadians in their raids into Laconia. The Argives did not think fit to declare their hatred for the Lacedaemonians beforehand, but prepared to take part in the contest when it came.
10.7. τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀριστοδήμου βασιλείας ἐπολέμουν λῃστείαις τε κατʼ ὀλίγους ἀεὶ καὶ περὶ τὴν ὡραίαν καταδρομαῖς ἐς τὴν ἀλλήλων χρώμενοι, συνεσέβαλλον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀρκάδων τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐς τὴν Λακωνικήν· Ἀργεῖοι δὲ προαναφῆναι μὲν τὸ ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔχθος οὐκ ἠξίουν, γινομένου δὲ ἀγῶνος παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς μεθέξοντες.
11.1. In the fifth year of the reign of Aristodemus, being exhausted by the length of the war and by their expenditure, after due notice that a battle would be fought, both sides were joined by their allies, the Lacedaemonians by the Corinthians alone of the Peloponnesians, the Messenians by the full muster of' the Arcadians and by picked troops from Argos and Sicyon. The Lacedaemonians entrusted their center to the Corinthians, Helots and all the neighboring peoples who were serving with them; they themselves and the kings were posted on the wings in a deeper and closer formation than ever before.
11.1. πέμπτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς Ἀριστοδήμου ⟨βασιλείας⟩ μελλόντων ἐκ προρρήσεως συμβολὴν ποιήσεσθαι—τῷ τε γὰρ μήκει τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τοῖς δαπανήμασιν ἀπειρήκεσαν—οὕτω παρεγένοντο ἀμφοτέροις καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι, Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν Κορίνθιοι Πελοποννησίων μόνοι, τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις οἵ τε Ἀρκάδες πανστρατιᾷ καὶ Ἀργείων καὶ Σικυωνίων λογάδες. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὖν Κορινθίοις καὶ τοῖς εἵλωσι καὶ ὅσοι περίοικοι συνεστρατεύοντο τὸ μέσον ἐπιτρέψαντες, ἐπὶ τοῖς κέρασιν αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐτάσσοντο βαθείᾳ τε ὡς οὔπω πρότερον καὶ πυκνῇ τῇ φάλαγγι.
11.2. The dispositions of Aristodemus and his men were as follows: he selected the most serviceable of the arms for all the Arcadians and Messenians who were physically strong and stout hearted but did not possess powerful weapons, and as the matter was urgent, posted them with the Argives and Sicyonians, extending the line that they might not be surrounded by the enemy. He also took care that they should be drawn up with Mount Ithome in their rear. Placing Cleonnis in command of these troops, he himself and Damis remained in reserve with the light troops consisting of a few slingers or archers, the bulk of the force being physically suited to rapid assaults and retirements and lightly armed.
11.2. τῷ δὲ Ἀριστοδήμῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν διετάχθη τὰ ἐς τὴν μάχην οὕτως. ὅσοι τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἢ τῶν Μεσσηνίων τὰ μὲν σώματα ἦσαν ἐρρωμένοι καὶ ἀγαθοὶ τὰς ψυχάς, ὅπλα δὲ οὐκ εἶχον ἰσχυρά, τούτοις τῶν ὅπλων τὰ χρησιμώτατα ἐπέλεξε, καὶ ὡς τὸ ἔργον ἤπειγεν, ὁμοῦ τοῖς Ἀργείοις καὶ Σικυωνίοις καὶ τούτους ἔτασσε· τὴν δὲ φάλαγγα ἐπὶ πλέον ἥπλωσεν, ὡς μὴ κυκλωθεῖεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων. προείδετο δὲ καὶ ὅπως τεταγμένοις σφίσι τὸ ὄρος ἡ Ἰθώμη κατὰ νώτου γίνοιτο. καὶ τούτοις μὲν Κλέοννιν ἐπέταξεν ἡγεμόνα·
11.3. Not all of them possessed a breastplate or shield, but those who lacked them were protected with the skins of goats and sheep, some of them, particularly the Arcadian mountaineers, having the hides of wild beasts, wolves and bears.
11.3. αὐτὸς δὲ καὶ ὁ Δᾶμις ὑπέμενον ἔχοντες τοὺς ψιλούς, σφενδονήτας μὲν ἢ τοξότας ὀλίγους, ὁ δὲ ὄχλος ὁ πολὺς τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἦσαν ἐς τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς καὶ ἀναχωρήσεις ἐπιτήδειοι καὶ τῇ ὁπλίσει κοῦφοι· θώρακα γὰρ ἢ ἀσπίδα εἶχεν ⟨οὐχ⟩ ἕκαστος, ὅσοι δὲ ἠπόρουν τούτων, περιεβέβληντο αἰγῶν νάκας καὶ προβάτων, οἱ δὲ καὶ θηρίων δέρματα καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ὀρεινοὶ τῶν Ἀρκάδων λύκων τε καὶ ἄρκτων.
11.4. Each carried several javelins, and some of them spears. While these were in ambush in a part of Ithome where they were least likely to be visible, the heavy-armed troops of the Messenians and their allies withstood the first assault of the Lacedaemonians, and continued after this to show courage in every way. They were inferior in numbers to the enemy, but were picked men fighting against levies, not selected troops like themselves, and so, by their bravery and training were more able to maintain a lengthy resistance.
11.4. ἀκόντια δὲ ἕκαστος πολλά, οἱ δὲ καὶ λόγχας αὐτῶν ἔφερον. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἐλόχων τῆς Ἰθώμης ἔνθα ἔμελλον ἥκιστα ἔσεσθαι σύνοπτοι· οἱ δὲ ὁπλῖται τῶν Μεσσηνίων καὶ συμμάχων τήν τε ἔφοδον τὴν πρώτην τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπέμειναν καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἦσαν ἤδη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀνδρεῖοι. ἀριθμῷ μὲν δὴ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπελείποντο, λογάδες δὲ ὄντες ἐμάχοντο πρὸς δῆμον καὶ οὐχ ὁμοίως πρὸς κρείττους, ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον τῇ τε ἄλλῃ προθυμίᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἐμπειρίαις ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντεῖχον.
11.5. Then the mobile Messenian force, when the signal was given to them, charged the Lacedaemonians and enveloping them threw javelins on their flanks. All who were of higher courage ran in and struck at close quarters. The Lacedaemonians, faced simultaneously with a second and unforeseen danger, were not demoralized, but turning on the light troops, tried to defend themselves. But, as the enemy with their light equipment drew off without difficulty, the Lacedaemonians were filled with perplexity and, as a consequence, with anger.
11.5. ἐνταῦθα καὶ ὁ στρατὸς τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὁ εὔζωνος, ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ τούτοις ἤρθη τὰ σημεῖα, ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους δρόμῳ καὶ περιστάντες ἠκόντιζον ἐς τὰ πλάγια· ὅσοις δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον μετῆν τόλμης, προσέθεόν τε καὶ ἔτυπτον ἐκ χειρός. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, κίνδυνόν σφισι δεύτερον ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ οὕτως ἀνέλπιστον ὁρῶντες παρόντα, ὅμως οὔτε ἐταράχθησαν ἐπιστρεφόμενοί τε ἐς τοὺς ψιλοὺς ἀμύνεσθαι μὲν ἐπειρῶντο, διὰ δὲ τὴν κουφότητα οὐ χαλεπῶς ἀποφευγόντων ἀπορία τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἤδη καὶ ὀργὴ γίνεται.
11.6. Men are apt to be most annoyed by what they regard as beneath them. So then the Spartans who had already been wounded and all who after the fall of their comrades were the first to meet the attack of the light troops, ran out to meet them when they saw the light troops advancing and hotly extended the pursuit as they retired. The Messenian light troops maintained their original tactics, striking and shooting at them when they stood still, and outstripping them in flight when they pursued, attacking again as they tried to retire.
11.6. πεφύκασι δέ πως οἱ ἄνθρωποι μάλιστα ἔχειν ἀκρατῶς πρὸς τὰ παρʼ ἀξίαν· καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε οἵ τε ἤδη τραύματα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν εἰληφότες καὶ ὅσοι κειμένων τῶν παραστατῶν ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον τῶν ψιλῶν πρῶτοι προεξέθεόν τε, ὁπότε ἴδοιεν ἐπιφερομένους τοὺς ψιλούς, καὶ ὑπὸ θυμοῦ μακροτέρας τὰς διώξεις ἐποιοῦντο ἀποχωρούντων. οἱ δὲ ψιλοὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἤρξαντο, κατὰ χώραν τε μένοντας ἔτυπτον καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον καὶ διωκόντων ἔφθανον ἀποφεύγοντες καὶ πειρωμένοις ἀναστρέφειν αὖθις ἐπῄεσαν.
11.7. They did this in separate parties and at different points of the enemy's line. The Messenian heavy-armed and their allies meantime pressed more boldly on the troops facing them. Finally the Lacedaemonians, worn out by the length of the battle and their wounds, and demoralized contrary to their custom by the light troops, broke their ranks. When they had been routed, the light troops inflicted greater damage on them.
11.7. ταῦτα δὲ ἔδρων σποράδην καὶ ἄλλοι κατʼ ἄλλο τῆς τῶν ἐναντίων τάξεως· οἵ τε ὁπλῖται τῶν Μεσσηνίων καὶ συμμάχων θρασύτερον ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε τοῖς κατὰ στόμα αὐτῶν ἐπέκειντο. τέλος δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῷ τε χρόνῳ καὶ τοῖς τραύμασιν ἀπαγορεύοντες καὶ ἅμα παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ὑπὸ τῶν ψιλῶν ταρασσόμενοι διαλύουσι τὴν τάξιν· τραπέντων δέ, ἐνταῦθά σφισι πλείω παρεῖχον κακὰ οἱ ψιλοί.
11.8. It was impossible to reckon the Lacedaemonian losses in the battle, but I for my part am convinced that they were heavy. The rest made their retreat homewards without molestation, but for the Corinthians it was likely to be difficult, for whether they tried to retire through the Argolid or by Sicyon, in either case it was through enemy country.
11.8. τοὺς δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων διαφθαρέντας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ συλλαβεῖν μὲν οὐχ οἷά τε ἦν ἀριθμῷ, πείθομαι δὲ εἶναι καὶ αὐτὸς πολλούς. ἡ δὲ οἴκαδε ἀναχώρησις τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις καθʼ ἡσυχίαν, Κορινθίοις δὲ ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι χαλεπή· διὰ πολεμίας γὰρ ἐγίνετο ὁμοίως διά τε τῆς Ἀργείας πειρωμένοις καὶ παρὰ Σικυῶνα ἀνασωθῆναι.
12.1. The Lacedaemonians were distressed by the reverse that had befallen them. Their losses in the battle were great and included important men, and they were inclined to despair of all hope in the war. For this reason they sent envoys to Delphi, who received the following reply from the Pythia:Phoebus bids thee pursue not only the task of war with the hand, but by guile a people holds the Messenian land, and by the same arts as they first employed shall the people fall.
12.1. Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ ἐλύπει μὲν καὶ τὸ γεγονὸς πταῖσμα, τεθνεώτων ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πολλῶν τε καὶ ἀξίων λόγου, παρίστατο δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα τοῦ πολέμου σφίσιν ἀθύμως ἔχειν· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο θεωροὺς ἀποστέλλουσιν ἐς Δελφούς. τούτοις ἐλθοῦσιν ἡ Πυθία χρᾷ τάδε·οὔ σε μάχης μόνον ἔργʼ ἐφέπειν χερὶ Φοῖβος ἄνωγεν,ἀλλʼ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα λαός,ταῖς δʼ αὐταῖς τέχναισιν ἁλώσεται αἷσπερ ὑπῆρξεν.
12.2. At this the kings and ephors were eager to invent stratagems, but failed. They imitated that deed of Odysseus at Troy, and sent a hundred men to Ithome to observe what the enemy were planning, but pretending to be deserters. A sentence of banishment had been openly pronounced on them. On their arrival Aristodemus at once sent them away, saying that the crimes of the Lacedaemonians were new, but their tricks old.
12.2. [ὁ] πρὸς ταῦτα τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ τοῖς ἐφόροις τέχνας μὲν [οὖν] προθυμουμένοις οὐκ ἐγίνετο ἀνευρεῖν· οἱ δὲ Ὀδυσσέως τῶν ἔργων ἀπομιμούμενοι τὸ ἐπὶ Ἰλίῳ πέμπουσιν ἄνδρας ἑκατὸν ἐς Ἰθώμην συνήσοντας ἃ μηχανῶνται, λόγῳ δὲ αὐτομόλους· ἦν δὲ καὶ φυγὴ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ κατεγνωσμένη. τούτους ἥκοντας ἀπέπεμπεν αὐτίκα Ἀριστόδημος, Λακεδαιμονίων φήσας τὰ ἀδικήματα καινὰ εἶναι, τὰ δὲ σοφίσματα ἀρχαῖα.
12.3. Failing in their attempt, the Lacedaemonians next attempted to break up the Messenian alliance. But when repulsed by the Arcadians, to whom their ambassadors came first, they put off going to Argos. Aristodemus, hearing of the Lacedaemonian intrigues, also sent men to enquire of the god. And the Pythia replied to them:
12.3. ἁμαρτόντες δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῦ ἐγχειρήματος δεύτερα ἐπειρῶντο τῶν Μεσσηνίων διαλῦσαι τὸ συμμαχικόν· ἀντειπόντων δὲ τῶν Ἀρκάδων —παρὰ γὰρ τούτους πρότερον ἀφίκοντο οἱ πρέσβεις —οὕτω τὴν ἐπʼ Ἄργος ἐπέσχον πορείαν. Ἀριστόδημος δὲ πυνθανόμενος τὰ πρασσόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πέμπει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐρησομένους τὸν θεόν, ἡ δὲ Πυθία σφίσιν ἔχρησε·
12.4. The god gives thee glory in war, but beware lest by guile the hated company of Sparta scale the well-built walls, for mightier is their god of war. And harsh shall be the dwellers in the circle of the dancing ground, when the two have started forth by one chance from the hidden ambush. Yet the holy day shall not behold this ending until their doom o'ertake those which have changed their nature.At the time Aristodemus and the seers were at a loss to interpret the saying, but in a few years the god was like to reveal it and bring it to fulfillment.
12.4. κῦδός σοι πολέμοιο διδοῖ θεός· ἀλλʼ ἀπάταισιφράζεο μὴ Σπάρτης δόλιος λόχος ἐχθρὸς ἀνέλθῃκρείσσων· ἦ γὰρ Ἄρης κείνων εὐήρεα τεύχηκαί ⟨τὸ⟩ χορῶν στεφάνωμα πικροὺς οἰκήτορας ἕξει,τῶν δύο συντυχίαις κρυπτὸν λόχον ἐξαναδύντων.οὐ πρόσθεν δὲ τέλος τόδʼ ἐπόψεται ἱερὸν ἦμαρ,πρὶν τὰ παραλλά⟨ξαν⟩τα φύσιν τὸ[ξαν] χρεὼν ἀφίκηται.τότε μὲν δὴ Ἀριστόδημος καὶ οἱ μάντεις ἀπείρως εἶχον συμβαλέσθαι τὸ εἰρημένον· ἔτεσι δὲ ὕστερον οὐ πολλοῖς ἀναφαίνειν τε καὶ ἐς τέλος ἄξειν ἔμελλεν ὁ θεός.
12.5. Other things befell the Messenians at that time: while Lyciscus was living abroad in Sparta, death overtook the daughter whom he carried with him on his flight from Messene. As he often visited her tomb, Arcadian horsemen lay in wait and captured him. When carried to Ithome and brought into the assembly he urged that he had not departed a traitor to his country, but because he believed the words of the seer that the girl was not his own.
12.5. ἕτερα δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις συνέβαινε τοιαῦτα. Λυκίσκου μετοικοῦντος ἐν Σπάρτῃ τὴν θυγατέρα ἐπέλαβεν ἀποθανεῖν, ἣν ἅμα ἀγόμενος ἔφυγεν ἐκ Μεσσήνης. πολλάκις δὲ αὐτὸν φοιτῶντα ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα τῆς παιδὸς λοχήσαντες ἱππεῖς τῶν Ἀρκάδων αἱροῦσιν· ἀναχθεὶς δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἰθώμην καὶ ἐς ἐκκλησίαν καταστὰς ἀπελογεῖτο ὡς οὐ προδιδοὺς τὴν πατρίδα ἀποχωρήσαι, πειθόμενος δὲ τοῖς ῥηθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ μάντεως ἐς τὴν παῖδα ὡς οὖσαν οὐ γνησίαν.
12.6. His defence did not win credence until the woman who was then holding the priesthood of Hera came into the theater. She confessed that she was the mother of the girl and had given her to Lyciscus' wife to pass off as her own. “And now,” she said, “revealing the secret, I have come to lay down my office.” She said this because it was an established custom in Messene that, if a child of a man or woman holding a priesthood died before its parent, the office should pass to another. Accepting the truth of her statement, they chose another woman to take her place as priestess of the goddess, and said that Lyciscus' deed was pardonable.
12.6. ταῦτα ἀπολογούμενος οὐ πρότερον ἔδοξεν ἀληθῆ λέγειν πρὶν ἢ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὸ θέατρον ἡ τὴν ἱερωσύνην τότε τῆς Ἥρας ἔχουσα. αὕτη δὲ τεκεῖν τε τὴν παῖδα ὡμολόγει καὶ τῇ Λυκίσκου γυναικὶ ὑποβαλέσθαι δοῦναι· “νῦν δὲ” ἔφη “τό τε ἀπόρρητον ἐκφαίνουσα ἥκω καὶ παύσουσα ἐμαυτὴν ἱερωμένην.” ταῦτα δὲ ἔλεγεν, ὅτι ἦν ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ καθεστηκός, ἢν γυναικὸς ἱερωμένης ἢ καὶ ἀνδρὸς προαποθάνῃ τις τῶν παίδων, ἐς ἄλλον τὴν ἱερωσύνην μεταχωρεῖν. νομίζοντες οὖν τὴν γυναῖκα ἀληθῆ λέγειν, τῇ θεῷ τε εἵλοντο ἱερατευσομένην ἀντʼ ἐκείνης καὶ Λυκίσκον συγγνωστὰ ἔφασαν εἰργάσθαι.
12.7. After this, as the twentieth year of the war was approaching, they resolved to send again to Delphi to ask concerning victory. The Pythia made answer to their question:To those who first around the altar set up tripods ten times ten to Zeus of Ithome, heaven grants glory in war and the Messenian land. For thus hath Zeus ordained. Deceit raised thee up and punishment follows after, nor would'st thou deceive the god. Act as fate wills, destruction comes on this man before that.
12.7. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐδόκει σφίσι—καὶ γὰρ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἐπῄει τῷ πολέμῳ—πέμπειν αὖθις ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐρησομένους ὑπὲρ νίκης. ἐρομένοις δὲ ἔχρησεν ἡ Πυθία·τοῖς τρίποδας περὶ βωμὸν Ἰθωμάτᾳ Διὶ πρώτοιςστήσασιν δεκάδων ἀριθμὸν δὶς πέντε δίδωσισὺν κύδει πολέμου γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα δαίμων.Ζεὺς γὰρ ἔνευσʼ οὕτως. ἀπάτη δέ σε πρόσθε τίθησινἥ τʼ ὀπίσω τίσις ἐστί, καὶ ἔνθεον ἐξαπατῴης.ἕρδʼ ὅππῃ τὸ χρεών· ἄτη δʼ ἄλλοισι πρὸ ἄλλων.
12.8. Hearing this they thought that the oracle was in their favour and granted them victory; for as they themselves possessed the sanctuary of Zeus of Ithome within the walls, the Lacedaemonians could not forestall them in making the dedication. They set about making tripods of wood, as they had not money enough to make them of bronze. But one of the Delphians reported the oracle to Sparta. When they heard it, no plan occurred to them in public, but Oebalus, a man of no repute in general, but evidently shrewd, made a hundred tripods, as best he might, of clay, and hiding them in a bag, carried nets with them like a hunter.
12.8. ταῦτʼ ἀκούσαντες γεγονέναι τε ἡγοῦντο ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν τὴν μαντείαν καὶ σφίσι διδόναι ⟨τὸ⟩ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος· οὐ γὰρ αὐτῶν γε ἐχόντων ἐντὸς τείχους τοῦ Ἰθωμάτα τὸ ἱερὸν Λακεδαιμονίους προτέρους ἀναθέντας φθήσεσθαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν ξυλίνους κατασκευάσεσθαι τρίποδας ἔμελλον, οὐ γάρ σφισι περιῆν χρήματα ὡς χαλκοῦς ποιήσασθαι· τῶν δέ τις Δελφῶν τὸν χρησμὸν ἐξήγγειλεν ἐς Σπάρτην. πυθομένοις δὲ ἐν κοινῷ μὲν οὐδέν σφισιν ἐξεγένετο ἀνευρεῖν σοφόν, Οἴβαλος δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα οὐ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, γνώμην δὲ ὡς ἐδήλωσεν ἀγαθός, ποιησάμενος ὡς ἔτυχε πηλοῦ τρίποδας ἑκατόν, τούτους τε ἀποκεκρυμμένους ἐν πήρᾳ καὶ δίκτυα ἅμα αὐτοῖς ἔφερεν ὡς ἀνὴρ θηρευτής.
12.9. As he was unknown even to most of the Lacedaemonians, he would more easily escape detection by the Messenians. Joining some countrymen, he entered Ithome with them, and as soon as night fell, dedicated these tripods of clay to the god, and returned to Sparta to tell the Lacedaemonians.
12.9. ἅτε δὲ ὢν ἀγνὼς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τοῖς πολλοῖς, ῥᾷον Μεσσηνίους ἐλάνθανεν· ἀναμίξας δὲ αὑτὸν ἀνδράσιν ἀγροίκοις ἐσῆλθέ τε μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν Ἰθώμην καὶ ὡς νὺξ τάχιστα ἐπελάμβανεν ἀναθεὶς τοὺς τρίποδας τῷ θεῷ τούτους δὴ τοὺς πηλίνους αὖθις ἐς Σπάρτην ἀπαγγελῶν Λακεδαιμονίοις ᾤχετο.