SCRIPTURA

Pausanias · Description of Greece · 49 of 60

Book IX · chapters 7–15

Translated by W. H. S. Jones

ContentsMarkdown.md ↓

7.5. Sulla nevertheless was angry with them, and among his plans to humble them was to cut away one half of their territory. His pretext was as follows. When he began the war against Mithridates, he was short of funds. So he collected offerings from Olympia, those at Epidaurus, and all those at Delphi that had been left by the Phocians.

7.5. Σύλλας δὲ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐχρῆτο ὅμως τῷ θυμῷ, καὶ ἄλλα τε ἐξεῦρεν ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἀπετέμετο αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας κατὰ πρόφασιν τοιαύτην. ἡνίκα ἤρχετο τοῦ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην πολέμου, χρημάτων ἐσπάνιζε· συνέλεξεν οὖν ἔκ τε Ὀλυμπίας ἀναθήματα καὶ τὰ ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ τὰ ἐκ Δελφῶν, ὁπόσα ὑπελίποντο οἱ Φωκεῖς·

7.6. These he divided among his soldiery, and repaid the gods with half of the Theban territory. Although by favour of the Romans the Thebans afterwards recovered the land of which they had been deprived, yet from this point they sank into the greatest depths of weakness. The lower city of Thebes is all deserted to-day, except the sanctuaries, and the people live on the citadel, which they call Thebes and not Cadmeia.

7.6. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ διένειμε τῇ στρατιᾷ, τοῖς θεοῖς δὲ ἀντέδωκεν ἀντὶ τῶν χρημάτων γῆς τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς Θηβαΐδος. τὴν μὲν δὴ ἀφαίρετον χώραν ὕστερον Ῥωμαίων χάριτι ἀνεσώσαντο οἱ Θηβαῖοι, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐς τὸ ἀσθενέστατον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου προήχθησαν· καί σφισιν ἡ μὲν κάτω πόλις πᾶσα ἔρημος ἦν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ πλὴν τὰ ἱερά, τὴν δὲ ἀκρόπολιν οἰκοῦσι Θήβας καὶ οὐ Καδμείαν καλουμένην.

8.1. Across the Asopus, about ten stades distant from the city, are the ruins of Potniae, in which is a grove of Demeter and the Maid. The images at the river that flows past Potniae... they name the goddesses. At an appointed time they perform their accustomed ritual, one part of which is to let loose young pigs into what are called “the halls.” At the same time next year these pigs appear, they say, in Dodona. This story others can believe if they wish.

8.1. διαβεβηκότι δὲ ἤδη τὸν Ἀσωπὸν καὶ τῆς πόλεως δέκα μάλιστα ἀφεστηκότι σταδίους Ποτνιῶν ἐστιν ἐρείπια καὶ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἄλσος Δήμητρος καὶ Κόρης. τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ τῷ παρὰ τὰς Ποτνιὰς τὰς θεὰς ὀνομάζουσιν. ἐν χρόνῳ δὲ εἰρημένῳ δρῶσι καὶ ἄλλα ὁπόσα καθέστηκέ σφισι καὶ ἐς τὰ μέγαρα καλούμενα ἀφιᾶσιν ὗς τῶν νεογνῶν· τοὺς δὲ ὗς τούτους ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τοῦ ἔτους ὥραν ἐν Δωδώνῃ φασὶν ἐπὶ λόγῳ τῷδε ἄλλος πού τις πεισθήσεται.

8.2. Here there is also a temple of Dionysus Goat-shooter. For once, when they were sacrificing to the god, they grew so violent with wine that they actually killed the priest of Dionysus. Immediately after the murder they were visited by a pestilence, and the Delphic oracle said that to cure it they must sacrifice a boy in the bloom of youth. A few years afterwards, so they say, the god substituted a goat as a victim in place of their boy. In Potniae is also shown a well. The mares of the country are said on drinking this water to become mad.

8.2. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Διονύσον ναός ἐστιν Αἰγοβόλου. θύοντες γὰρ τῷ θεῷ προήχθησάν ποτε ὑπὸ μέθης ἐς ὕβριν, ὥστε καὶ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸν ἱερέα ἀποκτείνουσιν· ἀποκτείναντας δὲ αὐτίκα ἐπέλαβε νόσος λοιμώδης, καί σφισιν ἀφίκετο ἴαμα ἐκ Δελφῶν τῷ Διονύσῳ θύειν παῖδα ὡραῖον· ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον τὸν θεόν φασιν αἶγα ἱερεῖον ὑπαλλάξαι σφίσιν ἀντὶ τοῦ παιδός. δείκνυται δὲ ἐν Ποτνιαῖς καὶ φρέαρ· τὰς δὲ ἵππους τὰς ἐπιχωρίους τοῦ ὕδατος πιούσας τούτου μανῆναι λέγουσιν.

8.3. On the way from Potniae to Thebes there is on the right of the road a small enclosure with pillars in it. Here they think the earth opened to receive Amphiaraus, and they add further that neither do birds sit upon these pillars, nor will a beast, tame or wild, graze on the grass that grows here.

8.3. ἐκ δὲ τῶν Ποτνιῶν ἰοῦσιν ἐς Θήβας ἔστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ περίβολος τῆς ὁδοῦ [τε] οὐ μέγας καὶ κίονες ἐν αὐτῷ· διαστῆναι δὲ Ἀμφιαράῳ τὴν γῆν ταύτῃ νομίζουσιν, ἐπιλέγοντες καὶ τάδε ἔτι, μήτε ὄρνιθας ἐπὶ τῶν κιόνων καθέζεσθαι τούτων μήτε πόαν τὴν ἐνταῦθα μήτε ἥμερον ζῷον μήτε τῶν ἀγρίων νέμεσθαι.

8.4. In the circuit of the ancient wall of Thebes were gates seven in number, and these remain to-day. One got its name, I learned, from Electra, the sister of Cadmus, and another, the Proetidian, from a native of Thebes. He was Proetus, but I found it difficult to discover his date and lineage. The Neistan gate, they say, got its name for the following reason. The last of the harp's strings they call nete, and Amphion invented it, they say, at this gate. I have also heard that the son of Zethus, the brother of Amphion, was named Neis, and that after him was this gate called.

8.4. Θηβαίοις δὲ ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ τοῦ ἀρχαίου τείχους ἑπτὰ ἀριθμὸν ἦσαν πύλαι, μένουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι. τεθῆναι δὲ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐπυνθανόμην σφίσιν ἀπό τε Ἠλέκτρας ἀδελφῆς Κάδμου καὶ Προιτίσιν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων· ἡλικίαν δὲ Προίτου καὶ τὸ ἀνωτέρω γένος χαλεπὰ ἦν εὑρεῖν. τὰς δὲ Νηίστας ὀνομασθῆναί φασιν ἐπὶ τῷδε. ἐν ταῖς χορδαῖς νήτην καλοῦσι τὴν ἐσχάτην· ταύτην οὖν τὴν χορδὴν Ἀμφίονα ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις ταύταις ἀνευρεῖν λέγουσιν. ἤδη δὲ ἤκουσα καὶ ὡς Ζήθου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ Ἀμφίονος τῷ παιδὶ ὄνομα Νῆις γένοιτο, ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοῦ Νήϊδος τὰς πύλας κληθῆναι ταύτας.

8.5. The Crenaean gate and the Hypsistan they so name for the following reason... and by the Hypsistan is a sanctuary of Zeus surnamed Hypsistus (Most High). Next after these gates is the one called Ogygian, and lastly the Homoloid gate. It appeared to me too that the name of the last was the most recent, and that of the Ogygian the most ancient.

8.5. πύλας δὲ Κρηναίας, τὰς δὲ Ὑψίστας ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε ὀνομάζουσι· πρὸς δὲ ταῖς Ὑψίσταις Διὸς ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησίν ἐστιν Ὑψίστου. τὰς δὲ ἐπὶ ταύταις πύλας ὀνομάζουσιν Ὠγυγίας, τελευταῖαι δέ εἰσιν Ὁμολωίδες· ἐφαίνετο δὲ εἶναί μοι καὶ τὸ ὄνομα νεώτατον ταῖς πύλαις ταύταις, αἱ δὲ Ὠγύγιαι τὸ ἀρχαιότατον.

8.6. The name Homoloid is derived, they say, from the following circumstance. When the Thebans were beaten in battle by the Argives near Glisas, most of them withdrew along with Laodamas, the son of Eteocles. A portion of them shrank from the journey to Illyria, and turning aside to Thessaly they seized Homole, the most fertile and best-watered of the Thessalian mountains.

8.6. τὰς δὲ Ὁμολωίδας κληθῆναί φασιν ἐπὶ τοιῷδε. ἡνίκα ὑπὸ Ἀργείων μάχῃ πρὸς Γλίσαντι ἐκρατήθησαν, τότε ὁμοῦ Λαοδάμαντι τῷ Ἐτεοκλέους ὑπεξίασιν οἱ πολλοί· τούτων οὖν μοῖρα τὴν μὲν ἐς τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς πορείαν ἀπώκνησε, τραπόμενοι δὲ ἐς Θεσσαλοὺς καταλαμβάνουσιν Ὁμόλην, ὀρῶν τῶν Θεσσαλικῶν καὶ εὔγεων μάλιστα καὶ ὕδασιν ἐπιρρεομένην.

8.7. When they were recalled to their homes by Thersander, the son of Polyneices, they called the gate, through which they passed on their return, the Homoloid gate after Homole. The entry into Thebes from Plataea is by the Electran gate. At this, so they say, Capaneus, the son of Hipponous, was struck by lightning as he was making a more furious attack upon the fortifications.

8.7. Θερσάνδρου δὲ τοῦ Πολυνείκους ἀνακαλεσαμένου σφᾶς ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα, τὰς πύλας διὰ ὧν τὴν κάθοδον ἐποιοῦντο ἀπὸ τῆς Ὁμόλης ὀνομάζουσιν Ὁμολωίδας. ἐρχομένῳ δὲ ἐκ Πλαταίας ἔσοδος ἐς τὰς Θήβας κατὰ πύλας ἐστὶν Ἠλέκτρας, καὶ ταύτῃ Καπανέα τὸν Ἱππόνου βιαιοτέρας ποιούμενον πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος τὰς προσβολὰς βληθῆναι κεραυνῷ λέγουσι.

9.1. This war between Argos and Thebes was, in my opinion, the most memorable of all those waged by Greeks against Greeks in what is called the heroic age. In the case of the war between the Eleusinians and the rest of the Athenians, and likewise in that between the Thebans and the Minyans, the attackers had but a short distance through which to pass to the fight, and one battle decided the war, immediately after which hostilities ceased and peace was made.

9.1. τὸν δὲ πόλεμον τοῦτον, ὃν ἐπολέμησαν Ἀργεῖοι, νομίζω πάντων, ὅσοι πρὸς Ἕλληνας ἐπὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἡρώων ἐπολεμήθησαν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων, γενέσθαι λόγου μάλιστα ἄξιον. ὁ μέν γε Ἐλευσινίων πρὸς Ἀθηναίους τοὺς ἄλλους, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ Θηβαίων πρὸς Μινύας, τήν τε ἔφοδον διʼ ὀλίγου τῶν ἐπιστρατευσαμένων καὶ ἐν μάχῃ παρέσχοντο μιᾷ τὴν κρίσιν, ἐς ὁμολογίας τε αὐτίκα ἐτράποντο καὶ σπονδάς·

9.2. But the Argive army marched from mid-Peloponnesus to mid-Boeotia, while Adrastus collected his allied forces out of Arcadia and from the Messenians, and likewise mercenaries came to the help of the Thebans from Phocis, and the Phlegyans from the Minyan country. When the battle took place at the Ismenian sanctuary, the Thebans were worsted in the encounter, and after the rout took refuge within their fortifications.

9.2. ὁ δὲ Ἀργείων στρατὸς ἐς Βοιωτίαν τε μέσην ἀφίκετο ἐκ μέσης Πελοποννήσου καὶ ὁ Ἄδραστος ἐξ Ἀρκαδίας καὶ παρὰ Μεσσηνίων συμμαχικὰ ἤθροισεν, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τοῖς Θηβαίοις μισθοφορικὰ ἦλθε παρὰ Φωκέων καὶ ἐκ τῆς Μινυάδος χώρας οἱ Φλεγύαι. γενομένης δὲ πρὸς τῷ Ἰσμηνίῳ μάχης ἐκρατήθησαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι τῇ συμβολῇ, καὶ ὡς ἐτράποντο, καταφεύγουσιν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος·

9.3. As the Peloponnesians did not know how to assail the walls, and attacked with greater spirit than knowledge, many of them were killed by missiles hurled from the walls by the Thebans, who afterwards sallied forth and overcame the rest while they were in disorder, so that the whole army was destroyed with the exception of Adrastus. But the action was attended by severe losses to the Thebans, and from that time they term a Cadmean victory one that brings destruction to the victors.

9.3. ἅτε δὲ οὐκ ἐπισταμένων τῶν Πελοποννησίων μάχεσθαι πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ποιουμένων δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ σὺν ἐπιστήμῃ τὰς προσβολάς, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους βάλλοντες φονεύουσιν αὐτῶν οἱ Θηβαῖοι, κρατοῦσι δὲ ὕστερον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπεξελθόντες τεταραγμένοις, ὡς τὸ σύμπαν στράτευμα πλὴν Ἀδράστου φθαρῆναι. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ αὐτοῖς τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ἄνευ κακῶν μεγάλων, καὶ ἀπʼ ἐκείνου τὴν σὺν ὀλέθρῳ τῶν κρατησάντων Καδμείαν ὀνομάζουσι νίκην.

9.4. A few years afterwards Thebes was attacked by Thersander and those whom the Greeks call Epigoni (Born later). It is clear that they too were accompanied not only by the Argives, Messenians and Arcadians, but also by allies from Corinth and Megara invited to help them. Thebes too was defended by their neighbors, and a battle at Glisas was fiercely contested on both sides.

9.4. ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ὁμοῦ Θερσάνδρῳ στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας οὓς Ἐπιγόνους καλοῦσιν Ἕλληνες· δῆλοι δέ εἰσι καὶ τούτοις οὐ τὸ Ἀργολικὸν μόνον οὐδὲ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Ἀρκάδες ἠκολουθηκότες, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔτι ἐκ Κορίνθου καὶ Μεγαρέων ἐπικληθέντες ἐς τὴν συμμαχίαν· ἤμυναν δὲ καὶ Θηβαίοις οἱ πρόσοικοι, καὶ μάχη πρὸς Γλίσαντι ἀπὸ ἀμφοτέρων ἐγένετο ἰσχυρά.

9.5. Some of the Thebans escaped with Laodamas immediately after their defeat; those who remained behind were besieged and taken. About this war an epic poem also was written called the Thebaid. This poem is mentioned by Callinus, who says that the author was Homer, and many good authorities agree with his judgment. With the exception of the Iliad and Odyssey I rate the Thebaid more highly than any other poem. So much for the war waged by the Argives against the Thebans on account of the sons of Oedipus.

9.5. τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν αὐτίκα ὡς ἡττήθησαν ὁμοῦ Λαοδάμαντι ἐκδιδράσκουσιν, οἱ δὲ ὑπολειφθέντες πολιορκίᾳ παρέστησαν. ἐποιήθη δὲ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον καὶ ἔπη Θηβαΐς· τὰ δὲ ἔπη ταῦτα Καλλῖνος ἀφικόμενος αὐτῶν ἐς μνήμην ἔφησεν Ὅμηρον τὸν ποιήσαντα εἶναι, Καλλίνῳ δὲ πολλοί τε καὶ ἄξιοι λόγου κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἔγνωσαν· ἐγὼ δὲ τὴν ποίησιν ταύτην μετά γε Ἰλιάδα καὶ τὰ ἔπη τὰ ἐς Ὀδυσσέα ἐπαινῶ μάλιστα. πολέμου μὲν δή, ὃν Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Θηβαῖοι τῶν Οἰδίποδος παίδων ἕνεκα ἐπολέμησαν, ἐς τοσόνδε ἔστω μνήμη·

10.1. Not far from the gate is a common tomb, where lie all those who met their death when fighting against Alexander and the Macedonians. Hard by they show a place where, it is said, Cadmus (he may believe the story who likes) sowed the teeth of the dragon, which he slew at the fountain, from which teeth men came up out of the earth.

10.1. πολυάνδριον δὲ οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐστι· κεῖνται δὲ ὁπόσους κατέλαβεν ἀποθανεῖν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν ἀντιτεταγμένους. οὐ πόρρω δὲ ἀποφαίνουσι χωρίον ἔνθα Κάδμον λέγουσιν— ὅτῳ πιστά—τοῦ δράκοντος, ὃν ἀπέκτεινεν ἐπὶ τῇ κρήνῃ, τοὺς ὀδόντας σπείραντα, ἄνδρας δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ὀδόντων ἀνεῖναι τὴν γῆν.

10.2. On the right of the gate is a hill sacred to Apollo. Both the hill and the god are called Ismenian, as the river Ismenus Rows by the place. First at the entrance are Athena and Hermes, stone figures and named Pronai (Of the fore-temple). The Hermes is said to have been made by Pheidias, the Athena by Scopas. The temple is built behind. The image is in size equal to that at Branchidae; and does not differ from it at all in shape. Whoever has seen one of these two images, and learnt who was the artist, does not need much skill to discern, when he looks at the other, that it is a work of Canachus. The only difference is that the image at Branchidae is of bronze, while the Ismenian is of cedar-wood.

10.2. ἔστι δὲ λόφος ἐν δεξιᾷ τῶν πυλῶν ἱερὸς Ἀπόλλωνος· καλεῖται δὲ ὅ τε λόφος καὶ ὁ θεὸς Ἰσμήνιος, παραρρέοντος τοῦ ποταμοῦ ταύτῃ τοῦ Ἰσμηνοῦ. πρῶτα μὲν δὴ λίθου κατὰ τὴν ἔσοδόν ἐστιν Ἀθηνᾶ καὶ Ἑρμῆς, ὀνομαζόμενοι Πρόναοι· ποιῆσαι δὲ αὐτὸν Φειδίας, τὴν δὲ Ἀθηνᾶν λέγεται Σκόπας· μετὰ δὲ ὁ ναὸς ᾠκοδόμηται. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα μεγέθει τε ἴσον τῷ ἐν Βραγχίδαις ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ εἶδος οὐδὲν διαφόρως ἔχον· ὅστις δὲ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων τούτων τὸ ἕτερον εἶδε καὶ τὸν εἰργασμένον ἐπύθετο, οὐ μεγάλη οἱ σοφία καὶ τὸ ἕτερον θεασαμένῳ Κανάχου ποίημα ὂν ἐπίστασθαι. διαφέρουσι δὲ τοσόνδε· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐν Βραγχίδαις χαλκοῦ, ὁ δὲ Ἰσμήνιός ἐστι κέδρου.

10.3. Here there is a stone, on which, they say, used to sit Manto, the daughter of Teiresias. This stone lies before the entrance, and they still call it Manto's chair. On the right of the temple are statues of women made of stone, said to be portraits of Henioche and Pyrrha, daughters of Creon, who reigned as guardian of Laodamas, the son of Eteocles.

10.3. ἔστι δʼ ἐνταῦθα λίθος ἐφʼ ᾧ Μαντώ φασι τὴν Τειρεσίου καθέζεσθαι. οὗτος μὲν πρὸ τῆς ἐσόδου κεῖται, καί οἱ τὸ ὄνομά ἐστι καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι Μαντοῦς δίφρος· ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ λίθου πεποιημένας εἰκόνας Ἡνιόχης εἶναι, τὴν δὲ Πύρρας λέγουσι, θυγατέρας δὲ αὐτὰς εἶναι Κρέοντος, ὃς ἐδυνάστευεν ἐπιτροπεύων Λαοδάμαντα τὸν Ἐτεοκλέους.

10.4. The following custom is, to my knowledge, still carried out in Thebes. A boy of noble family, who is himself both handsome and strong, is chosen priest of Ismenian Apollo for a year. He is called Laurel-bearer, for the boys wear wreaths of laurel leaves. I cannot say for certain whether all alike who have worn the laurel dedicate by custom a bronze tripod to the god; but I do not think that it is the rule for all, because I did not see many votive tripods there. But the wealthier of the boys do certainly dedicate them. Most remarkable both for its age and for the fame of him who dedicated it is a tripod dedicated by Amphitryon for Heracles after he had worn the laurel.

10.4. τόδε γε καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι γινόμενον οἶδα ἐν Θήβαις· τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Ἰσμηνίῳ παῖδα οἴκου τε δοκίμου καὶ αὐτὸν εὖ μὲν εἴδους, εὖ δὲ ἔχοντα καὶ ῥώμης, ἱερέα ἐνιαύσιον ποιοῦσιν· ἐπίκλησις δέ ἐστίν οἱ δαφναφόρος, στεφάνους γὰρ φύλλων δάφνης φοροῦσιν οἱ παῖδες. εἰ μὲν οὖν πᾶσιν ὁμοίως καθέστηκεν ἀναθεῖναι δαφνηφορήσαντας χαλκοῦν τῷ θεῷ τρίποδα, οὐκ ἔχω δηλῶσαι, δοκῶ δὲ οὐ πᾶσιν εἶναι νόμον· οὐ γὰρ δὴ πολλοὺς ἑώρων αὐτόθι ἀνακειμένους· οἱ δʼ οὖν εὐδαιμονέστεροι τῶν παίδων ἀνατιθέασιν. ἐπιφανὴς δὲ μάλιστα ἐπί τε ἀρχαιότητι καὶ τοῦ ἀναθέντος τῇ δόξῃ τρίπους ἐστὶν Ἀμφιτρύωνος ἀνάθημα ἐπὶ Ἡρακλεῖ δαφνηφορήσαντι.

10.5. Higher up than the Ismenian sanctuary you may see the fountain which they say is sacred to Ares, and they add that a dragon was posted by Ares as a sentry over the spring. By this fountain is the grave of Caanthus. They say that he was brother to Melia and son to Ocean, and that he was commissioned by his father to seek his sister, who had been carried away. Finding that Apollo had Melia, and being unable to get her from him, he dared to set fire to the precinct of Apollo that is now called the Ismenian sanctuary. The god, according to the Thebans, shot him.

10.5. ἀνωτέρω δὲ τοῦ Ἰσμηνίου τὴν κρήνην ἴδοις ἄν, ἥντινα Ἄρεώς φασιν ἱερὰν εἶναι καὶ δράκοντα ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἄρεως ἐπιτετάχθαι φύλακα τῇ πηγῇ. πρὸς ταύτῃ τῇ κρήνῃ τάφος ἐστὶ Καάνθου· Μελίας δὲ ἀδελφὸν καὶ Ὠκεανοῦ παῖδα εἶναι Κάανθον λέγουσι, σταλῆναι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ζητήσοντα ἡρπασμένην τὴν ἀδελφήν. ὡς δὲ Ἀπόλλωνα εὑρὼν ἔχοντα τὴν Μελίαν οὐκ ἐδύνατο ἀφελέσθαι, πῦρ ἐτόλμησεν ἐς τὸ τέμενος ἐνεῖναι τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦτο ὃ νῦν καλοῦσιν Ἰσμήνιον· καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ θεός, καθά φασιν οἱ Θηβαῖοι, τοξεύει.

10.6. Here then is the tomb of Caanthus. They say that Apollo had sons by Melia, to wit, Tenerus and Ismenus. To Tenerus Apollo gave the art of divination, and from Ismenus the river got its name. Not that the river was nameless before, if indeed it was called Ladon before Ismenus was born to Apollo.

10.6. Καάνθου μὲν ἐνταῦθά ἐστι μνῆμα, Ἀπόλλωνι δὲ παῖδας ἐκ Μελίας γενέσθαι λέγουσι Τήνερον καὶ Ἰσμηνόν· Τηνέρῳ μὲν Ἀπόλλων μαντικὴν δίδωσι, τοῦ δὲ Ἰσμηνίου τὸ ὄνομα ἔσχεν ὁ ποταμός. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὰ πρότερα ἦν ἀνώνυμος, εἰ δὴ καὶ Λάδων ἐκαλεῖτο πρὶν Ἰσμηνὸν γενέσθαι τὸν Ἀπόλλωνος.

11.1. On the left of the gate named Electran are the ruins of a house where they say Amphitryon came to live when exiled from Tiryns because of the death of Electryon; and the chamber of Alcmena is still plainly to be seen among the ruins. They say that it was built for Amphitryon by Trophonius and Agamedes, and that on it was written the following inscription:—When Amphitryon was about to bring hither his brideAlcmena, he chose this as a chamber for himself.Anchasian Trophonius and Agamedes made it.

11.1. ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τῶν πυλῶν, ἃς ὀνομάζουσιν Ἠλέκτρας, οἰκίας ἐστὶν ἐρείπια ἔνθα οἰκῆσαί φασιν Ἀμφιτρύωνα διὰ τὸν Ἠλεκτρύωνος θάνατον φεύγοντα ἐκ Τίρυνθος· καὶ τῆς Ἀλκμήνης ἐστὶν ἔτι ὁ θάλαμος ἐν τοῖς ἐρειπίοις δῆλος. οἰκοδομῆσαι δὲ αὐτὸν τῷ Ἀμφιτρύωνι Τροφώνιόν φασι καὶ Ἀγαμήδην, καὶ ἐπίγραμμα ἐπʼ αὐτῷ ἐπιγραφῆναι τόδε·Ἀμφιτρύων ὅτʼ ἔμελλʼ ἀγαγέσθαι δεῦρο γυναῖκαἈλκμήνην, θάλαμόν γʼ εἱλίξατο τοῦτον ἑαυτῷ·Ἀγχάσιος δʼ ἐποίησε Τροφώνιος ἠδʼ Ἀγαμήδης.

11.2. Such was the inscription that the Thebans say was written here. They show also the tomb of the children of Heracles by Megara. Their account of the death of these is in no way different from that in the poems of Panyassis and of Stesichorus of Himera. But the Thebans add that Heracles in his madness was about to kill Amphitryon as well, but before he could do so he was rendered unconscious by the blow of the stone. Athena, they say, threw at him this stone, which they name Chastiser.

11.2. τοῦτο μὲν ἐνταῦθα οἱ Θηβαῖοι γραφῆναι λέγουσιν· ἐπιδεικνύουσι δὲ Ἡρακλέους τῶν παίδων τῶν ἐκ Μεγάρας μνῆμα, οὐδέν τι ἀλλοίως τὰ ἐς τὸν θάνατον λέγοντες ἢ Στησίχορος ὁ Ἱμεραῖος καὶ Πανύασσις ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν ἐποίησαν. Θηβαῖοι δὲ καὶ τάδε ἐπιλέγουσιν, ὡς Ἡρακλῆς ὑπὸ τῆς μανίας καὶ Ἀμφιτρύωνα ἔμελλεν ἀποκτιννύναι, πρότερον δὲ ἄρα ὕπνος ἐπέλαβεν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ λίθου τῆς πληγῆς· Ἀθηνᾶν δὲ εἶναι τὴν ἐπαφεῖσάν οἱ τὸν λίθον τοῦτον ὅντινα Σωφρονιστῆρα ὀνομάζουσιν.

11.3. Here are portraits of women in relief, but the figures are by this time rather indistinct. The Thebans call them Witches, adding that they were sent by Hera to hinder the birth-pangs of Alcmena. So these kept Alcmena from bringing forth her child. But Historis, the daughter of Teiresias, thought of a trick to deceive the Witches, and she uttered a loud cry of joy in their hearing, that Alcmena had been delivered. So the story goes that the Witches were deceived and went away, and Alcmena brought forth her child.

11.3. ἐνταῦθά εἰσιν ἐπὶ τύπου γυναικῶν εἰκόνες· ἀμυδρότερα ἤδη τὰ ἀγάλματα· ταύτας καλοῦσιν οἱ Θηβαῖοι Φαρμακίδας, πεμφθῆναι δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς Ἤρας φασὶν ἐμπόδια εἶναι ταῖς ὠδῖσιν Ἀλκμήνης. αἱ μὲν δὴ ἐπεῖχον Ἀλκμήνην μὴ τεκεῖν· Τειρεσίου δὲ θυγατρὶ Ἱστορίδι σόφισμα ἔπεισιν ἐς τὰς Φαρμακίδας, ⟨ἐς⟩ ἐπήκοον αὐτῶν ὀλολύξαι, τετοκέναι γὰρ τὴν Ἀλκμήνην· οὕτω τὰς μὲν ἀπατηθείσας ἀπελθεῖν, τὴν δὲ Ἀλκμήνην τεκεῖν φασιν.

11.4. Here is a sanctuary of Heracles. The image, of white marble, is called Champion, and the Thebans Xenocritus and Eubius were the artists. But the ancient wooden image is thought by the Thebans to be by Daedalus, and the same opinion occurred to me. It was dedicated, they say, by Daedalus himself, as a thank-offering for a benefit. For when he was fleeing from Crete in small vessels which he had made for himself and his son Icarus, he devised for the ships sails, an invention as yet unknown to the men of those times, so as to take advantage of a favorable wind and outsail the oared fleet of Minos. Daedalus himself was saved, but the ship of Icarus is said to have overturned, as he was a clumsy helmsman.

11.4. ἐνταῦθα Ἡρακλεῖόν ἐστιν, ἄγαλμα δὲ τὸ μὲν λίθου λευκοῦ Πρόμαχος καλούμενον, ἔργον δὲ Ξενοκρίτου καὶ Εὐβίου Θηβαίων· τὸ δὲ ξόανον τὸ ἀρχαῖον Θηβαῖοί τε εἶναι Δαιδάλου νενομίκασι καὶ αὐτῷ μοι παρίστατο ἔχειν οὕτω. τοῦτον ἀνέθηκεν αὐτός, ὡς λέγεται, Δαίδαλος ἐκτίνων εὐεργεσίας χάριν. ἡνίκα γὰρ ἔφευγεν ἐκ Κρήτης πλοῖα οὐ μεγάλα αὑτῷ καὶ τῷ παιδὶ Ἰκάρῳ ποιησάμενος, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ταῖς ναυσίν, ὃ μή πω τοῖς τότε ἐξεύρητο, ἱστία ἐπιτεχνησάμενος, ὡς τοῦ Μίνω ναυτικοῦ τὴν εἰρεσίαν φθάνοιεν ἐπιφόρῳ τῷ ἀνέμῳ χρώμενοι, τότε αὐτὸς μὲν σώζεται Δαίδαλος, Ἰκάρῳ δὲ κυβερνῶντι ἀμαθέστερον ἀνατραπῆναι τὴν ναῦν λέγουσιν·

11.5. The drowned man was carried ashore by the current to the island, then without a name, that lies off Samos. Heracles came across the body and recognized it, giving it burial where even to-day a small mound still stands to Icarus on a promontory jutting out into the Aegean. After this Icarus are named both the island and the sea around it.

11.5. ἀποπνιγέντα δὲ ἐξήνεγκεν ὁ κλύδων ἐς τὴν ὑπὲρ Σάμου νῆσον ἔτι οὖσαν ἀνώνυμον. ἐπιτυχὼν δὲ Ἡρακλῆς γνωρίζει τὸν νεκρόν, καὶ ἔθαψεν ἔνθα καὶ νῦν ἔτι αὐτῷ χῶμα οὐ μέγα ἐπὶ ἄκρας ἐστὶν ἀνεχούσης ἐς τὸ Αἰγαῖον. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ἰκάρου τούτου ὄνομα ἥ τε νῆσος καὶ ἡ περὶ αὐτὴν θάλασσα ἔσχηκε.

11.6. The carvings on the gables at Thebes are by Praxiteles, and include most of what are called the twelve labours. The slaughter of the Stymphalian birds and the cleansing of the land of Elis by Heracles are omitted; in their place is represented the wrestling with Antaeus. Thrasybulus, son of Lycus, and the Athenians who with him put down the tyranny of the Thirty, set out from Thebes when they returned to Athens, and therefore they dedicated in the sanctuary of Heracles colossal figures of Athena and Heracles, carved by Alcamenes in relief out of Pentelic marble.

11.6. Θηβαίοις δὲ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἀετοῖς Πραξιτέλης ἐποίησε τὰ πολλὰ τῶν δώδεκα καλουμένων ἄθλων· καί σφισι τὰ ἐς τὰς ὄρνιθας ἐνδεῖ τὰς ἐπὶ Στυμφάλῳ καὶ ὡς ἐκάθηρεν Ἡρακλῆς τὴν Ἠλείαν χώραν, ἀντὶ τούτων δὲ ἡ πρὸς Ἀνταῖον πάλη πεποίηται. Θρασύβουλος δὲ ὁ Λύκου καὶ Ἀθηναίων οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τυραννίδα τὴν τῶν τριάκοντα καταλύσαντες—ὁρμηθεῖσι γάρ σφισιν ἐκ Θηβῶν ἐγένετο ἡ κάθοδος—Ἀθηνᾶν καὶ Ἡρακλέα κολοσσοὺς ἐπὶ λίθου τύπου τοῦ Πεντελῆσιν, ἔργα δὲ Ἀλκαμένους, ἀνέθηκαν ἐς τὸ Ἡρακλεῖον.

11.7. Adjoining the sanctuary of Heracles are a gymnasium and a race-course, both being named after the god. Beyond the Chastiser stone is an altar of Apollo surnamed God of Ashes; it is made out of the ashes of the victims. The customary mode of divination here is from voices, which is used by the Smyrnaeans, to my knowledge, more than by any other Greeks. For at Smyrna also there is a sanctuary of Voices outside the wall and beyond the city.

11.7. τοῦ δὲ Ἡρακλείου γυμνάσιον ἔχεται καὶ στάδιον, ἀμφότερα ἐπώνυμα τοῦ θεοῦ. ὑπὲρ δὲ τὸν Σωφρονιστῆρα λίθον βωμός ἐστιν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπίκλησιν Σποδίου, πεποίηται δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς τέφρας τῶν ἱερείων. μαντικὴ δὲ καθέστηκεν αὐτόθι ἀπὸ κληδόνων, ᾗ δὴ καὶ Σμυρναίους μάλιστα Ἑλλήνων χρωμένους οἶδα· ἔστι γὰρ καὶ Σμυρναίοις ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸ ἐκτὸς τοῦ τείχους Κληδόνων ἱερόν.

12.1. The Thebans in ancient days used to sacrifice bulls to Apollo of the Ashes. Once when the festival was being held, the hour of the sacrifice was near but those sent to fetch the bull had not arrived. And so, as a wagon happened to be near by, they sacrificed to the god one of the oxen, and ever since it has been the custom to sacrifice working oxen. The following story also is current among the Thebans. As Cadmus was leaving Delphi by the road to Phocis, a cow, it is said, guided him on his way. This cow was one bought from the herdsmen of Pelagon, and on each of her sides was a white mark like the orb of a full moon.

12.1. τῷ δὲ Ἀπόλλωνι Θηβαῖοι τῷ Σποδίῳ ταύρους ἔθυον τὸ ἀρχαῖον· καί ποτε παρούσης σφίσι τῆς ἑορτῆς ἥ τε ὥρα κατήπειγε τῆς θυσίας καὶ οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν ταῦρον οὐχ ἧκον· οὕτω δὴ παρατυχούσης ἁμάξης τὸν ἕτερον τῶν βοῶν τῷ θεῷ θύουσι καὶ ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ἐργάτας βοῦς θύειν νομίζουσι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὅδε ὑπʼ αὐτῶν λόγος, ⟨ὡς⟩ ἀπιόντι ἐκ Δελφῶν Κάδμῳ τὴν ἐπὶ Φωκέων βοῦς γένοιτο ἡγεμὼν τῆς πορείας, τὴν δὲ βοῦν ταύτην παρὰ βουκόλων εἶναι τῶν Πελάγοντος ὠνητήν· ἐπὶ δὲ ἑκατέρᾳ τῆς βοὸς πλευρᾷ σημεῖον ἐπεῖναι λευκὸν εἰκασμένον κύκλῳ τῆς σελήνης, ὁπότε εἴη πλήρης.

12.2. Now the oracle of the god had said that Cadmus and the host with him were to make their dwelling where the cow was going to sink down in weariness. So this is one of the places that they point out. Here there is in the open an altar and an image of Athena, said to have been dedicated by Cadmus. Those who think that the Cadmus who came to the Theban land was an Egyptian, and not a Phoenician, have their opinion contradicted by the name of this Athena, because she is called by the Phoenician name of Onga, and not by the Egyptian name of Sais.

12.2. ἔδει δὲ ἄρα Κάδμον καὶ τὸν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατὸν ἐνταῦθα οἰκῆσαι κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν μαντείαν, ἔνθα ἡ βοῦς ἔμελλε καμοῦσα ὀκλάσειν· ἀποφαίνουσιν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον. ἐνταῦθα ἔστι μὲν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ βωμὸς καὶ ἄγαλμα ⟨Ἀθηνᾶς⟩· ἀναθεῖναι δὲ αὐτὸ Κάδμον λέγουσι. τοῖς οὖν νομίζουσιν ἐς γῆν ἀφικέσθαι Κάδμον τὴν Θηβαΐδα Αἰγύπτιον καὶ οὐ Φοίνικα ὄντα, ἔστιν ἐναντίον τῷ λόγῳ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ταύτης τὸ ὄνομα, ὅτι Ὄγγα κατὰ γλῶσσαν τὴν Φοινίκων καλεῖται καὶ οὐ Σάις κατὰ τὴν Αἰγυπτίων φωνήν.

12.3. The Thebans assert that on the part of their citadel, where to-day stands their market-place, was in ancient times the house of Cadmus. They point out the ruins of the bridal-chamber of Harmonia, and of one which they say was Semele's into the latter they allow no man to step even now. Those Greeks who allow that the Muses sang at the wedding of Harmonia, can point to the spot in the market-place where it is said that the goddesses sang.

12.3. φασὶ δὲ οἱ Θηβαῖοι, καθότι τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἀγορά σφισιν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν πεποίηται, Κάδμου τὸ ἀρχαῖον οἰκίαν εἶναι· θαλάμων δὲ ἀποφαίνουσι τοῦ μὲν Ἁρμονίας ἐρείπια καὶ ὃν Σεμέλης φασὶν εἶναι, τοῦτον δὲ καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι ἄβατον φυλάσσουσιν ἀνθρώποις. Ἑλλήνων δὲ τοῖς ἀποδεχομένοις ᾆσαι Μούσας ἐς τὸν Ἁρμονίας γάμον τὸ χωρίον ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ἔνθα δή φασι τὰς θεὰς ᾆσαι.

12.4. There is also a story that along with the thunderbolt hurled at the bridalchamber of Semele there fell a log from heaven. They say that Polydorus adorned this log with bronze and called it Dionysus Cadmus. Near is an image of Dionysus; Onasimedes made it of solid bronze. The altar was built by the sons of Praxiteles.

12.4. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τόδε, ὡς ὁμοῦ τῷ κεραυνῷ βληθέντι ἐς τὸν Σεμέλης θάλαμον πέσοι ξύλον ἐξ οὐρανοῦ· Πολύδωρον δὲ τὸ ξύλον τοῦτο χαλκῷ λέγουσιν ἐπικοσμήσαντα Διόνυσον καλέσαι Κάδμον. πλησίον δὲ Διονύσου ἄγαλμα, καὶ τοῦτο Ὀνασιμήδης ἐποίησε διʼ ὅλου πλῆρες ὑπὸ τοῦ χαλκοῦ· τὸν βωμὸν δὲ οἱ παῖδες εἰργάσαντο οἱ Πραξιτέλους.

12.5. There is a statue of Pronomus, a very great favorite with the people for his playing on the flute. For a time flute-players had three forms of the flute. On one they played Dorian music; for Phrygian melodies flutes of a different pattern were made; what is called the Lydian mode was played on flutes of a third kind. It was Pronomus who first devised a flute equally suited for every kind of melody, and was the first to play on the same instrument music so vastly different in form.

12.5. ἀνδριάς τέ ἐστι Προνόμου ἀνδρὸς αὐλήσαντος ἐπαγωγότατα ἐς τοὺς πολλούς. τέως μέν γε ἰδέας αὐλῶν τρεῖς ἐκτῶντο οἱ αὐληταὶ καὶ τοῖς μὲν αὔλημα ηὔλουν τὸ Δώριον, διάφοροι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐς ἁρμονίαν τὴν Φρύγιον ἐπεποίηντο οἱ αὐλοί, τὸ δὲ καλούμενον Λύδιον ἐν αὐλοῖς ηὐλεῖτο ἀλλοίοις· Πρόνομος δὲ ἦν ὃς πρῶτος ἐπενόησεν αὐλοὺς ἐς ἅπαν ἁρμονίας εἶδος ἔχοντας ἐπιτηδείως, πρῶτος δὲ διάφορα ἐς τοσοῦτο μέλη ἐπʼ αὐλοῖς ηὔλησε τοῖς αὐτοῖς.

12.6. It is also said that he gave his audience untold delight by the expression of his face and by the movement of his whole body. He also composed for the Chalcidians on the Euripus a processional tune for their use in Delos. So the Thebans set up here a statue of this man, and like-wise one of Epaminondas, son of Polymnis.

12.6. λέγεται δὲ ὡς καὶ τοῦ προσώπου τῷ σχήματι καὶ τῇ τοῦ παντὸς κινήσει σώματος περισσῶς δή τι ἔτερπε τὰ θέατρα· καί οἱ καὶ ᾆσμα πεποιημένον ἐστὶ [ἐς] προσόδιον ἐς Δῆλον τοῖς ἐπʼ Εὐρίπῳ Χαλκιδεῦσι. τοῦτόν τε οὖν ἐνταῦθα οἱ Θηβαῖοι καὶ Ἐπαμινώνδαν τὸν Πολύμνιδος ἀνέθεσαν.

13.1. Epaminondas had famous ancestors, but his father had less wealth than a Theban of ordinary means. He was most thoroughly taught all the subjects of the national education, and when a young man went to receive instruction from Lysis, a Tarentine by descent, learned in the philosophy of Pythagoras the Samian. When Lacedaemon was at war with Mantineia, Epaminondas is said to have been sent with certain others from Thebes to help the Lacedaemonians. In the battle Pelopidas received wounds, but his life was saved by Epaminondas at the greatest risk to his own.

13.1. τῷ δʼ Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ τὰ μὲν τῶν προγόνων ὑπῆρχεν ἐς γένους δόξαν, ὁ δέ οἱ πατὴρ χρημάτων ἕνεκα μέσου ἀνδρὸς ἀπέδει Θηβαίου· διδάγματα δὲ αὐτοῖς τά τε ἐπιχώρια ἔμαθεν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβέστατον καὶ ὡς ἤδη μειράκιον ἦν ἐφοίτησεν ὡς Λῦσιν, ἄνδρα γένος μὲν Ταραντῖνον, ἐπιστάμενον δὲ τοὺς Πυθαγόρου τοῦ Σαμίου λόγους. λέγεται δὲ ὁ Ἐπαμινώνδας, ἡνίκα ἐπολέμουν Λακεδαιμόνιοι Μαντινεῦσι, πεμφθῆναι σὺν ἄλλοις ἀνδράσιν ἐκ Θηβῶν Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπαμύνειν· ἔχοντα δὲ τραύματα ἐν τῇ μάχῃ Πελοπίδαν ἐξέσωσεν ἐς ἅπαν ἀφικόμενος κινδύνου.

13.2. Later on, when Epaminondas had come to Sparta as an envoy, what time the Lacedaemonians said they were concluding with the Greeks the peace called the Peace of Antalcidas, Agesilaus asked him whether they would allow each Boeotian city to swear to the peace separately. He replied: “No, Spartans, not before we see your vassals taking the oath city by city.”

13.2. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον κατὰ πρεσβείαν ἐς Σπάρτην ἥκοντα Ἐπαμινώνδαν, ὅτε Λακεδαιμόνιοι συντίθεσθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἔφασαν εἰρήνην ⟨τὴν⟩ ἐπὶ Ἀνταλκίδου καλουμένην, τηνικαῦτα Ἐπαμινώνδαν ἤρετο Ἀγησίλαος, εἰ κατὰ πόλιν ὀμνύναι Βοιωτοὺς ἐάσουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης· “οὐ πρότερόν γε” εἶπεν “ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, πρὶν ἢ καὶ τοὺς περιοίκους ὀμνύοντας κατὰ πόλιν ἴδωμεν τοὺς ὑμετέρουσ”.

13.3. When the war between Lacedaemon and Thebes had already broken out, and the Lacedaemonians were advancing to attack the Thebans with a force of their own men and of their allies, Epaminondas with a part of the army occupied to meet them a position above the Cephisian lake, under the impression that at this point the Peloponnesians would make their invasion. But Cleombrotus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, turned towards Ambrossus in Phocis. He massacred a Theban force under Chaereas, who was under orders to guard the passes, crossed the high ground and reached Leuctra in Boeotia.

13.3. ὡς δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Θηβαίων ἐξῆρτο ἤδη πόλεμος καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δυνάμει καὶ αὑτῶν καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους ᾔεσαν, Ἐπαμινώνδας μὲν ἔχων τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ἀντεκάθητο ὑπὲρ τῆς Κηφισίδος λίμνης ὡς ποιησομένων ταύτῃ Πελοποννησίων τὴν ἐσβολήν, Κλεόμβροτος δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ Ἀμβρόσσου τρέπεται τῆς Φωκέων· ἀποκτείνας δὲ Χαιρέαν, ὃς φυλάσσειν διετέτακτο τὰς παρόδους, καὶ ἄλλους τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ Θηβαίους, ὑπερέβη καὶ ἐς Λεῦκτρα ἀφικνεῖται τὰ Βοιώτια.

13.4. Here heaven sent signs to the Lacedaemonian people and to Cleombrotus personally. The Lacedaemonian kings were accompanied on their expeditions by sheep, to serve as sacrifices to the gods and to give fair omens before battles. The flocks were led on the march by she-goats, called katoiades by the herdsmen. On this occasion, then, the wolves dashed on the flock, did no harm at all to the sheep, but killed the goats called katoiades.

13.4. ἐνταῦθα καὶ αὐτῷ Κλεομβρότῳ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τῷ κοινῷ σημεῖα ἐγένετο ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ. τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν αὐτῶν ἐς τὰς ἐξόδους πρόβατα εἵπετο θεοῖς τε εἶναι θυσίας καὶ πρὸ τῶν ἀγώνων καλλιερεῖν· ταῖς δὲ ποίμναις ἡγεμόνες τῆς πορείας ἦσαν αἶγες, κατοιάδας οἱ ποιμένες ὀνομάζουσιν αὐτάς. τότε οὖν ὁρμήσαντες ἐς τὴν ποίμνην λύκοι τοῖς μὲν προβάτοις ἐγίνοντο οὐδὲν βλάβος, οἱ δὲ τὰς αἶγας τὰς κατοιάδας ἔκτεινον.

13.5. It was also said that the wrath of the daughters of Scedasus fell upon the Lacedaemonians. Scedasus, who lived near Leuctra, had two daughters, Molpia and Hippo. These in the bloom of their youth were wickedly outraged by two Lacedaemonians, Phrurarchidas and Parthenius. The maidens, unable to bear the shame of their violation, immediately hanged themselves. Scedasus repaired to Lacedaemon, but meeting with no justice returned to Leuctra and committed suicide.

13.5. ἐλέγετο δὲ καὶ μήνιμα ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐκ τῶν θυγατέρων εἶναι τῶν Σκεδάσου. Σκεδάσῳ γὰρ περὶ Λεῦκτρα οἰκοῦντι θυγατέρες Μολπία γίνεται καὶ Ἱππώ· ταύτας ἐς ὥραν ἤδη προηκούσας Λακεδαιμονίων ἄνδρες βιάζονται παρὰ θέμιδα[ς καὶ] Φρουραρχίδας καὶ Παρθένιος. καὶ αἵ τε παρθένοι παραυτίκα—οὐ γάρ σφισιν ἀνεκτὰ ἐφαίνετο εἶναι τὰ τῆς ὕβρεως—ἀπάγχουσιν αὑτάς· καὶ ὁ Σκέδασος, ὡς ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἐλθόντι οὐδεμία ἐγένετο αὐτῷ δίκη, οὕτως ἐς τὰ Λεῦκτρα ἐπανήκων αὑτὸν διεργάζεται.

13.6. Well, on this occasion Epaminondas sacrificed with prayers to Scedasus and his girls, implying that the battle would be to avenge them no less than to secure the salvation of Thebes. The Boeotarchs were not agreed, but differed widely in their opinions. For Epaminondas, Malgis and Xenocrates were minded to do battle with the Lacedaemonians at once, but Damocleidas, Damophilus and Simangelus were against joining in battle, and urged that they should put wives and children safely out of the way in Attica, and prepare to undergo a siege themselves.

13.6. τότε δὲ ὁ Ἐπαμινώνδας Σκεδάσῳ καὶ ταῖς παισὶν ἐνήγιζέ τε καὶ εὔχετο, ὡς οὐ μᾶλλον ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας Θηβαίων ἢ καὶ τιμωρίας ἐκείνων τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐσόμενον. τῶν δὲ βοιωταρχούντων οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐγίνοντο αἱ γνῶμαι, διεστηκυῖαι δὲ πολὺ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων· Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ μὲν γὰρ ἤρεσκε καὶ Μάλγιδι καὶ Ξενοκράτει κατὰ τάχος πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ποιεῖσθαι μάχην, Δαμοκλείδας δὲ καὶ Δαμόφιλος καὶ Σιμάγγελος συμβάλλειν μὲν οὐκ εἴων, ἐκέλευον δὲ ὑπεκθεμένους ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας ὡς πολιορκησομένους αὐτοὺς παρασκευάζεσθαι.

13.7. So divergent were the views of the six. The seventh Boeotarch, whose name was Brachyllides, was guarding the pass by Cithaeron, and on his return to the army added his vote to the side of Epaminondas, and then there was a unanimous decision to try the ordeal of battle.

13.7. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἓξ ἐς τοσοῦτον ἦν κεχωρισμένα τὰ βουλεύματα· προσγενομένης δὲ ψήφου τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδαν τοῦ ἑβδόμου τῶν Βοιωταρχῶν, ὃς ἐφρούρει μὲν τὴν κατὰ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα ἐσβολήν, ὄνομα δὲ ἦν οἱ Βραχυλλίδης, τούτου τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, προσθεμένου τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδαν, τότε καὶ πᾶσιν ἐδέδοκτο ἀγῶνι διακρίνεσθαι.

13.8. But Epaminondas had his suspicions of some of the Boeotians especially of the Thespians. Fearing, therefore, lest they should desert during the engagement, he permitted all who would to leave the camp and go home. The Thespians left with all their forces, as did any other Boeotians who felt annoyed with the Thebans.

13.8. τῷ δὲ Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ καὶ ἐς ἄλλους Βοιωτῶν ὕποπτα ἦν, ἐς δὲ τοὺς Θεσπιεῖς καὶ περισσότερον· δείσας οὖν μὴ σφᾶς παρὰ τὸ ἔργον προδῶσιν, ἀποχώρησιν παρεῖχεν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν οἴκαδε· καὶ οἱ Θεσπιεῖς τε ἀπαλλάσσονται πανδημεὶ καὶ εἴ τισιν ἄλλοις Βοιωτῶν ὑπῆν δύσνοια ἐς τοὺς Θηβαίους.

13.9. When the battle joined, the allies of the Lacedaemonians, who had hitherto been not the best of friends, now showed most clearly their hostility, by their reluctance to stand their ground, and by giving way wherever the enemy attacked them. The Lacedaemonians themselves and the Thebans were not badly matched adversaries. The former had their previous experience, and their shame of lessening the reputation of Sparta; the Thebans realized that what was at stake was their country, their wives and their children.

13.9. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα οἱ σύμμαχοι τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἅτε αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενοι τὸ ἔχθος μάλιστα ἐπεδείκνυντο, οὔτε κατὰ χώραν μένειν ἐθέλοντες, ἐνδιδόντες δὲ ὅπῃ σφίσιν οἱ πολέμιοι προσφέροιντο. αὐτοὺς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Θηβαίους ἐξ ἴσου καθίστη τοὺς μὲν ἐμπειρία τε ἡ προϋπάρχουσα καὶ ἅμα αἰδουμένους μὴ καταλῦσαι τῆς Σπάρτης τὸ ἀξίωμα, Θηβαῖοι δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος καὶ πρὸ γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων τὸν κίνδυνον ἐφεστηκότα ἑώρων.

13.10. But when king Cleombrotus with several Lacedaemonian magistrates had fallen, the Spartans were bound by necessity not to give way, in spite of their distress. For among the Lacedaemonians it was considered the greatest disgrace to allow the body of a king to come into the hands of enemies.

13.10. ὡς δὲ ἄλλοι τε Λακεδαιμονίων τῶν ἐν τέλει καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτεθνήκει Κλεόμβροτος, ἐνταῦθα [καὶ] τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας καὶ ταλαιπωρουμένους ἐπελάμβανεν ἀνάγκη μὴ ἐνδιδόναι· παρὰ γὰρ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις αἴσχιστον ἐδέδοκτο εἶναι βασιλέως νεκρὸν ἐπὶ ἀνδράσι πολεμίοις γενόμενον περιοφθῆναι.

13.11. The victory of Thebes was the most famous ever won by Greeks over Greeks. The Lacedaemonians on the following day were minded to bury their dead, and sent a herald to the Thebans. But Epaminondas, knowing that the Lacedaemonians were always inclined to cover up their disasters, said that he permitted their allies first to take up their dead, and only when these had done so did he approve of the Lacedaemonians' burying their own dead.

13.11. Θηβαίοις μὲν ἡ νίκη κατείργαστο ἐπιφανέστατα πασῶν ὁπόσας κατὰ Ἑλλήνων ἀνείλοντο Ἕλληνες· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν τοὺς τεθνεῶτας διενοοῦντο ὡς θάψοντες καὶ ἀποστέλλουσι κήρυκα ἐς τοὺς Θηβαίους. Ἐπαμινώνδας δέ, ἐπιστάμενος ὡς ἐπικρύπτεσθαι τὰς συμφορὰς ἀεί ποτε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πεφύκασιν, ἔφασκεν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν νεκρῶν προτέροις αὐτῶν διδόναι τοῖς συμμάχοις, ἐπὶ δὲ ἐκείνοις ἀνελομένοις οὕτω καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἠξίου θάπτειν τοὺς αὑτῶν.

13.12. Some of the allies took up no dead at all, as not a man of them had fallen; others had but slight loss to report. So when the Lacedaemonians proceeded to bury their own, it was at once proved that the fallen were Spartans. The loss of the Thebans and of such Boeotians as remained loyal amounted to forty-seven, but of the Lacedaemonians themselves there fell more than a thousand men.

13.12. ὡς δὲ τῶν συμμάχων οἱ μὲν οὐδὲ ἀρχὴν ἀνῃροῦντο ἅτε οὐ τεθνεῶτός σφισιν οὐδενός, τῶν δὲ ὀλίγον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι τὸ διεφθαρμένον, οὕτω Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε ἔθαπτον τοὺς αὑτῶν καὶ ἤδη Σπαρτιάτας ἐξελήλεγκτο εἶναι τοὺς κειμένους. ἀπέθανον δὲ Θηβαίων τε καὶ ὅσοι παρέμειναν Βοιωτῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἄνδρες, Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ αὐτῶν πλείους ἢ χίλιοι.

14.1. After the battle Epaminondas for a while, having proclaimed that the other Peloponnesians should depart home, kept the Lacedaemonians cooped up in Leuctra. But when reports came that the Spartans in the city were marching to a man to the help of their countrymen at Leuctra, Epaminondas allowed his enemy to depart under a truce, saying that it would be better for the Boeotians to shift the war from Boeotia to Lacedaemon.

14.1. τὸ μὲν δὴ παραυτίκα ὁ Ἐπαμινώνδας μετὰ τὴν μάχην Πελοποννησίων τοῖς λοιποῖς ἀπιέναι προειπὼν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα Λακεδαιμονίους ἐν τοῖς Λεύκτροις εἶχεν ἀπειλημμένους· ὡς δὲ ἤκουε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Σπαρτιάτας βοηθήσοντας τοῖς σφετέροις ἐς Λεῦκτρα ἰέναι πανδημεί, δίδωσιν οὕτω τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀπελθεῖν ὑποσπόνδους ἔφη τε ἄμεινον ἔσεσθαι τὸν πόλεμόν σφισιν ἐκ Βοιωτῶν ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἀπώσασθαι.

14.2. The Thespians, apprehensive because of the ancient hostility of Thebes and its present good fortune, resolved to abandon their city and to seek a refuge in Ceressus. It is a stronghold in the land of the Thespians, in which once in days of old they had established themselves to meet the invasion of the Thessalians. On that occasion the Thessalians tried to take Ceressus, but success seemed hopeless. So they consulted the god at Delphi, and received the following response:—A care to me is shady Leuctra, and so is the Alesian soil;A care to me are the two sorrowful girls of Scedasus.

14.2. Θεσπιεῦσι δέ, ὑφορωμένοις τήν τε ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐκ τῶν Θηβαίων δυσμένειαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι αὐτῶν τύχην, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἔδοξεν ἐκλιπεῖν, ἀναφεύγειν δὲ ἐς Κερησσόν. ἔστι δὲ ἐχυρὸν χωρίον ὁ Κερησσὸς ἐν τῇ Θεσπιέων, ἐς ὃ καὶ πάλαι ποτὲ ἀνεσκευάσαντο κατὰ τὴν ἐπιστρατείαν τὴν Θεσσαλῶν· οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ τότε, ὡς ἑλεῖν τὸν Κερησσόν σφισι πειρωμένοις ἐφαίνετο ἐλπίδος κρεῖσσον, ἀφίκοντο ἐς Δελφοὺς παρὰ τὸν θεόν, καὶ αὐτοῖς γίνεται μάντευμα τοιόνδε·

14.3. There a tearful battle is nigh, and no one will foretell it,Until the Dorians have lost their glorious youth,When the day of fate has come.Then may Ceressus be captured, but at no other time.

14.3. Λεῦκτρά τέ μοι σκιόεντα μέλει καὶ Ἀλήσιον οὖδας,καί μοι τὼ Σκεδάσου μέλετον δυσπενθέε κούρα.ἔνθα μάχη πολύδακρυς ἐπέρχεται· οὐδέ τις αὐτήνφράσσεται ἀνθρώπων, πρὶν κούριον ἀγλαὸν ἥβηνΔωριέες ὀλέσωσʼ, ὅταν αἴσιμον ἦμαρ ἐπέλθῃ.τουτάκι δʼ ἔστι Κερησσὸς ἁλώσιμος, ἄλλοτε δʼ οὐχί.

14.4. On the latter occasion Epaminondas captured the Thespians who had taken refuge in Ceressus, and immediately afterwards devoted his attention to the situation in the Peloponnesus, to which also the Arcadians were eagerly inviting him. On his arrival he won the willing support of Argos, while he collected again into their ancient city the Mantineans, who had been scattered into village communities by Agesipolis. He persuaded the Arcadians to destroy all their weak towns, and built them a home where they could live together, which even at the present day is called Megalopolis (Great City).

14.4. τότε δὲ ὁ Ἐπαμινώνδας ὡς τοὺς Θεσπιεῖς καταφεύγοντας ἐς τὸν Κερησσὸν ἐξεῖλε, πρὸς τὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ παραυτίκα ἔσπευδεν ἅτε καὶ τῶν Ἀρκάδων προθύμως μεταπεμπομένων. ἐλθὼν δὲ Ἀργείους μὲν προσελάβετο ἑκουσίους συμμάχους, Μαντινέας δὲ κατὰ κώμας ὑπὸ Ἀγησιπόλιδος διῳκισμένους ἐς τὴν ἀρχαίαν συνήγαγεν αὖθις πόλιν· τὰ δὲ πολίσματα τὰ Ἀρκάδων ὁπόσα εἶχεν ἀσθενῶς καταλῦσαι πείσας τοὺς Ἀρκάδας, πατρίδα ἐν κοινῷ σφισιν ᾤκισεν, ἣ Μεγάλη καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι καλεῖται πόλις.

14.5. The period of his office as Boeotarch had now expired, and death was the penalty fixed if a man exceeded it. So Epaminondas, disregarding the law as out of date, remained in office, marched to Sparta with his army, and when Agesilaus did not come out to meet him, turned to the founding of Messene. Epaminondas, was the founder of the modern Messene, and the history of its foundation I have included in my account of the Messenians themselves.

14.5. ὁ μὲν δὴ χρόνος βοιωταρχοῦντι Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ διήνυστο, τεθνάναι δὲ ἐτέτακτο ἐπιλαβόντα ἄνδρα τῆς ἀρχῆς· ὁ οὖν Ἐπαμινώνδας ὑπεριδὼν ὡς οὐκ ὄντα ἐν καιρῷ τὸν νόμον ἐβοιωτάρχει καὶ ἀφικόμενος τῷ στρατῷ πρὸς τὴν Σπάρτην, ὡς οὐκ ἀντεπῆγεν Ἀγησίλαος μαχούμενος, οὕτω πρὸς τὸν οἰκισμὸν τρέπεται Μεσσήνης. καὶ οἰκιστὴς Μεσσηνίοις τοῖς νῦν ἐστιν Ἐπαμινώνδας· καί μοι τὰ ἐς τὸν οἰκισμὸν ἐδήλωσε τὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντα Μεσσηνίους.

14.6. Meanwhile the allies of Thebes scattered and overran the Laconian territory, pillaging what it contained. This persuaded Epaminondas to lead the Thebans back to Boeotia. In his advance with the army he came over against Lechaeum, and was about to cross the narrow and difficult parts of the road, when Iphicrates, the son of Timotheus, attacked the Thebans with a force of targeteers and other Athenians.

14.6. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ τῶν Θηβαίων σύμμαχοι κατέτρεχον διασκεδασθέντες χώραν τὴν Λακωνικὴν καὶ ἥρπαζον τὰ ἐξ αὐτῆς· τοῦτο Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ παρέστησεν ὀπίσω Θηβαίους ἐς Βοιωτίαν ἀπαγαγεῖν. καὶ ὡς προϊὼν τῷ στρατῷ κατὰ Λέχαιον ἐγίνετο καὶ διεξιέναι τῆς ὁδοῦ τὰ στενὰ καὶ δύσβατα ἔμελλεν, Ἰφικράτης ὁ Τιμοθέου πελταστὰς καὶ ἄλλην Ἀθηναίων ἔχων δύναμιν ἐπιχειρεῖ τοῖς Θηβαίοις.

14.7. Epaminondas put his assailants to flight and came right up to the very city of Athens, but as Iphicrates dissuaded the Athenians from coming out to fight, he proceeded to march back to Thebes. Epaminondas stood his trial on a capital charge for holding the office of Boeotarch when his tenure had already expired. It is said that the jury appointed to try him did not even record their votes on the charge.

14.7. Ἐπαμινώνδας δὲ τοὺς ἐπιθεμένους τρέπεται καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ ἀφικόμενος Ἀθηναίων τὸ ἄστυ, ὡς ἐπεξιέναι μαχουμένους τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐκώλυεν Ἰφικράτης, ὁ δὲ αὖθις ἐς τὰς Θήβας ἀπήλαυνε. καὶ δίκην μὲν ἔφυγεν ὑπὲρ θανάτου, διότι ἐβοιωτάρχησεν ἐξήκοντος ἤδη τοῦ χρόνου· λέγονται δὲ οἱ δικάζειν λαχόντες οὐδὲ ἀρχὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ θέσθαι τὴν ψῆφον.

15.1. After these things when Alexander held sway in Thessaly, Pelopidas came to him, under the impression that he was well-disposed to him personally as well as a friend to the Theban commonwealth, but on his arrival was treacherously and insolently thrown into prison and kept there by Alexander. The Thebans at once set out to attack Alexander, and made leaders of the expedition Cleomenes and Hypatus, who were Boeotarchs at that time; Epaminondas was serving in the ranks.

15.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ δυναστεύων Ἀλέξανδρος Πελοπίδαν ἐλθόντα—ἀφίκετο δὲ ὡς παρὰ ἄνδρα ἰδίᾳ τε εὔνουν αὑτῷ καὶ Θηβαίων φίλον τῷ κοινῷ— παραγενόμενον ⟨δὴ⟩ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος δήσας εἶχεν ὑπὸ ἀπιστίας τε καὶ ὕβρεως· Θηβαῖοι δὲ ἐπεξιέναι παραυτίκα ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ὥρμηντο. ἡγεμόνας μὲν οὖν τῆς ἐξόδου Κλεομένην καὶ Ὕπατον ἐποιήσαντο βοιωταρχοῦντας ἐν τῷ τότε· Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ δὲ συνέβαινεν ἐν τοῖς στρατευομένοις τετάχθαι.